Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Arash Abizadeh, How Baha'is Should Vote, bahai-library.com.
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How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote
ARASH ABIZADEH
Abstract
Two widespread misconceptions among Bahá’ís are that, according to Shoghi
Effendi, (a) Bahá’í voters should not discuss how they should vote prior to Bahá’í
elections and (b) the only relevant criteria for voting are the qualifications of the
individuals voted for. Shoghi Effendi in fact suggests that Bahá’í voters should
discuss the criteria for voting, but without reference to particular individuals.
Moreover, he provides four different types of criteria that voters should consid-
er: criteria concerning (1) the qualifications of individual Assembly members, (2)
the collective makeup of the Assembly as a whole, (3) changes in the individual
Assembly members over time, and (4) changes in the collective makeup of the
Assembly over time.
Résumé
Deux conceptions erronées assez répandues chez les bahá’ís sont que, selon
Shoghi Effendi, (a) les électeurs bahá’ís ne devraient pas discuter entre eux de la
manière de voter avant des élections bahá’íes, et (b) les seuls critères qu’il est per-
tinent de considérer sont les qualifications des personnes à élire. En fait, Shoghi
Effendi encourage les électeurs bahá’ís à discuter entre eux des critères à consid-
érer en vue du vote, mais sans faire référence toutefois à des personnes en partic-
ulier. En outre, il énumère quatre types de critères dont les électeurs devraient
tenir compte : (1) les qualifications des membres individuels de l’Assemblée, (2) la
composition de l’Assemblée dans son ensemble, (3) des changements observés au
fil du temps chez les membres de l’Assemblée, et (4) des changements observés
au fil du temps dans la composition de l’Assemblée.
Resumen
Existen dos malentendidos muy difundidos entre los Bahá’ís, que de acuerdo con
Shoghi Effendi: (a) los electores Bahá’ís no deberían consultar sobre la modalidad
78 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
del voto antes de las elecciones Bahá’í y (b) que los únicos criterios importantes
para el voto son las calificaciones de los individuos elegidos. Shoghi Effendi en
realidad sugiere que los electores Bahá’ís deberían tratar el tema de los criterios
para elegir, pero sin hacer referencia alguna a ningún individuo especifico.
Además, el ofrece cuatro diferentes tipos de criterios que los electores deberían
considerar: el criterio concerniente las calificaciones de los miembros individuales
de la Asamblea, (2) la composición de la Asamblea en su totalidad, (3) los cambios
que deberían ocurrir en su membresía a lo largo del tiempo, y (4) los cambios que
deberían ocurrir a lo largo del tiempo en el colectivo de la Asamblea.
Because the Bahá’í Faith has no clergy, the collective affairs of the Bahá’í
community at the local and national levels are governed by annually elected,
nine-member Local or National Spiritual Assemblies.1 If the Bahá’í Faith
is distinct from most other religions in that it lacks clergy, its electoral sys-
tem is distinct from most other democratic elections in that it is conduct-
ed entirely without nominations, parties, or competitive campaigns—in ac-
cordance with the values and norms articulated in the writings of Shoghi
Effendi.2 The ban on nominations, parties, and campaigns is enforced by
formal institutional rules as well as by informal social norms against cam-
paigning: Bahá’í voters are typically averse to voting for anyone they per-
ceive to be intentionally campaigning for Bahá’í office.
Perhaps as a result of this norm against campaigning, however, there
exists a widespread misconception in the Bahá’í community that, accord-
ing to Shoghi Effendi, Bahá’ís should not discuss how they ought to vote
before Bahá’í elections. In fact, Shoghi Effendi has said almost precisely the
opposite: that Bahá’ís should discuss how they ought to vote but that, in
doing so, they should not refer to specific individuals. He says: “I feel that
reference to personalities before the election would give rise to misunder-
standing and differences. What the friends should do is to get thoroughly
acquainted with one another, to exchange views, to mix freely and discuss
among themselves the requirements and qualifications for such a membership
without reference or application, however indirect, to particular individuals.
We should refrain from influencing the opinion of others, of canvassing
for any particular individual” (Compilation of Compilations 1:316, no. 709;
emphasis added).
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 79
There is thus a crucial distinction between the ideal criteria or “qualifi-
cations” that one should bear in mind when voting and the application of
these criteria to the “particular individuals” who may fulfill them.
The ban on campaigning concerns discussion of the latter: the applica-
tion of these criteria to particular individuals. This ban, as well as the fact
that elections are conducted by secret ballot, is in part designed to allow
voters freely to determine for whom they wish to vote, without external
influence. (In local elections, these voters comprise all local adult Bahá’ís
in good standing; in national elections, they comprise delegates who, in
turn, are elected by the country’s adult Bahá’ís. Because of the ban on
nominations, the set of candidates effectively comprises all adult Bahá’ís in
good standing in the locality or country. Each voter fills their ballot with
the names of nine different candidates; the nine persons receiving a plu-
rality of votes are elected to office.)
But the ban on campaigning does not directly concern discussion of
the criteria themselves. Not only does Shoghi Effendi say that Bahá’í
voters should discuss the “requirements and qualifications” they ought
to consider when voting, he specifies what many of these criteria are.
The first type of criteria he mentions concerns the ideal qualifications
of an individual elected as a member of a Spiritual Assembly. Many of
these criteria are well known to Bahá’í voters, but a second widespread
misconception is that this first type of criteria, concerning the qualifi-
cations of individuals, is all that there is. There are, in fact, four distinct
types of criteria that Shoghi Effendi suggests Bahá’í voters should con-
sider when voting: (1) criteria concerning the qualifications of individ-
ual Assembly members, (2) criteria concerning the collective makeup of
the Assembly as a whole, (3) criteria concerning changes in the individ-
ual members of the Assembly, and (4) criteria concerning changes in the
collective makeup of the Assembly over time. Rather than simply study-
ing criteria of the first type before Bahá’í elections, a thorough prepa-
ration would require Bahá’í voters to study all four types of criteria
and, moreover, to consult together in order to better understand what
these criteria might mean within the context of their own electoral
unit.3 The four types of criteria are summarized in Table 1.
80 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
Table 1
Summary of Criteria Bahá’í Voters Should
Take into Consideration
1. Qualifications of Individual Assembly Members
a. Unquestioned loyalty, selfless devotion, well-trained
mind, recognized ability, mature experience, faithful,
sincere, experienced, capable, competent
2. Collective Makeup of Assembly
a. Diversity of membership (including age diversity)
b. Representativeness of membership
c. Minority presence (subordinate to criterion 1)
3. Changes in Individual Assembly Members over Time
a. Replace unqualified representatives (remedy defects and
imperfections)
b. Improve quality of individual membership
4. Changes in Collective Makeup of Assembly over Time
a. Improve quality of collective makeup
b. Turnover (subordinate to criteria 1 and 2)
CRITERIA CONCERNING INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS IN A SINGLE ELECTION
According to Shoghi Effendi, individual representatives elected to Bahá’í
office ought to possess the “qualities of unquestioned loyalty, of selfless
devotion, of a well-trained mind, of recognized ability and mature experi-
ence” (Bahá’í Administration 88) and be “faithful, sincere, experienced, ca-
pable and competent” (Compilation of Compilations 1:317, no. 716). This
first set of criteria is the most straightforward and most widely known in
the Bahá’í community: it specifies the qualities that the individuals who
hold office ought ideally to possess.
CRITERIA CONCERNING THE COLLECTIVE MAKEUP
IN A SINGLE ELECTION
But the purpose of Bahá’í elections is not simply to elect individuals to
office; it is to elect a collective body. The quality of an elected Assembly
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 81
will depend not just on the separate qualifications of each individual
representative but also on the way that the qualities, skills, knowledge,
experience, and so on of these individuals combine to complement each
other as a whole. For example, imagine that the nine individual members
of an Assembly are all loyal, selfless, intellectually well trained, and so on.
But imagine that all of them have exactly the same life experiences and
come from exactly the same background. This lack of diversity may
diminish the quality of the Assembly even though all the individuals who
make up the Assembly are, considered individually, fully qualified. The
second type of criteria thus specifies the qualities that the collective
Assembly ought to have as a whole, independent of the qualifications of
the individuals considered separately. As a letter written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi puts it: “It is not the individuals on an Assembly which is
important, but the Assembly as an institution” (Compilation of Compilations
1:317, no. 716).
Shoghi Effendi specifically mentions three such collective criteria: diver-
sity, representativeness, and minority presence in the collective membership of
the Assembly. It is clear that Bahá’í voters should pay attention to diver-
sity in the combination of individuals for whom they vote. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
extols diversity as contributing “to the beauty, efficiency and perfection of
the whole” and states that “when divers shades of thought, temperament
and character, are brought together under the power and influence of one
central agency, the beauty and glory of human perfection will be revealed
and made manifest” (Selections no. 224.24–25).4 Shoghi Effendi, referring
to this passage, concludes that the “watchword” of the Bahá’í system of
governance is “unity in diversity” (World Order 42). A 1934 letter written
on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahá’ís of India, Burma, and Pakistan interprets this to mean that a
diverse membership is desirable on a Bahá’í Assembly:
The differences of language and of social and intellectual background
do, undoubtedly, render the work somewhat difficult to carry out and
may temporarily check the efficient and smooth working of the
national administrative machinery of the Faith. They, nevertheless,
82 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
impart to the deliberations of the National Assembly a universality
which they would be otherwise lacking, and give to its members a
breadth of view which is their duty to cultivate and foster. It is not uni-
formity which we should seek in the formation of any national or local
assembly. For the bedrock of the Bahá’í administrative order is the
principle of unity in diversity, which has been so strongly and so
repeatedly emphasized in the writings of the Cause. (Dawn of a New
Day 42; emphasis added)
One type of diversity that a letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
singles out for special mention concerns age distribution. In a 1946 letter,
Shoghi Effendi’s secretary reports that “[h]e was also pleased to see that
these changes [in membership] involved more younger people being on the
National Spiritual Assembly” (Compilation of Compilations 2:96, no. 1440).
Although the letter specifically refers to younger members, this reference
presumably occurs against the background of a tendency, in the communi-
ty in question, to elect older members, so that one can infer from this con-
text that what concerned Shoghi Effendi more generally was age diversity.5
That Bahá’í voters should consider requirements concerning an
Assembly’s collectivity is also clear from Shoghi Effendi’s comment that
“[t]he Assembly should be representative of the choicest and most varied and
capable elements in every Bahá’í community” (Compilation of Compilations
2:96, no. 1449; emphasis added). This comment not only reiterates the
requirement of diversity but also provides a second criterion concerning
the collective nature of Assembly membership: an Assembly ought to be
representative of the particular community whose Assembly it is, in the
sense of reflecting its makeup.6 Shoghi Effendi reiterates this when he
says that Bahá’í elections must serve to “reinforce the representative char-
acter of Bahá’í institutions” (Dawn of a New Day 125). This suggests that,
when Bahá’ís consider the “requirements and qualifications” of member-
ship, they ought in particular to consider the composition of their own
community, and perhaps consult about what would make their Assembly
representative of it in this sense. For example, in some communities, a
large proportion of the population are students, working class, single
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 83
mothers, or speakers of a particular language, and so on; voters here may
well be advised to consider these facts when determining what would
make their Assembly more representative of their community.7
However, the point of this kind of representativeness in the Bahá’í
model is not, as it might be in other models of governance, that individu-
als from the same group are supposed to act as partisan advocates speak-
ing or acting within an Assembly on behalf of a particular constituency
or cross-section of the community. They are not; the Bahá’í model of gov-
ernance is premised on the idea that the Assembly must be a unified body
collectively speaking and acting on behalf of the entire community as a
whole. Rather, the point is that it may be easier for an Assembly that
reflects the makeup of its own community to be more sensitive to, and
more aware of, the particular needs of the community it serves, and that
such an Assembly may encourage a greater sense of ownership and inte-
gration in all segments of the community.
The third criterion that Shoghi Effendi provides, which is obviously re-
lated to the first two, encourages Bahá’ís to seek the presence of minority
groups in the collective membership of the Assembly. Shoghi Effendi
refers to “the duty of every Bahá’í community so to arrange its affairs that
in cases where individuals belonging to the divers minority elements
within it are already qualified and fulfill the necessary requirements,
Bahá’í representative institutions, be they assemblies, conventions, confer-
ences, or committees, may have represented on them as many of these
divers elements, racial or otherwise, as possible” (Advent of Divine Justice
36).8
The qualifying clause (“in cases where”) indicates that the collective ex-
hortation to ensure the presence of minorities comes into play only if it
is also possible to ensure the qualifications of individuals considered
separately. In other words, the criterion of minority presence is subordi-
nate to ensuring that the individuals are loyal, selfless, intellectually well
trained, and so on. Again, the reason for minority presence is not, as it
might be in other models, to fulfill a desire for partisan advocacy. Rather,
like the institutional rule in Bahá’í elections according to which ties are
broken in favor of social minorities, the motivation here is integration: “to
84 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
stimulate and encourage” the minority group “and afford it an opportunity
to further the interests of the community” at large (Shoghi Effendi,
Advent of Divine Justice 35).
All three of these criteria show why it is important for Bahá’í voters to
consider not just the qualifications of individuals considered separately
but also the qualities concerning the Assembly’s membership taken as a
collective whole. One must carefully distinguish these two types of crite-
ria: being a member of a minority group or being young is obviously not
a criterion for determining whether any particular individual is qualified
to be a representative; these criteria concern the collective nature of an
Assembly as a whole, not the individual members’ qualifications. And the
issue here is not, of course, institutional rules imposed on voters: each
voter is free to vote his or her conscience. The issue is what kinds of cri-
teria each voter should ideally consider when voting.
CRITERIA CONCERNING INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS OVER TIME
So far we have examined criteria suggesting what Bahá’í voters should
consider when focusing on a single election, in isolation from other elec-
tions before it. These are all “static” criteria. But Shoghi Effendi also men-
tions requirements that Bahá’í voters should consider about how the
membership of an Assembly ought to change over time from one election
to another. A letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, for example,
mentions two such requirements: Bahá’í voters (a) should consider how to
replace individual representatives who have performed badly or unethical-
ly in office and (b) ought to try to improve the quality of the individuals
serving on the Assembly over time: “The elections, especially when annu-
al, give the community a good opportunity to remedy any defect or imper-
fection from which the Assembly may suffer as a result of the actions of
its members. Thus a safe method has been established whereby the quali-
ty of membership in Bahá’í assemblies can be continually raised and
improved” (Compilation of Compilations 2:42, no. 1364; emphasis added).9
Consider the second point (b), about improving the quality of member-
ship in Bahá’í assemblies. For elections to help serve this function, two
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 85
conditions must be met: voters must appreciate the relevant qualifications
or criteria for membership, and they must become aware of qualified indi-
viduals who meet these criteria, but who may not yet have served on the
Assembly. Thus, given Shoghi Effendi’s exhortation that Bahá’ís should
“discuss among themselves the requirements and qualifications” of
Assembly membership, one potential topic for consultation might be the
kinds of qualities that could improve the quality of an Assembly, given the
specific circumstances of the community at this point. For example, imag-
ine that a particular Assembly’s financial accounts have been in complete
disarray for a number of years. Under these circumstances voters may
wish to consider what specific kind of “well-trained mind” the new
Assembly needs to improve the quality of its membership—for example,
a person who not only meets the more spiritual qualifications but is also
trained in keeping accounts.
If voters are to consult about such criteria, they would need to do so, of
course, only if it is possible to do so “without reference or application,
however indirect, to particular individuals.” In many circumstances, partic-
ularly in small communities, this may not be possible. Moreover, since in
Bahá’í elections there can be no discussion of particular individuals, some
other way must be found––such as active participation in the community’s
affairs throughout the year10––for becoming aware of who actually meets
the relevant qualifications.
CRITERIA CONCERNING THE COLLECTIVE MAKEUP OVER TIME
We have already seen that the quality of an Assembly is not just depen-
dent on the qualifications of the individuals who comprise it. It is also
dependent on how those individuals’ qualities complement each other col-
lectively. Voters should thus consider not only how the individual
membership of an Assembly ought to change over time but also how the
collective composition of an Assembly ought to change over time.
Consequently, when the letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
mentions that “the quality of membership in Bahá’í Assemblies” ought to
be “continually raised and improved,” this refers to the collective nature of
86 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
the Assembly as well, which ought to be improved over time. Beyond
improvement, a number of letters written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
mention a second criteria that voters should consider concerning changes
to the collective membership of an Assembly from one election to anoth-
er: that there be some turnover, for the sake of change itself, in the mem-
bership of the Assembly from year to year. A letter written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi reports, for example, that “[h]e was very happy to see that
changes had been made in the membership of the National Spiritual
Assembly this year, not from any reasons of personality, but because change
itself is good and brings a fresh outlook into the discussions of any
Assembly” (Compilation of Compilations 2:96, no. 1449; emphasis added).
The italicized text makes it quite clear that this falls under the fourth type
of criteria, not the third: it is not improvement in the qualifications of
particular individuals that is at stake; what is at stake is the collective
nature of the Assembly as a whole over time.
Another letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, however, points to
an important qualification to this criterion of turnover: voters should not
sacrifice the “static” quality of Assembly membership for the sake of
turnover. In other words, the requirement of turnover is subordinate to
the first and second types of criteria: “There is no objection in principle
to an Assembly being re-elected, whether in toto or in part, provided the
members are considered to be well qualified for that post. It is individual
merit that counts. Novelty or the mere act of renewal of elections are
purely secondary considerations. Changes in Assembly membership should
be welcome so far as they do not prejudice the quality of such membership”
(in Sanctity and Nature no. 16, emphasis added).11
CONCLUSION
The Bahá’í ideal that all forms of prejudice be eliminated applies directly to
the question of how Bahá’í voters should vote: Shoghi Effendi says that “it
is incumbent upon” Bahá’í voters to act “without the least trace of passion
or prejudice, and irrespective of any material considerations” (Bahá’í
Administration 88). But, of course, the actual world we live in is never
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 87
perfect: There is always a difference between how things ideally should be
and how they are. No matter how much Bahá’ís strive to live up to their
ideals, there will always be more work to be done. This is true about Bahá’í
elections as much as it is about anything else: There will always be a differ-
ence between how Bahá’í voters ideally should vote and how Bahá’í voters
in fact do vote. This is why it is important that the ideal criteria for voting
in Bahá’í elections be studied and discussed by Bahá’í voters. The fact that
Bahá’í electoral rules forbid campaigning has led many to conclude—erro-
neously, I believe—that there should be no discussion before a Bahá’í elec-
tion of how voters should vote. On the contrary, Shoghi Effendi requires
that Bahá’í voters “should . . . exchange views . . . mix freely and discuss
among themselves the requirements and qualifications” of Assembly mem-
bership. The ban on campaigning means that this discussion must not refer
to particular individuals. But voters should still study and discuss the crite-
ria for voting in more general terms because it is in part through study and
discussion that they will come better to realize their ideals.
In particular communities Bahá’í voters may, for example, in all sincerity
vote for individuals whom they deem most qualified for membership, and
yet over an extended period of time fail to elect any women, younger rep-
resentatives, members of minorities, new members, or an Assembly that is
representative of the diversity of the community. On the one hand, these
outcomes are the legitimate result of the process of Bahá’í voting and are
to be respected as the voice of the community. As a letter written on behalf
of Shoghi Effendi states: “Once Assembly elections are over, the results
should be conscientiously and unquestionably accepted by the entire body
of the believers, not necessarily because they represent the voice of truth
or the will of Bahá’u’lláh, but for the supreme purpose of maintaining
unity and harmony in the Community” (Lights of Guidance no. 46).12
On the other hand, it is important that Bahá’í voters reflect carefully
about their own voting choices and strive to the best of their ability to re-
alize their ideals and to act “without the least trace of passion or prejudice.”
Perhaps, without realizing it, voters in a particular community unreflec-
tively equate “mature experience” with advanced in age, or a “well-trained
mind” with articulate, manly speaker. Discussing these issues in the spirit of
88 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
learning will help Bahá’í voters be more reflective about the way they vote,
by bringing to light prejudices or assumptions they may hold without real-
izing it. What is crucial for such discussion is to ensure that it not make
any “reference or application, however indirect, to particular individuals”;
otherwise, such a reference would undermine the spirit of Bahá’í elections.
As Shoghi Effendi has put it, “Beware, beware lest the foul odour of par-
ties and . . . pernicious methods, such as intrigues, party politics and prop-
aganda—practices which are abhorrent even in name—should ever reach
the Bahá’í community, exert any influence whatsoever upon the friends, and
thus bring all spirituality to naught. The friends should, through their
devotion, love, loyalty and altruism, abolish these evil practices, not imitate
them” (Compilation of Compilations 1:315, no. 705).
Shoghi Effendi’s injunction that Bahá’í voters “discuss among them-
selves the requirements and qualifications” of Assembly membership
should be observed while simultaneously heeding his exhortation that
such discussion not become a means for intrigue or indirect campaigning.
It is common practice to read, before Bahá’í elections, passages from
Shoghi Effendi that touch on the qualifications of individuals for member-
ship in an Assembly. One conclusion to be drawn from the texts examined
in this discussion of how Bahá’í voters should vote is that Bahá’í
communities should consider reading passages concerning the other three
types of criteria as well. A second conclusion is that, in addition to read-
ing these passages, Bahá’í communities may wish to provide their mem-
bers an opportunity to consult about the significance of these criteria for
their electoral unit. “The heaven of divine wisdom,” Bahá’u’lláh writes, “is
illumined with the two luminaries of consultation and compassion. Take
ye counsel together in all matters, inasmuch as consultation is the lamp of
guidance which leadeth the way, and is the bestower of understanding”
(Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh 168). Yet such a period of consultation would need
to be clearly separated institutionally from the time of voting itself, to
provide the contemplative “atmosphere of a silent and prayerful election”
(Shoghi Effendi, Bahá’í Administration 136) that Shoghi Effendi envisioned
for Bahá’ís engaged in the act of voting itself. Having studied the guid-
ance available in the Bahá’í writings, and having gained further insight
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 89
from consultation, each individual voter must ultimately consult his or her
own conscience in deciding for whom to vote.13
NOTES
1. In some countries, there also exist annually elected Regional Councils at the
subnational level; the Bahá’í community is governed at the international level by
the Universal House of Justice, elected every five years.
2. The distinct values underlying the Bahá’í model of governance emphasize
respect for the freedom, equality, and nobility of the individual person, the unity
and solidarity of persons, and the justice and fairness of institutions (see
Abizadeh). The constitutional basis for Bahá’í governing bodies was laid in the
writings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (see Schaefer), but most of the institu-
tional details were gradually worked out in the 1920s and 1930s by the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States and Canada in consulta-
tion with Shoghi Effendi (see Bramson-Lerche). The institutional rules are today
formalized in the by-laws of the world’s National Spiritual Assemblies and in the
constitution of the Universal House of Justice (see “A Model Declaration” and
Universal House of Justice).
3. This short article draws on material from Abizadeh, “Democratic Elections
without Campaigns?” Voting outcomes result from a combination of two distinct
features of elections: the institutionalized voting rules and the way voters vote
within those institutions. The previous article focused on the first feature,
examining the ideal criteria for Assembly membership in order to justify and
evaluate the institutionalized voting rules of Bahá’í elections. This short article
focuses on the second feature, examining the ideal criteria in order to suggest
what Bahá’í voters should take into consideration when voting.
4. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that
differences are of two kinds. One is the cause of annihilation and is like the
antipathy existing among warring nations and conflicting tribes who seek
each other’s destruction, uprooting one another’s families, depriving one an-
other of rest and comfort and unleashing carnage. The other kind which is
a token of diversity is the essence of perfection and the cause of the appear-
ance of the bestowals of the Most Glorious Lord. . . .
90 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
. . . when that unifying force, the penetrating influence of the Word of
God, taketh effect, the difference of customs, manners, habits, ideas, opinions
and dispositions embellisheth the world of humanity. This diversity, this
difference is like the naturally created dissimilarity and variety of the limbs
and organs of the human body, for each one contributeth to the beauty, effi-
ciency and perfection of the whole. . . .
. . . when divers shades of thought, temperament and character, are
brought together under the power and influence of one central agency, the
beauty and glory of human perfection will be revealed and made manifest
(Selections no. 225.23–25)
5. This appears to be the Universal House of Justice’s understanding of the
matter. See its 25 March 2007 letter to the Bahá’ís of the world, which recom-
mends that “from among the pool of those whom the elector believes to be qual-
ified to serve, selection should be made with due consideration given to such other
factors as age distribution, diversity, and gender.” See also the letter written on
behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual, 6 July 1944, in Messages to Canada,
80–81: “[T]he body of the believers . . . should be encouraged to think more, not
only about the qualifications of members of their elected bodies, but also about
such things as you mention, the law of averages, the age and indisposition of
some of the members, etc.”
6. Of course one sense in which an Assembly “represents” the community that
elects it is that it legitimately speaks and acts on behalf of the community, in its
name. (Shoghi Effendi frequently uses the term in this sense as well, particularly
when “representative” is a noun.) But here, we encounter a second meaning of the
term, according to which an elected body is representative of its electors insofar
as its makeup somehow reflects the community’s makeup (and not just in the sense
that it legitimately acts on the community’s behalf).
7. One reader asks whether a Bahá’í Assembly’s membership ought to reflect the
makeup of the Bahá’í population or of society at large in the area of its jurisdic-
tion. I have not found any textual basis for decisively favoring one interpretation
rather than the other. On the one hand, an Assembly comprises the elected repre-
sentatives of the Bahá’í community in particular, suggesting that its membership
ought to reflect primarily the makeup of the Bahá’í community. On the other hand,
the duties of an Assembly, as adumbrated by Shoghi Effendi, extend beyond the
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 91
Bahá’í community to serving the community at large. Perhaps the quoted passage
referring to being representative of the most varied elements “in every Bahá’í
community” offers tentative support in favor of the first interpretation.
8. Note again the use of “represent” in the two different senses of the term in
this passage. Bahá’í institutions are “representative” in the sense that they speak
and act on someone else’s (i.e., the community’s) behalf; but the divers elements
“represented on them” are represented not in the sense that the individuals in
question speak on behalf of or advocate for those elements, but in the sense that
their presence in the community at large is reflected in the Assembly (or other
body).
9. As the editors of the Journal of Bahá’í Studies have pointed out to me, be-
cause of the collective and confidential nature of the consultative decision-mak-
ing process within Bahá’í Assemblies (neither individual opinions nor individual
votes within assemblies are recorded), Bahá’í voters will often be unaware of the
actions of a particular Assembly member; indeed, sometimes, particularly in very
small communities, a change in Assembly membership may not even be feasible.
As such, the change in membership via annual elections mentioned in this letter
is not the only mechanism available in the Bahá’í system of governance for
remedying “defects” or “imperfections” in an Assembly. Two other mechanisms
are worth mentioning: Counsellors and Auxiliary Board Members (individuals
appointed to serve the Bahá’í community in a consultative capacity) are available
to encourage and assist an Assembly to confront and learn from any existing
imperfections; and individual Bahá’ís have the right to appeal any particular
Assembly decision to a jurisdiction’s higher representative authority (whether a
National Assembly in the local case, or the Universal House of Justice in the
national case).
10. See the letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to [Adelbert] Mühlschle-
gel, [a member of the NSA of the Bahá’ís of Germany and Austria], 4 February
1935, in Light of Divine Guidance 68. The letter states that it is incumbent upon
each person “to become an active and well-informed member of the Bahá’í com-
munity in which he lives. To be able to make a wise choice at the election time,
it is necessary for him to be in close and continued contact with all local activities
. . . and to fully and whole-heartedly participate in the affairs of the local as well
as national committees and assemblies in his country. It is only in this way that a
92 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
believer can develop a true social consciousness and acquire a true sense of respon-
sibility in matters affecting the interests of the Cause. Bahá’í community life thus
makes it a duty for every loyal and faithful believer to become an intelligent, well-
informed and responsible elector, and also gives him the opportunity of raising
himself to such a station.” See also Shoghi Effendi, letter to a local Spiritual
Assembly, 14 May 1927, in Compilation of Compilations vol. 1, no. 709.
11. Another letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual sug-
gests that turnover should not be achieved by institutional rules that force it on
voters by restricting their freedom to vote for whomever their conscience moves
them to vote for—such as by imposing term limits on Assembly members:
“Shoghi Effendi has never said that the members of the National Assembly have
to be renewed partially every year. The important thing is that they should be
properly elected. It would be nice if there should be new members elected, for
new blood always adds to the energy of the group and will keep up their spirit.
But this depends entirely upon the will of the delegates as represented in the
result of their voting” (in Hornby no. 63; emphasis added). However, another let-
ter written on his behalf suggests that (at least part of) the reason for rejecting
term limits, at the time of writing, was that it would be “premature” to undertake
such a “radical” alteration in the early stages of development of Bahá’í institu-
tions: “Regarding your questions concerning the advisability of changing the
basis of the National Assembly’s election and confining it to the body of dele-
gates or of limiting the term of office: he feels that as any such changes are of a
radical nature and should therefore also apply to the National Spiritual
Assemblies of other countries they are inadvisable and premature, both for this
reason and because of their very nature” (letter written on behalf of Shoghi
Effendi to an individual, 6 July 1944, in Messages to Canada 80). This is not a mat-
ter with which voters themselves need to be concerned when voting; it is about
what kind of institutional rules are appropriate for Bahá’í elections.
12. Shoghi Effendi emphasizes this point even more strongly when he refers to
the “often-repeated assurances that every Assembly elected in that rarefied
atmosphere of selflessness and detachment is, in truth, appointed of God” (letter
to the Bahá’ís in America, 23 February 1924, in Bahá’í Administration 65).
13. I am grateful to David Bowie, Seena Fazel, Marion Finley, Betty Fisher,
Monireh Kazemzadeh, Reggie Newkirk, John Safapour, Pardis Sobhani, two
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 93
anonymous referees, the editors of this journal, and participants at the 31st
Annual Conference of the Association for Bahá’í Studies, Mississauga, Ontario,
August 2007, for valuable comments on a previous draft.
WORKS CITED
‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Comp. Research
Dept. of the Universal House of Justice, trans. Committee at the Bahá’í
World Centre and Marzieh Gail. lst pocket-size ed. Wilmette, Ill.:
Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1996.
Abizadeh, Arash. “Democratic Elections without Campaigns? Normative
Foundations of National Bahá’í Elections.” World Order 37.1 (2005):
7–49.
Bahá’u’lláh. Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Comp.
Research Dept. of the Universal House of Justice. Trans. Habib Taher-
zadeh et al. 2nd ed. Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1988.
Bramson-Lerche, Loni. “Some Aspects of the Development of the Bahá’í
Administrative Order in America, 1922–1936.” In Studies in Bábí and
Bahá’í History. Vol. 1. Ed. Moojan Momen. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press,
1982. 255–300.
The Compilation of Compilations Prepared by the Universal House of Justice
1963–1990. 2 vols. Maryborough, Vic.: Bahá’í Publications Australia,
1991.
Hornby, Helen, comp. Lights of Guidance: A Bahá’í Reference File. 6th ed.
New Delhi: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1999.
“A Model Declaration of Trust and By-laws for a National Spiritual
Assembly.” The Bahá’í World: An International Record. Vol. 15: 1968–73.
Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre, 1976. 653–60.
The Sanctity and Nature of Bahá’í Elections. Comp. Research Dept. of the
Universal House of Justice. London: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1990.
Schaefer, Udo. “Introduction to Bahá’í Law: Doctrinal Foundations, Prin-
ciples, and Structures.” Journal of Law and Religion 18.2 (2002–3):
307–73.
94 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
Shoghi Effendi. The Advent of Divine Justice. Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá’í Publish-
ing Trust, 1971.
———. Bahá’í Administration: Selected Messages 1922–1932. Wilmette, Ill.:
Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1974.
———. Dawn of a New Day. New Delhi: Bahá’í Publishing Trust of
India, 1970.
———. The Light of Divine Guidance: The Messages from the Guardian of
the Bahá’í Faith to the Bahá’ís of Germany and Austria. Hofheim-
Langenhain: Bahá’í-Verlag, 1982. Vol. 1.
———. Messages to Canada. 2nd ed. Thornhill, Ont.: Bahá’í Canada
Publications, 1999.
———. The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh: Selected Letters. New ed. Wilmette,
Ill.: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1991.
Universal House of Justice. The Constitution of the Universal House of
Justice. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre, 1972.
──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote
ARASH ABIZADEH
Abstract
Two widespread misconceptions among Bahá’ís are that, according to Shoghi
Effendi, (a) Bahá’í voters should not discuss how they should vote prior to Bahá’í
elections and (b) the only relevant criteria for voting are the qualifications of the
individuals voted for. Shoghi Effendi in fact suggests that Bahá’í voters should
discuss the criteria for voting, but without reference to particular individuals.
Moreover, he provides four different types of criteria that voters should consid-
er: criteria concerning (1) the qualifications of individual Assembly members, (2)
the collective makeup of the Assembly as a whole, (3) changes in the individual
Assembly members over time, and (4) changes in the collective makeup of the
Assembly over time.
Résumé
Deux conceptions erronées assez répandues chez les bahá’ís sont que, selon
Shoghi Effendi, (a) les électeurs bahá’ís ne devraient pas discuter entre eux de la
manière de voter avant des élections bahá’íes, et (b) les seuls critères qu’il est per-
tinent de considérer sont les qualifications des personnes à élire. En fait, Shoghi
Effendi encourage les électeurs bahá’ís à discuter entre eux des critères à consid-
érer en vue du vote, mais sans faire référence toutefois à des personnes en partic-
ulier. En outre, il énumère quatre types de critères dont les électeurs devraient
tenir compte : (1) les qualifications des membres individuels de l’Assemblée, (2) la
composition de l’Assemblée dans son ensemble, (3) des changements observés au
fil du temps chez les membres de l’Assemblée, et (4) des changements observés
au fil du temps dans la composition de l’Assemblée.
Resumen
Existen dos malentendidos muy difundidos entre los Bahá’ís, que de acuerdo con
Shoghi Effendi: (a) los electores Bahá’ís no deberían consultar sobre la modalidad
78 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
del voto antes de las elecciones Bahá’í y (b) que los únicos criterios importantes
para el voto son las calificaciones de los individuos elegidos. Shoghi Effendi en
realidad sugiere que los electores Bahá’ís deberían tratar el tema de los criterios
para elegir, pero sin hacer referencia alguna a ningún individuo especifico.
Además, el ofrece cuatro diferentes tipos de criterios que los electores deberían
considerar: el criterio concerniente las calificaciones de los miembros individuales
de la Asamblea, (2) la composición de la Asamblea en su totalidad, (3) los cambios
que deberían ocurrir en su membresía a lo largo del tiempo, y (4) los cambios que
deberían ocurrir a lo largo del tiempo en el colectivo de la Asamblea.
Because the Bahá’í Faith has no clergy, the collective affairs of the Bahá’í
community at the local and national levels are governed by annually elected,
nine-member Local or National Spiritual Assemblies.1 If the Bahá’í Faith
is distinct from most other religions in that it lacks clergy, its electoral sys-
tem is distinct from most other democratic elections in that it is conduct-
ed entirely without nominations, parties, or competitive campaigns—in ac-
cordance with the values and norms articulated in the writings of Shoghi
Effendi.2 The ban on nominations, parties, and campaigns is enforced by
formal institutional rules as well as by informal social norms against cam-
paigning: Bahá’í voters are typically averse to voting for anyone they per-
ceive to be intentionally campaigning for Bahá’í office.
Perhaps as a result of this norm against campaigning, however, there
exists a widespread misconception in the Bahá’í community that, accord-
ing to Shoghi Effendi, Bahá’ís should not discuss how they ought to vote
before Bahá’í elections. In fact, Shoghi Effendi has said almost precisely the
opposite: that Bahá’ís should discuss how they ought to vote but that, in
doing so, they should not refer to specific individuals. He says: “I feel that
reference to personalities before the election would give rise to misunder-
standing and differences. What the friends should do is to get thoroughly
acquainted with one another, to exchange views, to mix freely and discuss
among themselves the requirements and qualifications for such a membership
without reference or application, however indirect, to particular individuals.
We should refrain from influencing the opinion of others, of canvassing
for any particular individual” (Compilation of Compilations 1:316, no. 709;
emphasis added).
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 79
There is thus a crucial distinction between the ideal criteria or “qualifi-
cations” that one should bear in mind when voting and the application of
these criteria to the “particular individuals” who may fulfill them.
The ban on campaigning concerns discussion of the latter: the applica-
tion of these criteria to particular individuals. This ban, as well as the fact
that elections are conducted by secret ballot, is in part designed to allow
voters freely to determine for whom they wish to vote, without external
influence. (In local elections, these voters comprise all local adult Bahá’ís
in good standing; in national elections, they comprise delegates who, in
turn, are elected by the country’s adult Bahá’ís. Because of the ban on
nominations, the set of candidates effectively comprises all adult Bahá’ís in
good standing in the locality or country. Each voter fills their ballot with
the names of nine different candidates; the nine persons receiving a plu-
rality of votes are elected to office.)
But the ban on campaigning does not directly concern discussion of
the criteria themselves. Not only does Shoghi Effendi say that Bahá’í
voters should discuss the “requirements and qualifications” they ought
to consider when voting, he specifies what many of these criteria are.
The first type of criteria he mentions concerns the ideal qualifications
of an individual elected as a member of a Spiritual Assembly. Many of
these criteria are well known to Bahá’í voters, but a second widespread
misconception is that this first type of criteria, concerning the qualifi-
cations of individuals, is all that there is. There are, in fact, four distinct
types of criteria that Shoghi Effendi suggests Bahá’í voters should con-
sider when voting: (1) criteria concerning the qualifications of individ-
ual Assembly members, (2) criteria concerning the collective makeup of
the Assembly as a whole, (3) criteria concerning changes in the individ-
ual members of the Assembly, and (4) criteria concerning changes in the
collective makeup of the Assembly over time. Rather than simply study-
ing criteria of the first type before Bahá’í elections, a thorough prepa-
ration would require Bahá’í voters to study all four types of criteria
and, moreover, to consult together in order to better understand what
these criteria might mean within the context of their own electoral
unit.3 The four types of criteria are summarized in Table 1.
80 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
Table 1
Summary of Criteria Bahá’í Voters Should
Take into Consideration
1. Qualifications of Individual Assembly Members
a. Unquestioned loyalty, selfless devotion, well-trained
mind, recognized ability, mature experience, faithful,
sincere, experienced, capable, competent
2. Collective Makeup of Assembly
a. Diversity of membership (including age diversity)
b. Representativeness of membership
c. Minority presence (subordinate to criterion 1)
3. Changes in Individual Assembly Members over Time
a. Replace unqualified representatives (remedy defects and
imperfections)
b. Improve quality of individual membership
4. Changes in Collective Makeup of Assembly over Time
a. Improve quality of collective makeup
b. Turnover (subordinate to criteria 1 and 2)
CRITERIA CONCERNING INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS IN A SINGLE ELECTION
According to Shoghi Effendi, individual representatives elected to Bahá’í
office ought to possess the “qualities of unquestioned loyalty, of selfless
devotion, of a well-trained mind, of recognized ability and mature experi-
ence” (Bahá’í Administration 88) and be “faithful, sincere, experienced, ca-
pable and competent” (Compilation of Compilations 1:317, no. 716). This
first set of criteria is the most straightforward and most widely known in
the Bahá’í community: it specifies the qualities that the individuals who
hold office ought ideally to possess.
CRITERIA CONCERNING THE COLLECTIVE MAKEUP
IN A SINGLE ELECTION
But the purpose of Bahá’í elections is not simply to elect individuals to
office; it is to elect a collective body. The quality of an elected Assembly
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 81
will depend not just on the separate qualifications of each individual
representative but also on the way that the qualities, skills, knowledge,
experience, and so on of these individuals combine to complement each
other as a whole. For example, imagine that the nine individual members
of an Assembly are all loyal, selfless, intellectually well trained, and so on.
But imagine that all of them have exactly the same life experiences and
come from exactly the same background. This lack of diversity may
diminish the quality of the Assembly even though all the individuals who
make up the Assembly are, considered individually, fully qualified. The
second type of criteria thus specifies the qualities that the collective
Assembly ought to have as a whole, independent of the qualifications of
the individuals considered separately. As a letter written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi puts it: “It is not the individuals on an Assembly which is
important, but the Assembly as an institution” (Compilation of Compilations
1:317, no. 716).
Shoghi Effendi specifically mentions three such collective criteria: diver-
sity, representativeness, and minority presence in the collective membership of
the Assembly. It is clear that Bahá’í voters should pay attention to diver-
sity in the combination of individuals for whom they vote. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
extols diversity as contributing “to the beauty, efficiency and perfection of
the whole” and states that “when divers shades of thought, temperament
and character, are brought together under the power and influence of one
central agency, the beauty and glory of human perfection will be revealed
and made manifest” (Selections no. 224.24–25).4 Shoghi Effendi, referring
to this passage, concludes that the “watchword” of the Bahá’í system of
governance is “unity in diversity” (World Order 42). A 1934 letter written
on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahá’ís of India, Burma, and Pakistan interprets this to mean that a
diverse membership is desirable on a Bahá’í Assembly:
The differences of language and of social and intellectual background
do, undoubtedly, render the work somewhat difficult to carry out and
may temporarily check the efficient and smooth working of the
national administrative machinery of the Faith. They, nevertheless,
82 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
impart to the deliberations of the National Assembly a universality
which they would be otherwise lacking, and give to its members a
breadth of view which is their duty to cultivate and foster. It is not uni-
formity which we should seek in the formation of any national or local
assembly. For the bedrock of the Bahá’í administrative order is the
principle of unity in diversity, which has been so strongly and so
repeatedly emphasized in the writings of the Cause. (Dawn of a New
Day 42; emphasis added)
One type of diversity that a letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
singles out for special mention concerns age distribution. In a 1946 letter,
Shoghi Effendi’s secretary reports that “[h]e was also pleased to see that
these changes [in membership] involved more younger people being on the
National Spiritual Assembly” (Compilation of Compilations 2:96, no. 1440).
Although the letter specifically refers to younger members, this reference
presumably occurs against the background of a tendency, in the communi-
ty in question, to elect older members, so that one can infer from this con-
text that what concerned Shoghi Effendi more generally was age diversity.5
That Bahá’í voters should consider requirements concerning an
Assembly’s collectivity is also clear from Shoghi Effendi’s comment that
“[t]he Assembly should be representative of the choicest and most varied and
capable elements in every Bahá’í community” (Compilation of Compilations
2:96, no. 1449; emphasis added). This comment not only reiterates the
requirement of diversity but also provides a second criterion concerning
the collective nature of Assembly membership: an Assembly ought to be
representative of the particular community whose Assembly it is, in the
sense of reflecting its makeup.6 Shoghi Effendi reiterates this when he
says that Bahá’í elections must serve to “reinforce the representative char-
acter of Bahá’í institutions” (Dawn of a New Day 125). This suggests that,
when Bahá’ís consider the “requirements and qualifications” of member-
ship, they ought in particular to consider the composition of their own
community, and perhaps consult about what would make their Assembly
representative of it in this sense. For example, in some communities, a
large proportion of the population are students, working class, single
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 83
mothers, or speakers of a particular language, and so on; voters here may
well be advised to consider these facts when determining what would
make their Assembly more representative of their community.7
However, the point of this kind of representativeness in the Bahá’í
model is not, as it might be in other models of governance, that individu-
als from the same group are supposed to act as partisan advocates speak-
ing or acting within an Assembly on behalf of a particular constituency
or cross-section of the community. They are not; the Bahá’í model of gov-
ernance is premised on the idea that the Assembly must be a unified body
collectively speaking and acting on behalf of the entire community as a
whole. Rather, the point is that it may be easier for an Assembly that
reflects the makeup of its own community to be more sensitive to, and
more aware of, the particular needs of the community it serves, and that
such an Assembly may encourage a greater sense of ownership and inte-
gration in all segments of the community.
The third criterion that Shoghi Effendi provides, which is obviously re-
lated to the first two, encourages Bahá’ís to seek the presence of minority
groups in the collective membership of the Assembly. Shoghi Effendi
refers to “the duty of every Bahá’í community so to arrange its affairs that
in cases where individuals belonging to the divers minority elements
within it are already qualified and fulfill the necessary requirements,
Bahá’í representative institutions, be they assemblies, conventions, confer-
ences, or committees, may have represented on them as many of these
divers elements, racial or otherwise, as possible” (Advent of Divine Justice
36).8
The qualifying clause (“in cases where”) indicates that the collective ex-
hortation to ensure the presence of minorities comes into play only if it
is also possible to ensure the qualifications of individuals considered
separately. In other words, the criterion of minority presence is subordi-
nate to ensuring that the individuals are loyal, selfless, intellectually well
trained, and so on. Again, the reason for minority presence is not, as it
might be in other models, to fulfill a desire for partisan advocacy. Rather,
like the institutional rule in Bahá’í elections according to which ties are
broken in favor of social minorities, the motivation here is integration: “to
84 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
stimulate and encourage” the minority group “and afford it an opportunity
to further the interests of the community” at large (Shoghi Effendi,
Advent of Divine Justice 35).
All three of these criteria show why it is important for Bahá’í voters to
consider not just the qualifications of individuals considered separately
but also the qualities concerning the Assembly’s membership taken as a
collective whole. One must carefully distinguish these two types of crite-
ria: being a member of a minority group or being young is obviously not
a criterion for determining whether any particular individual is qualified
to be a representative; these criteria concern the collective nature of an
Assembly as a whole, not the individual members’ qualifications. And the
issue here is not, of course, institutional rules imposed on voters: each
voter is free to vote his or her conscience. The issue is what kinds of cri-
teria each voter should ideally consider when voting.
CRITERIA CONCERNING INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS OVER TIME
So far we have examined criteria suggesting what Bahá’í voters should
consider when focusing on a single election, in isolation from other elec-
tions before it. These are all “static” criteria. But Shoghi Effendi also men-
tions requirements that Bahá’í voters should consider about how the
membership of an Assembly ought to change over time from one election
to another. A letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, for example,
mentions two such requirements: Bahá’í voters (a) should consider how to
replace individual representatives who have performed badly or unethical-
ly in office and (b) ought to try to improve the quality of the individuals
serving on the Assembly over time: “The elections, especially when annu-
al, give the community a good opportunity to remedy any defect or imper-
fection from which the Assembly may suffer as a result of the actions of
its members. Thus a safe method has been established whereby the quali-
ty of membership in Bahá’í assemblies can be continually raised and
improved” (Compilation of Compilations 2:42, no. 1364; emphasis added).9
Consider the second point (b), about improving the quality of member-
ship in Bahá’í assemblies. For elections to help serve this function, two
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 85
conditions must be met: voters must appreciate the relevant qualifications
or criteria for membership, and they must become aware of qualified indi-
viduals who meet these criteria, but who may not yet have served on the
Assembly. Thus, given Shoghi Effendi’s exhortation that Bahá’ís should
“discuss among themselves the requirements and qualifications” of
Assembly membership, one potential topic for consultation might be the
kinds of qualities that could improve the quality of an Assembly, given the
specific circumstances of the community at this point. For example, imag-
ine that a particular Assembly’s financial accounts have been in complete
disarray for a number of years. Under these circumstances voters may
wish to consider what specific kind of “well-trained mind” the new
Assembly needs to improve the quality of its membership—for example,
a person who not only meets the more spiritual qualifications but is also
trained in keeping accounts.
If voters are to consult about such criteria, they would need to do so, of
course, only if it is possible to do so “without reference or application,
however indirect, to particular individuals.” In many circumstances, partic-
ularly in small communities, this may not be possible. Moreover, since in
Bahá’í elections there can be no discussion of particular individuals, some
other way must be found––such as active participation in the community’s
affairs throughout the year10––for becoming aware of who actually meets
the relevant qualifications.
CRITERIA CONCERNING THE COLLECTIVE MAKEUP OVER TIME
We have already seen that the quality of an Assembly is not just depen-
dent on the qualifications of the individuals who comprise it. It is also
dependent on how those individuals’ qualities complement each other col-
lectively. Voters should thus consider not only how the individual
membership of an Assembly ought to change over time but also how the
collective composition of an Assembly ought to change over time.
Consequently, when the letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
mentions that “the quality of membership in Bahá’í Assemblies” ought to
be “continually raised and improved,” this refers to the collective nature of
86 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
the Assembly as well, which ought to be improved over time. Beyond
improvement, a number of letters written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi
mention a second criteria that voters should consider concerning changes
to the collective membership of an Assembly from one election to anoth-
er: that there be some turnover, for the sake of change itself, in the mem-
bership of the Assembly from year to year. A letter written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi reports, for example, that “[h]e was very happy to see that
changes had been made in the membership of the National Spiritual
Assembly this year, not from any reasons of personality, but because change
itself is good and brings a fresh outlook into the discussions of any
Assembly” (Compilation of Compilations 2:96, no. 1449; emphasis added).
The italicized text makes it quite clear that this falls under the fourth type
of criteria, not the third: it is not improvement in the qualifications of
particular individuals that is at stake; what is at stake is the collective
nature of the Assembly as a whole over time.
Another letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, however, points to
an important qualification to this criterion of turnover: voters should not
sacrifice the “static” quality of Assembly membership for the sake of
turnover. In other words, the requirement of turnover is subordinate to
the first and second types of criteria: “There is no objection in principle
to an Assembly being re-elected, whether in toto or in part, provided the
members are considered to be well qualified for that post. It is individual
merit that counts. Novelty or the mere act of renewal of elections are
purely secondary considerations. Changes in Assembly membership should
be welcome so far as they do not prejudice the quality of such membership”
(in Sanctity and Nature no. 16, emphasis added).11
CONCLUSION
The Bahá’í ideal that all forms of prejudice be eliminated applies directly to
the question of how Bahá’í voters should vote: Shoghi Effendi says that “it
is incumbent upon” Bahá’í voters to act “without the least trace of passion
or prejudice, and irrespective of any material considerations” (Bahá’í
Administration 88). But, of course, the actual world we live in is never
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 87
perfect: There is always a difference between how things ideally should be
and how they are. No matter how much Bahá’ís strive to live up to their
ideals, there will always be more work to be done. This is true about Bahá’í
elections as much as it is about anything else: There will always be a differ-
ence between how Bahá’í voters ideally should vote and how Bahá’í voters
in fact do vote. This is why it is important that the ideal criteria for voting
in Bahá’í elections be studied and discussed by Bahá’í voters. The fact that
Bahá’í electoral rules forbid campaigning has led many to conclude—erro-
neously, I believe—that there should be no discussion before a Bahá’í elec-
tion of how voters should vote. On the contrary, Shoghi Effendi requires
that Bahá’í voters “should . . . exchange views . . . mix freely and discuss
among themselves the requirements and qualifications” of Assembly mem-
bership. The ban on campaigning means that this discussion must not refer
to particular individuals. But voters should still study and discuss the crite-
ria for voting in more general terms because it is in part through study and
discussion that they will come better to realize their ideals.
In particular communities Bahá’í voters may, for example, in all sincerity
vote for individuals whom they deem most qualified for membership, and
yet over an extended period of time fail to elect any women, younger rep-
resentatives, members of minorities, new members, or an Assembly that is
representative of the diversity of the community. On the one hand, these
outcomes are the legitimate result of the process of Bahá’í voting and are
to be respected as the voice of the community. As a letter written on behalf
of Shoghi Effendi states: “Once Assembly elections are over, the results
should be conscientiously and unquestionably accepted by the entire body
of the believers, not necessarily because they represent the voice of truth
or the will of Bahá’u’lláh, but for the supreme purpose of maintaining
unity and harmony in the Community” (Lights of Guidance no. 46).12
On the other hand, it is important that Bahá’í voters reflect carefully
about their own voting choices and strive to the best of their ability to re-
alize their ideals and to act “without the least trace of passion or prejudice.”
Perhaps, without realizing it, voters in a particular community unreflec-
tively equate “mature experience” with advanced in age, or a “well-trained
mind” with articulate, manly speaker. Discussing these issues in the spirit of
88 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
learning will help Bahá’í voters be more reflective about the way they vote,
by bringing to light prejudices or assumptions they may hold without real-
izing it. What is crucial for such discussion is to ensure that it not make
any “reference or application, however indirect, to particular individuals”;
otherwise, such a reference would undermine the spirit of Bahá’í elections.
As Shoghi Effendi has put it, “Beware, beware lest the foul odour of par-
ties and . . . pernicious methods, such as intrigues, party politics and prop-
aganda—practices which are abhorrent even in name—should ever reach
the Bahá’í community, exert any influence whatsoever upon the friends, and
thus bring all spirituality to naught. The friends should, through their
devotion, love, loyalty and altruism, abolish these evil practices, not imitate
them” (Compilation of Compilations 1:315, no. 705).
Shoghi Effendi’s injunction that Bahá’í voters “discuss among them-
selves the requirements and qualifications” of Assembly membership
should be observed while simultaneously heeding his exhortation that
such discussion not become a means for intrigue or indirect campaigning.
It is common practice to read, before Bahá’í elections, passages from
Shoghi Effendi that touch on the qualifications of individuals for member-
ship in an Assembly. One conclusion to be drawn from the texts examined
in this discussion of how Bahá’í voters should vote is that Bahá’í
communities should consider reading passages concerning the other three
types of criteria as well. A second conclusion is that, in addition to read-
ing these passages, Bahá’í communities may wish to provide their mem-
bers an opportunity to consult about the significance of these criteria for
their electoral unit. “The heaven of divine wisdom,” Bahá’u’lláh writes, “is
illumined with the two luminaries of consultation and compassion. Take
ye counsel together in all matters, inasmuch as consultation is the lamp of
guidance which leadeth the way, and is the bestower of understanding”
(Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh 168). Yet such a period of consultation would need
to be clearly separated institutionally from the time of voting itself, to
provide the contemplative “atmosphere of a silent and prayerful election”
(Shoghi Effendi, Bahá’í Administration 136) that Shoghi Effendi envisioned
for Bahá’ís engaged in the act of voting itself. Having studied the guid-
ance available in the Bahá’í writings, and having gained further insight
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 89
from consultation, each individual voter must ultimately consult his or her
own conscience in deciding for whom to vote.13
NOTES
1. In some countries, there also exist annually elected Regional Councils at the
subnational level; the Bahá’í community is governed at the international level by
the Universal House of Justice, elected every five years.
2. The distinct values underlying the Bahá’í model of governance emphasize
respect for the freedom, equality, and nobility of the individual person, the unity
and solidarity of persons, and the justice and fairness of institutions (see
Abizadeh). The constitutional basis for Bahá’í governing bodies was laid in the
writings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (see Schaefer), but most of the institu-
tional details were gradually worked out in the 1920s and 1930s by the National
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States and Canada in consulta-
tion with Shoghi Effendi (see Bramson-Lerche). The institutional rules are today
formalized in the by-laws of the world’s National Spiritual Assemblies and in the
constitution of the Universal House of Justice (see “A Model Declaration” and
Universal House of Justice).
3. This short article draws on material from Abizadeh, “Democratic Elections
without Campaigns?” Voting outcomes result from a combination of two distinct
features of elections: the institutionalized voting rules and the way voters vote
within those institutions. The previous article focused on the first feature,
examining the ideal criteria for Assembly membership in order to justify and
evaluate the institutionalized voting rules of Bahá’í elections. This short article
focuses on the second feature, examining the ideal criteria in order to suggest
what Bahá’í voters should take into consideration when voting.
4. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that
differences are of two kinds. One is the cause of annihilation and is like the
antipathy existing among warring nations and conflicting tribes who seek
each other’s destruction, uprooting one another’s families, depriving one an-
other of rest and comfort and unleashing carnage. The other kind which is
a token of diversity is the essence of perfection and the cause of the appear-
ance of the bestowals of the Most Glorious Lord. . . .
90 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
. . . when that unifying force, the penetrating influence of the Word of
God, taketh effect, the difference of customs, manners, habits, ideas, opinions
and dispositions embellisheth the world of humanity. This diversity, this
difference is like the naturally created dissimilarity and variety of the limbs
and organs of the human body, for each one contributeth to the beauty, effi-
ciency and perfection of the whole. . . .
. . . when divers shades of thought, temperament and character, are
brought together under the power and influence of one central agency, the
beauty and glory of human perfection will be revealed and made manifest
(Selections no. 225.23–25)
5. This appears to be the Universal House of Justice’s understanding of the
matter. See its 25 March 2007 letter to the Bahá’ís of the world, which recom-
mends that “from among the pool of those whom the elector believes to be qual-
ified to serve, selection should be made with due consideration given to such other
factors as age distribution, diversity, and gender.” See also the letter written on
behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual, 6 July 1944, in Messages to Canada,
80–81: “[T]he body of the believers . . . should be encouraged to think more, not
only about the qualifications of members of their elected bodies, but also about
such things as you mention, the law of averages, the age and indisposition of
some of the members, etc.”
6. Of course one sense in which an Assembly “represents” the community that
elects it is that it legitimately speaks and acts on behalf of the community, in its
name. (Shoghi Effendi frequently uses the term in this sense as well, particularly
when “representative” is a noun.) But here, we encounter a second meaning of the
term, according to which an elected body is representative of its electors insofar
as its makeup somehow reflects the community’s makeup (and not just in the sense
that it legitimately acts on the community’s behalf).
7. One reader asks whether a Bahá’í Assembly’s membership ought to reflect the
makeup of the Bahá’í population or of society at large in the area of its jurisdic-
tion. I have not found any textual basis for decisively favoring one interpretation
rather than the other. On the one hand, an Assembly comprises the elected repre-
sentatives of the Bahá’í community in particular, suggesting that its membership
ought to reflect primarily the makeup of the Bahá’í community. On the other hand,
the duties of an Assembly, as adumbrated by Shoghi Effendi, extend beyond the
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 91
Bahá’í community to serving the community at large. Perhaps the quoted passage
referring to being representative of the most varied elements “in every Bahá’í
community” offers tentative support in favor of the first interpretation.
8. Note again the use of “represent” in the two different senses of the term in
this passage. Bahá’í institutions are “representative” in the sense that they speak
and act on someone else’s (i.e., the community’s) behalf; but the divers elements
“represented on them” are represented not in the sense that the individuals in
question speak on behalf of or advocate for those elements, but in the sense that
their presence in the community at large is reflected in the Assembly (or other
body).
9. As the editors of the Journal of Bahá’í Studies have pointed out to me, be-
cause of the collective and confidential nature of the consultative decision-mak-
ing process within Bahá’í Assemblies (neither individual opinions nor individual
votes within assemblies are recorded), Bahá’í voters will often be unaware of the
actions of a particular Assembly member; indeed, sometimes, particularly in very
small communities, a change in Assembly membership may not even be feasible.
As such, the change in membership via annual elections mentioned in this letter
is not the only mechanism available in the Bahá’í system of governance for
remedying “defects” or “imperfections” in an Assembly. Two other mechanisms
are worth mentioning: Counsellors and Auxiliary Board Members (individuals
appointed to serve the Bahá’í community in a consultative capacity) are available
to encourage and assist an Assembly to confront and learn from any existing
imperfections; and individual Bahá’ís have the right to appeal any particular
Assembly decision to a jurisdiction’s higher representative authority (whether a
National Assembly in the local case, or the Universal House of Justice in the
national case).
10. See the letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to [Adelbert] Mühlschle-
gel, [a member of the NSA of the Bahá’ís of Germany and Austria], 4 February
1935, in Light of Divine Guidance 68. The letter states that it is incumbent upon
each person “to become an active and well-informed member of the Bahá’í com-
munity in which he lives. To be able to make a wise choice at the election time,
it is necessary for him to be in close and continued contact with all local activities
. . . and to fully and whole-heartedly participate in the affairs of the local as well
as national committees and assemblies in his country. It is only in this way that a
92 The Journal of Bahá’í Studies 18. 1/4. 2008
believer can develop a true social consciousness and acquire a true sense of respon-
sibility in matters affecting the interests of the Cause. Bahá’í community life thus
makes it a duty for every loyal and faithful believer to become an intelligent, well-
informed and responsible elector, and also gives him the opportunity of raising
himself to such a station.” See also Shoghi Effendi, letter to a local Spiritual
Assembly, 14 May 1927, in Compilation of Compilations vol. 1, no. 709.
11. Another letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual sug-
gests that turnover should not be achieved by institutional rules that force it on
voters by restricting their freedom to vote for whomever their conscience moves
them to vote for—such as by imposing term limits on Assembly members:
“Shoghi Effendi has never said that the members of the National Assembly have
to be renewed partially every year. The important thing is that they should be
properly elected. It would be nice if there should be new members elected, for
new blood always adds to the energy of the group and will keep up their spirit.
But this depends entirely upon the will of the delegates as represented in the
result of their voting” (in Hornby no. 63; emphasis added). However, another let-
ter written on his behalf suggests that (at least part of) the reason for rejecting
term limits, at the time of writing, was that it would be “premature” to undertake
such a “radical” alteration in the early stages of development of Bahá’í institu-
tions: “Regarding your questions concerning the advisability of changing the
basis of the National Assembly’s election and confining it to the body of dele-
gates or of limiting the term of office: he feels that as any such changes are of a
radical nature and should therefore also apply to the National Spiritual
Assemblies of other countries they are inadvisable and premature, both for this
reason and because of their very nature” (letter written on behalf of Shoghi
Effendi to an individual, 6 July 1944, in Messages to Canada 80). This is not a mat-
ter with which voters themselves need to be concerned when voting; it is about
what kind of institutional rules are appropriate for Bahá’í elections.
12. Shoghi Effendi emphasizes this point even more strongly when he refers to
the “often-repeated assurances that every Assembly elected in that rarefied
atmosphere of selflessness and detachment is, in truth, appointed of God” (letter
to the Bahá’ís in America, 23 February 1924, in Bahá’í Administration 65).
13. I am grateful to David Bowie, Seena Fazel, Marion Finley, Betty Fisher,
Monireh Kazemzadeh, Reggie Newkirk, John Safapour, Pardis Sobhani, two
How Bahá’í Voters Should Vote 93
anonymous referees, the editors of this journal, and participants at the 31st
Annual Conference of the Association for Bahá’í Studies, Mississauga, Ontario,
August 2007, for valuable comments on a previous draft.
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