Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: A. L. M. Nicolas, A Prophet in Modern Times, bahai-library.com.
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A
Prophet
In
Modern
Times

A.L.M. Nicolas
Peter Terry, translator and editor

Volume I of the Babi Studies Series

First English translation of the first biography of Hají Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad
Shírází, called “the Báb”. The original was published in French by A.L.M.
Nicolas in 1905 as Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab. This edition features the
detailed annotations compiled and verified by the translator.

Passages from the Writings of the Báb are in some cases presented in the
compiler’s rendering of their French translation by A.L.M. Nicolas, originally
published circa 1900-1911.

Second Edition prepared for electronic publication on bahai-
library.com (2015)

First edition published by Lulu Publications 2008

Copyright © 2008 by Peter Terry

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions.

ISBN: 978-1-4357-1495-3

Manufactured in the United States of America.
A Prophet in Modern Times 2

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Chapter One
From Birth to Declaration

Chapter Two
The Declaration — The Pilgrimage — His Name

Chapter Three
The Return to Shíráz — The Imprisonment — The Cholera — Flight to Isfáhán

Chapter Four
Death of Manúchihr Khán — Exiled from Isfáhán — Tabríz — The Prison of
Máh-Kú

Chapter Five
Imprisonment at Chihríq — Trial and Execution at Tabríz — Concealment and
Burial

Appendix I
The Dispensation of The Báb

Appendix II
Writings of the Báb
A Prophet in Modern Times 3

Acknowledgements

It is common practice for authors to thank those who have assisted (and tolerated) them during
their long labors, and to take credit for all the faults that may be found in their works. I wish to
begin this preface by stating without prevarication or exaggeration that this annotated
translation could not have been published without the generous encouragement of many
individuals.

First of all, I am deeply grateful to the Universal House of Justice, the Supreme Institution of
the Bahá'í Administrative Order, which graciously permitted me to proceed with this
publication, notwithstanding the many errors that are found in Nicolas' historical narrative and
to which Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith alluded in several of his letters. I
hope that my copious annotations have corrected all of these errors, and laid to rest other
falsehoods that have hitherto lingered in the vicinity of the person of Hájí Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad Shírází, known as the Báb.

Inasmuch as the sheer volume of these annotations have extended the length of this translation,
only selected chapters have been featured from “Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab” by A.L.M.
Nicolas. A second volume will be prepared, which will include all of the chapters missing here.
While these chapters treat the life of the Báb, the second volume will feature those chapters that
treat the lives of his followers.

Second, Dr. Richard Hollinger lent me his copy of Nicolas' book, and since it is hard to find in
libraries and even harder to locate in bookstores, he made it possible for me to select this
particular book for translation.

Third, Ms. Fariba Ghayebi spent many hours over the course of several months ferreting
through two lengthy and detailed biographies of the Báb in Persian, one authored by Abu'l-
Qasim Afnan and the other by Muhammad-'Alí Faizi, for details related to the events and
personalities discussed by A.L. M. Nicolas. Her assistance to me was truly invaluable, and has
considerably enriched the value of the annotations to Nicolas' text.

Fourth, I asked specific questions of the members of various online lists, which were answered
by a number of knowledgeable individuals, to whom I extend my heartfelt thanks, including
(alphabetically) Dr. Necati Alkan, Dr. J.R.I. Cole, Mr. William Collins, Mr. Steven Cooney,
Dr. Armin Eschraghi, Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir, Dr. Iskandar Ha'i, Mr. Sepehr Manuchehri,
Dr. Ahang Rabbani and Mr. Ismael Velasco. If you are one of those who assisted me and
whom I have forgotten to mention, I ask for your forgiveness, and promise to honor and thank
you in future editions of this book. To all of those who answered my questions I am very
grateful, and assure you that what you shared with me has found its way into my annotations,
often, but perhaps not always, with appropriate attribution.

Fifth, to Mr. Kurt Asplund I owe a great debt of gratitude for giving me open access to his
private library with its rich collection of books related to this project, including many
photographs which we hope to include in a later edition of this volume.

Sixth, as my readers will no doubt notice, I have relied to a considerable extent upon the
published works of Professor Abbas Amanat, Professor Edward Granville Browne, Dr. Denis
MacEoin, and Dr. Ahang Rabbani. In subsequent volumes related to the subject, the published
A Prophet in Modern Times 4

works of Dr. Armin Eschraghi, Dr. Stephen Lambden, Professor Todd Lawson, Dr. Vahid
Ra’fati, Professor Nader Saiedi and other leading experts on the Báb will be consulted and
referenced.

Seventh, it would be remiss of me not to thank Professor Anthony Lee, editor of Kalimat Press,
for his encouragement of my translation of Nicolas' seminal work, and for his offer to publish it
in the United States.

Eighth, I am grateful to Dr. Wendi Momen, editor at George Ronald Press, for believing in this
book, and for her many months of patient collaboration with this often preoccupied author in
an attempt to publish it in the United Kingdom.

Ninth, I want to thank all of those who participated in educating me about the Bahá'í Faith, for
without its discovery I could not have engaged in this project. Mr. Steve Schultz, who first
introduced me to the Bahá'ís, in Cincinnati, Ohio; Mr. Wayne Hoover, my first Bahá'í mentor,
in Gorham, Maine; Miss Helen LaVey, my second Bahá'í mentor, in Cambridge,
Massachusetts; Professor Daniel C. Jordan and Mrs. Nancy Jordan; Professor Dwight Allen,
Mr. Nathan Rutstein and many other Bahá'í teachers whom I learned much from during my
studies at the University of Massachusetts; Mrs. Marian C. Lippitt, my first teacher in Bahá'í
metaphysics and spiritual psychology, in York, Maine; Dr. Adelbert Muhlschlegel, an amateur
historian and mystic; Bahá'í scholars whom I interviewed in Europe and the United States in
1980-1981, too numerous to mention by name; Mr. Hooper Dunbar and other members of the
Universal House of Justice, who have encouraged my scholarly endeavors; and hundreds of
Bahá'ís whom I have encountered on three continents, in twelve countries, and over the
Internet. To each and every one I thank you for your gifts of insight and knowledge, of
friendship and trust.

Finally, I could not have dedicated the innumerable hours to research and writing that have
resulted in this volume without the hospitality, the forbearance and the steadfast support of my
parents and friends. It is to those loved ones that I dedicate the book.

As for the errors in this book, there are no doubt many. Please inform me of any such errors
and I will do our best to correct them in time for the next edition. While books about the Báb
aren't usually best sellers, I have hopes that this particular volume will reach a wide readership.
So, if you like the book, please help me out, and tell people about it. The most trustworthy
advertising is what you hear about from your friends.

It is my hope that many will read this book, and that it will inspire all of its readers with a
profound and incurable desire to immerse themselves in the writings of the Báb. For as
extraordinary as is the story of his life, his writings are the remnant of that life, a remnant that is
as fresh today as it was over a century ago. The Báb claimed to be a Prophet for our Times. Let
us see what Modern Times think of him.
A Prophet in Modern Times 5

Introduction

Alphonse Louis Marie (A.L.M.) Nicolas, the author of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab",
was born in the city of Rasht, the province of Gílán, in the land of Írán on the 27th of March
1864(1). Born in Persia and living most of his life there, it is only appropriate that we also give
the hijri date for his birth, 18 Shawwal 1280. His father, Louis Jean Baptiste (J.B.) Nicolas
(1814-1875) had been born in Hyeres, France, and served as French consular official from 1846
to the time of his death. J.B. Nicolas served in Tihrán from 1854 until 1863, when he was
assigned to Rasht. Ten years later he was recalled to Tihrán, where he died in 1875.(2) J.B.
Nicolas was the compiler of a French-Persian dictionary, the author of some articles on Persian
literary subjects, and the translator of a Persian article on the 1852 failed assassination attempt
on Násiri'd-Dín Sháh.(3 Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810–95), the English Orientalist and
diplomat who served for some time in the Persian Army, described J.B. in 1855 as "quite
illiterate" but nevertheless affirmed that "his natural shrewdness and knowledge of Persians,
render of some value his report of facts and the inferences he draws from them."(4) Another
notable, the author, diplomat and infamous racialist Count Joseph Arthur de Gobineau (1816-
1882) described J.B. as "un drole" in a letter to his sister.(5)

His son consequently spent his first nine years in Rasht, and the balance of his childhood in
Tihrán. A.L.M. studied at the École des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris and entered the
foreign service in 1877, and was for the most part assigned to posts in Írán. Our principal
source for A.L.M. Nicolas' life story and in particular his motivation for studying and writing
about the life of the Bab is to be derived from an interview he gave to Miss Edith Sanderson, an
American Bahá'í living in Paris, shortly before his demise.(6) This interview, conducted and
reported in French (except for the introductory paragraph), is here translated into English in its
entirety for the first time:

(1)"The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944, Some Contemporary Western Accounts", Dr.
Moojan Momen, editor; George Ronald Publisher, 1981, p. 36.

(2)Ibid., p. 516.

(3)Ibid., p. 516 on the French-Persian dictionary; pp. 138-139 on the translation by J.B. Nicolas of an

article from Rúznámiy-i-Vaqáyi'-i-Ittifáqíyyih, an official government publication, reported to the
French Foreign Office in a dispatch dated 25 October 1852 by the French Ambassador at Istanbul, the
Marquis de la Valette, which was published in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" by A.L.M.
Nicolas, and, in English, in "Queer Things about Persia" , by Eustache de Lorey and Douglas
Sladen.

(4)Foreign Office 78 1115; cited in Ibid., p. 516.

(5)Hytier, "Les Dépèches Diplomatiques", p. 148n; cited in Ibid., p. 37.

(6)The Bahá'í World, volume VIII (1938-1940), pp. 885-887; portions translated into English and
published in Ibid., pp. 37-38). Mrs. Laura Clifford Dreyfus-Barney, in an unpublished article she wrote
for 'The Bahá'í World' referred to meeting “Mrs. Sanderson and her daughters, Sybil of opera fame and
Edith who became later a leading Bahá'í in France. It was through May Bolles that both Edith and
Hippolyte [Dreyfus] entered the Faith a short time after she had given me the Message.” This article is
available in its entirety at http://bahai-library.org/essays/barney.html
A Prophet in Modern Times 6

"A.L.M. Nicolas, after having passed the greater part of his life in Persia, now lives in a pleasant
corner of Paris in the rue George Sand, surrounded by his books and his souvenirs of the
Orient. For some years the Bahá'ís of Paris have entertained the most cordial relations with him
and to them is do our gratitude and appreciation for the courtesy of arranging the following
interview, which was sought by Miss Edith Sanderson [ES] expressly for publication in The
Bahá'í World. The interview took place on February 7, 1939, as follows:

ES: "What were your beginnings in Persia?"

ALM: "I was born in Rasht Gílán, a province on the West bank of the Caspian [Sea]. I spoke
only Persian and Russian. When I went to France [in 1875-76?] I was dressed like a Cossack.

"My beginnings in Írán (Persia) have nothing extraordinary about them: those of an ardent
young man, desirous of learning.

"My father was the first interpreter of the French Legation in Persia, a position I myself later
filled.(7)"

ES: "In what way did you find yourself in contact with the Babis?"

ALM: "Gobineau, arriving at the Legation, greatly imbued with diplomatic prejudices,
distrusting his colleagues, entered into a conflict with my father on the subject of a manuscript
purchased by him from a courtier. My father addressed remarks pertaining to this matter which
oriented me towards the idea of verifying for myself the substance of these things. In his papers
he left a critique of this book of Gobineau, "Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l'Asie
Centrale"(8), which incited me to search out and refute the errors therein, this book having
been written without sufficient knowledge [of the subject and] with the assistance of an
Israelite(9) whom Gobineau had as [his] professor of Persian and who could only teach his
student the little he knew of the sect.(10) I collected documents widely, thanks to the indigenous
secretary, Mírzá Ebrahim, of Tihrán, whom I discovered to be Bahá'í and who put me in touch
with the believers."

ES: "How did you become interested in the Cause of the Báb, in the Báb Himself? What
brought you to translate His works? To write your book "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le
Báb"?"

ALM: "I had resolved to translate the "Persian Bayán".(11) I admit that during the two or
three years of my study [of that book] I was often dazzled by the explanations that the Báb gives

(7) A.L.M.Nicolas served as First Interpreter in Tihrán from 1904-1907; see op.cit., p. 516.

(8)First published by Didier & Cie, in Paris, 1865; reprinted many times since then and currently in print.

(9)Persian Jew.

(10)A major portion of "Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale" is devoted to a

survey of the life and teachings of the Báb and the fate of his followers, and includes an Appendix with
the earliest translation of one of the books of the Báb.

(11)"Bayán-i-fársí"
A Prophet in Modern Times 7

us for certain mysteries such as death, the resurrection, the Sirát — this bridge that passes over
hell, narrow as a hair, sharp as a razor, and which the believer traverses with the rapidity of
lightning. These explanations pleased me and I exerted myself more and more in my work. I
only regret having neglected the translation of the majority of the Writings that issued forth
from the pen of the Prophet.

"Also, in reading the "Book of the Seven Proofs"(12), which I translated, I was seduced by the
clarity of reasoning of the Báb. I was aided in my work by a young Persian and every day in the
afternoon we went walking outside the town(13) leaving through the gate of Shimran.(14). The
purity of the air, the serenity, the softness of the temperature and, in certain seasons, the
perfume of the acacias predisposed my soul to peace and to tenderness. The meditations that I
had upon the strange book I was translating filled me with a kind of intoxication and I became
bit by bit profoundly and uniquely a Bábí. The more I plunged into these meditations the more
I admired the exalted genius of the one who, born in Shíráz, dreamed of uplifting the Muslim
world; and [his] explanation of the meaning of the language of Shí'í belief impelled me
gradually to write "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb".

"Naturally I wished to perfect my work and this brought me to [carry out] research and [engage
in] conversations with the Bábís — in fact Azalís and Bahá'ís.(15) I found before me an abundant
mine and [one] which I did not exhaust for there are works of the Báb that I did not peruse."

ES: "How were your publications first received?"

ALM: "I could not figure this out."

"A young Persian told me that the Bahá'ís approved of my efforts, but that I was mistaken to
have translated the Bayán, already abrogated (16), rather than the Íqán.(17)

(12) "Dalá'il-i-Sab'ih"

(13)Tihrán, capitol city of Iran.

(14)Shimírán, the location of summer resorts located on the outskirts of Tihrán according to "An Epitome of

Bábí and Bahá'í History to A.D. 1898", by Mírzá Muhammad Jawád-i-Qazvíní, translated by E.G. Browne
in "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion", Cambridge University Press, 1918, p. 5.

(15)Beginning in the 1850s, while Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal and Bahá'u'lláh were both residents of
Baghdád, these half-brothers attracted separate circles of admirers and followers. Around 1867, about
seventeen years after the martyrdom of the Báb, when both lived in Adrianople, the half-brothers
separated households and from that time until the present the votaries of Mírzá Yahyá have been
denominated Azalís, while the adherents of Bahá'u'lláh have been called Bahá'ís. There were very few
true Bábís or 'people of the Bayán' in existence while Nicolas was living in Írán, and this is even moreso
the case today.

(16)The Báb indicated in Bayán-i-fársí that the laws and ordinances he revealed would be subject to the

approval of "Him Whom God shall make manifest". Bahá'u'lláh, who claimed to be "Him Whom God
shall make manifest" indicated in various of his writings, including the "Kitáb-i-Aqdas", that certain
of the laws and ordinances of the Báb were reaffirmed and that others were abrogated.

(17)"Kitáb-i-Íqán" is the principal doctrinal work of Bahá'u'lláh, written circa 1861 in Baghdád.
A Prophet in Modern Times 8

"This same remark was made by M[onsieur] Hippolyte Dreyfus(18) in one of his works.

"During the summer of 1906 I met M[onsieur] Dreyfus at the same time as Madame Lacheney
and Miss Laura Barney: They were the first French and American Bahá'ís to travel in Írán.(19)

"I also knew Professor Browne of the University of Cambridge(20) and dined with him at the
French Legation(21). This was before his visit to Bahá'u'lláh at Bahjí, near Saint-Jean d'Acre
('Akká).(22) I could have put him in contact with the Bahá'ís if he had not remained silent on this
subject.

"I presented a Siyyid to the Swede Christiansen, which permitted him to write his 'Persian
Tales'.(23)

"My labors on the work of the Báb brought me into contradiction with the Baron Rosen(24) who
had published selections from the works of the Báb. Baron Rosen believed that if one lightly
altered the meaning of the words of the Báb in translating them one would make him more
readily understood. My complete knowledge of the Persian language permitted me to discover
strikingly real meaning in the faithful translation of the words of the Báb."

ES: "Do you think that the teachings of the Báb can be adapted to modern times?"

(18)Hippolyte Dreyfus (1873-1928), the first native Frenchman to become a Bahá'í, circa 1900, the
translator of four volumes of writings of Bahá'u'lláh into French, of one volume of the collected talks
[called "Some Answered Questions" in its English translation by Laura Clifford Barney, his wife] of
'Abdu'l-Bahá into French, and the author of two books and several articles on the Bahá'í Faith.

(19)According to Madame Yvonne Meyer-May, the sister of Hippolyte Dreyfus, in a short biographical

sketch she sent to Shoghi Effendi shortly after the demise of her brother, "in 1906, he visited Persia
where, due to his knowledge of the language, which he spoke and wrote fluently, he established ties of
friendship that were to remain always faithful to him." This sketch is found in Thomas Linard's
compilation of biographical materials on Hippolyte Dreyfus, at http://bahai-
library.org/essays/barney.html

(20)Edward Granville Browne (1862-1926), a British orientalist who published many books and articles on

the Bábí and Bahá'í religions, and served as professor of Arabic and Persian literature at Cambridge
University for many years.

(21)Tihrán.

(22)E.G. Browne visited Bahá'u'lláh at Bahjí, near 'Akká (Acco in present-day Israel) in 1890). His visit

lasted one week, and during that time he met with Bahá'u'lláh four times. For the original source of
these details and much more information please see Moojan Momen's article on Browne at:
http://www.northill.demon.co.uk/relstud/browne.htm

(23)Arthur Christensen (1875-1945), the eminent Danish Orientalist, who made important contributions

to linguistic, religious, and historical studies, and excelled in Persian folk narrative studies (published in
1918, 1923, 1936, 1958).

(24)Baron Victor Rosen (1849-1908) in the course of cataloguing the collections of Arabic and Persian

manuscripts in St. Petersburg, took a close interest in the Bábí and Bahá'í movements and wrote a
number of papers on the subject as well as arranging for a collection of the writings of the Báb and
Bahá'u'lláh to be published.
A Prophet in Modern Times 9

ALM: "Perfectly, on condition however that Modern Times adapt themselves to the decisions
of the Báb."

ES: "Do you believe in the global applicability of the Revelation of the Báb?"

ALM: "I see no reason for the world not to submit to the Revelation of the Báb. 'It is difficult,'
says the French proverb, 'to satisfy all the world and one's father.' But reason always ends by
being reasonable."

"Miss Sanderson adds that 'The Bahá'ís owe much to the work of M[onsieur] A.L.M. Nicolas,
for this erudite one translated into French the following writings of the Báb, which permit a
deeper study of this remarkable person and of his life-giving revelation:

"Beyan Persan, four volumes (Paul Geuthner, Paris)

"Beyan Arabe (Librairie Ernest Leroux, Paris)

"Les Sept Preuves du Báb (Maisonneuve Frères, Paris)

"M[onsieur] Nicolas is also known to Orientalists for his 'Essais sur le Chéïkhisme', in four
installments (Paul Geuthner, Paris)”

Seven years prior to this interview, in 1932, Shoghi Effendi's annotated translation of Nabíl's
Narrative, entitled "The Dawn-breakers" was first published. The footnotes to this massive
tome of Bábí history contained many quotations from the translations and historical writings of
A.L.M. Nicolas in French. Two years after this, on February 8, 1934, Shoghi Effendi addressed
the Bahá'ís of the world with a series of pen portraits of the Báb, Bahá'u'lláh, 'Abdu'l-Bahá and
the Administrative Order of the Bahá'í Faith, entitled "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh". In her
biography of Shoghi Effendi entitled "The Priceless Pearl" (25), his wife, denominated
Ruhiyyih Khánum Rabbaní wrote: "Another highly important aspect of the divinely conferred
position Shoghi Effendi held of interpreter of the [Bahá'í] Teachings was that he not only
protected the Sacred Word from being misconstrued but that he also carefully preserved the
relationships and importance of different aspects of the Teachings to each other and
safeguarded the rightful station of each of the three Central Figures(26) of the Faith. An
interesting example of this is reflected in a letter of A.L.M. Nicolas, the French scholar who
translated the Bayán of the Báb into French and who might correctly be described as a Bábí.
For many years he was under the impression that the Bahá'ís had ignored the greatness and
belittled the station of the Báb. When he discovered that Shoghi Effendi in his writings exalted
the Bab, perpetuated His memory through a book such as Nabíl's Narrative, and repeatedly
translated His words into English, his attitude completely changed. In a letter to one of the old
believers in France he wrote…" (27) and she then gives an English translation of a portion of
Nicolas’ letter which was originally composed in French. Moojan Momen elaborates on the

(25)London: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1969, p. 204.

(26)The Báb, Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá.
(27)"The Priceless Pearl", p. 204.

(28)"The Babi and Baha'i Religions, 1844-1944 : Some Contemporary Western Accounts",
collected and edited by Moojan Momen; George Ronald, 1981, pp. 36-40.
A Prophet in Modern Times 10

context in which this letter was written(28): "Towards the end of Nicolas' life, however, he was
sent copies of two important works by Shoghi Effendi: a translation of "Nabíl's Narrative" of
the life of the Báb, and "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh", in which the Báb's station as an
independent Messenger of God equal in essence to Bahá'u'lláh is stated emphatically. Nicolas
was, of course, overjoyed. To the lady who sent him these books, Miss Edith Sanderson, he
wrote…" and he then gives an English translation of the entirety of this letter as it was
published in French in The Bahá'í World.(29) A revised translation of this letter is attempted
here:

"I do not know how to thank you nor how to express to you the joy that inundates my heart.
Thus, one must not only admit but love and admire the Báb. Poor great Prophet born at the
very heart of Persia without any means of instruction and who alone in the world, encircled
with enemies, by the force of his genius was able to create a universal and wise religion. That
Bahá'u'lláh has, since then, succeeded him, may be, but I wish that the sublimity of the Báb be
admired, who besides paid with his life, with his blood for the reform he preached. Cite me
another comparable example. Finally, I can die in peace. Glory to Shoghi Effendi who calmed
my torment and my anxieties, glory to him who recognizes the value of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
called the Báb. I am so happy that I kiss your hands which have traced my address upon the
envelop that brought me the message of Shoghi. Thank you, Mademoiselle. Thank you from
the bottom of my heart."

Of the two works that elicited such a joyful response from Nicolas, "Nabíl's Narrative"
(called ZARANDI throughout this present study) is cited copiously in the annotations to this
volume, while the chapter of "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh" which is devoted to the Báb is
quoted in its entirety in Appendix I.

A.L.M. Nicolas' publications related to the Báb and the Bábís span a period of 34 years, from
1902 to 1936. They are listed here in chronological order:

"Le Livre des Sept Preuves" [Dalá'il-i-Sab'ih translated from Persian into French], Paris,
1902, 68 pp.

"A propos de deux manuscrits 'Bábís' de la Biblioteque Nationale," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions,
Paris, volume 47, 1903, pp. 58-73

"Le Béyan Arabe" [Bayán al-'arabiyya translated from Arabic into French], Paris, 1905, 235
pp.

"Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" [biography of the Báb, selections translated into
English in this volume], Paris, 1905, 458 pp.

"En Perse: Constitution" [translation by A.L.M. Nicolas], Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris,
volume 1, 1907 (décembre 1906), p. 86-100

"Sur la Volonté Primitive et l'Essence Divine d'après le Báb," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Paris,
volume 55, 1907, pp. 208-212

(29)Op. cit., p. 38; the French original was first published in The Bahá'í World, volume VI (1934-1936),

and subsequently reprinted in each volume of that publication inclusive of volume XIII (1954-1963).
A Prophet in Modern Times 11

"Essais sur le Chéïkhisme", 4 volumes:

"Cheïkh Ahmed Lahçahi", Paris, volume 1, 1910

"Séyyèd Kazem Rechti", Paris, volume 2, 1914

"Le Chéïkhisme. La Doctine", Paris, volume 3, 1911 [extract from Revue du Monde
Musulman]

"La Science de Dieu", Paris, volume 4, 1911

"Le Club de la fraternité" [translation of an article by Atrpet by A.L.M. Nicolas], Revue du Monde
Musulman, Paris, volume 13, 1911, pp. 180-184

"Le Dossier russo-anglais de Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris,
volume 14, 1911, pp. 357-363

"Le Béyan Persan" [Bayán-i-fársí translated from Persian into French], four volumes, 1911-
1914

"Abdoul-Béha et la situation," Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris, volume 21, 1912, pp. 261-267

"Le Béhahis et le Báb," Journal Asiatique, Paris, volume 222, 1933, pp. 257-264

"Qui est le successeur du Báb?" Paris, 1933, 16 pp.

"Quelques Documents relatifs au Babisme," Journal Asiatique, Paris, volume 224, 1934, pp. 107-142

"Le Báb astronome," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Paris, volume 114, 1936, pp. 99-101

"Massacre de Babis en Perse," Paris, 1936, 42 pp.
A Prophet in Modern Times 12

Chapter One

From Birth to Declaration

Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was born in the city of Shíráz on the first day of Muharram in the year
1236 A.H.(1) His father, Siyyid Muhammad Ridá — the son of Siyyid Ibráhím, and paternal
grandson of Siyyid Fath'u'lláh(2) — was a merchant in that town(3).

(1)Nicolas cites as evidence of his subject's birth date, a passage which he found in "Kitáb al-haramayn," a

work which he attributes to Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad (the Báb). The title of this work suggests that it was
written during the Báb's pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina (al-haramayn: the two holy places), circa 1845.
Nicolas gives a French translation of this passage (p. 206) as well as the original Arabic text (Note A, p. 453).
He quotes one more passage from "Kitáb al-haramayn" (Note B, p. 453) in his biography of the Báb. Oddly
enough, Nicolas does not cite "Kitáb al-haramayn" among the Writings of the Báb, nor does he list it
among the sources he consulted in writing this biography. Throughout the biography, Nicolas refers to and
quotes from a book entitled "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," and he cites a passage in Arabic from this work
(Note E, p. 454). It seems likely that these two titles represent in fact one book. This book is generally known
as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (and is referred to as "Sahífatu'l-haramayn" by Shoghi Effendi in an
Appendix to "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 669, 671), and at least ten manuscripts are known to exist, two of
which are dated 1261 A.H. (1845 A.D.) — for more information please see Denis MacEoin [MacEoin],
"The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History: a Survey" (E. J. Brill, 1992, pp. 60-61, 197-198). The
location of Nicolas' copy of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" is not known presently (MacEoin, p. 198, n. 49).
Inasmuch as this copy of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" is not extant, it is doubtful that it can be acceptable to
historians as proof of the Báb's date of birth. While it is unlikely that Nicolas would have misread and mis-
cited this text, it is entirely possible that this reading was peculiar to his manuscript, and that it was the result
of a copyist's error. In any case, according to the manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" located in the
Browne collection of Cambridge University Library, designated Browne Or. MSS F.7(9), the year of the
Báb's birth was 1235 A.H. rather than a year later, as cited by Nicolas. Two eminent scholars, Dr. Abbas
Amanat [Amanat]("Resurrection and Renewal," Cornell University Press, 1989, p. 110, n.2) and Dr. Ahang
Rabbani (e-mail, 30 October 1997) have independently attested to this date occurring in the text of
Browne's manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn". Rabbani also stated that Browne compared this
manuscript with another found in the University Library of Leiden, the Netherlands (Or. 5325). Both
manuscripts are in the hand of Ridván 'Alí, one of the sons of Mírzá Yahyá and an Azalí scribe, and
Browne's manuscript is dated 1905; it was given to Professor Browne by Mr. C.D. Cobham, British
Commissioner at Larnaca, Cyprus sometime during the month of May 1906 (MacEoin, p. 197). Abu'l-
Qasim Afnan, in his biography of the Báb ("'Ahd-i-A'lá Zindigání-i-Hadrat-i-Báb" ["The Bábí
Dispensation: The Life of the Báb"], Oneworld Publishers, 2000, p. 50), does not cite "Sahífa bayna'l-
haramayn" as a source for the birthdate of the Báb, but he quotes a paragraph from the preface to another
early work of the Báb, "Kitáb al-fihrist", which indicates that the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235 A.H.

Nicolas stated (p. 189) that 1 Muharram 1236 corresponds to 26 March 1821. We will now consider his
calculation of equivalent dates, that is, his rendering of Muslim Hijra (A.H.) into Christian Gregorian (A.D.)
equivalents. To begin with, the reader is no doubt familiar with the twelve months of the solar Gregorian
calendar: January, February, March, April, May, June, July, August, September, October, November,
December. The twelve months of the Islamic Hijra calendar are reckoned in Arabic as: 1)Muharram;
2)Safar; 3)Rabí' al-Awwal [or Rabí'ul-Avval or Rabí'ul-Úlá]; 4)Rabí-al-Thání [or Rabí'ul-Ukhrá]; 5)Jumáda
al-Awwal [or Jamádíyu'l-Avval or Jamádíyu'l-Úlá]; 6)Jumáda al-Thání [or Jumádíyu'th-Thání or
Jumádíyu'l-Ukhrá]; 7)Rajab [or Rijib]; 8)Sha'bán; 9)Ramadán; 10)Shawwál; 11)Dhu al-Qi'dah [or Dhi'l-
Qa'dih]; 12)Dhu al-Hijjah [or Dhi'l-Hijjih]. In Persian pronunciation, Thání is pronounced like Sání,
Shawwál like Shavvál, Dhu like Zu, Qi'dah like Ghi'dah, and Qa'dih like Gha'dih. According to G.S.P.
Freeman-Grenville, ("The Muslim and Christian Calendars," 1963), the Hijra date 1 Muharram 1236 is
equivalent to the Gregorian date 9 October 1820 — confirmed by:
A Prophet in Modern Times 13

http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi and http://www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html

It is not clear what system Nicolas used to render Gregorian from Hijra dates, but we can state with
assurance that he miscalculated the Gregorian date of the Báb's birth. Browne calculated 1 Muharram 1236
as equivalent to 9 October 1820, in his second article for the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society"
[JRAS](vol. XXI, 1889), entitled "The Bábís of Persia. II. Their Literature and Doctrines" (p. 993), and in
Note C to his English translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (Cambridge University Press, 1891, two
volumes; reprinted by Philo Press, 1975, in one volume, pp. 219, 221).

In Appendix II of his first article for JRAS (vol. XXI, July 1889), entitled "The Bábís of Persia. I. Sketch of
their History, and Personal Experiences amongst them" (pp. 516-517), E. G. Browne cited 1236 A.H. as the
year in which the Báb was born. In this Appendix and in a note appended to his translation of "A
Traveller's Narrative" (Note C, pp. 218-220), Browne referred to two passages from "Bayán-i-fársí" as
evidence of the Báb's date of birth. According to Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí (ZARANDI],
"Bayán-i fársí" (Persian Exposition), the repository of most of the laws revealed by the Báb, was begun
during his imprisonment in Máh-Kú (in "The Dawn-Breakers," Bahá'í Publishing Trust, USA, 1932, p.
248) and apparently completed in Chihríq (sometime between late summer 1847 and July 1850). There are
at least fifty manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí" extant, including one in the hand of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid
Husayn Yazdí, in the International Bahá'í Library, and another copied by the Bábí and later Bahá'í
chronicler and poet Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí, in the British Library (Or. 2819). The first text
cited by Browne is from "Bayán-i-fársí", vahíd II: báb 1, in which the Báb affirms that 24 years of his life
had passed; and Browne interprets this to mean that the Báb was twenty-four years old when he declared
his mission. We will digress a moment to consider Browne's (and Nicolas') acquaintance with "Bayán-i fársí."
While in the process of collating six manuscripts of "Bayán-i fársí" (Cambridge Or. 1331-7[11]; BBC.3 [now
F.13], and BBP.8 [now F.12], both at Cambridge University Library; Or. 2819 at the British Museum; a
manuscript in the St. Petersburg Institut des Langues Orientales; and a manuscript in the St. Petersburg
Academie Imperiale des Sciences), Browne drew up a summary of that work, which was left incomplete
upon his death. This summary was completed by Dr. Moojan Momen based on Browne's notes, and
published as 'Summary of the Persian Bayán' in "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne" (George
Ronald Publisher, 1987, pp. 316-406). Nicolas translated "Bayán-i fársí" into French in a series of four
volumes (published in 1911-1914). He based his translation of this work on three manuscripts, listed after his
death in the auction catalogue for his collection as Nicolas 115, 103:1 and 103:2. Of these, the location of
the first two manuscripts is not presently known, and the third manuscript is preserved in the International
Bahá'í Archives in Haifa, Israel (see MacEoin, p. 182). Nicolas 103:1 and 103:2 were both written in the
hand of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (Ibid., p. 182).

In Browne's English summary ("Selections," p. 325) and Nicolas' French translation ("Le Beyan Persan,"
Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911-1914, tome I, p. 36) of "Bayán-i fársí" (váhid II: báb 1) the Báb indeed
states that just twenty-four years of his life had passed by. However, the context of this statement may
indicate that he is referring to the revelation of verses and not to the date of his declaration. When did the
Báb begin to reveal verses? According to a reference found in most manuscripts of the Báb’s "Tafsír súrat al-
baqara" (Commentary on the Chapter of the Cow), this work was begun in the month of Dhu'l-Qa'dih
1259, which corresponds to November/December 1843 (MacEoin, p. 47). MacEoin writes ("Sources," p.
47), "Since this Tafsír is the only extended work of the Báb's written before May 1844 and still extant, it is of
unique importance as a source of concrete evidence for the development of his thought in the six months or
so that led up to the initial announcement of a prophetic claim."

All sources agree that the Báb was born on the first day of the Muslim year, 1 Muharram. If he had been
born on 1 Muharram 1236, he would have been twenty-three years old when he began to write “Tafsír
súrat al-baqara”. If, on the other hand, he was born on 1 Muharram 1235, then he would have been
twenty-four years old when the first verses of this work were written. It is possible then that the Báb was
referring to the revelation of verses and not to his declaration (some six months later) in "Bayán-i-fársí"
(váhid II: báb 1), and hence Browne seems to have been mistaken in basing his calculation of the Báb's birth
on this reference.
A Prophet in Modern Times 14

Browne cites a second passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 11) in support of this birth-date.
According to his summary (SWEGB, p. 381) and Nicolas' translation ("Le Beyan persan," tome III, p. 113)
of "Bayán-i-fársí", the Báb states that no one recognized his prophetic station for twenty-five years. If the
Báb had been born on 1 Muharram 1236 A.H., as alleged by Browne (and Nicolas), he would have turned
twenty-four years of age on 1 Muharram 1260 A.H., and would therefore have been only twenty-four years
(and 4 months) of age when he declared his mission, on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260. On the
other hand, if the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235 (20 October 1819), he would have turned twenty-five
on 1 Muharram 1260 (22 January 1844), exactly four (solar) months prior to his declaration, on Jumáda al-
Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 (22-23 May 1844). It seems then that Browne has actually cited evidence in
support of a 1235 birth-date rather than the 1236 date he apparently preferred.

Likewise, Browne cites the Báb's work entitled "Dalá'il-i sab'ih" (Seven Proofs) in support of this birth-date.
The Báb authored two works by this name in Máh-Kú (Summer 1847-April 1848) — a very short work in
Arabic and a longer one in Persian — and it is the Persian work to which Browne is referring. There are at
least thirteen manuscripts of this book extant, including two copies which belonged to Browne (F.22, F.25),
and two formerly in the possession of Nicolas (now both in the International Bahá'í Archives). According to
Browne ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note C, p. 221), the Báb states in this book that he had not exceeded
twenty-five years of age at the time of his declaration. In Nicolas' French translation of this work ("Le livre
des sept preuves de la mission du Báb," Paris, 1902, p. 26), we find confirmation of Browne's citation. As has
already been demonstrated, if the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235, he reached his twenty-fifth birthday
on 1 Muharram 1260, only four months prior to his declaration. While Browne cites this reference as
evidence of 1236 as the date of birth, it is at least as likely that 1235 more closely fits that description. If born
in 1235 he would have been twenty-five for four months when he declared, and if born in 1236 he would
have been twenty-four for four months when he declared. Either way, he was not more than twenty-five
years of age when he declared.

Amanat has noted (p. 202 and footnote 274) that "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'," the first Súrah (Chapter) of which
was revealed on the evening of the Báb's declaration (5 Jumáda al-Úlá 1260), and which was completed
during the year 1260 A.H., according to the Báb himself, in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV, báb 18; in "Selections
from the Writings of the Báb" [SWB], Bahá'í World Centre, 1978, p. 90), contains a verse in which the Báb
calls himself a youth of twenty-five (Súrah IX, fol. 13b). Once more, the Báb could only have been twenty-
five years old at the time of the revelation of this book if he had reached his twenty-fifth birthday on 1
Muharram 1260, in which case he was born on 1 Muharram 1235. The manuscript of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"
which Amanat cites in this regard was in Browne's possession (Or. MSS. F.11[9]), and dated 1891 A.D. The
manuscripts of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" which are found in the Bahá'í International Archives, in Haifa, Israel
(cited by MacEoin, pp. 195-196 as six in number) were employed in the translation of excerpts from this
work for "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" ([SWB], pp. 41-74). In one translated excerpt (Ibid., p.
47), the Báb speaks of himself as being "no more than twenty-five" and this is identified as taken from
Chapter [Súrah] IX of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".

Ahang Rabbani cited another source, the Báb's personal diary, which was published by Azalís in Tihrán,
appended to his "Kitáb-i-Panj Sha'n" (Book of Five Grades): "the same date can also be computed precisely
from His age given in His personal diary" (e-mail, 30 October 1997). Furthermore, in a prayer revealed in
Chihríq (SWB, pp. 180-182), the Báb specifically writes "at the age of twenty-five I proceeded to Thy sacred
House, and by the time I returned to the place where I was born, a year had elapsed" (p. 181), undoubtedly
a reference to his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, begun in 1844 and completed in 1845. Hence,
according to a prayer revealed in Chihríq, the Báb's personal diary, the text of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súrah
IX, fol. 13b), "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Nicolas translation, p. 26), and "Bayán-i-fársí" (IV:11), the Báb was twenty-
five years old when he declared his mission. It seems most likely then that he was born on 1 Muharram
1235, which would make him twenty-five years old (and four months) at his declaration on 5 Jumáda al-
Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260. These are the autobiographical testimonies of the Báb himself, as recorded in
his own Writings.
A Prophet in Modern Times 15

Next we will consider the evidence of historical records, the testimonies of eye-witnesses and other followers
and associates of the Báb. Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí became a Bábí in 1265 A.H./1848-49 A.D.
(ZARANDI, p. 434), and compiled a history of the Báb and his followers, known in Persian as "Táríkh-i-
Nabíl," between 1887 and 1892. This narrative was prepared with the assistance of many eye-witnesses and
other well-informed sources, and is preserved in a single manuscript copy, in the International Bahá'í
Archives. The first portion of the text (to 1853) was translated into English by Shoghi Effendi, and published
in 1932 as "The Dawn-breakers." According to ZARANDI (PP. 14, 72), the Báb was born on 1 Muharram
1235 A.H. ZARANDI also states that twenty-five years, four (lunar) months and four days had elapsed
between the birth of the Báb and his declaration on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 (p. 72). This
corresponds exactly to twenty-five years and four solar months, inasmuch as 1 Muharram 1260 fell on 22
January 1844, while 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 began at sunset on 22 May 1844. Other
early histories of the Báb and Bábís include "Kitáb-i-Nuqtatu'l-Káf" (Book of the Point of "K"), "Táríkh-i-
Jadíd" (New History) and "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" (A Traveller's Narrative), all of which were edited
for publication by Browne. One manuscript of "Kitáb-i-Nuqtatu'l-Káf" [KAF] (Biblioteque Nationale,
Paris, Suppl. Persan 1071) was published by Brill Press of Leiden, the Netherlands in 1910. Another eleven
manuscripts of this history are known to exist (MacEoin, p. 214). One manuscript of "Táríkh-i-Jadíd"
[JADID] (Cambridge, Browne F.55) was published by Cambridge University Press in 1893, along with an
English translation and copious notes by Browne. Eleven other manuscripts of this work have been
discovered (MacEoin, pp. 214-215). "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" was first published in Persian in Bombay,
India, in 1890, and a facsimile edition was issued by Cambridge University Press in 1891 ['ABDU'L-
BAHA], along with an English translation by Browne. MacEoin reports (pp. 169-170) that the manuscript
copy of "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" which was published in facsimile by Cambridge University was in the
hand of the Bahá'í scribe Zaynu'l-Muqarrabín, and was presented to Browne during his visit to 'Akká in
1890. That manuscript is now located in the Cambridge University Library (Browne F.56[7]).

There is no mention of the date of the Báb's birth in KAF or JADID but in Browne's translation of
'ABDU'L-BAHA we read the following testimony: "He was born in the year one thousand two hundred
and thirty-five on the first day of Muharram" (p. 2 (Persian)/p. 4 (English), to which Browne added a
footnote explaining that this is equivalent to 20 October 1819. Two years prior to the publication of
'ABDU'L-BAHA, Browne referred, in Appendix II of his first article about the Bábís for the "Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society" (vol. XXI, July 1889, pp. 516-517), to a conversation which bears upon this matter.
He cites the reminiscences of Mr. C.D. Cobham, British Commissioner at Larnaca, regarding a
conversation he had with Mishkín Qalam in Cyprus, to which the latter had been exiled, in 1868. Mishkín
Qalam was a famous calligrapher, and a close associate of many of the early Bábís and Bahá'ís. Mishkín
Qalam stated that the Báb was born in the year 1235 Hijra, 1819 Gregorian.

What, then, is the evidence in support of the year 1236 A.H. as the date of the Báb's birth? Nicolas cites one
manuscript of "Kitáb al-haramayn," which is either a lost work of the Báb, or the same as "Kitáb bayna'l-
haramayn," generally known as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn." In any case, Nicolas' copy of this work is lost.
Two surviving manuscripts of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" have been read by competent experts as pointing
to the year 1235 rather than 1236.

In a note to his translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (Note C, p. 221), Browne cited passages in "Bayán-i-
fársí" and "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" which do not positively identify the Báb’s birth date as occurring in the year
1236. In the same note Browne cites two oral sources for this later date. He states that Mírzá Yahyá (Subh-i-
Azal) reported that the Báb was twenty-four years old at the time of his declaration; this would place his
birth in the year 1236 A.H. It should be noted, however, that Browne did not entirely trust Mírzá Yahyá's
dating of events. In a footnote (p. 373, n. 2) to "A Traveller's Narrative," Browne states that Mírzá Yahyá
misrepresented his own age, and Browne expressed his reservations about relying on this witness and
regarding him as a reliable source. In Note C (p. 222), Browne also cited the testimony of an unidentified
individual associated with the Afnán family, the maternal relations of the Báb, who apparently affirmed that
he was twenty-four years old at the time he declared.
A Prophet in Modern Times 16

If, as alleged by Browne, by Nicolas, by Mírzá Yahyá and an unidentified member of the Báb's family, the
Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1236, then he did not reach his twenty-fifth birthday until seven months
after his declaration. This would seem to contradict his own statements in the two early-cited works from his
pen, as well as the considered testimonies of ZARANDI and 'ABDU'L-BAHA. It would appear that the
writings of the Báb which are extant and which we are able to consult point to the year 1235 A.H. as the
time of his birth. Also, the accounts left to us by Bábís who accepted Bahá'u'lláh as "Him Whom God shall
manifest", the prophetic figure promised by the Báb, consistently cite the year 1235 A.H. as that of the birth
of the Báb. As Nicolas and Browne seem to have had more extensive contacts with the followers of Mírzá
Yahyá (the Azalís) than with the Bahá'ís, and inasmuch as both of these scholars often trusted these Azalí
sources over their Bahá'í informants, it seems possible that the 1236 A.H. date is an Azalí tradition.
However, it is worth noting that the manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" which Browne had in his
possession, and which gives the Báb's birth year as 1235, was copied by Ridván 'Alí, an Azalí scribe, and
one of the sons of Mírzá Yahyá (MacEoin, p. 197); that one manuscript of "Bayán-i-fársí" in Browne's
possession was sent him by the Azalí writer Shaykh Ahmad Rúhí Kirmání in 1891 (Ibid., p. 181); that two
of the copies of "Bayán-i-fársí" in Nicolas' library were in the hand of Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 182); that one
of Browne's two copies of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" was corrected by Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 185); and one of the two
copies of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" which Nicolas owned, and which he used in his French translation of that work,
contained annotations written by Mírzá Yahyá and others written at his direction by Ridván 'Alí (Ibid., p.
185). Inasmuch as all of these specific manuscripts contain verses which seem to point to 1235 rather than
1236 as the year of the Báb's birth, and they were transcribed by Mírzá Yahyá or one of his sons, it seems
unlikely that the later date was a firmly established Azalí tradition. In summation, the evidence at our
disposal clearly establishes the year 1235 as that of the Báb's birth.

(2)Nicolas quotes a passage from "Kitáb al-haramayn" (Note B, p. 453), in Arabic, in which the Báb states

that his father's name is "Muhammad Kalímát al-Ridá" and his paternal grandfather's name is "Ibráhím"
and his paternal great-grandfather's name is "Nasru'lláh." ZARANDI (p. 14, 72) affirms that his father's
name was Siyyid Muhammad- Ridá, and that both his father and mother were descendants of the Prophet
Muhammad. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 2/4) simply gives the Báb's father's name — Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá.
As for more recent histories, Shoghi Effendi prepared a hand-written genealogy of the Báb's family, which
was published, with a key, in "The Dawn-breakers" (ZARANDI, pp. lviii, lix). According to this chart, the
Báb’s father was Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá, his paternal grandfather was Mírzá Abu’l-Fath, his paternal
great-grandfather was Mírzá Ibráhím, and his paternal great-great grandfather was Mírzá Nasru’lláh. This
same chart also gives the name of the Báb's mother as Fátimih Bagum, his maternal grandfather as Mírzá
Muhammad-Husayn, and his maternal great-grandfather as Mírzá 'Abid. The key to this chart explains
that both Mírzá Nasru’lláh and Mírzá 'Ábid were descendants of the Imám Husayn. Inasmuch as the Imám
Husayn was one of the sons of the Imám 'Alí, and the Imám 'Alí was Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law
(husband of his daughter Fátimih), this would indicate that the Báb was related to the Prophet Muhammad
through both sides of his family. It should be noted that most of the recognized descendants of the Prophet
Muhammad (who, in the singular form, are commonly denominated “siyyid”) derive this inheritance
through his daughter Fátimih, and are the offspring of her marriage with 'Alí, the Prophet's cousin. Balyuzi
[Balyuzi] ("The Báb: The Herald of the Day of Days," George Ronald Publisher, 1973, p. 32) writes that
the Báb was descended through his mother and her family from the Imám Husayn, and in a note to
Chapter 2 (#1, p. 230) gives the Báb's father's name as Mír Muhammad-Ridá, his paternal grandfather as
Mír Nasru'lláh, his paternal great-grandfather as Mír Fathu'lláh, and his paternal great-great grandfather as
Mír Ibráhím. Balyuzi also states that the Báb's mother was named Fátimih Bagum, and that she was the
daughter of Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (p. 33). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan gives the name of the Báb's mother as
Fátimih Bagum (p. 30), and his maternal grandfather as Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (Ibid.). He quotes
the Báb in "Kitáb al-fihrist" as calling his father Muhammad Ridá, his paternal grandfather Ibráhím, and
his great-grandfather Fathu'lláh (p. 50).

Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 50) cites a passage from Súratu'l-qaraba (verses 13-15) in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá''", in
which the Báb states that his family is descended from Fátimih, the daughter of Muhammad. Amanat
likewise states (p. 110) that the Báb was descended from two families of Shírází siyyids, and he refers to
genealogies of the Báb based upon the Báb's autobiographical statements in "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn"; in
A Prophet in Modern Times 17

Hájí Mírzá Habíbu'lláh Afnán's "Táríkh-i Amrí-yi Shíráz" [henceforth AFNAN], published in Persian
online:
http://www.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/arabic/vol4/shiraz/shiraz.htm — and published in English translation
by Dr. Ahang Rabbani online: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/shiraz2

— in Muhammad 'Alí Faydí's published "Khándán-i-Afnán" (Tihrán, 1971) [henceforth KHANDAN];
and another genealogy, which traces the Báb's ancestry back to the Imám Husayn and which is allegedly
preserved by the Afnán family, according to three sources cited by Amanat (p. 110, n. 5). The first of these
three sources is entered under the name Mírzá Hasan Shírází, in "Tabaqát A'lám al-Shí'a," part I: "Nuqabá'
al-Bashar fí al-Qarn al-Rábi'a 'Ashar" (p. 443), authored by Áqá Buzurg [Muhammad Muhsin] Tihráni; the
second source is "Fárs Námih-yi Násirí," by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Fasá'í (vol. II, n.p.); and the third source is
"Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana" (p. 28), by Hájí Muhammad Ibn 'Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí
[henceforth MU'IN]. There are two autograph manuscripts of this last-named history extant (MacEoin, p.
175), but Amanat was not able to locate this genealogy (op. cit., 110). He stated that the genealogies found
in AFNAN and ZARANDI appear to be confused (p. 110, n. 5). In the case of ZARANDI it seems that
Amanat is referring to Shoghi Effendi's genealogy, inasmuch as ZARANDI does not offer a genealogy of his
own; furthermore, Amanat cites a genealogy on p. ix of “The Dawn-breakers” and there is no genealogy
found on p. ix of this work — Shoghi Effendi's genealogy is on p. lviii (perhaps Amanat is citing another
edition of this book?). A comparison of the genealogical chart published by Amanat (p. 112) with that
compiled by Shoghi Effendi yields the following characteristics: Amanat lists the name of the Báb's father
without change; the name of the Báb's paternal grandfather as Mír Ibráhím rather than Mírzá Abu'l-Fath;
the name of his paternal great-grandfather as Mír Fathu'lláh rather than Mírzá Ibráhím; and his paternal
great-great grandfather as Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín rather than Mírzá Nasru'lláh. Amanat also cites the father of
Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín, as Mír Lutfullah, and his father as Mír Muhammad Mu'min Husayní Shírází Najafí
(Ibid.). Amanat also gives the name of the Báb's maternal grandfather as Mír Siyyid Muhammad Husayn,
and his maternal great-grandfather as Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín ('Ábid), which corresponds exactly to the names
found in Shoghi Effendi's genealogy. Amanat also gives the name of the Báb's maternal great-great
grandfather, Siyyid Muhammad (Ibid.). The matter of the Báb's genealogy is not, by any means, a closed
book.

(3)In a note, Nicolas states that the Báb's father was engaged in haberdashery, the selling of small articles,

such as ribbons, thread, needles, and perhaps, men's garments. ZARANDI and 'ABDU'L-BAHA are both
silent regarding the profession of the Báb's father. Munírih Khánum, 'Abdu'l-Bahá's wife reported that
Khadíjih Khánum, the Báb's wife described her father-in-law — the Báb's father — as engaged in retail
trade; this report is in KHANDAN (p. 162). Mírzá Ahmad Sharif Shírází Íshík-Áqásí (Amanat, p. 110), also
called Mírzá Ahmad ibn Abu'l-Hasan Sharíf Shírází Díván Bagí (Amanat, p. xv), a close associate of the
Afnán family (Amanat, p. 110), wrote a history in which stated that the Báb's father carried on a clothier's
business in the bazaar of Shíráz (Amanat, p. 111, n. 8). This history [hitherto referred to as AHMAD] was
translated in part by Áqá Mírzá Muhammad Khán Bahadur and published as 'Some New Notes on
Babiism' in the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society" (n.v., July 1927, pp. 443-469; cited Amanat, pp. xv,
449). Mírzá Alexander Kazem-Beg [KAZEM-BEG] stated the same in one of his articles on the Bábís,
published in "Journal Asiatique" (vol. VII, 1866, p. 334). Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Lisán al-Mulk
[henceforth SIPIHR], in his "Násikhu't-Taváríkh" (vol. III, p. 39) states the same (cited in Amanat, op. cit.).
Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání confirmed these three accounts in his unpublished "Táríkh-i Zhuhúr-i
Díyánat-i Hadrat-i Báb va Hadrat-i Bahá'u'lláh" (p. 3; cited Amanat, p. 111, n. 8) [henceforth FADL].
There are two manuscripts of Abu’l-Fadl’s history extant (MacEoin, p. 217). Balyuzi states that Siyyid (Mír)
Muhammad-Ridá worked as a mercer, in the city of Shíráz (p. 32). Mercery is the commerce in textiles, in
dry goods. Amanat affirms that the two families, the one related to the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, and
the one related to his father, Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá, were both engaged in long-distance trade. However,
he indicates that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá was a local trader (p. 111). Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá seems to
have been a moderately prosperous merchant, having inherited a house and a shop in the Bázár-i-Vakíl,
according to AFNAN as cited in KHANDAN (pp. 204-210). When he died, he left enough savings to
support his wife Fátimih Bagum and his only son, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, the Báb (Amanat, p. 111).
A Prophet in Modern Times 18

He became a fatherless orphan very early in his childhood(4), and was placed under the tutelage of
his maternal uncle, Siyyid 'Alí(5). Under the direction of that uncle, he was occupied with the same
commercial enterprise as his father(6).

(4)ZARANDI states that the Báb lost his father in early childhood (p. 72); 'ABDU'L-BAHA states the same

(p. 2/4). AFNAN (pp. 4,9; cited Amanat, p. 111, n. 11) reports that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá died when the
Báb was nine years old (Balyuzi, p. 32). MU'IN indicates that the Báb's father died when he was an
unweaned infant (p. 30; referred to by Amanat, p. 111, n. 11). FADL (p. 3) makes the same statement, as
referred to by Amanat (p. 111, n. 11), and cited by Balyuzi (p. 32). Amanat flatly states that this report is
inaccurate, favoring the account found in AFNAN, and Balyuzi also seems to favor this account (p. 32),
suggesting that it agrees more nearly to that found in 'ABDU'L-BAHA. Amanat affirms that the Báb
mentions neither the date of his father's death, nor the age of his father at time of death in any of his writings
(p. 111, n. 11). One indication that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá’s death occurred when the Báb had reached
the age of nine is the report, found in SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39; cited Amanat, p. 114, n. 21), that he began to
assist his father in Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá's shop at about eight or nine years of age. Amanat alleges (p.
114) that this would be normal behavior at this time and for boys of this age in the merchant class and
Persian culture.

(5)According to the genealogies compiled by Shoghi Effendi (p. lviii, "The Dawn-breakers") and Amanat (p.

112), the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, had three brothers — Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí ("Khál-i-A'zam"), Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad ("Khál-i-Asghar"), and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí. For readers unfamiliar with the
title, “Hájí”, it should be noted that "Hájí" prefixed to a name traditionally indicates that the man in
question has made the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, incumbent upon all Muslim males, according to
their means. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that there are exceptions to this rule, at least in some areas
of Írán. If a Muslim boy is born on a particular day of the month of Dhil-Hijjih, to his given name is
automatically prefixed "Hájí". Manuchehri's father and grandmother were said to recall many
traditional (Shí'í) Muslims living in the city of Yazd who never set foot outside of that city. But because
they were born on particular days during the month of Dhil-Hijjih, they were referred to as Hájí-Hasan
or Hájí-Husayn from one or two years of age.

ZARANDI (p. 73) reported that the Báb was reared by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí upon the death of his father.
AFNAN and AHMAD reported that, of the three brothers of Fátimih Bagum, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí was
the most willing to care for the young Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, his sister's only son (cited Amanat, p. 114, n.
26). According to the geneology published in "The Dawn-breakers," Fátimih Bagum's brother named Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad had three sons and two daughters, while her brother named Hájí Mírzá Hasan-
'Alí had four sons and one daughter. Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí had one son, Mírzá Jawad, and according to
Amanat (p. 112), this son died in childhood. It is not surprising therefore, that Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí should
have been the most inclined among these three brothers of Fátimih Begum to assume the fatherly duties of
his deceased brother-in-law, as in the Báb he had found a second son. More details regarding Hájí Mírzá
Siyyid 'Alí are found in ZARANDI (pp. 143, 151, 153-155, 160-161, 173, 175-176, 188, 192-193, 195, 197,
442, 446-449, 452-455, 458). ZUHUR (pp. 223-225) reproduces a letter from the Báb to his uncle Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (cited MacEoin, pp. 95-96). The relationship between Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí and the Báb
in many ways recalls that between Hájí Mírzá Tálib and his nephew, the Prophet Muhammad. The
Prophet Muhammad's father died when he was a child, and he was raised by his father’s brother, Hájí
Mírzá Tálib, whose son, 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, Muhammad’s cousin, became thereby in effect his adoptive
brother. The very special link between Muhammad and 'Alí thus dates from their childhood.

(6)ZARANDI (p. 76) reports that the Báb did not engage in commerce until Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí was

induced by his nephew's unmistakable and extraordinary intellectual brilliance to withdraw him from the
tutelage of his teacher, Shaykh 'Ábid ("Shaykhuná"). 'ABDU'L-BAHA does not state that the Báb engaged
in commerce in Shíráz. Muhammad 'Alí Faydí, in "Hadrat-i Nuqtah-i-Úlá" [His Holiness the Primal Point]
(Tihrán, 1973) [henceforth FAYDI] reported (p. 82) that the Báb spent many hours in the bazaar learning
the family trade in the company of his maternal uncles (cited in Amanat, p. 114, n. 28). FAYDI also wrote
A Prophet in Modern Times 19

Already at a young age, he was a contemplative and preferred silence, so much so that his
beautiful countenance, the flash of his eyes and his modest and tranquil demeanor attracted from
this time onward the attention of his fellow citizens(7). From [his childhood] religious questions had

that the Báb was not employed by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, but that he was a partner and independent in his
commercial transactions (p. 85). MU'IN affirmed that when the Báb was taken out of school in order to
work full-time in the bazaar, Shaykh 'Ábid, his teacher indicated his disapproval of this measure (cited
Amanat, p. 115, n. 30). MU'IN also reported ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 76, n. 1; Amanat, p. 121, n. 67) that
the Báb did not assume the independent exercise of his business affairs until he reached twenty years of age.
Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) indicates that the Báb moved to Bushíhr when he was fifteen years old and
stayed there for five years engaging in commerce, with his uncle for the first two of those years and on his
own thereafter. It seems then that he arrived in Bushíhr just after the passing of Hájí Mírzá Muhammad
Husayn, the Báb's maternal grandfather, at which time his sons gathered and resolved to do business in
concert with one another (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, pp. 37-38). He cites a prayer of the Báb (Ibid., p. 53) in
which he states that he lived in Shíráz for the first fifteen years of his life, then in Bushíhr for five years, and
then traveled to the 'Atabát. Thus it seems that the Báb, according to these testimonies, left Bushíhr at the
age of twenty.

(7)The unusually attractive appearance and demeanor of the youthful Báb were described by his
schoolmaster some years after his declaration, in a conversation with Hájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í (cited by
Balyuzi, pp. 35-36). Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání reports a meeting between Shaykh 'Ábid and Siyyid
Javád in his "Kashf al-Ghitá'" (p. 82), an historical work which was completed by his nephew Siyyid Mahdí
Gulpáygání [henceforth KASHF], and published in Tashkent (cited in Amanat, p. 113, n. 18). Balyuzi (p.
231) and FAYDI (pp. 178-179) indicate that Shaykh 'Ábid wrote an account of the Báb's school days prior
to his decease in 1263/1847 (Amanat, p. 113, n. 18), and Balyuzi (Ibid.) indicates that access to this account
is impossible at this time because those who have possession of it are not friends of the Bábí and Bahá'í
religions. Other reports, dating from Karbilá, when the Báb was around twenty-one years of age, describe
his distinctive attributes. The author of one of these reports, Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání was
widely recognized as the leader of the Shaykhí school after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and the
conversion of numerous Shaykhís to the Cause of the Báb. He was a vociferous enemy of the Báb and his
followers. In 1845, he wrote the following description of the Báb's character, in "Izháq al-Bátil" (pp. 105):
"As it is reported, he possessed [qualities] of peacefulness, gravity, and dignity..." (translated in Amanat, p.
140). Amanat (p. 147-148, n. 203; citing his English translation of KAZEM-BEG, "Journal Asiatique," vol.
VII, p. 339) cites another account: "If Kazem Beg's reference can be relied on, even during his stay in
Karbilá, owing to his "singularity" and his "austerity" he acquired the epithet "majdhúb" (ecstatic)." Amanat
continues with KAZEM-BEG:

"Even before [the Báb's] departure from the holy land [the 'Atabát], where devotion attracts
Muslims from all over Írán, everybody talked about him as an extraordinary young man. People
thought of him as possessing a mystical consciousness. When it came to his peculiarity and his
incomprehensible utterances, they attributed them to his profound wisdom. It was especially
through the Shírází pilgrims, the ordinary people who returned from Karbilá, that his fame spread
in his homeland." (Amanat, p. 148, n. 204)

Amanat comments: "The chief reason for his growing reputation, Kazem Beg adds, was that 'on the
threshold [of the shrine] of Husayn, he acquired the name of God’s elect.' His name was on everyone's lips.
'He is no longer like us sinners,' said Shírázís to each other. 'He has become famous...and can perform
miracles.' Kazem Beg even believes that the family of the Báb were congratulated for such an auspicious
development." (p. 148, n. 205) KAZEM-BEG's source is not known, but Amanat considers it unlikely that
this account would have no basis in fact. AHMAD (p. 447) also attested to the reputation of the Báb for
"piety and honesty" (cited Amanat, p. 148). The Báb himself seems to have referred to these impressions of
his person prior to his declaration, as in this passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 11, p. 218):
A Prophet in Modern Times 20

an over-powering interest for him(8). At nineteen years of age(9), he wrote his first work, entitled
"Risáliy-i-fiqhíyyih" (Treatise on Law), in which he demonstrated true piety and a knowledge of
things Islamic which seemed to point towards a brilliant future in the ranks of Shí'í orthodoxy(10).

"Prior to the descent of the divine command, [people] testified to the godliness, nobility, and
excellence of the Prophet of God [Muhammad]...In the same manner look at the Point of Bayán;
prior to his revelation his merits were obvious to all those who knew him." (translated by Amanat,
p. 148)

(8)Like other boys from the urban middle class, whose families could not afford private instructors, Siyyid 'Alí

Muhammad was sent to a "maktab" (Qur'ánic school), located in a structure called "Qahviy-i-Awliya'"
which was situated in the quarter called Bázár-i-Murgh (Poultry Market), near to the house of Hájí Mírzá
Siyyid 'Alí, the Báb's uncle (Balyuzi, p. 213). His schoolmaster seems to have borne several titles. Balyuzi
states that he was known as Shaykh 'Ábid, Shaykhuná, and Shaykh-i-Anám, but that his given name was
Muhammad, as attested in the Báb's "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (Balyuzi, pp. 230-231). The verse cited by Balyuzi
is found in váhid VI: báb 11, as rendered into French by A.L.M. Nicolas as follows:

"Le resume de la onzieme porte: Dis: "O Mahommed, mon professeur, ne me tourmente pas, ne
me frappe pas avant que je ne sois arrive a l'age de cinq ans: d'aucune facon ne me chatie, pas
meme avec un de tes regards, car mon coeur est tres debile! Et apres que j'aurai eu mes cinq ans,
quand tu veux me frapper, ne me fais pas sortir de la decence.
"Quand tu veux me frapper, ne me frappe pas de plus de cinq coups. Ne frappe pas avec le baton
sur ma chair: mets quelque chose entre elle et lui.
"Si tu outrepasses cet ordre, ta femme t'est interdite dix-neuf jours, meme si tu as oublie cet ordre
en agissant comme tu l'as fait.
"Si tu n'as pas de femme, pour punition, tu dois donner dix-neuf miscals d'or a celui qu tu as frappe,
si tu es des croyants. Et quand tu frappes, ne frappe que legerement.
"Quand tu fais asseoir les enfants, fais-les asseoir sur des sieges ou des chaises ou des canapes: car le
temps qu'ils sont assis sur leurs chaises, ne compte pas dans leur vie.
"Permets aux enfants, ce qui leur est agreable (les jeux, etc.), et apprends-moi le chikeste, car cette
ecriture est celle qui est aimee de Dieu..." ("Le Beyan Arabe," Paris:1905, pp. 162-163)

Balyuzi (p. 231) translated the first verse of this passage into English:

"Say O Muhammad , My teacher, do not beat me ere my years have gone beyond five."
A translation of the entire passage from the French of Nicolas is attempted here:

"The summary of the eleventh door [báb]: Say: 'O Muhammad, my teacher, do not torment me,
do not strike me before I reach the age of five years; do not chastise me in any way, even with one
of your glances, for my heart is very tender! And after I will have reached five years of age, when
you wish to strike me, do not do so beyond the bounds of decency.
"'When you wish to strike me, do not strike me with more than five blows. Do not strike my flesh
with the rod: place something between the two.
"'If you should exceed this ordinance, your wife is forbidden to you for nineteen days, even if you
forgot about this commandment in acting that way.
"'If you do not have a wife, your punishment is to give nineteen misqals of gold to the one you have
struck, if you are among the believers. And when you strike, do not strike except lightly.
"'When you make children sit, have them sit upon benches or chairs or couches: for the time that
they are seated upon their chairs does not count as part of their lives.
"'Permit children what is enjoyable to them (games, etc.), and teach me shikaste, for this script is
beloved of God…'" ("Le Beyan Arabe," Paris:1905, pp. 162-163)

Amanat gives the Báb's teacher these titles: Shaykh 'Ábid, Shaykh-i Anám, Shaykh-i Mu'allim and Shaykh
Zaynu'l-'Ábidín (Amanat, p.113, n.13). Amanat (p. 113, n. 17) also cites AFNAN (p. 4) to the effect that
A Prophet in Modern Times 21

Shaykh 'Ábid was a follower of the Shaykhí school, a sympathy he seems to have had in common with the
Báb's family (Amanat, pp. 113). At Shaykh 'Ábid's maktab (Qur'anic primary school) the Báb received an
elementary education in the fundamentals of the Persian and Arabic languages (Amanat, p. 113). The
Muslim chronicler 'Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, in "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" ("Book of False Prophets"
henceforth referred to as I'TIDAD) — a manuscript history often cited by Nicolas, part of which was
incorporated into "Fitna-yi Báb" by 'Abdu'l-Husayn Navá'í (published in Tihrán, 1972; cited by Amanat, p.
446; MacEoin, p. 253) — states that the Báb learned the "Persian sciences" but "only the elements of
Arabic" (translated by Nicolas, p. 199, n. 144). SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39) also states, "in his youth, he was
occupied with learning Persian and the elements of Arabic" (translated by Nicolas, p. 201, n. 147; cited
Amanat, p. 114, n. 21). The schooling and childhood of the Báb are described by ZARANDI (pp. 75-76),
by AFNAN (pp. 6-10), and by KASHF (pp. 83-84). All of these sources and the witnesses they cite report
that the Báb was gifted with a rare, remarkable and precocious understanding of religious matters, as well as
an extraordinary piety. Amanat (pp.113-121), and Balyuzi (pp.34-39) have described the childhood of the
Báb in considerable detail, and Stephen Lambden refers to the schooling of the Báb in an article entitled
'An Episode in the Childhood of the Báb' (published in "Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History, Volume Three,
In Írán," edited by Peter Smith, Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1986, pp. 1-31).

Mullá 'Abd al-Rahím Qazvíní, cited in Fádil-i-Mázindarání's "Zuhúr al-haqq" (vol. III, p. 172) [henceforth,
ZUHUR], reported that when the Báb was about fifteen years old (circa 1250/1834), his uncle arranged for
him to study under Mullá 'Abdu'l-Kháliq Yazdí (cited Amanat, p. 116, n. 38). Amanat (Ibid.) states that the
Báb alluded to his study with this teacher, however he does not cite any source for this statement. Mullá
Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Bárfurúshí (Amanat, pp. 116, 182), also called . Mullá Muhammad
Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Mázindarání (Amanat, p. 459) was a Shaykhí teacher with whom Hájí Mullá
Muhammad-'Alí Bárfurúshí (Quddús) studied prior to becoming the student of Siyyid Kázim (Amanat, pp.
100-101), and he was ultimately to be pro-Bábí (Amanat, p. 328). He alleged that the Báb did not study
Arabic grammar beyond two rudimentary texts: 1)"al-Bahjat al-Mardíya fí Sharh al-Alfíya," by Jalál al-Dín
Suyútí, a much-read commentary on the Arabic grammatical treatise by Ibn Málik called "al-Alfíya"; and
2)Háshiya of Mullá 'Abdu'lláh Yazdí, a marginal gloss on "Tahdhíb al-Mantiq wa'l-Kalám," by Sa'd al-Dín
Taftázání, a standard work on logic — both of which were part of the elementary curriculum in Írán during
the nineteenth century. Amanat cites Sharí'atmadár's "Asrár al-Shaháda" quoted in 'Abdu'l-Karím
Sharí'atmadáríyán's "Sharh-i Zindigí (manuscript, p. 15) [henceforth, HAMZIH] as his source for this
information (Amanat, p. 116, n. 39). One manuscript of this history is known to exist (MacEoin, pp. 165,
216). ZUHUR (p. 437) independently confirms these details (Amanat, p. 116, n. 39).

(9)Nicolas is the only account of the Báb's life which mentions his authoring "Risála al-fiqhíyyih" (or any

other book) at the age of nineteen. He does not cite his source for this information, as has been noted by
MacEoin (p. 43). However, Nicolas does allege that Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání (whom he assumed to be the
author of KAF), reported that the Báb was eighteen when he authored "Risála al-fiqhíyyih" (Nicolas, p. 189,
n. 131). While AFNAN does not refer to this treatise by name, he does report Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbilá'í's
visit to Bushíhr during this period (Balyuzi, pp. 39-40). He states that when the Báb's uncle asked his friend
to advise his nephew to stop writing, arguing that it was in danger of provoking difficulties, Karbilá'í
declined to do so (Ibid.). As to the accuracy of KAF, an extensive discussion of the authorship of this book in
its various versions is found in "Kashf al-Ghitá Hiyal al-A'dá," left incomplete upon his death by Mírzá
Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání and prepared for publication by his nephew Siyyid Mahdí Gulpáygání (earlier cited
as KASHF). A condensed study of the manuscripts of this book is found in MacEoin’s "Sources for Early
Bábí Doctrine and History" (pp. 131-161, 211-215). Brief remarks on the subject are also found in Amanat
(pp. 423-424) and H.M. Balyuzi, "Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá'í Faith" (London:1970, passim.).

(10)The Shí'í orthodoxy to which Nicolas refers here is more specifically the clerical community associated

with the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í denomination, then (and still) the predominant variant of Islam in all Persian-
speaking realms. This denomination recognizes a series of twelve men as the spiritual successors (called
Imáms) to the Prophet Muhammad . This denomination generally rejects the leadership of the caliphs (from
Arabic "khalíf"), whose authority is attested by all Sunní Muslims. The twelve Imáms are as follows ("The
Dawn-breakers," pp. lii-liii): 1)'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, the first cousin, son-in-law and first disciple of
A Prophet in Modern Times 22

It is probable that this work was written in Búshihr, inasmuch as beginning at age eighteen or
nineteen he was employed in that city, by his [guardian] uncle, to meet the needs of the latter’s
commercial enterprise(11).

The Muslim and Bábí historians are in agreement concerning the sojourn of our hero in the great
port of the Persian Gulf. They both insist upon the religious ardor which animated the young
Siyyid, impelling him to inflict austerities(12) upon himself, such as are required by certain mystical

Muhammad, assassinated 40/661; 2)Hasan, eldest son of 'Alí and Fátimih, daughter of the Prophet
Muhammad, poisoned 50/670; 3)Husayn, second son of 'Alí and Fátimih, killed in battle 61/680; 4)'Alí,
called Zaynu'l-'Ábidín, son of Husayn and Shahribánú, poisoned; 5)Muhammad Báqir, son of Zaynu'l-
'Ábidín and Umm-i-'Abdu'lláh, daughter of the Imám Hasan (2), poisoned; 6)Ja'far as-Sádiq, son of
Muhammad Báqir, poisoned; 7)Músá Kázim, son of Ja'far as-Sádiq, poisoned 183 A.H.; 8)'Alí ibn-Músa'r-
Ridá, called Imám Ridá, poisoned 203 A.H.; 9)Muhammad Taqí, son of Imám Ridá, poisoned 220 A.H.;
10)'Alí Naqí, son of Muhammad Taqí, poisoned 254 A.H.; 11)Hasan 'Askarí, son of 'Alí Naqí, poisoned 260
A.H.; 12)Muhammad, son of Hasan 'Askarí and Nargis Khátún, called Imám Mahdí, Hujjatu'lláh (Proof of
God), Baqíyyatu'lláh (Remnant of God) and Qá'im-i-Ahl-i-Muhammad (He Who shall arise from the family
of Muhammad), disappeared 260 A.H. It should be noted that the Imáms represented the family of
Muhammad, inasmuch as 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib was his first cousin, his son-in-law, his de facto brother (when
Muhammad was informally adopted by his uncle Hájí Abú Tálib), in loco parentis for many years, as
Muhammad took care of 'Alí from the age of ten, in order to assist his aging uncle. Muhammad had four
daughters and no sons, and only one of his daughters survived into maturity. Fátimih was her name, and
she and 'Alí had two sons, Hasan and Husayn, the only male descendants of Muhammad. This is why the
twelfth Imám, and hence the Imám Mahdí is called Qá'im-i-Ahl-i- Muhammad (he who shall arise from the
family of Muhammad).

(11)"The Dawn-Breakers" (p. 77, n.1) cites "Mírzá Jání's History" from Appendix II of JADID (pp. 343-344),

which states that the Báb left Shíráz for Bushíhr at seventeen years of age, remaining there for five years
engaged in commerce. "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 76, n.1), Amanat (p. 121, n. 67) and Balyuzi (p. 41) cite
MU'IN to the effect that the Báb did not establish himself independently as a merchant until he turned
twenty. This is confirmed by the notes of Abu'l-Qasim ibn Habibu'llah Afnan Ala'i [NOTES] (cited
Amanat, p. 121, n. 67; published version, p. 38). AFNAN reported that the Báb joined Hájí Mírzá Siyyid
'Alí, his uncle, in business when he reached fifteen years of age, the Islamic age of maturity, and that soon
thereafter he moved to Bushíhr (cited Balyuzi, p. 39). Balyuzi (p. 39) affirmed that extant commercial
accounts written in the hand of the Báb prove that he left Shíráz for Bushíhr when he was nearly sixteen
years old. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 37-38) indicated that subsequent to the passing of the Báb's maternal
grandfather, Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Husayn, in 1250 A.H., his sons gathered and resolved to do business
in concert with one another. In 1250 A.H. the Báb was fifteen years old, inasmuch as it has been established
(see note (1) this Chapter) that he was born in 1235 A.H., and declared his prophethood at the age of
twenty-five years, in 1260 A.H. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) writes that the Báb moved to Bushíhr when he
was fifteen years old and stayed there for five years doing business, and cites a prayer revealed in Chihríq by
the Báb (p. 53) in which these very facts are stated. The same author (p. 43) alike affirms that the Báb left
Bushíhr and traveled for the first time to the 'Atabát, in 1257 A.H. It is possible that the Báb may have
departed for Bushíhr at age fifteen, but returned to Shíráz for a time, and then departed again when he was
closer to seventeen. It is also possible that he may have been calculating his five years in Bushíhr from the
time he arrived for the second time in that city, perhaps at the age of seventeen. In this case, he would have
been twenty-two when he returned to Shíráz (the second time) and this would seem to agree with the date of
his marriage certificate [see note (30)]. The age of the Báb when he left for Bushíhr and when he returned to
Shíráz are therefore still under investigation by historians. For further discussion of these dates, please see
note (15).

Nicolas cites here the text of I'TIDAD: "Under the inspiration of the demon, and without much sense, he
precipitated himself, contrary to the laws of Muhammad and of religion, into severe mortifications so as to
A Prophet in Modern Times 23

orders. The Muslims affirm that he exposed himself for long hours with uncovered head to the
brilliant rays of the sun of these regions(13) — which, according to certain Súfís, will convey to one
the knowledge of the secrets of God — so much so that finally his mind degenerated(14).

Tradition reports that his sojourn there was short(15), for he could not bear the climate: he
remained there but one year, and returned to Shíráz, always preoccupied with religious
meditations.

After some repose, he wished, as every good Shí'í must, to take part in the famous pilgrimage to
Karbilá, and to accomplish there the numerous and complicated rituals which accompanied visits
to the tombs of the holy Imáms(16).

acquire a little glory. It is said that he lived in Bushíhr, where it is excessively hot, and that in order to perfect
himself, he ascended the roof terrace of his house, exposing his bare head to the sun and reciting there
certain prayers, which resulted in his health and his intelligence being altered." See Amanat (p. 133) for an
alternative translation of the same passage from I'TIDAD. Sepehr Manuchehri points out that this
allegation was made by the 'ulamá' during the trial of the Báb in Tabríz, and that it was in order to claim
that the Báb had gone "mad" and that this had been the cause of him advancing prophetic claims. He
further notes that is highly unlikely that the Báb would have behaved in this fashion, inasmuch as the
exposure of one's head was considered to be indecent, shameful and inexcusable.

(13)Nicolas and Balyuzi (p. 40) note that this assertion was contradicted by Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání's history.

The only version of this history with which Nicolas was familiar was KAF. Balyuzi does not indicate which
version of this history he is citing in this regard. ZARANDI reports the very same phenomenon, but does
not give it the same interpretation as I'TIDAD; he in particular notes the Báb's meditation and worship
from dawn until sunrise and from midday until late in the afternoon on Fridays, the Muslim day of rest (pp.
77-79). These reports of the Báb's spiritual exercises in Bushíhr are cited in Balyuzi (p. 40) and Amanat (pp.
133-135).

(14)Nicolas notes: "It is not remarkable that this accusation of madness was directed against him by Muslims,

who were inflexible because of the respect that his title of Siyyid inspired in them. A descendant of the
Prophet can be mad — deeply mysteriously and perhaps divinely so — but it is inadmissible that he would
willingly engage in imposture or blasphemy. It is unnecessary to say here that the Báb was not mad: his
work demonstrates this super-abundantly."

(15)Nicolas cited the statement of Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání (actually KAF) that the Báb sojourned in Bushíhr

for five years. Shoghi Effendi (p.77,n.1) likewise cited "Mírzá Jání's History" from Appendix II of JADID
(pp.343-344), which states that the Báb left Shíráz for Bushíhr at seventeen years of age, remaining there for
five years engaged in commerce. The Báb, in a letter written in Chihríq (1265/1849), cited in Murtadá
Mudarrisí Chahárdihí [henceforth, MURTADA], "Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh,
Ijtimá'" (Tihrán:1972, pp. 305-307), confirms that he spent five years in Bushíhr (cited Amanat, p. 136, n.
141). Balyuzi (p. 39) and Amanat (pp. 121,123) cite commercial accounts in the hand of the Báb which
indicate that he resided in Bushíhr during the period 1250/1835-1256/1840, a period of six years. AFNAN
stated that the Báb's sojourn in Bushíhr lasted for six years (Balyuzi, p. 41). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) states
that the Báb resided in Bushíhr for five years, and cites a prayer of the Báb revealed in Chihríq (p. 53) in
which the Báb himself testifies to this. Balyuzi relates a few events of the Báb's life in Bushíhr (pp. 39-41),
while Amanat describes his residence there in some detail (pp. 121-135).

(16)The holy cities of 'Iráq, called the 'Atabát, to which Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims make pilgrimages, are, as

cited by Balyuzi (p. 41): 1)Najaf, site of the tomb of the first Imám, 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, cousin of the Prophet
Muhammad and husband of his daughter Fátimih; 2)Karbilá, site of the tomb of the third Imám, Husayn
ibn 'Alí; 3)Kázimayn, near to Baghdád, site of the tombs of the seventh Imám, Músá al-Kázim, and the
ninth Imám, Muhammad al-Taqí; and 4)Samarra, where the tombs of the tenth Imám, 'Alí al-Naqí, and
A Prophet in Modern Times 24

Mullá Sádiq, who was later to receive the title Muqaddas Khurásání(17) was found at this time
frequenting the holy places—and this is how he describes his [earliest] meetings with the young
Siyyid:

"One day I entered into the mosque of the confessor of the Faith and I saw there a young
man absorbed in profound meditation. His attitude was such, his piety so evident and so
manifest, the tears which flowed from his eyes so sincere, that I felt myself invincibly
attracted to him. Not wishing to interrupt him in his devotions, I seated myself in a corner
and awaited the conclusion of his prayers. The more I looked at him, the more I was
conquered by his noble air, his modest countenance and something I cannot describe that
seemed to be emitted from his entire person.

the eleventh Imám, Hasan al-'Askarí are situated. Thus, by visiting these four cities, the Shí'í pilgrim could
pray near the holy shrines of six of the twelve Imáms.

(17)Mullá Sádiq, whose full name was Ákhúnd Mullá Sádiq Muqaddas Khurásání, an associate of the Báb

in Shíráz and Karbilá who became a Bábí, preached the arrival of the Qá'im from the pulpit of more than
one mosque, and then fought at and survived the debacle at Shaykh Tabarsí. He recognized Bahá'u'lláh as
"He Whom God will manifest" promised by the Báb, and Bahá'u'lláh named him "Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq" (the
Most Holy Name of God). Mullá Sádiq convinced Hakím Masíh, a doctor residing in Hamadan, and the
first Bábí and later Bahá'í of Jewish heritage, to become a believer. These particulars are found in Balyuzi
(pp. 51, 78, 165, 239) and Amanat (pp. 136-139, 146, 151, 236n, 255, 260, 262-264, 286, 288-289, 311n,
315n). Mullá Sádiq is listed as among the teachers of the Bábí Cause, and as having endured tortures for his
new Faith, in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 5, 6). Other references to his life are found in ZARANDI (pp. 100-101,
142-150, 179-180, 183-187); in Muhammad 'Alí Malik Khusraví, "Táríkh-i Shuhadá-yi Amr" (Tihrán,
1972, vol. II, p. 50)[henceforth, KHUSRAVI]; in AFNAN (pp. 17-19,34-36); in AHMAD (pp. 451-452;
cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 282); in MU'IN (pp. 67-69); in JADID (pp. 40-42,201-202); in Shaykh Kázim
Samandar, "Táríkh-i Samandar" (Tihrán, 1974-1975, pp. 163-164, 176) [henceforth, SAMANDAR]; in al-
Qatíl ibn al-Karbilá'í (published as appendix to vol. III, ZUHUR, pp. 521) [henceforth, QATIL]; in Hasan
Fu'ádí Bushrú'í, "Manázhir-i Táríkhi-yi nahdat-i amr-i Bahá'í dar Khurásán" (pp. 86-99) [henceforth,
FU'ADI], using notes written by Mullá Sádiq's son, Ibn Asdaq; in MU'IN (p. 66-67); in ZUHUR (vol. III, p.
151,398-405); and in Mírzá Yahyá, "Mujmal-i badi' dar waqayi-i zuhur-i mani'," translated by Browne as
"A Succinct Account of the Bábí Movement Written by Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azel" [henceforth, YAHYA],
and published as Appendix III (pp. 2-26,397-419) to his edition of JADID. This last-named source is cited
by Amanat (p. 236, n. 184), because it is the only historical account which claims that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí,
rather than Mullá Sádiq Khurásání, was known as Muqaddas Khurásání. MacEoin ("Sources") does not
cite any extant writings of Mullá Sádiq Khurásání. However, Mullá Sádiq's autobiography was preserved
by his son, Ibn Asdaq (Amanat, p. 136, n. 134), and his eye-witness account of his meeting with the Báb is
also found in KHUSRAVI (vol. II, p. 50), quoting Ibn Asdaq. It appears that Nicolas had access to Mullá
Sádiq’s autobiography. Finally, there is the short biography of Mullá Sádiq, written by 'Abdu'l-Baha, and
included in his "Tadhkirat al-Wafá' fí Tarjamat Hayát Qudamá' al-Ahibbá'" (Haifa:1924), translated into
English by Marzieh Gail, the daughter of 'Alí Qulí-Khán, and published with the title "Memorials of the
Faithful" (Wilmette:1971). In that biography "Memorials of the Faithful," pp. 5-8), this leading Bábí was
called "Mullá Sádiq" (p. 5) and "Jináb-i-Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq" (p. 5). In it 'Abdu'l-Bahá, after having reported
details of Mullá Sádiq’s services to the Bábí Cause, writes that Ismu'lláh'ul-Asdaq visited Bahá'u'lláh in
Baghdád and again in 'Akká, implying that he recognized Bahá'u'lláh as "He Whom God shall make
manifest" promised by the Báb (pp. 7-8). He and Táhirih are the only eminent Bábís who are included in
“Memorials of the Faithful”.
A Prophet in Modern Times 25

"He exited finally, and I followed him; a domestic servant, whom I found out later was
called Mubárak(18), put on his shoes and together they departed without my being able —
restrained by some unaccountable bashfulness — to question them.

"But I had noticed the hour, and I resolved to return the following day at the same hour in
order to prepare myself for another meeting.

"I found him again, just as I had hoped, immersed in his pious meditation, and the
impression which he produced in me was even stronger than that which I had felt the
previous day.

"When he had finished, I approached and asked him, 'I wish to speak with you.' But he did
not reply to me except with a sign which I interpreted as a refusal.(19)

"Ashamed at such a reception, I exited the sacred confines at the same time as he; but as
soon as we were outside its limits, he summoned me and asked me to excuse him for
having not responded to my request, inasmuch as he considered the mosque as a place too
sacred for one to even think [let alone speak] about anything other than God.

"He said this in a manner so affable and so courteous that I was once more altogether
conquered, and forgetting the slight resentment which had, for one instant, entered into
my heart, I asked him, as my fellow countryman and pilgrim, to grant me the honor of
visiting my home one Friday. 'On that day,' I said to him, 'our saintly professor, Siyyid
Kázim Rashtí(20), honors my house with his presence and I will be very happy for you to
hear him.'

(18)Mubárak (Balyuzi, p. 49, 57, 71; Amanat, p. 241), was the Ethiopian (ZARANDI, pp. 53, 62, 66, 68, 96,

129, 133; Balyuzi, pp. 17, 49, 57, 84) or Abyssinian (Amanat, pp. 166-167, 241) servant of the Báb. He is
mentioned in ZARANDI (p. 53), in connection with welcoming Mullá Husayn into the home of the Báb in
Shíráz, just prior to sunset on 4 Jumáda al-Úlá 1260; serving food to the Báb and Mullá Husayn at the third
hour after sunset, on 5 Jumáda al-Úlá (p. 62); on several occasions summoning Mullá Husayn from the
mosque [masjid] where he was staying to the Báb's house where he would spend the night as the Báb
revealed verses (p. 66); greeting Mullá Husayn and Mullá 'Alíy-i-Bastámí after the latter's vision enables him
to recognize the Báb (p. 68); accompanying the Báb and his amanuensis, Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí
(Quddús) (p. 96, 129) on pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, during which pilgrimage the Báb sacrificed
three lambs in his name (p. 133). AHMAD (p. 448n) gives a different account of Mullá Husayn's meeting
with the Báb, in which his Abyssinian servant (unnamed) approaches the traveler, and guides him to the
Gumruk caravanserai, where he meets the Báb and begins their conversation, thereafter moving to his
house (Amanat, pp. 166-167, n. 93). AFNAN (p. 37) also reported that Quddús and Mubárak accompanied
the Báb on pilgrimage (cited Amanat, p. 241, n. 210).

(19)It should be noted that in FAYDI's version of Mullá Sádiq's second encounter with the Báb (p. 87), Mullá

Sádiq is not shown a sign to depart, but rather he leaves entirely of his own accord and out of respect for the
Báb, in order not to disturb his meditations. According to FAYDI, Mullá Sádiq described his state, in
Persian, "natavanestam harf-i bi-zanam," which might be rendered "I was unable to utter any words."

(20)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (1211/1795-1259/1844) was the leading disciple of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í [see

footnote (25)], and his chosen successor as head of the Shaykhí school of theology. He assumed leadership of
the school from 1241/1825 until his death in 1259/1844. There is a vast bibliography associated with
Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. To understand the association of the Siyyid with the Báb and his followers, the reader
may consult ZARANDI (pp. 9, 11-19, 22, 24-39, 41-48, 50, 52, 56-57, 59, 70-72, 75, 83, 84, 97, 100, 102-
104, 125, 134, 156, 163-167, 177-178, 189, 235, 263-264, 269- 270, 316, 383, 405, 414-415, 423, 426, 437-
A Prophet in Modern Times 26

"'What greater happiness and joy is his who takes his place at a gathering than to hear
mentioned the most exalted light of God!'(21) He replied.

"This encounter took place on a Tuesday. The following Friday, Siyyid Kázim came to my
house, as was his practice, accompanied by all of his students. Prayers had already begun,
and we had heard a sermon spoken from the height of the pulpit by Mullá Muhammad
Báqir(22). Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í(23) had followed him; he elaborated from the same exalted

438, 453, 614); Balyuzi (pp. 2-6); and Amanat (pp. 56-62, 65-69, 102, 138n, 139, 141, 146, 154-155, 157-
162, 180-181, 212, 217-218, 222, 226-227, 245, 306, 430). An excellent overview of his life and teachings is
found in A.L.M. Nicolas, "Essay sur le Shaykhísme," tome II: "Seyyed Kazem Rechti," Paris: 1911. For the
date of his death, please see footnote (57).

(21)Nicolas directs his reader to see Note C (pp. 453-454), in which he cites a Persian text of unidentified

origin that is transliterated as follows: "zahí sa'ádat va-zahí sharáfat kih insán va-rúd kand dar majlís kih dar
án majlís dhikr núr alláh al-a'zam bishúd" and which Nicolas explains in these words: "'This highest light of
God is Husayn' — these then are the insights of Rashtí on the martyr of Karbilá, who is called the
'musibete'." Apparently, Nicolas had reason to believe that Siyyid Kázim Rashtí referred to the Imám
Husayn in this manner. Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) noted that the Báb often referred to the Imám
Husayn as "núr alláh al-a'zam", and that Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims, that is, most Persian Muslims, usually
use the term "Musíbat" for the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn in Karbilá. Steingass (p. 1255, Manshiram
Manoharlal Publishers edition, New Delhi, 2000) translates as "misfortune, disaster, calamity, affliction")
She translates the Persian text cited in Note C with the following: "It is a great honor and an ebullient joy to
arrive in a gathering wherein mention of the highest light of God [Husayn] is being made."

(22)Mullá Muhammad Báqir, also called Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 381-396, 398, 400-401,

403; Balyuzi, p. 26), was a nephew of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í (Balyuzi, p. 26). He must be distinguished
from Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí [see (53)], who is also called Mullá Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 504-505). He is listed
by ZARANDI (p. 80), as Muhammad-Báqir, among the "Hurúf-i-Hayy" (Letters of the Living), the first
eighteen disciples appointed by the Báb, along with Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (p. 80). Amanat calls this Letter of
the Living by his city of origin, Muhammad-Báqir Bushrú'í (p. 179) and Mullá Muhammad Báqir Bushrú'í
(p. 176). Not mentioned by Nicolas, but also listed among the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80;
Balyuzi, p. 26; Amanat, pp. 176, 179) is the brother of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and the uncle of Mullá
Muhammad Báqir Bushrú'í, named Muhammad-Hasan (ZARANDI, p. 80), Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan-i-
Bushrú'í (Balyuzi, p. 26), Mullá Hasan Bushrú'í (Amanat, p. 163), Mullá Muhammad Hasan (Amanat, p.
176), and Hasan Bushrú'í (Amanat, p. 179). MacEoin does not cite any extant writings authored by either
the nephew or the brother of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í.

(23)Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, called "Bábu'l-Báb" (Gate of the Gate) by the Báb himself (ZARANDI, pp. 63;

Balyuzi, p. 21, 26; Amanat, p. 156, 172, 256; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 66), and appointed first Letter of the
Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 26; Amanat, p. 175), was the first one to believe in the Báb's divine
mission (ZARANDI, p. 63; Balyuzi, p. 21-22; Amanat, p. 172), and subsequently one of the most active
teachers of his Cause. His discipleship in the Shaykhí school, under the tutelage of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí is
described in ZARANDI (pp. 20-24); in Balyuzi (pp. 4, 7, 13, 15-16); and in Amanat (136n, 155-166).
'ABDU'L-BAHA listed Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í as the first in a list of Bábí teachers who spread the Bábí
Cause throughout Persia; as humble before Quddús (p. 19); and as courageously defending the Bábís at
Shaykh Tabarsí until he was mortally wounded (pp. 22-24). There is much information about Mullá
Husayn Bushrú'í in these sources (ZARANDI, pp. 19-22, 24, 47-49, 51-52, 85, 55-57, 59, 61-63, 66-71, 80-
82, 85, 87, 92-94, 96-100, 103-108, 123, 125-129, 157-162, 170, 183, 240, 253-267, 288-291, 324-345, 347-
349, 351-359, 361, 363, 365-368, 377-387, 390, 397, 400, 405, 407, 413, 415, 430-432, 437-439, 449);
Balyuzi, pp. 12-26, 48-57, 102, 131, 149, 150, 166, 168, 170-175; and Amanat, pp. 157, 160-161, 163-182,
200, 248, 255-256, 260-286, 325, 361, 365, 379, 393). Also, in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," A.L.M.
Nicolas refers to Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í in Chapter V, and the entirety of Chapter II is devoted to "Molla
A Prophet in Modern Times 27

pulpit a commentary on the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn. Just then Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad entered.

"I was very surprised to see Siyyid Kázim Rashtí rise as soon as he perceived the one who
had entered. All of his students naturally imitated him. This is a rather common sign of
politeness in Persia, but one must pay close attention to the fact that this usage was
contrary to the habits of the master, who, during sermons, paid not the least attention to
new arrivals, even if they were among the most highly placed and the most powerful of
persons.

"Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í himself was troubled, and interrupted his sermon." He who
inspired such a strange emotion did not seem to have noticed it, and seated himself
modestly near the door of the room(24).

"Siyyid Kázim invited him to seat himself in a more elevated place, but the young man
refused and remained seated in the location he had chosen.

"Once the disturbance was calmed, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí directed Mullá Husayn to recite
certain verses of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í(25). He obeyed, and these verses caused Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad to weep. His emotion affected the entire room, and all were moved to tears.

Houssein Bouchrouyehi le Báb-el-Báb". Furthermore, Ruhu'llah Mehrabkhani has written a full-length
biography of this Letter of the Living, entitled "Mullá Husayn: Disciple at Dawn" (Los Angeles: Kalimat
Press, 1987). Amanat (pp. 156, 429) and MacEoin (pp. 117-118) mention that some writings by Mullá
Husayn Bushrú'í have survived, including an Arabic treatise (partially reproduced in ZUHUR, pp. 136-139)
and a collection of traditions (hadíth) related to the appearance of the Qá'im, of which there are two
manuscripts known to exist.
(24)Nicolas notes: "Áqá Jání, whose zeal sometimes carries him away, states that Siyyid Kázim sensed in

Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad the awaited Master. Also, according to him, the sojourn of our hero in Karbilá was
intended to be three months in length, but he remained for a year to visit all the pilgrimage sites." Nicolas is
of course referring to Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, whom he supposes to be the author of KAF. ZARANDI
(pp. 25-28) reproduces Shaykh Hasan-i-Zúnúzí's eye-witness account of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's paying a visit
to the Báb, apparently shortly after the latter arrived in Karbilá. This account is reproduced verbatim in
Balyuzi (pp. 42-44) but not mentioned by Amanat. If Siyyid Kázim visited the Báb shortly after his arrival,
then it seems likely that the Báb visited Siyyid Kázim's class, at the invitation of Mullá Sádiq, sometime
thereafter, as indicated in his autobiography (see Nicolas' text). Hence, if Siyyid Kázim was already
predisposed to consider the Báb a person of high merit (and particularly if he sensed in the Báb the
unmanifested Qá'im, as Shaykh Hasan-i-Zúnúzí and Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání have independently
reported), it is not surprising that he should have interrupted his lecture and stood up to honor the arrival of
the Báb at one of his lectures. Indeed, Mullá Sádiq remarks that Siyyid Kázim did not, prior to this event,
interrupt his lectures or stand for anyone, including the most powerful and exalted of persons. He found this
act therefore to be most unusual, but he did not suspect at that time that his professor sensed the divine
mission of the Báb, nor does he indicate that he himself suspected any such mission at that time. If, as seems
most likely, the Báb discontinued his commercial operations in Bushíhr towards the end of 1256/1840 or at
the beginning of 1257/1841 (Amanat, p. 136), then he must have arrived in the 'Atabát early in 1257/1841.
FADL reported that the Báb arrived there in spring 1841 (Balyuzi, p. 41). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan writes that
the Báb went to the 'Atabát in 1257 A.H. (p. 43). According to a letter written by the Báb in Chihríq
(1265/1849), reproduced in MURTADA, he spent a year in the 'Atabát, eight months in Karbilá and three
months in various other places (cited in Amanat, p. 136, n. 141). AFNAN (p. 15) asserted that the Báb's
sojourn in the 'Atabát (holy places) lasted eleven months (cited Balyuzi, p. 41; Amanat, p. 136). This account
also agrees with KAF (cited by Nicolas in this note).
A Prophet in Modern Times 28

"The devotional exercises having ended, tea and sherbet(26) were brought for the assembled
students, but Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad declined to take anything at all.

"Finally Siyyid Kázim left to return to his home, followed by the whole assembly. We
remained alone, the young Shírázi and I. I asked him then to seat himself in a place more
worthy of his rank; he arose, and without hesitation, went to sit in the place which Siyyid
Kázim had occupied. I then talked with him for a long time. Wishing to make of him a
Shaykhí recruit, I spoke to him of the doctrine of our two Masters(27): I endeavored to

(25)Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í, the founder of the Shaykhí school, is stated by ZARANDI (p. 18) to have died in

the year 1242 A.H. (which is equivalent to 1826 A.D.) at the age of eighty-one (therefore positing a birth-
date in 1161/1745. Shaykh Ahmad's dates are given by Amanat (p. 48) as 1166/1756-1241/1825 and by
Balyuzi (p. 1) as 1743-1826. Shaykh Ahmad, his teachings and writings are discussed briefly in Balyuzi (pp.
1-2), and more extensively in ZARANDI (pp. 1-22, 50, 59, 65, 70, 75, 83, 84, 97, 101-104, 134, 140-141,
156, 177, 201, 264, 276-278, 405, 438), and Amanat (pp. 44, 45, 48-60, 62-64, 79, 97n, 103, 116, 132, 145,
160, 163, 275-276, 282, 285). For a detailed consideration of Shaykh Ahmad, the reader is referred to
"Essai sur le Cheikhisme," by A.L.M. Nicolas, tome I: "Cheikh Ahmad Lahcahi" (Paris:1910). Also, tome
III: "La Doctrine" (Paris:1911) and tome IV: "La Science de Dieu" (Paris:1911) may contribute to this
subject. Also, the doctoral dissertations of Vahid Ra'fati (U.C.L.A.), Shaykh Harawi (S.U.N.Y. Purchase)
and Aflatun Jalali (University of Manchester) contain important contributions to Western academic
knowledge about this movement.

(26)According to Sepehr Manuchehri, Persian "sherbet" is defined in a standard Persian dictionary and

encylopedia ('Alí-Akbar Dehkhoda, "Loghat-námeh," Tihrán:1333 Shamsí) as a light, cool and mildly
sweet refreshment available in a range of flavors that is served by Persian families to their visitors on hot
summer days. Usually the visitor is given a choice — to cool down with a sherbet or to unwind with a
dark tea.

(27)The "two Masters" referred to are Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. The translator

has moved Nicolas' original footnote, in order to provide in its place a short biographical note for
Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í at the first appearance of his name. With regard to the question of whether and if
so to what degree the Báb may have joined the scholars of the Shaykhí school in Karbilá, Nicolas quotes
SIPIHR: "The Báb understood little of the lessons of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, and enrolled himself among
the disciples of Shaykh Ahmad." Amanat translates the same passage in SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39)
somewhat differently: "he attended the teaching circle of Sayyid Kázim Rashtí...and benefitted from his
words, and followed the path of Shaykh Ahmad…" (Amanat, p. 139, n. 160). Nicolas then cites
TUNKABUNI: "And every day he took part in the classes of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí; he spent two years in
this way." Amanat (p. 140) cites Browne's translation ("Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," vol. XXII,
July 1889, p. 894) of this passage from TUNKABUNI (p. 59): "Mír 'Alí Muhammad also used to come
to his lectures, and had with him pen and ink-stand, and whatever Sayyid Kázim said, of moist and dry,
he used to write down in the same lecture." Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání, wrote in 1845, in
"Izháq al-Bátil" (p. 104): "For a while he remained in the service of Sayyid [Rashtí], but due to the
immense glory and loftiness of our center of faith and the protector of the splendid sharí'a, he was not
then able to reveal what he had in his heart..." (translated in Amanat, p. 140). KAF indicates that the
Báb occasionally attended the lectures of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (cited Amanat, p. 140). QATIL (p. 529),
who was himself a student of Siyyid Kázim for ten years before becoming a Bábí, wrote in reply to
Kirmání's attacks, that the Báb attended Siyyid Kázim's lectures three times — once at the beginning,
once in the middle and once towards the end of his period in Karbilá (cited Amanat, pp. 140-141).
QATIL (p. 529) likewise reported that he never heard the Báb mention any of the religious sciences
while in Karbilá (Amanat, p. 141, n. 167). Mullá Ja'far Qazvíní, in his historical account published in
"Táríkh-i Samandar va Mulhaqqát" (Tihrán:1975, pp. 446-500) [henceforth, QASVINI], a student of
Siyyid Kázim and later a Bábí, also stated that he met the Báb three times in Siyyid Kázim's lectures
A Prophet in Modern Times 29

convince him and to attract him to our sect, but he did not reply. Finally, he got up, took
leave, and departed.

"Three days passed at the end of which I encountered the young Siyyid once more at the
tomb of the Imám Husayn. This time, it was he who addressed me. 'My uncle(28) has just
arrived,' he said to me, 'will you not come to see him?'

"I went there near evening, I found there many people, all of our countrymen having
come, following the custom, to visit a new arrival.

"His Honor Siyyid 'Alí had me sit next to him while his nephew, seated by the samovar(29),
distributed tea to his uncle's guests.

"I learned then that His Honor Siyyid 'Alí had come to Karbilá as much to make the
pilgrimage as to bring his nephew back with him to Shíráz.

"I gave him the most comprehensive elegy concerning the young man and said to him,
what I had been thinking, that I had never seen anyone unite in himself such brilliant and
such solid qualities of spirit and of heart. 'It is true,' the elderly one replied, 'my nephew is
remarkable from many points of view, but that which is a disgrace for us, is that he refuses
to follow lessons and classes; he does not wish to learn, and as he does nothing here, I do
not wish to leave him here any longer.'

"Still wishing to make of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad a Shaykhí, I conversed at length with his
uncle and finished by promising that I would employ all my influence in order to make
him attend and follow classes in a regular fashion.

"Yielding to my insistence and my promises, His Honor Siyyid 'Alí willingly consented to
attempt the experience, and when his pilgrimage was ended, he returned to Shíráz, leaving
his nephew in Karbilá.

"In spite of the promises which I had made, I could not resolve to watch over the young
man, who reappeared but once more in Siyyid Kázim's class. Against my will, I felt
intimidated by him, and even though I energetically reproached my own speechlessness, I
could not, arrested by an inexplicable timidity, fulfill the role which I had brought upon
myself.

(cited Amanat, p. 141, n. 167). AHMAD (p. 447) likewise stated that the Báb heard discourses of Siyyid
Kázim once or twice during his visit to Karbilá (cited Amanat, p. 141).

(28)Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (denominated "Khál-i-A'zam" by the Báb), one of three maternal uncles of the

Báb, and his guardian after the decease of his father and until his maturity.

(29)"Samovar", a Russian word meaning literally "self-boiler" refers to a metal urn with a spigot and

internal tube for heating the water, used in making tea (and keeping it hot). This Russian word was
adopted into the Persian language, and from thence into various European languages. In no other
source does there appear to be a similar account of this private encounter between Mullá Sádiq and the
Báb, subsequent to Siyyid Kázim's departure. However, we cannot assume that it is fictitious just
because it is not corroborated. After all, who could have attested to such a private meeting, other than
Mullá Sádiq and the Báb himself?
A Prophet in Modern Times 30

"One day I learned that he had left for Shíráz and bit by bit I stopped thinking about
him(30)."

(30)Nicolas has just cited his translation of Mullá Sádiq Khurásání's account. Mullá Sádiq's autobiography

was preserved by his son, Ibn Asdaq. In this version it was quoted by AFNAN (pp. 17-19; cited Amanat, p.
139, n. 155). Mullá Sádiq stated that the Báb returned to Shíráz. AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, pp. 45-46)
reported that the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, was anxious to have her son at home again in Shíráz, and
that she sent her brother Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí to the 'Atabát to persuade the Báb to return. When the Báb
did not immediately agree to return, his uncle appealed to Hájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í to intervene. At last
the Báb complied with this request and returned to Shíráz. AFNAN (pp. 19-20; cited Amanat, p. 146, n.
190) also reported that when the Báb did not leave, his uncle asked Siyyid Kázim to give his consent to the
Báb's departure; and that when this consent was forthcoming, the Báb consented to depart for Shíráz.
Inasmuch as it has been calculated that the Báb arrived in the 'Atabát in spring of 1257/1841, and that he
remained there for eleven months or about a year, he must have departed for Shíráz in early 1258/1842.
This is the date cited by Amanat (p. 146) and MacEoin (p. 44) for the Báb's return. It will be established in
footnote (59) that the date of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's death was on 11 Dhu al-Hijja 1250, corresponding to 2
January 1844, just twenty days before the beginning of the year 1260. If the Báb left the 'Atabát in early
1258/1842, he could not have been in that city when Siyyid Kázim died or after his passing. None of the
Bábí sources report that the Báb returned to the 'Atabát during this period. However, some Muslim sources
claim that the Báb did not leave the 'Atabát for Shíráz in 1258/1842, that he remained in that location until
after the passing of Siyyid Kázim, in 1260/1844. Nicolas cites SIPIHR: "When Siyyid Kázim died, his
disciples went with the Báb to Kúfa', where they prayed for forty days at the mosque. There the young
Siyyid suddenly became seemingly mad, and little by little he began to attract these men and to attach them
to himself as disciples. When he spoke with people from whom he feared nothing, he said: 'I am the
lieutenant of God. Enter into the house by the door...' And as the tradition says that the Sáhib al-Zamán
must appear at Mecca, he formed the project of going there." Nicolas alleged that TUNKABUNI has a
similar account.

These accounts, from unsympathetic Muslim historians do not seem to be based upon documentary
evidence. The marriage certificate of the Báb (reproduced in Balyuzi, facing p. 80 and mentioned p. 46),
which is dated 18 Rajab 1258, corresponding to Friday (see Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), 26 August 1842
(according to Iskandar Hai, e-mail on 2 November 1997; and Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), clearly establishes
that the Báb left the 'Atabát and arrived in Shíráz in the year 1258/1842. MU'IN (p. 37) attested that the
Báb was twenty-two years old when he married (cited by Shoghi Effendi, p. 76, n. 2). Munírih Khánum,
'Abdu'l-Bahá's wife recalled that the Báb married when he was twenty-three, as reported in KHANDAN
(pp. 160-162; cited Amanat, p. 146, n. 191). Given the date of the marriage certificate, it appears that the
latter report was the more accurate of the two. His wife, named Khadíjih Sultán Bagum (Abu'l-Qasim
Afnan, p. 48) and Khadíjih Bagum (Balyuzi, p. 46; Amanat, p. 147), was the daughter of Hájí Mírzá 'Alí,
the Báb's paternal uncle (Shoghi Effendi, p. 76, n. 3; Balyuzi, p. 46; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), whose sons
were named Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasim (ZARANDI, p. 76; Balyuzi, p. 46). To reiterate,
the father of the Báb's mother, his maternal grandfather, was named Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (see
genealogical chart in "The Dawn-breakers," p. lviii). His maternal grandfather had a brother named Mírzá
'Alí (Ibid.), and this brother had two sons, Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím, and two daughters,
Zahrá Khánum and Khadíjih Khánum (Ibid.) The Bab married one of these daughters of his maternal
uncle, Khadíjih Khánum, who was thus his first cousin (Ibid.). Mírzá Siyyid Hasan, one of the two brothers
in law and male cousins of the Bab had a son named Mírzá Muhsin, who married one of the four daughters
of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, son of Bahá'u'lláh, named Túbá Khánum, and their family name was Afnán (Ibid., p. 76,
n. 3; Adib Taherzadeh, "The Child of the Covenant," George Ronald Publisher, 2000, p. 305). The Báb's
other male cousin and brother in law, Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím had a son named Siyyid Muhammad-Husayn,
one of whose two sons, Mírzá Hádí, married Díyá'íyyih Khánum, the eldest daughter of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and
their family name was Rabbaní (see Ibid.). In these two marriages, the families of the Bab and Baha'u'llah
were joined. One of the three sons of Mírzá Hádí and Díyá'íyyih Khánum was named Shoghi Rabbaní,
and he was appointed Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith by 'Abdu'l-Bahá ("The Child of the Covenant," p. 305).
A Prophet in Modern Times 31

The Báb's two brothers in law, who were also his cousins, Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím, and
their descendants are known as the "Afnán" (twigs). Likewise, the two maternal uncles of the Báb, Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad (called Khál-i-Asghar in "The Dawn-breakers," p. lix; called Khál-i-Akbar by
Jonah Winters in http://bahai-library.org/histories/iqan.questions.html), and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí (called
Afnán-i-Kabír by Adib Taherzadeh in "The Child of the Covenant," p. 305), and their descendants are
regarded as members of the "Afnán" family. Only one of his maternal uncles, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-
A'zam) recognized the Báb during his lifetime, soon after his declaration in 1844. Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-
Husayn did not recognize the prophetic station of his nephew during the Báb's life-time, according to a
letter written by the Báb reproduced in ZUHUR (pp. 223-225) and letters addressed to his brother Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí reproduced in KHANDAN (pp. 25-31). It appears that the third brother, Hájí Mírzá
Hasan-'Alí also reserved judgment during his nephew's lifetime. Both of the Báb's uncles reportedly
recognized the Báb's station after a visit to Bahá'u'lláh in Baghdád (Amanat, p. 212, n. 6) in 1861. The
"Kitáb-i-Íqán" of Bahá'u'lláh was written during that visit in response to the questions posed by Hájí Mírzá
Muhammad-Husayn. These questions are found in Persian in KHANDAN and are translated into English
by Denis MacEoin at http://bahai-library.org/histories/iqan.questions.html

AFNAN (pp. 20-21) reports that Khál-i-A'zam Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí arranged the marriage of the Báb with
his cousin Khadíjih Khánum on the urging of his sister and the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum in order to
keep her son in Shíráz (cited Amanat, pp. 146-147, n. 192; Balyuzi, p. 46). A son was born to Khadíjih
Bagum and the Báb, presumably in early summer 1259/1843, and they gave their son the name Ahmad.
The Báb refers to Khadíjih Bagum (as Sara) and to their son Ahmad in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Commentary
on the Súrah of Joseph), in two passages translated by Nicolas:

"En verite! Je me suis fiance sur le trone de Dieu avec Sara, c'est a dire avec la bien aimee. Car bien
aimee vient de Bien Aime (Le Bien Aime est Muhammad. Cela veut dire que Sara etait une
Siyyid.). En verite, j'ai fixe les anges des cieux et les habitants du Paradis, temoins de ces fiancailles.
Sache que la bienveillance du Dhikr Sublime est grande, oh Bien Aimee! Car c'est une
bienveillance qui vient de Dieu! l'Aime! Tu n'es pas, toi comme une femme ordinaire, si tu obeis a
Dieu, au sujet du Dhikr Sublime! Connais l'immense verite du Verbe Sublime et glorifie toi de
t'asseoir avec l'ami qui est le Cheri de Dieu tres haut! Certes la gloire te vient a toi de la part de
Dieu, le Sage. Patiente dans l'ordre qui vient de Dieu sur le Báb et sa famille. Et, en verite, ton fils
Ahmad a un asile dans le Paradis beni, aupres de la grande Fátimih." (Súratu'l-Qarabat, translated
in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, pp. 10-11)

"Gloire a Dieu, qui, en verite, a donne a la Fraicheur des Yeux dans sa jeunesse un enfant nomme
Ahmad. Et en verite, cet enfant, nous l'avons eleve vers Dieu!" (Súratu'l-'Abd, translated in Preface,
"Le Beyan Persan," tome II, p. 11)

The present translator offers this provisional rendering of Nicolas' French:

"In truth! I am engaged upon the throne of God with Sara, that is to say with the well-beloved. For
the well-beloved comes from the Well-Beloved (the Well-Beloved is Muhammad. This means that
Sara was a Siyyid.). In truth, I chose the angels of the heavens and the inhabitants of Paradise as
witnesses to this engagement. Know that the benevolence of the sublime Dhikr is great, O well-
beloved! For it is a benevolence that comes from God! You are not an ordinary woman, if you obey
God, regarding the sublime Dhikr! Know the immense Truth of the sublime Verb and rejoice that
you sit with the friend who is the Beloved of God the Most High! Of a certainty, glory comes to you
from God, the Wise. Be patient with the command that comes from God for the Báb and his
family. And, in truth, your son Ahmad has assylum in the blessed Paradise, close to the great
Fátimih." (Súratu'l-Qarabat, translated in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, pp. 10-11)
A Prophet in Modern Times 32

We know that the young Siyyid became a Shaykhí. Muslim eye-witnesses indignantly report
having seen him break, in his visits to the tombs, with the traditional ritual, to follow the rite
imposed by the two Shaykhs(31). Thereafter, he himself elevated Shaykh Ahmad and Siyyid Kázim
to the rank of precursors of the new Manifestation. Also, he called himself, repeatedly and in all of
his works, the most humble student of the Rashtí(32).

"Glory to be God, Who, in truth, gave to the Delight of the Eyes [Qurratu'l-'Ayn] in his youth a
child named Ahmad. And in truth, this child, we have raised him to God!" (Súratu'l-'Abd,
translated in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, p. 11)

Balyuzi (pp. 46-47) translated portions of these two passages from Arabic into English, here cited for the
convenience of the reader:

"O well-beloved! Value highly the grace of Dhikr [the Báb], the Greatest, for it comes from God,
the Loved One. Thou shalt not be a woman, like other women, if thou obeyest God in the Cause of
Truth...and take pride in being the consort of the Well-Beloved, who is loved by God the Greatest.
Sufficient unto thee is this glory which cometh unto thee from God, the All-Wise, the All-Praised.
Be patient in all that God hath ordained concerning the Báb and His Family. Verily, thy son,
Ahmad, is with Fátimih, the Sublime, in the sanctified Paradise."

"All praise be to God Who bestowed upon the Solace of the Eyes, in His youth, Ahmad. We did
verily raise him up unto God."

In ZARANDI (p. 76) it is reported that Ahmad died in 1259 A.H. AFNAN reported that the child was still-
born (cited Amanat, p. 46). In either case, given the widely reported character of the Báb, it is most unlikely
that he would have deserted his wife during her pregnancy, or failed to be present in Shíráz at the time of
the birth of their son. AHMAD (p. 448) and AFNAN (pp. 20-21) indeed affirm that the Báb settled in
Shíráz with his wife Khadíjih Bagum and his mother Fátimih Bagum, taking a house of his own, and
resuming his profession, with greater independence from his uncles. KAF (p. 10), AFNAN (pp. 22-23) and
KHANDAN (p. 163) describe this period of the Báb's life as tranquil and increasingly preoccupied with
spiritual matters (cited Amanat, p. 147, n. 196,197,198). While in captivity in Máh-Kú (1847), the Báb
referred to the happy days he spent during this period in Shíráz ("Bayán-i-fársí," váhid VI: báb 11, p. 218).

(31)Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.

(32)With regard to the Báb being a student and a follower of Shaykh Kázim Rashtí, Nicolas translates the

following passage from TUNKABUNI (p. 59): "I met him, because one day I was seated above the tomb
(on the side of the head) of [the Imám] Husayn with a very holy person. I saw this Siyyid come and stop at
the threshold of the door to say his prayers there. These finished, he retired without having entered further
therein. I asked of the person who was with me: "Who is this young man?" "It is," he replied to me, "Mírzá
'Alí Muhammad, a student of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí." I asked then: "Why is it in this fashion that he carried
out a visit to the tombs?" — "It is because he considers this as more respectful." — "He is mistaken," I
replied, "and he sins, for these visits are regulated by the Imáms themselves, who decided that we must get
close to the tombs and embrace them." Nicolas continues with his translation: "Someone told me that he
was one day seated at the tomb of Kázim ayn with a person who had accomplished the mortifications,
when Mírzá 'Alí entered. "May God kill this Siyyid," cried my pious companion. And as I questioned him
for the reason of this malediction, he said to me: "Soon this man will give credance to beliefs which will ruin
the respect due to the heritage of Islam and which will make floods of blood flow." Amanat translated the
first of these passages, and identified the Báb's ritual practices as reflecting "his Shaykhí leanings" (Amanat,
p. 137, n. 147), and he also stated (Ibid.) that the same passage was translated by Browne ("Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society," vol. VII, July 1889, pp. 894-895).
A Prophet in Modern Times 33

He [the Báb] returned then to Shíráz where he lived with his family. Who will tell us the anguish
he had to endure, the moral agony which preceded the cry of his conscience in its revolt against
the iniquities and the blasphemies of which he had been and was every day the witness?

Be that as it may and while he prepared himself for his apostleship(33), Siyyid Kázim Rashtí
announced to his disciples the immanence of his own death and the subsequent appearance of the
Truth(34).

"Siyyid Kázim," reports Muqaddas Khurásání and with him the Muslim and other Bábí
historians, "had, every year, the custom of making a pilgrimage to Surre menreha(35). That year, he
made his usual preparations, but one day he announced to his disciples that this was to be his last
voyage, his farewell pilgrimage. And as all, struck with shock, began to weep, Karím Khán(36) more

While the Báb was clearly sympathetic to the teachings of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí,
there simply is no evidence whatsoever that he was ever a student or a follower of this school. Bahá'u'lláh,
expounding the Bábí perspective in "Kitáb -i-Íqán" (p. 65), states that Shaykh Ahmad and Siyyid Kázim
were the twin heralds of the Báb. It seems to be in this context that the Báb's reference to Siyyid Kázim
Rashtí in "Tafsír Súratu'l-Baqara" should be understood: "the revered scholar and my intimate teacher"
(published in MURTADA, p. 319; cited Amanat, p. 141, n. 171).

(33)"Apostleship" in this case refers to his Messengership. This term is found in the Qur'án. In Súratu'l-

baqara, Muhammad is addressed as [rasúlan] "an apostle" (2:152); in Súratu'l-'imrán, Muhammad is called
[al-rasúla] "the apostle" ((3:133), [rasúlun] "an apostle" (3:145), [al-rasúlu] "the apostle" (3:154), [rasúlan]
"an apostle" (3:165), [al-rasúli] "the apostle" (3:173), as well as refering to the generic "apostle" [li-rasúlin]
(3:184) and "apostles" [al-rusulu] (3:145) and [rusulun] (3:183,184); and in Súratu'l-ma'idah, the Prophet
Muhammad is called "apostle" [al-rasúlu] (5:42,68), "the apostle" [al-rasúla] (5:93) and [al-rasúli]
(5:100,105), "Our apostle" [rasúluná] (5:16,20) and [rasúliná] (5:93), "this apostle" [al-rasúli] (5:84), and
"His apostle" [rasúlah] (5:34,57) and [rasúluh] (5:56); and also reference is made to "an apostle" [rasúlun]
(5:71) sent to the children of Israel; to Jesus as "My apostle" [rasúlí] (5:112); and to "My apostles" [rusuli]
(5:13, "Our apostles" [rusuluná] (5:33), "the apostles" [al-rusula] (5:110), "apostles" [al-rusuli] (5:20) and
[rusulan] (5:71). The Arabic [rasúl] could be translated "messenger" as well as "apostle," but in either case,
the use of this term to refer to a series of divine representatives sent to the children of Israel, including Jesus
and Muhammad, is entirely consistent with the claims of the Báb. As Nicolas has demonstrated in a number
of his works pertaining to the Báb, the Báb claimed to be an "apostle" or "messenger" of God, not only
equal to but exceeding Muhammad and Jesus in the fullness of his divine Revelation.

(34)"Truth" in this case refers to the appearance or manifestation of God [al-haqq] on earth.

(35)"Surre menreha" seems to be a reference to a Shí'í shrine in the 'Atabát. See footnote (16) on 'Atabát.

(36)Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání (1225/1809-1288-1870), a follower of Siyyid Kázim

Rashtí who assumed leadership of the Shaykhí school after the death of his teacher and the conversion of
many of his fellow students to the Cause of the Báb, is briefly mentioned in ZARANDI (p. 39), quoting
Shaykh Abú-Turáb, as "one-eyed and sparsely-bearded" and Shaykh Abú-Turáb in turn cites the remark of
Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (Ibid., p. 40) about the "heretical and atheistic doctrines…he [Karím Khán] now
wishes me to endorse." Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 2/12/02) affirmed that Hájí Mírzá Muhammad
Karím Khán Kirmání was called "Haft Káf" (Seven K's) by Bahá'u'lláh, indicating that he had seven
attributes which start with the letter "K", including: Karím, Khán, Kirmání, Kúr (blind, because he had
defective sight), Kachal (bald). He is also discussed in Balyuzi (pp. 52, 102, 134) and is more elaborately
treated by Amanat (pp. 58, 60, 62, 63, 102, 117n, 140, 155-156, 165, 177, 216, 228, 247, 253-254, 279,
286-294, 430). MacEoin (p. 123) cites four works by this author, the purpose of which were to attack the
Báb and his teachings: "Izháq al-Bátil"; "Tír-i shiháb"; "al-Shiháb al-tháqib"; and "Risála-yi radd-i Báb-i
A Prophet in Modern Times 34

murtád." The last-named of these works was composed for Násri'd-Dín Sháh. There are also references to
the Báb and his teachings in his "Irshád al-'awámm," "Risála-yi Sultániyya," and "Risála-yi sí fasl."
ZUHUR (p. 400) states that Kirmání attacked the Báb in no less than twelve works, but he does not list
them by title (cited MacEoin, p. 123, n. 7). According to Kirmání himself, writing in "Risála-yi sí fasl" (pp.
34-35; translated by MacEoin, pp. 123-124, n. 7): "I have written five or six books in refutation of him [the
Báb] and have sent them to different parts of Ádhirbáyján, 'Iráq 'Ajam, 'Iráq 'Arab, Hijáz, Khurásán, and
India. I have also written letters to the 'ulamá' and sent petitions to officials of the victorious government [of
Írán]. At times in Yazd and Kirmán, and once on a journey to Khurásán, I have made clear their unbelief
from pulpits with proofs and evidences." Bahá'u'lláh devotes a few pages in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" to this arch-
enemy of the Báb and the Bábí movement:

"Inasmuch as they have not apprehended the meaning of Knowledge, and have called by that
name those images fashioned by their own fancy and which have sprung from the embodiments of
ignorance, they therefore have inflicted upon the Source of Knowledge [the Báb] that which thou
hast heard and witnessed.
"For instance, a certain man [Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán-i Kirmání], reputed for his
learning and attainments, and accounting himself as one of the pre-eminent leaders of his people
[the Shaykhís], hath in his book [Irshád al-'awwám] denounced and vilified all the exponents of
true learning. This is made abundantly clear by his explicit statements as well as by his allusions
throughout his book. As We had frequently heard about him, We purposed to read some of his
works. Although We never felt disposed to peruse other people's writings, yet as some had
questionedUs concerning him, We felt it necessary to refer to his books, in order that We might
answer Our questioners with knowledge and understanding. His works, in the Arabic tongue, were,
however, not available, until one day a certain man informed Us that one of his compositions,
entitled Irshádu'l-'Avám [Guidance unto the Ignorant], could be found in this city [Baghdád].
From this title We perceived the odour of conceit and vainglory, inasmuch as he hath imagined
himself a learned man and regarded the rest of the people ignorant. His worth was in fact made
known by the very title he had chosen for his book. It became evident that its author was following
the path of self and desire, and was lost in the wilderness of ignorance and folly. Methinks, he had
forgotten the well-known traditions which sayeth: 'Knowledge is all that is knowable; and might and
power, all creation.' Notwithstanding, We sent for the book, and kept it with Us a few days. It was
probably referred to twice. The second time, We accidentally came upon the story of the 'Mi'ráj'
[Ascent] of Muhammad, of Whom was spoken: 'But for Thee, I would not have created the
spheres.' We noticed that he had enumerated some twenty or more sciences, the knowledge of
which he considered to be essential for the comprehension of the mystery of the 'Mi'ráj'. We
gathered from his statements that unless a man be deeply versed in them all, he can never attain to
a proper understanding of this transcendent and exalted theme. Among the specified sciences were
the science of metaphysical abstractions, of alchemy, and natural magic. Such vain and discarded
learnings, this man hath regarded as the pre-requisites of the understanding of the sacred and
abiding mysteries of divine Knowledge.
"Gracious God! Such is the measure of his understanding. And yet, behold what cavils and
calumnies he hath heaped upon those Embodiments of God's infinite knowledge! How well and
true is the saying: 'Flingest thou thy calumnies unto the face of Them Who the one true God hath
made the Trustees of the treasures of His seventh sphere?' Not one understanding heart or mind,
not one among the wise and learned, hath taken notice of these preposterous statements. And yet,
how clear and evident it is to every discerning heart that this so-called learning is and hath ever
been, rejected by Him Who is the one true God. How can the knowledge of these sciences, which
are so contemptible in the eyes of the truly learned, be regarded as essential to the apprehension of
the mysteries of the 'Mi'ráj,' whilst the Lord of the 'Mi'ráj' Himself was never burdened with a single
letter of these limited and obscure learnings, and never defiled His radiant heart with any of these
fanciful illusions? How truly hath he said: 'All human attainment moveth upon a lame ass, whilst
Truth, riding upon the wind, darteth across space.' By the righteousness of God! Whoso desireth to
fathom the mystery of this ' Mi'ráj,' and craveth a drop from this ocean, if the mirror of his heart be
A Prophet in Modern Times 35

violently than the others, the aged Siyyid turned toward him, crying, 'Dog(37)! You do not wish that
I go when after me will be manifested the absolute Truth?'"

It was not the first time that the aged Master had made a direct allusion to the next manifestation
of the Sáhib al-Zamán(38). On the contrary, he was much preoccupied with this, according to
Mírzá Jání, and explained the signs which must accompany his appearance(39). "It must be a young

already obscured by the dust of these learnings, he must needs cleanse and purify it ere the light of
this mystery can be reflected therein." ("Kitáb-i-Íqán," pp. 184-187)

Bahá'u'lláh also mentions Hájí Mullá Karím Khán Kirmání in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#170):

"Call ye to mind Karím, and how, when We summoned him unto God, he waxed disdainful,
prompted by his own desires; yet We had sent him that which was the solace to the eye of proof in
the world of being and the fulfilment of God's testimony to all the denizens of earth and heaven. As
a token of the grace of Him Who is the All-Possessing, the Most High, We bade him embrace the
Truth. But he turned away until, as an act of justice from God, angels of wrath laid hold upon him.
Unto this We truly were a witness."

ZARANDI (pp. 39-40) cites the eye-witness account of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, to the effect that Hájí Mírzá
Karím Khán spent many years studying with Siyyid Kázim, but then obtained leave to leave his master's
presence and return to Kirmán. If the account of Mullá Sádiq is to be trusted, it would appear that the
encounter, which he claims to have witnessed, between Siyyid Kázim and Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán in
Karbilá occurred considerably prior to the Siyyid's demise. While this very sharp rebuke may appear to be
an unlikely occurrence, Shaykh Abú-Turáb also recalled words of Siyyid Kázim which were severely
condemnatory of the arrogance and ignorance of Karím Khán, as well as prophetic of the latter's opposition
to the promised Qá'im. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that Karím Khán was related to the Qájár
clan, and that he combined leadership in the Shaykhí community with important ties to the government of
Írán.

(37)In Arab culture and in many other communities, the dog is regarded with disdain, with disgust, with

disapproval, as the symbol of all that is lustful, unbridled, filthy and...well, you get the picture. There is no
mention of dogs in the Qur'án, but this did not inhibit Muslims from developing on the whole anti-canine
attitudes. Shaykh Kázim Rashtí's meaning is clear enough — Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán-i
Kirmání, later to assume leadership of the Shaykhí school is being insulted in front of his peers, and, more
than that, he is being told that he — who esteems himself as among the wisest of men — is without vision,
without judgment, without spirit. Siyyid Kázim's rebuke appears to have been confirmed by Shaykh Abú-
Turáb's account (in ZARANDI), and reiterated by Bahá'u'lláh (see the foregoing footnote).

(38)"Sáhib al-Zamán" (Lord of the Age) is one of the names employed by Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims to

characterize the Imám Mahdí, the return of the twelfth Imám, which was expected by many to occur in
the year 1260 A.H., in fulfillment of thousands of Islamic traditions, and in harmony with a particular
interpretation of certain verses in the Qur'án. He was also called the "Qá'im" (He Who will arise) in
literature.

(39)The signs of the appearance of the "Sáhib al-Zamán" were collected by many Shí'í scholars, including

Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí, the "first to embrace the Faith in Khurásán...the most learned, the wisest, and
the most eminent" among the "'ulamá'" (Muslim clergy) of that province (ZARANDI, p. 125). After his
acceptance of the Báb as the promised "Sáhib al-Zamán," Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí "secluded himself for a
considerable period of time in his own home, and there concentrated his energies upon the preparation of a
learned and voluminous compilation of Islamic traditions and prophecies relating to the time and character
of the promised Dispensation. He collected more than twelve thousand traditions of the most explicit
character, the authenticity of which was universally recognized; and resolved to take whatever steps were
required for the copying and the dissemination of that book. By encouraging his fellow-disciples to quote
A Prophet in Modern Times 36

man, a Hashimite, and not instructed in the sciences which one acquires in the schools."
Sometimes he had even said, "I see him like a sun which arises."

Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib Isfáhání(40) and Sulaymán Khán Afshár Sá'ín Qal'a(41) reported this, and this
is perhaps the means whereby the second of these two became so convinced [by the Báb] that [his

publicly from its contents, in all congregations and gatherings, he hoped he would be able to remove such
hindrances as might impede the progress of the Cause he had at heart." (ZARANDI, p. 184). Shoghi
Effendi, in "God Passes By" (Wilmette: 1970, pp. 12-13) paraphrases ZARANDI's account of Mírzá
Ahmad-i-Azghandí's collection of hadith, affirming that Mírzá Ahmad was successful in circulating his
collection of traditions and prophecies to his fellow-disciples, which is not evident to the reader of
ZARANDI. In the Index to "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 679), Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí — who was also
called simply Mírzá Ahmad (ZARANDI, p. 125-127, 184-185) — has been confused with Mírzá Ahmad-i-
Kátib, one of the amanuenses of the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 504-506, 521, 586-588, 591-592). 'ABDU'L-
BAHA (p. 5) lists Mírzá Ahmad of Azghand as one of the teachers of the Bábí Cause. ZARANDI (pp. 179-
180, 183-186) also mentions the maternal uncle of Mírzá Ahmad Azghandí, the leading mujtahid of Yazd
and called Siyyid Husayn Azghandí. As Balyuzi has clarified (pp. 92, 151), the given name of Mírzá Ahmad-
i-Kátib, also known as Mírzá Ahmad (Balyuzi, pp. 151-152, citing ZARANDI, pp. 504-506), was Mullá
'Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní (Balyuzi, pp. 102, 104, 115, 120, 151). Balyuzi makes only passing reference to
Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí (p. 56), while Amanat mentions him twice (pp. 279, 281). Amanat (p. 279)
interprets ZARANDI (p. 184) to mean that the original and only copy of Azghandí's compilation was
destroyed before it could be duplicated.

(40)Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib Isfáhání is not mentioned in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA, Balyuzi, Amanat or

MacEoin.

(41)Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (ZARANDI, p. 235, 391, 402; Amanat, p. 398, n. 98, 101; 399), was also called

Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI, pp. 235, 402; Amanat, pp. 247, n. 251, n. 253, 367); Mírzá Sulaymán (letter
of the Báb, listed in MacEoin, p. 190; QATIL, p. 509); Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 125); Hájí
Sulaymán Khán (The Bab, cited in ZUHUR, p. 271, see Amanat, p. 246, n. 240; ZARANDI, pp. 611,
613-619; Balyuzi, pp. 125, 134); Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar Sá'ín Qaliy (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 610); Hájí
Sulaymán Khán-i Afshár Sá'ín Qal'a (Amanat, pp. 247, 398n, 399, 460); and Amír al-Umará' (Ibid., pp.
247, 460). He began as a Shaykhí related by marriage to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and son-in-law of Fath 'Alí
Sháh (Amanat, p. 247), and visited his Master in Karbilá shortly before the latter's death to ask him when
the Qá'im was expected to appear (ZUHUR, pp. 74-77; QATIL, p. 509 refering to Mírzá Sulaymán). He
met the Báb on pilgrimage in Mecca, after his declaration (ZUHUR, p. 271); while still in the course of his
pilgrimage, the Báb wrote Sulaymán Khán a letter from Medina, which is listed (letter #22) in his catalogue
of writings, entitled "Kitáb al-fihrist," dated 15 Jumáda al-Akhir 1261/21 June 1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Two
copies of this letter are extant (Amanat, p. 247, n. 253). MacEoin (pp. 190-192) actually lists four letters to
Hájí Sulaymán Khán. The first letter, written in reply to six questions from Mírzá Sulaymán (Ibid., p. 190),
may be the same text as the treatise referred to in "Fihrist-i Kutub-i Shaykh-i Ajall-i Auhad Marhúm-i
Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í va Sá'ir-i Masháyikh-i 'Izham," by Abu'l-Qásim ibn Zayn al-'Ábidín Ibráhímí
Kirmání, Sarkár Áqá [henceforth, FIHRIST] (Kirmán: undated; vol. II, pp. 311-312, no. 197; cited
Amanat, p. 444), which was allegedly written by the Báb in reply to Sulaymán Khán's questions (Amanat, p.
247, n. 251). By the time of this pilgrimage, Sulaymán Khán had already shown sympathy for if not
complete allegiance to Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán-i Kirmání (Amanat, p. 247; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 610),
and henceforth he became entirely opposed to the Báb and his followers (Amanat, pp. 247-248). Sulaymán
Khán served the Qajar dynasty as commander of the government troops which engaged the Bábís at
Shaykh Tabarsí and Zanjan, as well as being appointed the special court envoy to Tabríz on the occasion of
the Báb's execution (Amanat, p. 248, n. 254). This opposition to the Báb and his followers must have been
bittersweet. Ridá Qulí Khán, Sulaymán Khán's son, whom he arranged to be married to the daughter of
Siyyid Kázim, converted to the Bábí Cause (Amanat, p. 248). Contemporary sources for the life of
Sulaymán Khán (cited Amanat, p. 248, n. 254) include KAF (p. 191), JADID (pp. 150-162), SIPIHR (vol.
A Prophet in Modern Times 37

faith] was sustained up to the last moment of his horrible death. He had the habit of saying, "The
Siyyid(42) promised me, that I would see the manifestation of the Sáhib al-Zamán. 'You will be
there,' he said to me, 'and you will give him your faith.'"

Ákhúnd(43) Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, who was intimate with Kázim [Rashtí], insistently questioned
him regarding how this manifestation would take place. The master replied to him with this verse
from the "Mathnaví"(44): "I can not say more, but the Sun of Truth, from whatever Orient he
arises, will illumine all the horizons, and the mirrors of the hearts of those who love good, he will
prepare them in such fashion that they will receive the emanations of the light of knowledge."

Mírzá Jání, let us not forget, was one of the martyrs who succumbed after the attempt upon the life
of His Majesty(45), and therefore could not have been informed of the attestations which the official
court history received thereafter. He reported that most of the students of the deceased Siyyid lived
in the mosque of Kúfa'(46). "There were," he said, "Bushrú'í, Mullá 'Alí Bastámí(47), Hájí Mullá

III, pp. 257-258) and "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí" (Tihrán:1959-1960, third edition, volume X, p. 445), by
Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí [henceforth HIDAYAT].

(42)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.

(43)"Ákhúnd" is, according to Sepehr Manuchehri, the slang pronunciation of "Áqá Dars Khundeh"
meaning "the gentleman who has studied." It appears to be related to "akhvánd" meaning "tutor, master,
preacher" (Steingass:26). Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) stated that "Akhúnd" is "preacher", and is similar
to Mullá and Shaykh in meaning.

(44)"Mathnaví" is a Persian term for a poetical form composed of couplets corresponding in measure, with

each consisting of a pair of rhymes. Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) attested that in the "Mathnaví," while
every couplet rhymes differently, all couplets follow the same intonation. In this case, Nicolas is referring to
the famous mystical poem of Jalálu'd-Dín Rúmí.

(45)An attempt was made by a follower of the Báb upon the life of Násiru'd-Dín Sháh, the ruling monarch of

the Persian kingdom, on 28 August 1852. One of the Bábís who was rounded up and murdered in the wake
of this failed assassination was Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, according to various sources cited by Amanat (pp.
347-348, n. 70). Jání Kashání is alleged to have compiled the earliest history of the Bábís, which is,
according to some historians, preserved unedited in KAF and in an edited version in JADID. According to
ZARANDI (pp. 217-222,368,436), Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání — surnamed Parpá — entertained the Báb at
his house in Kashán for three nights, when the Báb was being escorted from Isfáhán to Ádhirbáyján.
ZARANDI (pp. 368-372) describes the journey which Jání Kashání undertook, accompanying
Bahá'u'lláh and a company of other Bábís from Núr towards Shaykh Tabarsí in December of 1848, and
Bahá'u'lláh's intercession on his behalf when this group of Bábís was apprehended by the acting
governor of the town of Ámul. ZARANDI (pp. 435-437) reports being told by a fellow Bábí named
Siyyid Husayn-i-Zavári'í, how this one spent a winter in Kashán and met Jání Kashání, but just missed
meeting the Báb himself, when he was residing in his home. Other sources for the life of Jání Kashání
are found in the footnotes to Amanat (pp. 134, 167, 271, 344-348, 356).

(46)Kúfa' is an ancient city in 'Iráq which is the location of the now-ruined "masjid" (mosque) where, in 39

A.H./656 A.D., the Imám 'Alí was killed with a poisoned sword (Amanat, pp. 163-164). According to a
tradition related by Muhammad Báqir, the fifth Imám, cited in "al-Amalí" and recorded by Muhammad
Báqir ibn Muhammad Taqí Majlisí in his enormous compilation of traditions entitled "Bihár al-Anwár"
(vol. XXIII, pp. 19, 25), the Imám 'Alí walked the streets of Kúfa' admonishing the merchants thereof to be
honest, patient and merciful in their commerce (cited Amanat, p. 125, n. 87). A well-known hadíth
attributed to the sixth Imám, Ja'far as-Sádiq, stated that the Qá'im would first appear in Mecca, then in
Medina, and finally repair to Kúfa', where he would be joined by his ancestors, the Prophet Muhammad,
A Prophet in Modern Times 38

the Imáms, the prophets and saints, and together they would wage "jihád" (holy war) against the infidels
(Amanat, pp. 195-196). SIPIHR (vol. III, po, 39-40), TUNKABUNI, KAZEM-BEG (vol. VII, p. 388) and
Count Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, in "Religions et philosophies dans l'Asie centrale" (Paris:1865, p. 146)
affirmed that the Báb and his followers, after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, spent forty days praying and
meditating at this mosque in Kúfa', and that afterwards they made a collective pilgrimage to Mecca and
Medina, so that the Báb could announce himself there as the Qá'im. According to the Bábí chroniclers,
some of the followers of Siyyid Kázim did spend forty days in the mosque at Kúfa' after his death [please see
notes (57) and (60)]. Amanat (p. 163, n. 80) cites Sajjádí, "Farrhang-i Ma'árif" (pp. 238-240), who states that
this forty-day retreat, called "i'tikáf" could take place in four places only: the "masjid al-harám" in Mecca;
the "masjid al-nabí" in Medina; the "masjid" of Kúfa'; or the "masjid" of Basra (cited Amanat, p. 163, n. 80).
It was apparently the Báb's intention, following his pilgrimage in 1844, to meet Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í in
Kúfa', as indicated in his parting speech to the "Bábu'l-Báb" (ZARANDI, p. 96; quoted Balyuzi, pp. 49-50).
He sent Mullá Husayn on a mission to Tihrán, and Mullá 'Alí Bastámí to the 'Atabát, with a group of
disciples. BAGHDADI (translated in Balyuzi, pp. 60-61) states that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí appeared in Kúfa',
distributing copies of the Báb's Writings among the Muslim clergy. Due to the state of uproar in which the
'Atabát had fallen as a result of Bastámí's intrepid proclamation and the clerical attacks it engendered, the
Báb decided not to go to Kúfa' after the completion of his pilgrimage. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 158) indicates
that the day on which the Báb made his decision not to go to Kúfa' was 15 Jamádi al-Thání 1261, and that
this day is called Yam al-Bada' by Bábí historians, as it was the day on which the Báb seemingly abrogated
the promise of divine revelation. The Báb wrote a long Tablet to Mullá 'Abdu'l-Kháliq Yazdí (see Ibid.),
and explained therein that because of the rejection of his prophetic call and the jealousy of the religious
leaders in the 'Atabát, and because the general population might rise up in opposition to the Bábís, he
elected to forego this prophesied visit to Kúfa', in order to spare the believers. The Báb states (in Ibid.) that,
contrary to his counsel, some of his followers proclaimed his advent openly in the 'Atabát, and that
consequently his visit would surely cause problems for the Bábís. The announcement of the Qá'im had
taken place, as predicted, but not in the manner predicted.

(47)Mullá 'Alí Bastámí, is mentioned in ZARANDI (pp. 69, 80), in Balyuzi (p. 27), and in Amanat (p. 175-

176) as a Letter of the Living. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) lists Mullá 'Alí Bastámí among the teachers who
proclaimed the advent of the Báb throughout Persia. Prior to his conversion, he was a student of Siyyid
Kázim Rashtí residing in Karbilá, and upon the death of his Master, Mullá 'Alí Bastámí and others from
their circle joined Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and his brother Mullá Hasan Bushrú'í in Kúfa' for forty days of
prayer and contemplation (Amanat, p. 163). He was the second believer in the Báb, following Mullá
Husayn Bushrú'í (ZARANDI, pp. 66-69; QATIL, p. 524; Amanat, p. 175, 212). The Báb sent him to the
'Atabát, along with some of the other converts to his Cause, to proclaim the manifestation of the Báb to
their fellow Shaykhís and to the leading Shí'í mujtahidún (ZARANDI, p. 87). ZARANDI (pp. 87-92)
reports a few anecdotes related to Bastámí's mission to the 'Atabát. Áqá Muhammad Mustafá ibn Shaykh
Muhammad Shibl al-Baghdádi [henceforth, BAGHDADI], wrote a short biography of the Báb and his
followers upon the urging of Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání (Balyuzi, p. 60), entitled "Risála amríyya"
(MacEoin, p. 18, 21, 71, 111). Balyuzi (p. 232) reports that BAGHDADI was published in Cairo, along with
another booklet, and that no date is attached thereto. Balyuzi (pp. 60-61) translates selected passages from
BAGHDADI to describe Mullá 'Alí Bastámí's mission to the 'Atabát, which resulted in his arrest,
confinement, trial in Baghdád and transportation to Istanbul. Shoghi Effendi cited BAGHDADI in a
footnote to ZARANDI (pp. 91-92, n. 1). Balyuzi has given a detailed account of Bastámí's imprisonment
and trial, based on documentary records, including the dispatches which Major Henry Rawlinson, the
British Political Agent in Baghdád, addressed to Sir Stratford Canning, the British Ambassador in Istanbul,
and to Lt.-Col. Sheil, the British Ambassador in Tihrán (Balyuzi, pp. 61-68). These events are described in
great detail and with careful documentation of sources by Amanat (pp. 211-238). Amanat also depicts the
consequences of Bastámí's failure to convert many in the 'Atabát (pp. 251-254). ZARANDI (p. 91) gives
divers reports of Bastámí's death; and YAHYA (p. 401) states that he was poisoned and died in Badra'i, on
his way to Istanbul. However, these accounts seem to be unreliable. Amanat (pp. 236-237), citing various
documents and the research of Fádil Mázindarání (p. 237, n. 192-194), MacEoin (p. 236, n. 188) and
Momen (p. 237, n. 190-191), report that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí was sentenced to forced labor in the Ottoman
imperial naval yard in Istanbul, and that he died in confinement (Amanat, p. 237).
A Prophet in Modern Times 39

Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí(48), Ákhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Jalíl Turk(49), Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Hádí(50), Mírzá
Muhammad Hádí(51), His Honor Siyyid Husayn Yazdí(52), Mullá Hasan Bajistání(53), Mullá

(48)Hájí Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí, was a Shaykhí student in Karbilá who was named the eighteenth

Letter of the Living by the Báb (ZARANDI, p. 80). JADID (p. 92) stated that his name was Hájí
Muhammad 'Alíy-i-Hamzih (cited Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p. 413, n. 1). Shoghi Effendi
stated that the Báb bestowed the title "Ismu'lláhu'l-Ákhar" (Last Name of God) upon his eighteenth and last
Letter (Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p. 684), while Balyuzi (p. 24) affirmed that the Báb honored
him with the title "Quddús" (Most Holy). A prayer (Visitation Tablet) revealed by the Báb for Bárfurúshí
and other martyrs of Shaykh Tabarsí (preserved in a single manuscript in INBA no. 64, pp. 1-53; cited in
Amanat, p. 184, n. 176) contains both of these titles. This prayer, if it is authentic, was revealed after the
martyrdom of Bárfurúshí, which took place in 1849. ZARANDI (p. 293) reported that the appellation
"Quddús" was conferred upon Bárfurúshí in a Tablet revealed by Bahá'u'lláh during the conference of
Badasht, in summer 1848. ZARANDI reports Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í's account of the Báb's words to him
just prior to his departure for Mecca and Medina, in late summer 1844, in which the Báb refers to his
chosen companion on the pilgrimage as "Quddús" (pp. 86, 96). Either Mullá Husayn (or his chronicler,
ZARANDI) has substituted the later appellation "Quddús" for the Báb's actual naming of his companion on
pilgrimage (and in this case the citation of the Báb's words is a paraphrase rather than a literal rendering), or
the Báb designated Bárfurúshí as "Quddús" from 1844, in which case Bahá'u'lláh reaffirmed the Báb's title
of "Quddús" in his Tablet written at Badasht in 1848. In any event, both the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh referred
to the eighteenth Letter of the Living by this title "Quddús" from the time of Badasht onwards (if not
earlier). Details pertaining to his birth, his education and conversion to the Bábí Cause; his accompaniment
of the Báb during his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina in 1845, his participation in the conference of
Badasht in 1848; his arrest and release from prison in Barfurush; his participation in the defense of Shaykh
Tabarsí from the onslaught of government forces in 1849; and his subsequent martyrdom are found in
ZARANDI (pp. 72, 130-143, 145, 179-183, 261, 265, 290, 292, 351-355, 367, 381, 410-413); in 'ABDU'L-
BAHA (pp. 18-19); in ZUHUR (pp. 406, 413, 408); KAF (p. 208); in SIPIHR (vol. III, pp. 238 ); and in
FU'ADI (p. 74). A number of sources attest to the special devotion which apparently characterized the
relationship between the Báb and Quddús, and his spiritual primacy among the disciples of the Báb
(ZARANDI, pp. 430-431; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 19; MU'IN, p. 63; ZUHUR, p. 418; SIPIHR, vol. III, p.
238; KAZEM-BEG, vol. VII, p. 344n; Balyuzi, p. 150; Amanat, p. 241, n. 211). In the Báb's "Kitáb al-
fihrist" (dated 21 June 1845, see MacEoin, p. 50), a letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad 'Alí (# xi) is listed
(MacEoin, p. 51). While MacEoin did not indicate that this listed letter has been discovered extant, Mírzá
Muhammad Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawlih, in "Tá'ríkh al-Bábíyya wa miftáh báb al-abwáb" (Cairo:1903)
reproduced a letter from the Báb to Quddús (pp. 208-209) in the Persian translation of this work, by Hájí
Shaykh Hasan Faríd Gulpáygání (published in Tihrán:1968; cited MacEoin, p. 97). Quddús is reported to
have written prolifically after his conversion to the Bábí Cause in 1844, according to the testimony of
Bahá'u'lláh (Letter to Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siráj Isfáhání, published in Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'idih-yi
Ásmání", vol. VII, p. 97); ZARANDI (pp. 353, 357); KAF (p. 139); JADID (p. 44); and ZUHUR (p. 407).
All of these sources are cited in MacEoin (pp. 105-106). Most of the writings of Quddús seem to have been
lost or destroyed. Those which have escaped destruction are listed by MacEoin (pp. 106-107), and consist of
several letters preserved in ZUHUR (pp. 407-418), most of which are apparently addressed to Mullá
Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Mázindarání (MacEoin, p. 106). Also included are three letters to
Mullá Sa'íd Bárfurúshí, known as Sa'íd al-'Ulamá' (Amanat, p. 181, n. 163; p. 182, n. 169; p. 184, n.
178,179); three prayers composed for his companions (ZUHUR, pp. 426-430); and two manuscripts sent by
Mírzá Yahyá (Subh-i-Azal)to Browne (currently British Library Or. 5110 and Cambridge Browne
Collection F.43), and described by him in 'A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts,' ("Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society," vol. XXIV, 1892, pp. 483-487). ZARANDI (pp. 31, 70-72, 81, 86, 93-94, 96,
125-127, 129-147, 179-183, 261-266, 288, 292-299, 348-349, 351-359, 361, 363, 365-368, 377-412, 430-
432, 437-439) gives many details of Quddús' life. Some descriptive passages are also found in Balyuzi (pp.
48-49, 69-75, 165-177), and in Amanat (pp. 176-188, 211, 241, 244-250, 255, 325-327, 353, 395, 429).
A Prophet in Modern Times 40

(49)Ahmad Mullá 'Abdu'l-Jalíl Turk is not found in ZARANDI, in Balyuzi or in Amanat. However, an

adherent of the Báb with a similar name is found — one of the Letters of the Living is listed as Mullá Jalíl-i-
Urúmí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27), and as Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl Urúmí (Urdúbádí) in Amanat (p. 176)
— and this may be the individual who is referred to here. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) cites Mullá Jalíl-i-Urúmí
as one of the teachers of the Bábí Cause who traveled throughout Persia. Sepehr Manuchehri reported that
the full name and place of birth of Mullá Jalíl-i-Urúmí is found in ZUHUR (volume III). Amanat (pp. 167,
170, 176-180, 211-213, 250, 320, 349-350) gives some details regarding this Bábí. QASVINI (pp. 472) cites
Jalíl-i-Urúmí's account of the declaration of the Báb (Amanat, pp. 167, 170). Prior to becoming a student of
Siyyid Kázim, Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl-i-Urúmí had belonged to an Ahl-i Haqq community in Ádhirbáyján
(Amanat, p. 180). Urúmí was among the Bábís assigned, apparently under the leadership of Mullá 'Alí
Bastámí, to announce the appearance of the Qá'im in the 'Atabát (Amanat, p. 211). QATIL (p. 511)
reported that Urúmí took an indirect approach, preferring to prepare his listeners for the announcement,
rather than making the announcement itself (Amanat, pp. 213-214). QATIL (p. 519) also stated that Urúmí
won over Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, who served as Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's scribe, to the Cause of the Báb
(Amanat, p. 250). Urúmí also travelled to Qazvín, where it is reported that he recruited a number of new
adherents to the Báb, according to Áqá Muhammad Jawád's notes, reproduced in ZUHUR (p. 372; cited
Amanat, p. 349, n. 81). Sepehr Manuchehri has indicated that 'Urúmí' is a foreshortened Persian word for
'Urúmíyyihi' meaning, 'from Urúmíyyih', a major city in western Ádhirbáyján. MacEoin reports (p. 191)
the existence of a letter written by the Báb to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl, and it seems likely that this letter was in
fact addressed to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl Urúmí, as no other Bábí with a similar name has been identified.

(50)Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Hádí appears to be one of the names of Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní, son of Hájí Mírzá 'Abdu'l-

Vahháb (Balyuzi, p. 27); Mírzá Hádí, son of Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb-i-Qazvíní (ZARANDI, p. 80); and
Muhammad Hádí, son of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 320). He is denominated one of the Letters
of the Living by ZARANDI (p. 80) and Balyuzi (p. 27), but not by Amanat. Balyuzi (p. 27) and Amanat (p.
320) also report that he was a brother of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní. Balyuzi (p. 27) and Amanat (p.
176, 179, 298, 320) identify Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní as a Letter of the Living. Balyuzi (p. 26) stated
that Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní was the brother-in-law of Táhirih . ZARANDI (p. 273) refers to Siyyid
'Abdu'l-Hádí as betrothed to Táhirih 's daughter, and as one of her companions, as she traveled from
Karbilá to Qazvín. He also reports that Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, one of the Letters of the Living was another
one of those companions (Ibid.). Amanat (p. 298) reported that Marziya [Mardíya], the second daughter of
Táhirih married the son of Mullá 'Abd al-Wahháb, a prominent Shaykhí leader in Qazvín. He indicated
that the two sons of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní — Muhammad 'Alí and Muhammad Hádí — became Bábís
(Amanat, p. 320). Inasmuch as Siyyid 'Abdu'l-Hádí has been identified in ZARANDI as betrothed to
Táhirih 's daughter, and Mírzá Hádí has been identified in ZARANDI as the son of Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb
Qazvíní; and as the husband of Mardíya, the second daughter of Táhirih is described as the son of Mullá
'Abd al-Wahháb of Qazvín (in Amanat); and the sons of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní are called Muhammad
'Alí and Muhammad Hádí (in Amanat); and Mírzá Hádíy-i-Qazvíní is called the son of Hájí Mírzá 'Abdu'l-
Vahháb, and brother of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (in Balyuzi and Amanat) — it seems most likely that this is
the same person who is identified as a Letter of the Living. Balyuzi states that Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní,
although a Letter of the Living, did not take an active part in the Bábí community, that he "taught the Faith
with caution" (Balyuzi, p. 27). ZARANDI (p. 162) states that Mírzá Hádí was summoned along with Mírzá
Muhammad-'Alí Nahri and Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní to meet with the Báb at the home of Hájí Mírzá
Siyyid 'Alí — his former guardian — shortly before the Báb was forced to leave Shíráz for Isfáhán.
According to Sepehr Manuchehri, ZUHUR (volume III) reports Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní refused to take part
in the campaign at Shaykh Tabarsí, and this source gives a clear explanation of the exact relationship of
Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní and Táhirih, and the names of others with whom he associated. According to Adib
Taherzadeh ("The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh," volume II, p. 145; and "The Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh," p.
5), Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní ultimately followed Mírzá Yahyá rather than Bahá'u'lláh. Sepehr Manuchehri
indicates that he made this choice in Adrianople (Edirne). MacEoin (p. 52) cites a prayer written in reply
to questions from Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní and Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní, listed in the Báb's "Kitáb al-
fihrist." He also lists a letter of the Báb to 'Abdu'l-Wahháb (MacEoin, p. 191), and this may be addressed to
Mullá 'Abdu'l-Wahháb Qazvíní.
A Prophet in Modern Times 41

Bashír(54), Mullá Báqir Turk(55), Mullá Ahmad Abdál(56), with some others(57). There [in the mosque
of Kúfa'] they occupied themselves with strange and surprising austerities.(58)"

(51)Mírzá Muhammad Hádí seems to have been the brother of Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní (Balyuzi, p. 27), the

son of Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb (SAMANDAR, p. 15; cited by Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p.
81, n. 1; Amanat, p. 298); also named Mírzá Muhammad -'Alí Qazvíní (ZARANDI, p. 81; Balyuzi, p. 26),
Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 176), Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 179), and
apparently also Muhammad Hádí (Amanat, p. 326). He should not be confused with Muhammad Hádíy-i-
Farhádí (ZARANDI, p. 284), who is also referred to as Muhammad-Hádí (Ibid., pp. 284-285). All sources
agree that he was a Letter of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 81, 290-291; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176, 179,
298). MacEoin (p. 52) cites a prayer written in reply to questions from Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní and
his brother Mírzá Hádí, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist," an early work of the Báb which gives a list of his writings
up to 21 June 1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Amanat reports that Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní was one of the
group of Bábís who was sent to the 'Atabát in 1844 (Amanat, pp. 211-212). ZARANDI (pp. 291-293) and
Balyuzi (p. 168) write that Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní participated in the Badasht conference in 1848.
Amanat (p. 326) states that Muhammad Hádí took part in this conference, and apparently he is referring to
the same person.

(52)Siyyid Husayn Yazdí, was appointed one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p.

27; Amanat, p. 176); and was also known as "'Azíz" (venerable) (Balyuzi, p. 27; MacEoin, p. 13), and
"Kátib" (amanuensis, scribe) [Balyuzi, p. 27). Like so many of his fellow Letters, Siyyid Husayn Yazdí
had been a Shaykhí student prior to his conversion to the Bábí Cause (MacEoin, p. 12). ZARANDI
refers to Siyyid Husayn Yazdí in a number of passages (pp. 192-193, 212, 219, 227, 243-250, 252, 257,
507-509, 513-517, 629-631), most of which relate directly to his services as one of the Báb's scribes,
which enabled him to be a constant companion to the Báb in his journeys and his imprisonments.
ZARANDI (pp. 513-514) recounts that Siyyid Husayn Yazdí was with the Báb until he was executed,
and that it was his wish to be martyred along with his Master (Ibid., p. 630). Such was Siyyid Husayn's
knowledge of the Bábí teachings that the Báb addressed a Tablet to Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 629) urging
him to seek enlightenment from this amanuensis. He was confined in the same prison, the Síyáh-Chál,
as Bahá'u'lláh, until his death (Ibid., p. 631). 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 27) mentions Áqá Siyyid Husayn, the
Báb's amanuensis but once, stating that he was found seated beside the Báb after the latter's
disappearance following the first attempt at his execution. He was the principal amanuensis of the Báb
(MacEoin, p. 12), and transcribed the "Bayán-i-fársí," the original manuscript of which is preserved in
the International Bahá'í Archives (Balyuzi, p. 132; MacEoin, pp. 13, 182). Only one other manuscript in
the handwriting of this scribe has been located, twenty-seven pages of the "Kitáb al-asmá'" (MacEoin, p.
188). Balyuzi (pp. 27, 115, 118, 124, 129, 132, 146, 156) and Amanat (pp. 176, 178-180, 216n, 374, 381,
401, 405, 434) have referred to this noble figure in the early history of the Bábí Cause.

(53)Mullá Hasan Bajistání was appointed one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27;

Amanat, p. 176). Amanat (p. 179) lists Mullá Bajistání as one of those Letters — along with Mírzá
Muhammad Rawdih Khán Yazdí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176); Mullá Khudá-
Bakhsh Qúchání, later named Mullá 'Alí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176); and Sa'íd
Hindí (ZARANDI, p. 80; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 5; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176) — who were inactive
Bábís or who defected from the Bábí Cause. Balyuzi (p. 27) reports that Mullá Hasan Bajistání became
estranged from the Bábí Cause after the martyrdom of the Báb until he attained the presence of Bahá'u'lláh
in Baghdád; thereafter he was confirmed in his faith, and ultimately became a Bahá'í. MacEoin (p. 191)
notes the existence of a letter written by the Báb addressed to Mullá Hasan Bajistání.

(54)Mullá Bashír is not mentioned by this name in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA, Balyuzi, Amanat or

MacEoin. Bashír is a proper name and means "messenger of good news" in Arabic (Steingass, p. 190). In
ZARANDI (p. 590) we find Mullá Báshí, also known as Mullá Ibráhím, who was martyred in Sultán-
Ábád. Báshí is a Persian word derived from báshá, meaning "governor of a province, counsellor of state,
great lord; also sometimes the gradn vazir; a kind of falcon, a hawk" (Steingass, p. 147). The Bábí named
Mullá Báshí related to Nabíl Zarandí his memories of Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí (ZARANDI, pp. 588-590).
A Prophet in Modern Times 42

While no other references to Mullá Báshí have been found in the sources consulted, there are a few
more to Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí in ZARANDI (pp. 588-590). ZARANDI (p. 589) states that Siyyid Basír-i-
Hindí learned of the Bábí Cause in the city of Mooltan (at that time a city in India, now in Pakistan),
from Shaykh Sa'íd-i-Hindí, one of the Letters of the Living. JADID (pp. 245-246) reported that Siyyid
Basír-i-Hindí was from India, blind from the age of seven, and that he first heard of the Báb in Bombay
(cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 588-589, n. 1). KAF (pp. 255-258) refers to a blind Súfí from India
named Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí who became a Bábí, and who subsequently traveled to Gílán, Anzalí,
Qazvín, Tihrán, Kashán, and Núr, in which last-named location he spent four months in the company
of Bahá'u'lláh, of Vahíd (whom MacEoin supposes to be Mírzá Yahyá), and of an individual
denominated "Nuqtatu'l-Káf" and who is allegedly the author of this history of the Bábí Cause (cited
MacEoin, pp. 150-151). All three of these sources (ZARANDI, JADID and KAF) report that Siyyid
Basír-i-Hindí was blind and of Indian origin. According to ZARANDI, there were three distinct
followers of the Báb who were of Indian birth — Shaykh Sa'íd-i-Hindí, one of the Letters of the Living;
Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí; and the Súfí "darvísh" (renunciate) named "Qahru'lláh" (Force of God), who is
described in ZARANDI (pp. 305-306), ZUHUR (volume III), and Balyuzi (p. 137).

(55)Mullá Báqir Turk seems to be the individual called Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, p. 368;

Balyuzi, pp. 27, 151, 168, 174; Amanat, p. 212, n. 7, p. 284, p. 383); Mullá Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 504-
505; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 25); Mullá Muhammad Báqir Tabrízí (Amanat, pp. 176, 178, 306); and
Muhammad Báqir Tabrízí (Amanat, p. 179). Balyuzi has explained that the individual referred to as
Mullá Báqir in the story related by these two sources is Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (p. 151). One of the
participants in the Badasht conference was Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (Balyuzi, p. 168). This Letter of the
Living traveled with Bahá'u'lláh, with Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání and Mírzá Yahyá, intending to join the
other Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí; that they were detained and imprisoned, and eventually permitted to
return to Tihrán but not to proceed to Shaykh Tabarsí (ZARANDI, pp. 368-376; Balyuzi, p. 174). A
couple of passages in MU'IN are based on first-hand statements by Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (cited in
MacEoin, p. 176). ZUHUR (pp. 20-22) published a letter from the Báb to Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (cited
MacEoin, p. 95). According to Sepehr Manuchehri, this letter was published in KASHF ("Kashf al-
Ghitá'," the history begun by Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání and completed by Siyyid Mahdí
Gulpáygání) rather than in ZUHUR. ZARANDI (p. 504-505) relates that forty days before the Báb was
summoned to Tabríz, he entrusted all his Tablets and other documents, his pen-case, seals and agate
rings, gathered together in a coffer, to Mullá Báqir, who was instructed to take these to Mírzá Ahmad,
the Báb's amanuensis, along with a letter instructing him to convey them to Bahá'u'lláh in Tihrán. KAF
(pp. 238-245) alleges — in a passage which has only been found in the manuscript version of this history
that once belonged to A.L.M. Nicolas and is now in the Biblioteque Natonale de Paris — that all of
these items were sent to Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (cited by MacEoin, p. 24, n. 79). This report in KAF
is in conflict with the account in "God Passes By" (p. 167) in which Shoghi Effendi states that on 22
Shavvál 1282 A.H. Bahá'u'lláh instructed his brother, Mírzá Músá, known as Áqáy-i-Kalím ("The
Dawn-breakers," lxiii) while they were residing in Adrianople and shortly after a permanent separation
was effected between the household of Bahá'u'lláh and that of his half-brother Mírzá Yahyá, to deliver
to Mírzá Yahyá "certain relics he had long coveted, such as the seals, rings, and manuscripts in the
handwriting of the Báb..." Muhammad Báqir was also the name of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í's nephew, as
found in ZARANDI (pp. 50-55, 69). Other Bábís with similar names were: 1) Mírzá Muhammad Báqir-
i-Qá'iní (Balyuzi, pp. 56, 175) who is also called Mullá Muhammad Báqir Qá'iní (Amanat, pp. 273-275,
279) and Harati (Ibid., p. 279, 458); and 2) Mullá Muhammad Qá'iní, known as Nabíl Qá'iní, Mullá
Muhammad Báqir Qá'iní's nephew (Amanat, p. 279, n. 160), also called Fádil-i Qá'iní (MacEoin, p.
130), Áqá Muhammad Fádil-i Qá'iní and Nabíl-i-Akbar (MacEoin, pp. 160, 268). 'Abdu'l-Baha includes
a biography of Nabíl-Qá'iní (Nabíl-i-Akbar) in "Tadhkirat al-Wafá'" (pp. 49-54 of the English translation
entitled "Memorials of the Faithful"). Other sources for his life are listed by MacEoin (p. 160, n. 23),
including: Ishráq Khávarí, "Ganj-i sháyigán" (Tihrán:1967-1968, pp. 141-144); Fádil-i Mázindarání,
"Asrár al-athár" (Tihrán:1972-1973, vol. 5, pp. 12-15); and 'Azízu'lláh Sulaymání, "Masábíh-i hidáyat"
(Tihrán:1947, vol. 1, pp. 275-350). 3) Áqá Muhammad Báqir-i-Tihráni, a merchant, brother of
Mushiru't-Tujjar (a Bábí martyr) and the transcriber of a chronicle composed by Mírzá Luft-'Alí Shírází
on the Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí (Balyuzi, pp. 239-240; MacEoin, p. 215, n. 12).
A Prophet in Modern Times 43

Indeed, after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, which took place in 1259(59), his disciples, after
spending forty days(60) at Kúfa', set out throughout the Muslim world to find his successor. Hence

(56)Mullá Ahmad Abdál (Amanat, p. 99), was also known as Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál-i-Marághi'í (ZARANDI,

p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 26; MacEoin, pp. 83, 95, 178); Ahmad Abdál Marághihí (Amanat, p. 179); and Mullá
Ahmad Abdál Marághihí (Amanat, pp. 176, 178, 181 n. 161, 285). He is identified as a Letter of the Living
by ZARANDI (p. 80), Balyuzi (p. 26), Amanat (pp. 99, 176), and MacEoin (p. 83). Balyuzi (pp. 131-132)
cites a letter written by Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál, probably to one of the uncles of the Báb, which asserts that
the Russian government, like the Persian government, was afraid of the immense popularity of the Bábí
Cause. MacEoin (p. 95) cites a letter of the Báb addressed to Mullá Ahmad Ibdál [Marághi'í], published in
ZUHUR (pp. 53-54). "Táríkh-i amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján," by Áqá Haydar 'Alí Uskú'í (cited by MacEoin, p.
178) is a manuscript history of the Bábís in Ádhirbáyján which contains a biography of Mullá Ahmad Ibdál
Marágha'í.

(57)Nicolas speaks of other Shaykhís who accompanied the ones he listed to their "i'tikáf" (retreat) in the

mosque of Kúfa'. Amanat reports (p. 163, n. 75) that there is no complete list, but that more than sixteen
have been identified by compiling names from varied sources. ZUHUR and SIPIHR list new names, and
MU'IN cites more than forty individuals, women among them, notably including Qurratu'l-'Ayn Táhirih
(cited in Amanat, p. 163, n. 75). However, no historian to date has identified all of the participants in this
spiritual exercise.

(58)The austerities practiced during the "i'tikáf" are described generally as "prayers and contemplation"

(Amanat, p. 163), while Qurratu'l-'Ayn speaks of "prayers and asceticism" in a "Risála" (cited Amanat, p.
164, n. 85). While Amanat does not detail these practices, it is evident that the Shaykhís engaged in certain
exercises in order to prepare themselves, both spiritually and physically, for the journey ahead, a journey
which they all believed would ultimately lead to the discovery and recognition of the One promised by their
deceased master, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. For many if not all of these Shaykhís, this new master was the
"Sáhib al-Zamán," the Imám Mahdí, the Qá'im. A journey of more momentous import could scarcely be
imagined. They were preparing themselves to leave the valley of search (to employ a metaphor from
Farídu'd-Dín 'Attar's "Mantíq ut-Tayr"), to enter the valley of passionate love for they could not imagine a
more intense passion than to be united with the Promised One of God. And the "hudhud" (hoopoe) who led
them to this valley of love was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í.

(59)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí passed away, according to ZARANDI (p. 45) "on the day of 'Arafih, in the year

1259 A.H." MacEoin states (p. 47, n. 19) that 'Arafih 1259 is 9 Dhu'l-Hijja 1259 (31 December 1843).
Amanat (p. 153, n. 2; p. 168, n. 97) and MacEoin (pp. 46-47, n. 19) have reported that his death took place
on 11 Dhu'l-Hijja 1259 (2 January 1844), based on QATIL (cited in ZUHUR, p. 509); FIHRIST (vol. I, pp.
122, 159); chronograms reproduced in "Makárim al-Áthár dar Ahvál-i Rijál-i Daurih-yi Qájár," by
Muhammad 'Alí Mu'allim Habíbábádí (Isfáhán:1958, vol. I, p. 220); a letter of the Báb from Máh-Kú to his
uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Khál-i-A'zam (reproduced in ZUHUR, p. 223-225, 264; also INBA, n. 58, pp.
160-162), in which he states that Siyyid Rashtí died nineteen days before the commencement of revelation
— which began at the start of the year 1260 — and 1 Muharram 1260 corresponds to 22 January 1844
according to Shoghi Effendi in "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 47, n. 2), twenty days after 2 January; and a
"tawqí'" (ordinance) authored by the Báb (cited in Hájí Husayn Qulí Jadíd al-Islám, "Minháj al-Tálibín fí al-
Radd 'alá al-Firqa al-Hálika al-Bábíya" (Bombay:1902, pp. 101-104; cited Amanat, p. 168, n. 97).

(60)The "i'tikáf" (retreat) of forty days mentioned here is a traditional observance in Islam which may owe

its origin to Jewish and Christian mysticism. In the "Tanakh" (Hebrew Bible), there are forty day cycles
recorded in connection with the flood (Genesis 7:17); the days of embalming of the patriarch Jacob by
his son Joseph (Genesis 50:3); the falling of the manna and wandering in the wilderness of the children of
Israel (Exodus 16:35, Numbers 14:34); the giving of the law to Moses on Mount Sinai (Exodus 24:18);
Elijah's period of fasting (First Book of Kings 19:8); the grace period given the city of Nineveh (Jonah
A Prophet in Modern Times 44

they sought a person superior, or at least an equal to their deceased master. Before separating,
many of them promised to inform each other of the happy success of their investigations, in the
event that any one succeeded in finding the one whom the Qur'an and Siyyid Kázim had
promised to them. Among these seekers, three were united by an indissoluble friendship: these
were Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, Muqaddas Khurásání and Mullá 'Alí Gawhar(61).

Bábí tradition indicates that two years passed between the day on which Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
left Karbilá and the day on which he announced to the world the mission with which he had been
invested; that would bring us to the year 1258, and before the death of Kázim. But if we reckon
that he arrived at the holy places at the end of his nineteenth year or perhaps in the midst of his
twentieth year, then we are obliged to recognize that he must have sojourned in Karbilá for two

3:4); and a prophetic period (found in Ezekiel 4:6 and 29:11). In the Gospels, the fasting and retreat of
Jesus in the wilderness is forty days in length (Matthew 4:2). The employment of this spiritual exercise in
Islamic mystical practice, in the Súfí "taríqa" (order) has been fully detailed in many publications, and
need not be repeated here. That this retreat was not restricted to Súfís is evident from its employment by
the Shaykhís, inasmuch as Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí were actually hostile to
many Súfí practices and beliefs. Nor was this adopted by the Shaykhís merely as an extraordinary
measure, because of the passing of their leader, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. Based on various sources (p. 163,
n. 77), Amanat notes that the Shaykhís used "i'tikáf…as a means for exploring the truth by abstinence
from all desires and destruction of falsehood" including "devotion, nightly vigilance, and fasting" (p.
163). He likewise asserts that Shaykh Ahmad, Siyyid Kázim and Mullá Husayn are reported to have
undertaken such retreats (Ibid.). Quddús also practiced "i'tikáf" once he became a student of Siyyid
Kázim (Amanat, p. 182). Mullá Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár (d. 1281/1864), a student of
Shaykh Ahmad (Amanat, p. 97), undertook the "i'tikáf" in the "masjid" of Kúfa' on the advice of Shaykh
Ahmad (according to sources cited in Amanat, p. 98, n. 130 and p. 100, n. 145: ZUHUR, pp. 134-135;
MURTADA, pp. 140-175; 'Abd al-Karím Sharí'atmadáríyán, "Sharh-i Zindigí-yi Mullá Muhammad
Hamzih' Sharí'atmadár," citing "Asrár al-Shaháda" by Muhammad Hamzih' Sharí'atmadár,"
manuscript in INBA 1009D). The forty day sojourn of a group of Siyyid Kázim's disciples in Kúfa',
immediately following his funeral, is mentioned by Balyuzi in a single sentence (pp. 15-16). Amanat, as
we have seen, devotes a few pages to this "i'tikáf" (pp. 163-166, 177, 344). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 59-
60) mentions only one "i'tikáf", that of Mullá Husayn in a mosque in Kúfa' prior to his traveling to
Shíráz, right after the passing of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.

(61)Mullá 'Alí Gawhar is probably Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar, who is described as one of the students of Siyyid

Kázim and "exceptionally corpulent" in ZARANDI (p. 39). Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar receives considerable
attention in Amanat (pp. 62, 69, 154-155, 160, 165n, 219, 228-231, 247n, 263, 299-300, 306, 309).
According to Amanat's findings, Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar, a long-time student of Siyyid Rashtí, and
appointed by him as caretaker of his disciples for the first forty-five days after his passing, attempted
unsuccessfully to attract the Shaykhís to his own leadership, and opposed the Báb and his followers. Abu'l-
Qasim Afnan (p. 77) refers to this individual as Shaykh Hasan-i-Gawhar. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed
out that the friendship reported by Nicolas between Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar and Mullá Husayn-i-
Bushrú'í is highly debatable. Certainly, the sources consulted for this study do not confirm such a
friendship. Manuchehri indicated that Gawhar may have become preoccupied with setting up his own
leadership and come to view Mullá Husayn as a threat to his position among the Shaykhís, refusing to
travel to Írán with him. On the other hand, Manuchehri states that a friendship between Mullá Sádiq
Khurásání and Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í is confirmed by a multitude of sources. The Báb listed a letter to
Mullá Hasan Gawhar in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (cited MacEoin, p. 51); however, this letter does not seem to have
survived.
A Prophet in Modern Times 45

and a half or three years(62), because he was not yet twenty-five years of age on the 5th of Jamádi
al-Ákhar of the year 1260(63).

(62)Nicolas translates I'TIDAD: "He spent in this way two years (in Karbilá)." And SIPIHR: "He remained

there for two years." Please see footnotes (23) and (27) for other reports regarding the duration of the Báb's
sojourn in Karbilá.

(63)Please see footnote (1) this Chapter for the birth-date of the Báb, and his age at the time of his declaration.

The date of that declaration was appparently established by the Báb himself in "Bayán-i-fársí," váhid II: báb
7, verse 30, which is translated by Shoghi Effendi, based on the manuscript in the hand of Siyyid Husayn
Yazdí, the principal amanuensis and companion of the Báb ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 61, n.1):

"The beginning thereof was when two hours and eleven minutes [had passed] from the evening
preceding the [day of the] fifth of Jamádiyu'l-Úlá, 1260 [A.H.], which is the year 1270 of the
mission [of Muhammad]."

This verse was translated by Habib Taherzadeh, with the assistance of a committee at the Bahá'í World
Centre ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," Haifa:1978, p. 107) as follows:

"the beginning of which was when two hours and eleven minutes had passed on the even of the fifth
of Jumádiyu'l-Avval, 1260 A.H., which is the year 1270 of the Declaration of the Mission of
Muhammad ."

The same passage is translated by A.L.M. Nicolas ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69):

"C'est cela ce que Dieu a promis dans le Qoran et le commencement (de ce jugement dernier) est a
deux heures onze minutes de la nuit du 5 Djemadi el ewel de l'annee 1260 qui est l'annee 1270 a
dater du jour ou fut suscite Mohammed. C'est a cet instant meme que commence le jugement
dernier du Qoran qui aura lieu jusqu'au coucher de l'arbre de la Verite."

An English translation of this passage reads as follows:

"This is that which God promised in the Qur'án and the beginning (of this final judgment) is at two
hours and eleven minutes [after the setting of the sun] in the night of the 5th of Jamádi al-Awal in
the year 1260 which is the year 1270 dated from the spiritual awakening of Muhammad . It is at
this very instant that the final judgment of the Qur'án begins, which will take place until the setting
of the Tree of Reality."

In his "Summary of the Persian Bayán" ("Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," p. 330), Browne
states, in his summary of the contents of váhid II: báb 7 of "Bayán-i-fársí," "the beginning of this
Manifestation of the Bayán was when two hours and fifteen minutes had passed from the even of Friday the
fifth of Jumáda'l-Úlá A.H. 1260...which is the year 1270 of the Call". It is apparent that the manuscripts of
"Bayán-i-fársí" consulted by Browne contained an alternate number of minutes after sunset from the
number cited in translations of other manuscripts by Shoghi Effendi, Habib Taherzadeh and Nicolas.
MacEoin (p. 42), Amanat (p. 170, n. 107) and Browne (in Note C, pp. 222-226, to 'ABDU'L-BAHA) base
their dating of the Báb's declaration on this verse alone. Balyuzi does not cite any authority for this date (pp.
17, 22).

Browne also cites "Bayán-i-fársí," váhid VI: báb 13 (in Note C, pp. 222-226), and his summary reference to
this verse reads ("Selections," p. 383): "Had its maturity been at two hours of the night of Thursday the fifth
of Jamádi'ul-Awwal it would not have appeared five minutes later." Nicolas' translation of this passage
follows (tome 3:1913, p. 128):
A Prophet in Modern Times 46

"Et si cette perfection eut ete atteint a deux heures de la nuit du cinq Djemadi el ewel, la
manifestation n'aurait pas eu lieu cinq minutes plus tard."

An English translation of this verse indicates that the text is identical to that cited by Browne:

"And if this perfection had been attained at 2 hours of the night on the 5th Jamádi al-Awwal, the
manifestation would not have taken place five minutes later."

Nicolas states (Chapter II) that the day and time of the Báb's declaration was 5 Jamádi al-Ákhar 1260 at 2
hours and 5 minutes of the night (after sunset), which he calculates as 11 June 1844, without citing any
evidence in support of this specific timing. According to the authorities earlier cited for calculating
Gregorian from Hijra dates, 5 Jamádi al-Ákhar 1260 actually corresponds to 2 June 1844. It seems very
peculiar that Nicolas would have reported the Báb's declaration for this date and time, when his translation
of "Bayán-i-fársí" contains a specific verse wherein the Báb establishes his declaration for an altogether date
and time ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69). We might suppose that Nicolas may not have been
apprized of this verse at the time that "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" was published (1905), six years
before the publication of the first volume of his translation of the "Bayán-i-fársí" (1911). However, Nicolas
attests that his translation of "Bayán-i-fársí" was first effected in 1889 ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I, p. i, n. 1),
six years before the publication of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Furthermore, when he essayed a
rendering of 5 Jamádi al-Awwal 1260 from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb 7), in his rendering of this Hijra
date to its Gregorian equivalent, he made a faulty calculation — he makes it out to be 12 May 1844 rather
than 22/23 May 1844 ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I, p. 69, n. 2).

As for the copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" used by Nicolas in preparing his translation of that work, according to
MacEoin (p. 182), it has not been located. Only one of the three manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí" that Nicolas
is known to have possessed has been located, and this copy is in the International Bahá'í Archives. Two of
the three manuscripts, including the one he used to prepare his translation, were written in the hand of
Mírzá Yahyá (MacEoin, p. 182). As in the case of the Báb's date of birth [please see note (1)], it appears that
Nicolas' calculations are not trustworthy. As we have noted, all of the extant manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí"
which have thus far been studied, including one of those used by Nicolas in his translation, yield the date
cited by Shoghi Effendi, Browne, Amanat, and MacEoin as that of the declaration of the Báb. Inasmuch as
all of the manuscript copies of "Bayán-i-fársí" have yet to be compared, this date might be regarded by some
as tentative, if based exclusively on the text of "Bayán-i-fársí."

Of the early chronicles, the only one which gives a date for the Báb's declaration is ZARANDI (p. 61), and
herein it is stated that this event took place on "the eve preceeding the sixty-fifth day after Naw-Rúz, which
was also the eve of the sixth day of Khurdád, of the year Nahang." If Naw-Rúz fell on 20 March in the year
1844, then 23 May would have corresponded to the sixty-fifth day after Naw-Rúz, and the eve preceding
that day would have fallen on 5 Jamádi al-Úlá). SIPIHR stated that Naw-Rúz 1260 fell on the 29th day of
Safar of the Hijra calendar, and this corresponds to 20 March 1844 (www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html).

It should be noted that the declaration of the Báb was by no means the beginning of his revelation of verses.
As has been noted earlier, the Báb, according to his own statement, prefixed to "Tafsír Súratu'l-Baqara,"
began this work in the month of Dhu'l-Qa'da 1259 (November-December 1843), some six months prior to
his declaration (MacEoin, p. 46, 47). In a letter written from Máh-Kú to his uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
(manuscript in INBA, n. 58, pp. 160-162; reproduced in ZUHUR, pp. 223-225, 264), the Báb stated that
his revelation of verses began with the commencement of the year 1260 (1 Muharram 1260 corresponds to
22 January 1844 according to "The Dawn-breakers," p. 47, n. 2). A similar statement is found in a "tawqí'"
(ordinance) by the Báb cited in Hájí Husayn Qulí Jadíd al-Islám, "Minháj al-Tálibín fí al-Radd 'alá al-Firqa
al-Hálika al-Bábíya" (Bombay:1902, pp. 101-104). Both of these sources are cited in Amanat (p. 168, n. 97).
Another date is associated with the onset of this revelation, found in "Kitáb al-fihrist", which is internally
dated as written on 21 June 1845 (INBA 6003C, p. 286 and INBA 4011C, p. 63; cited in MacEoin, p. 43):
"the first day on which the spirit descended into his heart was the middle [i.e., the fifteenth] of the month of
Rabí' al-Ákhar."
A Prophet in Modern Times 47

This calculation agrees perfectly with Bábí tradition and invalidates the Muslim legend(64) which
alleged that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was present in Karbilá at the time of the death of Rashtí, that
he was seen there with a number of the disciples of the deceased master, and that after certain
portentous events — destined to appeal to the imagination of the vulgar — they all went together
to Mecca to fulfill there the prophecies announcing that the Imám Mahdí must come forth from
the holy city, raising the bared saber and calling the people to the one true God. This comic tale
does not tally with what we positively know about the history of the various persons who were
entangled in this tragedy.

Another question must also be examined here — the lack of instruction of the Báb. All the authors,
whether Muslim or Bábí affirm that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad did not learn Arabic(65). Alone, the
author(66) of "Qisas al-'Ulamá'" writes: "When I was in Karbilá I went to the class of Siyyid Kázim.
Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad came there with everything needed for writing, and wrote down all that
the professor said." I am willing to believe this; but if our hero were capable of following such a
class, of being interested in it and of taking notes, why does he represent him to us afterwards, in
the famous gatherings of Isfáhán(67) and Tabríz(68), more ignorant than a child, more fearful than a

Nicolas (in Chapter Two), states that this verse is found in "Kitáb al-haramayn" but MacEoin explains that
Nicolas' copies of "Kitáb al-fihrist" and "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" ("Kitáb al-haramayn") were intermixed.
Nicolas writes of the interpolation of the two in his bibliography for "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" (pp.
47-48). Amanat (p. 168, n. 98) seems to confuse the issue, by supposing that "Kitáb al-haramayn" was a
separate book, written later than "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn." MacEoin's explanation appears to be the most
sensible based on the available evidence. "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 62, n. 1) reproduces Nicolas' reference,
but seems to tie it to the date of the Báb's declaration. Furthermore, it should be noted that Nicolas
calculated 15 Rabí al-Awwal 1260 to correspond to 24 March 1844, and according to our date conversion
website (www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html), this Hijra date would fall on 4 April 1844, as attested also by
Amanat (p. 168). It appears that, once more, Nicolas was confused in his rendering of dates.

(64)Nicolas writes, with regard to the Muslim chroniclers, like SIPIHR and I'TIDAD: "Certain Muslim

traditions claim however that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was found in Karbilá at the time of the death of
Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. According to them he there and then claimed to his [teacher's] succession and went to
Kúfa' with the principal students of the deceased. There, after forty days of fasting and prayer, he was
recognized in this quality [of successor]. It was in this way that he claimed to be the intermediary between
men and the Imám Mahdí. I must say that the book "Nuqtatu'l-Káf," which I persist in attributing to Mírzá
Jání, seems to confirm this tradition because he also claims that his Master would have declared himself at
Kúfa', if the population had been prepared to recognize him, and that it is because of the lack of readiness of
the Muslims, that the order of God underwent a delay; the Báb declared himself later, at Mecca. But for
many reasons, I consider the "Nuqtatu'l-Káf," as lightly suspect in certain of its parts." Please see footnotes
(23) and (27) for the sources pertaining to the Báb's sojourn in the 'Atabát.

(65)Nicolas translates I'TIDAD: "At the start of his life, he occupied himself with acquiring the Persian

sciences, but he learned only the elements of Arabic." Please see footnote (8) for more details regarding the
education of the Báb.

(66)The author of "Qisas al-'ulamá'" is Mírzá Muhammad ibn Sulaymán Tunkábuní, and we have
designated this source as TUNKABUNI.

(67)Here reference is made to the examination of the Báb's claims in the city of Isfáhán (see Chapter Two).

(68)Here reference is made to the interrogation of the Báb by a group of Muslim clergy in the city of Tabríz

(see Chapter Four).
A Prophet in Modern Times 48

sheep, and finally, incapable of conjugating even the most simple Arabic verb? He who wishes to
prove too much, proves nothing at all; all these contradictions show nothing...but the bad faith of
the Muslim authors(69).

We are therefore in the presence of an almost general affirmation of a virtually universal
agreement, that the Báb did not even study the rudiments of Arabic grammar; furthermore, he
says so himself(70):

"Learn from me my order on the subject of my Remembrance.

"In truth, the spirit has aided it in every thing with the permission of God, and in truth
there is no other god but God, the Powerful, the Beloved.

"Hence, when the age of this young man arrived at the moment in which it is obligatory to
study the sciences, in truth We made him succeed in the "Jaziratu'l-Bahr" according to the
tradition of Muhammad, Prophet of God in the past. And he learned nothing of your
sciences from any of you. In truth! His relationship to this science was as if he had just been
born of his mother; he was a stranger on this path. He was Ahmad, from the atoms of the
Prophet of God, which were the science of God."

How then to explain his prodigious literary production? The answer to this is of the greatest
simplicity. For the Bábis, the Báb being a Prophet, what happened to him is what took place to
Muhammad, which we(72) admit for the apostles: the descent of the Holy Spirit taught all languages
to them; it was God Who spoke by the mouth of the Arabian Prophet — the three cases are
identical, and with him who has faith no discussion is possible.

The Muslims, for their part, simply say that the Báb had collaborators, and I regret to have found
Europeans expressing the same opinion. First of all, this affirmation is contrary to historical truth,
which is a grave error. We see, during the course of this story, the Báb beaten, pursued,

(69)Nicolas writes: "I am very well aware that Mr. de Gobineau (Joseph Arthur, le Comte de Gobineau,

author of "Les Religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," Paris:1865) is, himself also, of the opinion
that the Arabic of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad is a a faulty Arabic, but I question the judgment of our [French]
former minister at Tihrán, who did not know a word of this language, nor of Persian, which does not
restrain the practice of attaching the title of "scholar" to his name. Scholar at a good price, for his book,
"Religions and philosophies in Central Asia" — which is mistakenly taken as an original work — is nothing
other than a very eloquent translation, but sometimes faulty, of the "Násikhu't-Taváríkh" [SIPIHR] made
not by the author, but by a [Persian] Jew who knew a little French named Lalezar, and who was the
professor of Mr. de Gobineau. As for the translation of the Arabic book of the "Precepts" (the Bayán, so says
Mr. de Gobineau, which should suffice to denote his ignorance), I forewarn the reader that it is two-thirds
incomprehensible and that the last third says exactly the opposite of the [orginal Arabic] text itself." Suffice
it to say that Nicolas was not fond of M. de Gobineau! Please see the Introduction to this volume for more
details. While the reference is not so very obvious, it appears that Nicolas thought it ironic that Gobineau
should have employed a Jew to make his translations for him, inasmuch as Gobineau was a vociferous
exponent of the racist doctrine which would consign the Jewish people, among many others, to the waste-
bin of history.

(70)Nicolas does not give the source for this quotation from the Báb's Writings.

(72)Nicolas here assumes that his readers are Christians, and inasmuch as most were fellow francophones,

French men and women, his assumption would have been bonified.
A Prophet in Modern Times 49

imprisoned in solitary confinement, and his pen does not stop. Secondly, which one of his disciples
would have pandered their works under his name, and why would he do so? To flee a terrible
responsibility, for there could be no other reason. But when do we see in the course of this story a
single one of his followers who hesitated — for even one second — before facing the consequences
of his actions? And what consequences! Death by torture. To hide from death, in order to throw
oneself in its direction through another door would be to singularly resemble the one who jumps
into the river to avoid being moistened by the rain.

There are therefore but two hypotheses to advance: either Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad learned Arabic
during his sojourn of two or three years in Karbilá, but then this would have been known, and the
Muslims would not affirm that he did not learn it(73); or one must admit the reality of a
phenomenon the causes of which escape our comprehension.

Finally, and to finish with this question, being myself incapable of appreciating the Arabic of Siyyid
'Alí Muhammad, and to relate it — to his advantage or to his detriment — to that of the
"Qur'an", I solicited the opinion of an Arabist of the highest standing, His Excellency Shams al-
Dín Bey, the Ambassador of the Sublime Porte(74) in Tihrán, asking him to please tell me, leaving
aside all question of religion, what he thought of the language of the Báb. He declared to me with
much warmth and sincerity that he found it very beautiful, very elevated, sometimes faulty, but of
a great poetry and of a perfect eloquence.

This was exactly the view of Mr. Houdas, the professor of colloquial Arabic at the École des
Languages Orientales Vivantes(75).

(73)Nicolas once more translates I'TIDAD: "At the start of his life, he occupied himself with acquiring the

Persian sciences, but he did not learn the elements of Arabic"; and SIPIHR: "In his childhood, he occupied
himself with learning Persian and the elements of Arabic." The reader is urged to consult footnote (8), this
Chapter.

(74)The "Sublime Porte" denotes the government of the Ottoman Empire, the capital of that Empire, and

the seat of the Sultán (Emperor), in Istanbul (Constantinople).
A Prophet in Modern Times 50

Chapter Two

The Declaration — The Pilgrimage — His Name

Meanwhile in Shíráz, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad reflected for a long time upon the teaching which he
had received in Karbilá and upon the corruption there, in the midst of which those mulláhá(1) and
mujtahidún(2) made religion a springboard from which to achieve wealth and honors.

The spectacle of these turpidities, these disgraces, vices and lies of the clerical order disgusted his
pure and sincere soul. He felt the need of bringing about a profound reform in the public morals,
but hesitated, more than once, before the prospect of the revolution that must needs be unleashed
in order to deliver the bodies and the intellects of his countrymen from the bondage of
brutalization and violence that weighed upon all of Persia for the greatest profit of an elite of
pleasure seekers and for the greatest shame of the true religion of the Prophet(3). His perplexity
must have been profound, his anguish terrible, and he needed the threefold support of which
Horace speaks(4) so that he could precipitate himself with lowered head into that ocean of
superstitions and hatreds that must finally engulf him. This is one of the most magnificent
examples of courage that has been given to humanity to contemplate, and it is also an admirable
proof of the love that our hero felt for his fellow men. He sacrificed himself for humanity — for it
he gave his body and his soul; for it he submitted to privations, affronts, injuries, torture and
martyrdom. He sealed with his blood the pact of universal fraternity, and like Jesus, he paid with
his life for announcing a reign of concord, of equity and of the love of fellow being. More than any
other, he knew what formidable dangers he was accumulating to his own risk, and he could judge
for himself the exasperation to which fanaticism, cleverly excited, could attain. But all of the
reflections which he entertained on this subject were not strong enough to turn him away from the

(1)"mulláhá" is the plural form of the Persian word "mullá." The Steingass Persian-English Dictionary

(New Delhi,India:1981) defines "mullá" as "a schoolmaster, doctor, learned man, a judge, a priest" (p.
1303); in this context, the meaning Nicolas refers to is that which most closely approximates
"clergyman" — which, in the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í tradition, has somewhat different connotations than the
Protestant "minister," the Roman Catholic or Eastern Orthodox "priest" and the Jewish "rabbi." The
reader is referred to the entry for "mullá" in the "Encyclopaedia of Islám."

(2)"mujtahidún" is the plural form of the Arabic word "mujtahid." The Wehr Arabic-English Dictionary

edited by Cowan (Ithaca, New York:1994) defines "mujtahid" as "a legist formulating independent
decisions in legal or theological matters, based on the interpretation and application of the four 'usúl'" (p.
169); the four 'usúl' — usually called "usúl al-fiqh" or "principles of the law" — are listed by
Wehr/Cowan (p. 23) as 1)Qur'án; 2)"sunna" (the "tradition" also called "hadíth" composed of recorded
sayings attributed to the Prophet Muhammad and, in Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám, those associated with his
descendants, the twelve Imáms); 3)"qiyás" meaning "analogy"; and 4)"ijmá'" translated as "consensus."
This term is derived from "ijtihád" which Wehr/Cowan (p. 169) as "effort, exertion, endeavor, pains,
trouble; application, industry, diligence; (Islámic law) independent judgment in a legal or theological
question, based on the interpretation and application of the four usúl, as opposed to taqlíd, q.v.;
individual judgment." For further information on "ijtihád," "mujtahidún" and the four "usúl," the reader
is referred to the entries for these terms in the "Encyclopaedia of Islám." For definitions of "taqlíd" the
reader is referred to the same reference work, and to note (91) in Chapter Three.

(3)Muhammad , the Messenger of God, the Prophet of Islám.

(4)THIS CITATION HAS NOT YET BEEN LOCATED.
A Prophet in Modern Times 51

path upon which he had already resolved to venture — fear had no hold on his soul, and tranquil,
without deigning to glance in arrears, calm, in full possession of himself, he stepped into the
furnace.

It was on the night of 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar(5) of the year 1260, at two hours and five minutes(6) of the
evening(7), that having for a last time supplicated the Most Exalted(8) to indicate to him what he
must do, he cried out(9):

"God has created me to instruct these ignorant ones, and to save them from the
estrangement into which they have plunged!" (10)

From that moment, he burned his boats(11). He proclaimed himself to be the Door(12) that conducts
to the knowledge of divine Truths. Thereby he referred to that affirmation of official theology(13)

(5)According to most sources, the Báb's declaration took place on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal rather than, as Nicolas

states, on 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar. Please see note (61) of Chapter One for details.

(6)According to Nicolas, the declaration of the Báb took place at 2 hours and 5 minutes in the evening (that

is, after sunset); other sources cite 2 hours and 11 minutes, or 2 hours and 15 minutes. Please see note (61) of
Chapter One for details.

(7)"Evening" in this case refers to the period that begins at sunset. One day ends and another begins,

according to the Islámic calendar, at sunset. While unfamiliar to many other religionists and
nationalities, this reckoning of the day is common to Jews, Muslims and Bahá'ís. Nicolas provides at this
point in the text his calculation of 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 according to the Gregorian calendar, and
arrives at 11 June 1844. As reported in note (63) of Chapter One, more recent scholars have indicated
that 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 corresponds to 2 June 1844. Please see this note (63) for more details.

(8)"a'líy" is an adjectival form of the Arabic word "'aluw" meaning in this form "high, tall, elevated; exalted,

sublime, lofty, august, excellent" according to Wehr/Cowan (p. 749). When preceded by a definite article,
"al-'Alíy" refers to God, meaning "the Most High, the Supreme." This is one of the names and attributes of
God. It is also especially associated with the person and revelation of the Báb, by himself and by Bahá'u'lláh
as well. One reason for this association is that it refers to the given name of the Báb — 'Alíy" — which, until
the time of the Báb's ministry, was associated for a thousand years with the Imám 'Alí, the first of the twelve
Imáms of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. The Báb and Bahá'u'lláh indicate that this name of God is incomparably
exalted above its prior connotations through the appearance and revelation of the Most Exalted ['Alíy], the
Báb.

(9)Nicolas may be quoting the Báb, in which case he has not identified the provenance of this citation; or, he

may be voicing what he considers to be the Báb's sentiments on this occasion.

(10)Nicolas does not cite words of the Báb, except when they have been recorded in writing by the Báb

himself. It appears then that these words are from the Súrat al-Muluk, the first chapter of "Qayyúmu'l-
Asmá'", which was, according to various accounts, revealed during the night of 5 Jumáda al-Awwal
1260/22-23 May 1844. Please see note (43) this Chapter, and note (16) Chapter Three for more details
related to "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".

(11)This is a French expression which means the same as the English idiom: "he burned his bridges."

(12)The Arabic word translated here as "Door" is "Báb." Wehr/Cowan indicates (p. 98) that the root of this

word is the verb "b-w-b" which has the connotation "to divide into chapters or sections; to arrange in
groups, arrange systematically, class, classify"; while the same source defines the noun "Báb" as "door, gate,
opening, gateway, entrance, chapter, section, column, rubric, group, class, category, field." The Báb
A Prophet in Modern Times 52

according to which, with the passing of Muhammad and the twelve Imáms, the door of divine
science had been closed; and humanity, having nobody left to consult in order to attain certitude
regarding the mysteries of God, was thereafter obliged to content itself with probabilities. He
summarily declared that this Door was open once again, that he was himself this Door; and that
they who wished to attain to certainties regarding the divine nature had but to address themselves
to him.

He wrote to the principal 'ulamá'(14), those whom he considered to be sincere in their faith and
honest — for they can be found, "rari nantes in gurgite vasto"(15):

"Come to me, you who search, for the Door of divine knowledge is open in my person."(16)

While awaiting their replies, in the mosque of the blacksmiths(17), adjoining his house, he
commenced his preaching, which included attacks upon the degeneracy of the established clergy.
This was, for him, the cause of an unmitigated wrath, for he had a vigorous hatred of vice, which,
in turn, released against him the fury of those who felt themselves touched by his blows.

It was at this moment that Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í arrived at Shíráz, having left Karbilá, as we
have said, seeking him whose advent Siyyid Kázim Rashtí had announced. He rapidly attained
certitude that he had found this one in the person of the young Siyyid, and thereafter showed
towards him such respect, obedience, and devotion as was ultimately to bring about his own death.

indicated for himself the latter meaning, "door" or "gate", when he spoke of himself as "al-Báb"; he used the
same word "Báb" to denominate the subdivisions of each chapter (called "wáhid" in Arabic and pronounced
"váhid" in Persian) of certain of his works (including "Haykal al-dín," "Kitáb al-asmá'," "Bayán al-'arabíyya"
and "Bayán-i-fársí"). This latter use of "Báb" is very common in Arabic literature.

(13)Nicolas makes reference here to the official theology of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims.

(14)"'ulamá'" is the plural form of an Arabic word, "'Alím" meaning "learned, erudite; scholar, savant,
scientist; (in Islám) theologian and expert in canonical law" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 745). It is this latter Islámic
meaning which Nicolas is employing in this biography. As we have seen, the term "mullá" is more inclusive
than "'Alím" and even more specific is the term "mujtahid".

(15)An English translation of this Latin phrase of undetermined origin: YET TO BE IDENTIFIED.

(16)The original of this text has yet to be identified as to origin. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 107) mentions

four different letters written by the Báb to the principal 'ulamá': 1) to the principal 'ulamá' of Isfáhán; 2)
to the principal 'ulamá of Tabríz written in Chihríq; 3) to the principal 'ulamá' of Tabríz from an
unknown location; 4) to the principal 'ulamá' of Írán. The last of these four, called "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" is
cited in Abu'l-Qasim Afnan's book (pp. 107-111), and is stated by this author to have been revealed
shortly after the Báb's return from pilgrimage. Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 26 February 2002) could not
find the phrase cited here by Nicolas, so apparently it was penned in one of the other letters to the
'ulamá'. See note (56) in Chapter Four for details regarding the Tablet to the 'ulamá' revealed by the
Báb in Máh-Kú.

(17)Nicolas refines his own translation as follows: "Or rather, the fabricants of sabers." We may observe that

the fashioning of swords was a useful occupation in a country that had much need of defensive (and
apparently also of offensive) weapons, and which was still more likely to use the sword, in the mid-19th
century, than to wield the firearm.
A Prophet in Modern Times 53

He was thus the first believer, "Awwal min amín"(18), a title by which he was as often designated as
by that of "Báb al-báb"(19), given him afterwards by his Master.

We will report elsewhere the story of his conversion, in order not to delay our narrative, but we are
nevertheless obliged to stop here for a moment in order to explain the modalities of the
“Declaration” — a subject which we will develop in the second volume(20).

The 5th of Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 is not as it has been believed up to now the day upon which the
Báb, suddenly illumined by the Spirit of God, understood and announced the mission with which
he had been charged. This descent of the prophetic spirit took place some time before then, but
the Báb concealed it so to speak within himself, and, its gestation having come to an end [at this
time], he [openly] proclaimed to the world his summons to peace and fraternity. The date of this
descent is given to us with precision in the "Kitáb al-haramayn":

"Say, O company, hear the order of the Eternity of God coming from his slave. In truth,
this slave is a slave who was born the 1st Muharram of the year 1236.

"And in truth, today is the day of the month which is the month before Rajab of the year
1261. This was written in the Book of God."(21)

(18)"Awwal min amín" which means the "first of the faithful" is a title which the Báb bestowed upon Mullá

Husayn. Previous to the Báb's declaration, this title was associated exclusively with the Imám 'Alí, who was,
according to Islámic tradition, the first man to believe in Muhammad's divine mission. It is recorded that
the first woman to recognize his mission was Muhammad’s wife Khadíjih. Nicolas cites an unidentified
passage from the writings of the Báb, as evidence of this identity, name and station for Mullá Husayn
Bushrú'í. An English translation of Nicolas' French text:

"Say: 'In truth I have fixed from now, until the day to which God will permit me, the first who has
believed in me as a witness and aid for you.'"

For more details concerning Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, please see note (22) of Chapter One.

(19)"Báb al-báb" means "Door of the door" (see note (12) for more details regarding the meaning of “Báb”).

In reference to this title of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, Nicolas cites and critiques the comments of le Comte de
Gobineau, in his book entitled "Les Religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale" (Paris:1865): "Mr.
Comte de Gobineau writes that the Báb, abandoning this title, adopted that of Point. 'The title of Báb, thus
at liberty, was given to Bushrú'í.' Bushrú'í never had the two titles which are given to him here [by
Gobineau], and as for that [title] of the Báb, we will see what it signified, and the impossibility that he who
possessed it should cast off no matter which one of his titles."

(20)Nicolas refers here, as elsewhere in this biography, to a second volume. Inasmuch as a second volume

with the title of this work was not published at any time in subsequent years, it appears that Nicolas may
have further developed these themes in other contexts. Also published in 1905 was his translation of the
Báb's "Bayán al-'arabíyya" as "Le Beyan Arabe" (Paris:Leroux). Nicolas' "Avant-Propos" to this translation,
which is 101 pages in length, comprising the first half of the entire volume, may well comprise that
continuation and development of “Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb” of which he spoke here as a second
volume. In any case, subsequent to the publication of this present volume, the "Avant-Propos" in question
will be made available in English with appropriate annotations.

(21)Nicolas writes: "The half of the month which is before Rijib is 15 Jumáda al-Ákhar."
A Prophet in Modern Times 54

"In truth, the first day on which the spirit descended into the heart of this slave was the 15th
of the month of Rabí al-Awwal. And until today, in which God forbids you my verses,
fifteen months have been written in the Book of God."(22)

The sermons of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, while vociferous, were not numerous — he had
little time [to make them], for he departed(23) in the month of Sha'bán(24) to make his
pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving behind him a stupified Shíráz.

Tradition would have it that he was accompanied on his voyage by various persons. I am unaware
of the number and will limit myself to mentioning the name of his uncle, that of Bushrú'í and of
Bárfurúshí(25). They went to Búshihr, where they took their places on a sailboat which was to
(22)Nicolas writes: "The 15th of the month of Rabí al-Awwal of the preceeding year, which is to say 1260,

which is equivalent to the 21 March 1844."

Fariba Ghayebi (25 February 2002) pointed out that from 15 Rabí al-Awwal 1260 to 5 Jamádíyu'l-Úlá (the
date of the declaration of the Báb) are forty-nine days, and hence that the former date corresponds to 5
April 1844 in the Gregorian calendar, not 21 March 1844, as alleged by Nicolas. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 59)
quotes a paragraph from a Tablet of the Báb addressed to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Quddús, which states
that the first descent of the spirit upon the innermost heart [fu'ad] of the Báb took place during the month of
Rabí al-Awwal, but without specifying the day of this descent. This same author mentions that at this very
time Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was engaged in a forty-day "i'tikáf" in Kufa. Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 26
February 2002) notes that between Rabí al-Awwal and Muharram 1261 there are nine months, not fifteen
months as stated in Nicolas' copy of "Kitáb al-haramayn". See note (28) for more details related to the
revelation of this book.

(23)The Báb left the city of Shíráz to undertake his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina on 26 Sha'bán 1260 (10

September 1844) according to the Báb's "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited Amanat, p. 239, n. 198; Abu'l-Qasim
Afnan, p. 86); or during the month of Shavvál 1260 according to MU'IN (cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
129, n. 1). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 86) quotes the text of "Khutba al-Jidda" as establishing the date of the
Báb's arrival in Medina on 7 Muharram 1261.

(24)Nicolas, who did not cite the "Khutba al-Jidda", nevertheless regarded Sha'bán as the month in which the

Báb departed Shíráz on pilgrimage.

(25)Amanat (p. 221, n. 210) cites "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 18), stating that the Báb described his only

companions on pilgrimage to be Quddús and Mubárak. Nicolas translates this passage from the “Bayán” as
follows (tome II:1913, p. 164):

"Celui qui le connut et qui fit le pelerinage avec lui est celui-la meme sur lequel huit unites ont
passees et Dieu l'honora aupres de ses anges au plus haut des cieux a cause de la facon dont il s'etait
separe de tous, et son acte d'etre sans reproche dans le contentement de Dieu. Ce n'est pas qu'une
grace speciale lui ait ete accordee car cette grace a ete accordee a tous. Mais tous sont dans
l'ignorance de cette grace, car dans cette annee meme la manifestation du Livre du commentaire de
la Sourate de Joseph parvint a tous(42)."

An English rendering of this passage reveals the following traits:

"He who recognized him and who took the pilgrimage with him is the same one upon whom eight
unities have passed and God will honor him before His angels in the highest heavens because of the
fashion in which he separated himself from all things, and his action is being without reproach in
the contentment of God. It is not that a special grace was accorded to him, for this grace was
accorded to all. But all are ignorant of this grace, for in this same year the Book of the Commentary
on the Súrah of Joseph became manifest to all(42)."
A Prophet in Modern Times 55

conduct them to Mascat. The winds were contrary, the voyage dragged on and lasted twelve days;
the heat was oppressive, and soon the lack of water afflicted the passengers with the torments of
thirst(26). Happily the boat was charged with a cargo of little lemons cultivated in Shíráz, which
permitted our hero to sustain himself.

He retained from his voyage the very worst impression(27) —

"Know that the ways of the sea are painful — we do not wish them for our faithful ones.
Voyage upon routes by land."

While this passage does identify only one person as the companion of the Báb on pilgrimage, it does not
name that person, and Nicolas ("Le Beyan Persan," tome 3, p. 164, n. 1) thought that this companion of the
Báb was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í. ZARANDI (pp. 86, 129) states that the Báb was accompanied by two
persons only on his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina — his Ethiopian servant (please see Chapter One,
note (18) for more detail) and Quddús, the eighteenth Letter of the Living. AFNAN (p. 37) likewise
identified the pilgrimage party in this manner (cited Amanat, p. 241, n. 210). Amanat (Ibid.) cites the reports
of Nicolas and MU'IN (p. 73) which name other companions, and indicates that these reports are
erroneous. SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 238) and KAZEM-BEG (vol. VII, pp. 344n, 477-478n) claim that Quddús
joined the Báb in the midst of the hájj, but this is not substantiated by other sources (Amanat, Ibid.).

(26)Nicolas cites a passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16) in the original Persian (p. 454, Note D),

which he translated into French as follows ("Le Beyan Persan," tome II:1913, p. 154):

"C'est ainsi que moi-meme, j'ai vu dans le voyage de la Meqqe, un personnage qui depensait des
sommes considerables, mais hesitait devant la depense d'un verre d'eau pour son compagnon de
route qui habitait avec lui. Cela se passait sur le bateau, et l'eau y etait rare, de telle sorte que moi-
meme, dans le voyage de Bouchir a Mascat, qui dura quinze jours pendant lesquels on ne put faire
d'eau, je dus me contenter de citrons doux.."

An English translation of this passage reads as follows:

"It is thus that I myself saw during the pilgrimage, a person who spent considerable sums of money,
but who hesitated to share a glass of water with the fellow traveler who lived with him. This
happened on the ship, and water was very rare there, so much so that I had to content myself with
sweet lemons, during the voyage from Búshihr to Mascat, which lasted for fifteen days during
which one could not find water."

ZARANDI (p. 131) cites the same passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" in an abbreviated fashion, and Amanat (p.
241) and Balyuzi (p. 71) likewise refer to this verse. It is curious that Nicolas states that this sea voyage lasted
twelve days, while the Báb writes in "Bayán-i-fársí" that the voyage from Búshihr to Mascat was fifteen days
in length. Amanat (p. 240), basing his account on "Khutba al-Jidda" (p. 239, n. 198) indicates that the Báb
and his companions arrived in Búshihr on 6 Ramadán/20 September, boarding a ship for Jidda two weeks
later. He also states, citing various sources (p. 241, n. 214) that the sea voyage lasted seventy-one days
altogether, stopping in Kangan, Muscat and Mocha before arriving at Jidda. Hájí Abu'l-Hasan Shírází, one
of the fellow passengers of the Báb, who later became a Bábí, told ZARANDI (p. 130) that this voyage
lasted in total approximately two months.

(27)Tore Kjeilen, writes in an article on Babism in his "Encyclopaedia of the Orient" (http://i-
cias.com/e.o/babism.htm) that among contemporary Bábís in Uzbekistan "travelling is restricted,
especially sea travels."
A Prophet in Modern Times 56

— he wrote in the "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn"(28), addressing his uncle(29), as we shall see later on.
He returned in lengthy fashion to this subject in the "Bayán”(30). We must not believe that this is
childishness; the sentiment which guided the Báb in his horror of the sea was more noble and
more elevated. Struck by the egoism of the pilgrims, the exasperated egoism of stress, and by the
dangers attending a voyage upon the sea, as well as generally by the state of filth in which the
voyagers were obliged to live on deck, he wished to avoid giving men such occasions whereby they
might give vent to their bad instincts and might ill-treat each other. We know that the Apostle
expressly recommends politeness, indeed, the most refined courtesy in social relations(31):

"Do not sadden whoever it may be for whatever reason."

(28)"Kitáb bayn al-haramayn" is best known as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (ZARANDI, p. 137;
MacEoin, pp. 60-61; Amanat, pp. 137, 246-249; Balyuzi, p. 73; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 450). It was
written between the cities of Mecca and Medina, as indicated by the title — "Epistle between the two
holy places" — and is listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51), which latter book is dated 21 June
1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 450) writes that "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" was revealed
during the first night of Muharram 1261. Inasmuch as the Báb journeyed to Mecca for the pilgrimage, it
is certain that he was there during Dhi'l-Hijjih 1260, the month prior to Muharram (the first month of
the Islamic year, hence 1261 A.H.), and thus it is entirely credible that he would have written a Tablet
between Mecca and Medina [bayna'l-haramayn] on 1 Muharram 1261. Ten manuscripts of this work
have been located, two of which are dated 1845 (MacEoin, pp. 61, 197-198). This book was addressed
to a fellow pilgrim, Mírzá Muhammad Husayn Muhít-i Kirmání, in reply to his questions according to
various sources (ZARQANI, pp. 134-138; MacEoin, pp. 60-61; Amanat, pp. 246-247; Balyuzi, pp. 72-
74). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 577) reports that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání and Mírzá Muhít were the two
recipients of this work. He indicates that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání visited the Báb in Mecca and asked him
some questions, which were answered in a long Tablet (most of which is now lost) received by this
interlocutor in Medina, a short paragraph from which is cited (p. 609).

(29)Nicolas may have confused the Báb's uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) with Siyyid 'Alí
Kirmání, who is mentioned by name in "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (Amanat, p. 241, n. 210). The
circumstances of the writing of this work are regarded as well established by historians, and due to the
nature of this work, it was certainly not written for the Báb's uncle. While it is possible that the Báb wrote
another work, perhaps entitled "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn" or "Kitáb al-haramayn" and addressed to his
uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, no copy of such a work has been preserved to the present. There is no
mention of this title in "Kitáb al-fihrist" in any case, making it very unlikely that the Báb could have
composed such a work during his pilgrimage. "Kitáb al-fihrist" contains a list of the works written by the
Báb "between the beginning of the year 1260 to the middle of the first month of the year 1262" which
MacEoin reckons from 22 January 1844 to 14 January 1846 (MacEoin, p. 50). Inasmuch as the Báb
departed from Medina, his pilgrimage completed, on 6 February 1845 (Amanat, p. 243, citing "Khutbat al-
Jidda"), everything he wrote during the pilgrimage should be found listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist." It seems likely
that pages from a letter addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Khál-i-A'zam, were interspersed with the pages
of Nicolas' copy of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn". Indeed, Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 131) informs us that the Báb
wrote a letter to his uncle from the city of Burazján, which is between Búshihr and Shíráz, on his way back
from pilgrimage, which is dated 24 Jamádi al-Thání 1261.

(30)The Báb indeed dwells on the subject of pilgrimage journeys in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16) and

refers to other kinds of voyages in the same book (váhid VI: báb 17).

(31)Nicolas once more cites an unidentified passage from the writings of the Báb.

Fariba Ghayebi (email 26/2/02) pointed out that this verse is found in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16),
with the Persian wording: "dar hích hál bar hích nafsí huzn várid nayá varíd". In the very next verse it states
that the reason for not saddening anyone is that the hearts of the believers are close to God.
A Prophet in Modern Times 57

He was able, during this voyage, to himself attest to the nastiness of man and his brutality when he
finds himself faced with difficult circumstances(32):

"For the saddest thing that I saw during my pilgrimage to Mecca were the constant
disputes of the pilgrims amongst themselves, disputes which removed from them the
general blessings of their pilgrimage."

He arrived at Mascat where he rested a few days, during which he sought to convert the people of
the land — without success. He addressed himself to one among them, probably a clergyman and
of elevated rank, through whose conversion might be brought about that of his fellow citizens —
this I suppose, for he does not refer to this subject in any detail. It is certain that he would not have
sought to convert the first comer, one who would not have had any influence over the other
inhabitants of the town. That he attempted a conversion and that he did not succeed therein, is
indisputable, because he affirms this himself(33):

(32)Nicolas translates another unidentified passage regarding the conduct of his fellow pilgrims.

This same passage is found translated by Amanat (p. 242), and derives from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb
16). This passage seems to have been re-translated by Nicolas prior to the publication of "Le Beyan Persan"
(tome II:1913, pp. 154-155), as there it is found with this wording:

"Rien n'est plus important dans la route du pelerinage que d'acquerir des qualites, de facon que
celui qui fait le pelerinage avec quelqu'un ne voit (ni n'occasionne) de tourment, ainsi que je l'ai vu
dans la route de la Meqqe. J'y ai vu des actes plus vils qu'aucun acte aux yeux de Dieu, et qui
etaient cause que la bonne action qu'ils faisaient (en allant en pelerinage) etait vaine. C'etaient des
disputes entre pelerins! En tout etat de cause des disputes de ce genre sont interdites."

This may be translated into English as follows:

"Nothing is more important in the path of pilgrimage than to acquire qualities, in such fashion that
he who undertakes the pilgrimage with anyone does not see (nor bring upon himself) any torment,
even as I saw on the way to Mecca. On that way I saw acts more vile than any act imaginable in
the eyes of God, and which were the cause whereby the good actions that they carried out (in going
on the pilgrimage) were nullified. It was the disputes among pilgrims! In all circumstances disputes
of this kind are forbidden."

(33)Nicolas does not identify the provenance of this passage either, but it will be identified in note (35).

Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 79) wrote that the Báb declared his prophetic mission to the people of Mecca, and
also on board the ship from Jidda to Mascat. Most of his fellow passengers were Persians, and upon their
return to their hometowns, they spread the news that one calling himself the Qá'im had appeared. The Báb
(cited in Ibid.), addressed his fellow passengers in this manner: "wa-kalika qad kán hakim alláh láhal safínsah
illá nafámínham annah qad ámín báyátaná wa-kán min al-mantaqín". A provisional translation of these
verses by Fariba Ghayebi (email 6 March 2002): "It was God’s judgment (hukm) upon all those on board,
save one. In truth he believed in our verses and was one of the pure souls (taghwá)." One of the reasons
for the Báb's sojourn in Mascat, according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 80), was to proclaim his prophetic
station to Shaykh Sulaymán, a famous and powerful Sunní mujtahid. He did not become a Bábí. According
to Afnan (pp. 80, 110), these lines in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" apply to Shaykh Sulaymán: "walaqád nazal dhikr
alláh ard masqat wa-balagh hakím alláh ilá rajal manhim la'llah yatadhikr báyátaná wa-kán min al-
mahatidín qul anba' huwáh ba'd qad tall ayátaná wánah rí hakim al-kitáb lan al-mu'atidín".
A Prophet in Modern Times 58

"The mention of God, in truth, descended upon the land of Masqat, and caused the order
of God to arrive to one of the inhabitants of the land. It was proven that he understood our
verses and he became one of those who are guided."

"Say: This man obeys his passions after having read our verses. And in truth, this man is,
according to the order of the Book, among the number of the Transgressors." (34)

"Say: At Mascat we have not seen people of the Book who have aided him, for they are lost
ignorant ones. And it was the same for all(35) those who were found on the boat, if there is
not one among them who believed in our verses and became of those who fear God."

He continued on his way and arrived at Mecca, where he devoted himself to those practices
prescribed for the visit to the house of God(36). The Muslim reports, and also the Bábí ones — but
these latter with a certain hesitation, depict him one day with his back to the wall of the Ka'bih,
drawing his sword and proclaiming the arrival of the Imám Mahdí who must conquer all upon the
surface of the globe.

One must not hesitate to believe in this. The Muslims, convinced that our hero is nothing but a
false prophet and a pretender, accuse him at every moment of conforming his conduct to the
fulfillment of those prophecies which regulate almost all of the movements of the "Sáhib

(34)Nicolas indicates that this passage is related to a verse from Súrat al-Qalam in the Qur'án (68:11-14):

"And yield not to any mean swearer,
"Backbiter, one who goes about slandering,
"Forbidder of good, transgressor, sinful,
"Ill-mannered and, in addition to that, of doubtful birth."
(Maulawi Sher Ali, translator)

The word found in the Qur'án to which the Báb refers in this passage is "mu'tadin" (transgressor).

(35)Nicolas directs his reader to Note E (p. 454) which he identifies as the original Arabic text of a passage

found in "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." Note E is here cited in its entirety, in transliteration:

walaqád nazal dhikr alláh ard masqat wa-balagh hakím
alláh ilá rajal manhim la'llah yatadhikr báyátaná wa-kán
min al-mahatidín
qul anba' huwáh ba'd qad talí ayátaná wánah rí hakím
al-kitáb lan al-mu'atidín [the transgressors]
qul má narí ahal al-kitáb fihá ráfiqah ilá qúm núr
jáhalín wa-kathalika qad kán hakím alláh láhal safínsah
illá nafámínham annah qad ámín báyátaná wa-kán min
al-mantaqín

A close comparison of this text with that translated by Nicolas and then rendered into English in (33)
indicates that this is indeed the Arabic original. Fariba Ghayebi (26/2/02) pointed out that this passage is
cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 80, 110), and that it is part of "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (cited in full by Afnan, pp.
107-111), rather than from "Sahífa bayn al-haramayn". It seems that, in some cases, the manuscripts
available to Nicolas may have intermixed texts from diverse works.

(36)The "house of God" is usually called "baytu'l-harám" (the sacred house), and refers to Ka'bih, the black

stone which is the central shrine associated with the holy city of Mecca.
A Prophet in Modern Times 59

al-Zamán"(37). In acting thus, the Báb gave himself at least the exterior appearance of being the
Prophet of the end of times(38), and could, by this very fact, attract the attention of the commoners.
From this point of view, the question is very simple. Amidst the mass of the hadíth(39) which
announce the conquest of the globe by Islám, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad would have chosen the
easiest ones to realize, and would thus have made himself a "guide to the perfect Mahdí" to which
he would have conformed his conduct.

Truly, the Muslims make light of their adversary. In looking over the books of Mr. Browne(40), one
could become convinced, particularly in reading the transcripts of the meetings in Isfahán and in

(37)"Sáhib al-Zamán" is explained in Chapter One, note (36) and the prophecies related to "Sáhib al-

Zamán" are noted briefly in note (37). A more detailed account of these prophecies is found in Nicolas,
"L'Islám Chiite ou Islám Persan," Chapitre III: "L'Imám Mehdi — Le Chiisme Actuel" (pp. 145-188) in
"Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb"; and Amanat (pp. 89-102, 193-201 passim.). Sáhib al-Zamán is also
called Imám Mahdí — please see note (43).

(38)The Báb refers to his fulfillment of prophecies, and to his prophetic station in innumerable passages found

throughout his Writings. In one of his books, the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs), he goes into this
matter in considerable detail. There is a a much shorter work in Arabic which goes by the title "Dalá'il al-
sab'a" and this seems to be comprise an invocation and a summary of the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih." There
are three known manuscripts of this Arabic work (MacEoin, pp. 87-87, 185), one of which was used in
producing a lithographed edition of "Dalá'il al-sab'ah" and its Persian counterpart "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"
(MacEoin, p. 185; Amanat, p. 443). The Báb himself indicated that the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" was written
in Máh-Kú (cited MacEoin, p. 86, n. 43), but its intended recipient has not been reliably identified
(MacEoin, p. 87). There are thirteen manuscripts of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" known to be extant (MacEoin, p. 185),
and one of these was the basis for the publication of this work with "Dalá'il al-sab'ah" mentioned earlier.
Passages from "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" have been rendered into English by Shoghi Effendi ("Selections from the
Writings of the Báb," Haifa:1976, pp. 117, 123; identified on p. 223); by Habib Taherzadeh with the
assistance of a committee at the Bahá'í World Centre (in Ibid., pp. 117-126); and by Edward Granville
Browne ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note C, p. 221). A.L.M. Nicolas translated the entirety of "Dalá'il-i-
sab'ih" into French, and this translation was published in Paris in 1902. Excerpts from Nicolas' translation
were cited as footnotes by Shoghi Effendi in "The Dawn-breakers" (pp. 17-18, n. 2; p. 23, n. 5; p. 24, n. 1;
p. 196, n. 2; p. 249, n. 1; p. 252, n. 2; p. 259, n. 1; p. 495, n. 2). A provisional translation of Nicolas’
rendering of the entire book from French into English, with annotations, will be published in a subsequent
volume of this series of Babi Studies.

(39)"hadíth" is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 190) as "prophetic tradition, narrative relating deeds and
utterances of the Prophet [Muhammad] and his Companions" and, in the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í context, it also
includes the traditions associated with the twelve Imáms. Another term used to identify these traditions is
"sunna" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 505), which more frequently identifies the law based upon "hadíth" than the
"hadíth" itself.

(40)Edward Granville Browne (1862-1926), Fellow at Pembroke College, Cambridge University (1887-1902),

and Sir Thomas Adams's Professor of Arabic at Cambridge University (1902-1926), amassed one of the
most extensive collections of Bábí, Azalí and Bahá'í literature in existence (see E.G. Browne and R.A.
Nicholson, "A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental MSS. belonging to the late E.G. Browne," Cambridge,
1932). Professor Browne dedicated a number of years to the study of the Báb and his followers. His
publications on this subject include:

"The Bábís of Persia. I. Sketch of their History, and Personal Experiences amongst them. II. Their
Literature and Doctrines," in "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society" (JRAS), volume 21, 1889, pp. 485-526,
881-1009 (reprinted with annotations in Momen, editor, "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne"
(SWEGB), pp. 145-315).
A Prophet in Modern Times 60

Tabríz(41), that the greatest argument of the mulláhá against the mission of the Báb, consists in
their criticism of the names of his father and his mother...and the Báb does not know what to
answer. These are child's play, unworthy of those who invented and wrote them.

"A Traveller's Narrative Written to Illustrate the Episode of the Báb," edited and translated from the
Persian text of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, two volumes (vol. I, Persian text; vol. II, English translation and notes),
Cambridge, 1891 (reprinted in one volume, Amsterdam, 1975).

"Some Remarks on the Bábí Texts edited by Baron Victor Rosen," in JRAS, volume 24, 1892, pp. 259-332.

"A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts," in JRAS, volume 24, 1892, pp. 433-499, 637-710.

'Bábísm,' in "Religious Systems of the World," 1892 (reprinted in Momen, editor, SWEGB, pp. 407-427).

"A Year Amongst the Persians," London, 1893 (reprinted 1926; new edition, 1984).

"The Táríkh-i-Jadíd or New History of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb," edited and translated from the
Persian text of Mírzá Husayn-i-Hamadání, Cambridge, 1893 (reprinted Amsterdam, 1975).

"Personal Reminiscences of the Bábí Insurrection at Zanján in 1850, edited and translated from the Persian
text of Áqá 'Abdu'l-Ahad-i-Zanjání," translated, in JRAS, volume 29, 1897, pp. 761-827.

"A Literary History of Persia," four volumes, Cambridge and London, 1902-1924.

"Báb, Bábís," in "Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics," volume II, 1909, pp. 299-308.

"Nuqtatu'l-Káf," editor of text alleged to be written by Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, London and Leiden, 1910.
"Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion," Cambridge, 1918.

"A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental MSS. Belonging to the Late E.G. Browne," completed by R.A.
Nicholson, Cambridge, 1932.

For more information about E.G. Browne's life and work, please see the following link: http://bahai-
library.org/encyclopedia/browne.html

(41)There seem to have been three occasions on which the Báb was summoned to account for the public

reports of his claims to be the "Gate" to the Imám Mahdí, or the Imám Mahdí and the Qá'im himself. The
first is reported to have taken place in Shíráz, after the Báb's return from pilgrimage, and is reported by
ZARANDI (pp. 142-143), AHMAD (pp. 452-453), KAF (p. 112), SIPIHR (pp. 42-44), MU'IN (pp. 69-93),
and GOBINEAU (pp. 151-155). Amanat makes brief reference to this Shírází tribunal and cites the sources
noted here (p. 255, n. 283). In Isfáhán in 1847, the Báb took part in a second debate with a number of the
mujtahidún, which was reported, according to Amanat (p. 258, n. 291): in ZARANDI (pp. 207-208); KAF
(pp. 116-118); SIPIHR (volume III, pp. 44-47); ZUHUR (pp. 93-94); 'Abdu'l-Husayn Áyatí Taftí Ávárih
(henceforth AVARIH), "al-Kawákib al-Durríyya fí Ma'áthir al-Bahá'íyya" (Cairo:1327/1948, two volumes;
volume I, pp. 73-105); and in the recollections of Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáhání (INBA Lib. MS. No.
1028D; also cited Amanat, p. 427), called "Khátirát" by MacEoin (p. 180). Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím
Isfáhání, also called Áqá Siyyid Rahím Isfáhání (MacEoin, p. 91) and Siyyid Rahím (MacEoin, p. 183),
seems to have been first a Bábí and subsequently an Azalí scribe, and is reported by the Azalís to have
transcribed at least one copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" (MacEoin, pp. 91, 183). Balyuzi also describes this meeting
in Isfáhán (pp. 112-113). Amanat does not mention any transcript of the debate, but Nicolas claims that
Browne published such a transcript; it is evident though that the transcript published by Browne was of a
tribunal in Tabríz (please see below), not Isfáhán. The outcome of this gathering was that the Muslim clergy
gathered and issued a verdict calling for the Báb to be executed as a heretic (Balyuzi, p. 113; Amanat, p.
258). There does not seem to be a record of this latter meeting of the mujtahidún. Siyyid Muhammad
A Prophet in Modern Times 61

While the Bábís generally admit this account of the Báb at Mecca, it does not follow that it is
authentic. The history of the Apostle [the Báb] is very little known, and I astonished many Bábís,
and among the greatest, in reading to them the names of the grandfather and the grandmother of
Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, or in furnishing for them one of the details which I picked up from the
"Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," a book of extreme rarity and which they had not read. The surviving
followers are not knowledgeable except for that which concerns the acts of their fathers; and from

Imám Jum'ih Khátúnábádí, the chief religious dignitary of the city of Isfáhán, and the Báb's host for much
of his sojourn in that city, followed up this meeting by issuing a countervailing verdict of insanity (Amanat,
pp. 257-58; Balyuzi, p. 113), which averted the Báb being condemned to death in Isfáhán. The text (or a
portion) of the Imám Jum'ih's "fatwá" (order) is found in ZARANDI (p. 209). The third tribunal convened
to examine the claims of the Báb was that of Tabríz, in July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387; Balyuzi, p. 139). Edward
Granville Browne published what was allegedly the official transcript of this meeting in Tabríz ("Materials
for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 248-55), along with the Báb's "tawba-namih" [recantation text]
(Ibid., pp. 256-258). Balyuzi (p. 141) states that Browne derived this transcript from the accounts found in
SIPIHR, TUNKABUNI, and in the Supplement authored by Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Hidáyat (henceforth
HIDAYAT) and appended to "Rawdatu'l-Safá'-yi Nasírí," by Mirkhúnd (edition cited Amanat, p. 444:
volumes VIII-X, Tihrán, 1959-60;). Balyuzi (pp. 142-143) affirms that these three Muslim authors derived
their information from a tract written by Hájí Mírzá Mahmúd (Balyuzi, p. 140), also called Mullá Mahmúd
(Amanat, p. 387), the Nizámu'l-'ulamá', chief tutor of the Crown Prince, Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá (Ibid., p. 140),
who presided over that tribunal (Ibid., p. 143). Amanat (p. 389, n. 67) states that Browne's transcript was
based on a document supplied to him by Hippolyte Dreyfus, the first French Bahá'í , and of unidentified
source. This is confirmed by a perusal of Browne's "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 247-
48). Amanat (Ibid.) furthermore alleges that HIDAYAT (volume X, pp. 423-430) based his account on the
Nizám'ul-'ulamá's report, and that SIPIHR (pp. 277-290) published a shorter and abridged version, along
with additional material from TUNKABUNI (pp. 126-130). Amanat (p. 387, 388) also asserts that the
Nizámu'l-'ulamá' was a Shaykhí, and that the other two chief clerical participants in this trial, Mullá
Muhammad Mámáqání and Mullá Murtadá Harandí ('Alam al-Hudá) were also acclaimed votaries of the
Shaykhí school. Balyuzi notes (p. 143) that Shaykh Muhammad Taqí, the son of Mullá Muhammad
Mámáqání, and himself present at this tribunal, wrote, in a book intended to refute the claims of the Báb,
that the account written by the Nizámu'l-'ulamá' was full of misrepresentations, which he criticized and
corrected. He further alleges that the Nizámu'l-'ulamá' "collected as many copies as he could of his own
tract and destroyed them" (Ibid.). Amanat (p. 388, n. 64; p. 389, n. 67) also refers to Mullá Muhammad
Taqí Mámáqání's account, excerpts of which were published in MURTADA (pp. 308-315). Amanat (Ibid.)
cites other sources for this tribunal, including ZARANDI (pp. 314-322); and the "Abwáb al-hudá" of
Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí, which is cited in MU'IN (pp. 201-207), KAF (pp. 135-138), and
ZUHUR (pp. 73-74, 116-119). He also affirms that the alleged "tauba-namih" (recantation) of the Báb
which was sent to Browne by Hippolyte Dreyfus and published by Browne in "Materials" was "apparently
traced to the Majlis Library in Tehran", was subsequently published by F. Ádamíyat, in "Amír Kabír va
Írán" (Tihrán:1969, p. 441) and has henceforth "become part and parcel of all anti-Bábí-Bahá'í polemics
and an effective weapon in the growing arsenal of fictitious documentation" (Amanat, p. 392, n. 82).
Understating his case, Amanat (p. 392) affirms that both the transcript of the trial and the written
recantation are documents of doubtful authenticity and veracity. Sepehr Manuchehri reports that the text of
the authentic "tawba-namih" of the Báb is found in "Kashf al-Ghitá." He furthermore describes the manner
in which this document came to be published. His great grandfather was a member of the first National
Spiritual Assembly of Írán, appointed by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. He made contact with a member of the Iranian
"Majlis" (Parliament), a Zoroastrian, who showed him the original text of what has been alleged to be
the Báb's "tawba-namih", which was in the Parlimentary Library in Tihrán. His great-grandfather
immediately wrote to 'Abdu'l-Bahá, who instructed that a copy of this document be made in the event
that the original document could not be secured. A copy of the "tauba-namih" was sent to Mírzá Abu'l-
Fadl Gulpaygání, and this was printed in "Kashf al-Ghitá".
A Prophet in Modern Times 62

this point of view I was served principally (and one cannot imagine better), by the son of
Muqaddas Khurásání(42).

Thus, in that which concerns the question that occupies us, we must not forget that from the start
the Bábís — I speak of the common folk — did not know the details of the new doctrine(43). They

(42)Ibn Asdáq, the son of Mullá Sádiq Muqaddas-i-Khurásání ("Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdáq"), wrote a biography of

his father (Amanat, p. 136, n. 143) based on Mullá Sádiq's recollections. This biography is not listed by
MacEoin, nor is a manuscript of this work referred to by Amanat or Balyuzi. However, Amanat (Ibid.)
states that this biography is quoted by Nicolas and by KHUSRAVI (volume II, p. 50).

(43)Nicolas writes: "The Báb says so himself. In the beginning he spoke the language of the Qur'án (see the

"Seven Proofs") then bit by bit he unveiled his thought, but with what precautions! We may judge this by a
passage taken from the prayer for the festival of Qadir, on Friday, and on the 5th of the month of Jamádi al-
Awwal:

"O mon Dieu! je te prends a temoin Toi et celui qui est aupres de Toi parmi les Temoins que, en
verite Mohammed a rempli la mission que tu lui avais donnee...Donne O mon Dieu sa recompense
a Mohammed pour avoir repandu ton ordre, recompense dont tu as le secret...
"O mon Dieu! c'est toi-meme qui m'as fait connaitre ce degre, et si tu ne te faisais pas connaitre,
je ne t'eusse pas connu...Tu m'as garde pour faire lever tes saints du milieu de leur ignorance.
Aujourd'hui ta religion est parfaite, et celui en qui l'on peut voir ton etre meme s'est manifeste."
(Sahife-Makhzoumie)

An English translation of this citation from the Báb's "Sahífa makhzúna" (also called "Du'a-yi Sahífa"), of
which there are seven manuscripts still extant (MacEoin, pp. 59-60, 198) is here essayed:

"O my God! I take Thee as a witness, Thou and he who is before Thee among the Witnesses that,
verily, Muhammad fulfilled the mission which Thou gavest to him...Give, O my God his due
reward to Muhammad for having propagated Thy order, the reward of which Thou hast the
secret...
"O my God! It is Thou Thyself Who has made me know this degree and if Thou did not make
Thyself known, I would not have known Thee...Thou hast retained me to make Thy saints arise
from the midst of their ignorance. Today Thy religion is perfect, and he in whom one can see Thy
very being has been manifested."

Writers have described this progressive unfoldment of his mission in two ways: either as indicating a
development of the Báb's own self-conceptions, or as a gradual revelation of the full nature of his prophetic
station. The latter explanation is adhered to by Nicolas, as well as by all Bábí and non-academic Bahá'í
historians. They argue that while the Báb may have been cautious in revealing his station as a Prophet of
God, whose laws superceded those of the Qur'án and the "hadíth," this does not imply that he was unaware
of his own prophetic calling at an early stage in his ministry. Nor, they assert, does this indicate that his
claims were unknown to his followers, or that they were unable to understand his teachings.

The Báb himself claims, in the course of describing his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina (in 1844-1845) in
"Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 18), that his "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" was widely circulated during the first year of
his ministry. This passage has been translated by Nicolas as follows ("Le Beyan Persan," tome II:1913, p.
164):

"Mais tous sont dans l'ignorance de cette grace, car dans cette annee meme la manifestation du
Livre du commentaire de la Sourate de Joseph parvint a tous. Or quand ils regarderent ils Le virent
sans compagnon et ils reculerent."

An English translation of these verses:
A Prophet in Modern Times 63

were purely and simply convinced that the Imám Mahdí (44) had appeared, who, with his sword in
one hand, and the Qur'án in the other, was going to bend all the peoples of the earth to the law of

"But all are ignorant of this grace, for in this same year the Book of the Commentary on the Súrah
of Joseph ["Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"] became manifest to all. And when they looked upon it, they saw
him to be without companion and they retreated."

Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 445) writes that the first Chapter, entitled Súrat al-Mulúk, of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"
(also known as "Tafsír Súrat Yúsuf", and "Ahsan al-Qisas") was revealed during the night of 5 Jamádíyu'l-
Úlá 1260. The whole book, which is comprised of 111 chapters (each one of which is called Súrah, like the
Qur'án), was, according to Afnan (Ibid.) revealed in forty days from that initial date. Please see note (9) this
Chapter and note (16) Chapter Three for more details on "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".

The wide dissemination of this book is attested by various accounts associated with individual Bábís,
including Mullá Alíy-i-Bastámí and Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í (MacEoin, p. 56; Amanat pp. 211-219, 269,
272-273, 299, 357). The "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb, while not the repository of most of his laws or
distinctive teachings, contains many indications of the author’s claims to a divine mission and station. In
1862, the two unconverted uncles of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí
visited Baghdád, apparently en route to Karbilá. While in Baghdad, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad
addressed certain questions to Bahá'u'lláh, who was then acknowledged as one of the leading Bábís.
Bahá'u'lláh wrote a reply to these questions in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 138), and
therein he referred to the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb as "the first, the greatest and mightiest of all
books" (p. 231). Shoghi Effendi has translated passages from "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" which attest to the
prophetic station of the Báb, as well as his role as the herald of a subsequent Revelation:

"'I am the Mystic Fane,'" the Báb thus proclaims His station in the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', 'which
the Hand of Omnipotence hath reared. I am the Lamp which the Finger of God hath lit within
its niche and caused to shine with deathless splendor. I am the Flame of that supernal Light that
glowed upon Sinai in the gladsome Spot, and lay concealed in the midst of the Burning Bush.'
'O Qurratu'l-'Ayn!' He addressing Himself in that same commentary, exclaims, 'I recognize in
Thee none other except the "Great Announcement" — the Announcement voiced by the
Concourse on high. By this name, I bear witness, they that circle the Throne of Glory have ever
known Thee.' 'With each and every Prophet, Whom We have sent down in the past,' He further
adds, 'We have established a separate Covenant concerning the "Remembrance of God" and
His Day. Manifest, in the realm of glory and through the power of truth, are the
"Remembrance of God" and His Day before the eyes of the angels that circle His mercy-seat.'
'Should it be Our wish,' He again affirms, 'it is in Our power to compel, through the agency of
but one letter of Our Revelation, the world and all that is therein to recognize, in less than the
twinkling of an eye, the truth of Our Cause.'" (Shoghi Effendi, "The World Order of
Bahá'u'lláh," p. 126)

(44)Nicolas writes regarding the Bábís: "They believed this [that the Báb was the Imám Mahdí] from the

time of the council of Badasht. There their eyes were opened, only to close once again afterwards. The
Bábís still have the same opinion, but no longer the knowledgeable ones." Inasmuch as Nicolas does not
explain himself further, one must conclude that he is referring to the Azalí Bábís, without specifying the
nature of their views. The "Imám Mahdí" is the title given to the twelfth Imám, Muhammad ibn Hasan-
i-'Askarí, who is also called "Hujjatu'lláh" (the Proof of God), "Baqíyyatu'lláh" (the Remnant of God),
and "Qá'im-i-Ahl-i-Muhammad " (Shoghi Effendi, Introduction, "The Dawn-breakers," p. xxx; Edward
Granville Browne, Note O, p. 297, cited in Ibid., p. lii). He succeeded his father as Imám in 260 A.H.
and promptly disappeared (Ibid., p. xxx; Edward Granville Browne, Note O, p. 298, "A Traveller's
Narrative," cited in Ibid., p. liii). Many prophecies preserved by the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í sect of Islám
indicate that the Imám Mahdí will reappear in the future. It is to those prophecies that Nicolas makes
reference here. The Imám Mahdí is hence the Promised One of this branch of Shí'í Islám. The
A Prophet in Modern Times 64

Islám. Therefore, and through a mental operation identical to that which the Muslims followed,
but this time in a reverse sense, they naively believed that the new apostle accomplished, because
they were predicted, all the acts incumbent upon the Imám Mahdí. It was exactly the same for
Christ(45). The rabbis opposed to him showed the sacred texts to demonstrate that he did not fulfill
the conditions required of the Messiah. Jesus answered them — consult the spirit, not the letter;
and his followers — understanding also as little of this teaching as his adversaries — created for
him a geneology, and invented an infinity of episodes to prove that he was, within the narrow
bounds of the letter, the promised and awaited Messiah. Thus, neither the adversaries, nor the
followers understood the teaching of the Master. Alone, at the start of the Bábí Faith, the beautiful
Qurratu'l-'Ayn(46) responded to Hájí Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Andarmání(47) and to Hájí Mullá

Promised One expected by Sunní Muslims has the title "Mahdí" and there are innumerable prophecies
associated with this One. However, inasmuch as the Muslims to which the Báb addressed himself were
of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í sect, the Sunní prophecies do not concern us here. ZARANDI (p. 184) cites the
compilation of Mírzá Ahmad Azghandí, comprising 12,000 traditions related to the coming of the Imám
Mahdí. This compilation seems to have been destroyed, and regarding this the reader is referred to note
(37), Chapter One. An anonymous compilation of 70 traditions, mostly from the "'Awálimal-'ulúm wa'l-
ma'árif wa'l-ahwál min al-áyát wa'l-akhbár wa'l-aqwál" of Shaykh 'Abdu'lláh ibn Núru'lláh al-Bahrání,
with commentary, is found in a "Risála" by a Bábí apologist (cited MacEoin, p. 109). For sources
regarding the Imám Mahdí, who is also called "Sáhib al-Zamán," please see note (37).

(45)Nicolas makes a statement here that seems to go beyond the purview of the dispassionate historian

and venture into the realm of apologetics. Perhaps it will be useful for the reader to take into
consideration Nicolas' statement, in an interview on 7 February 1939 with Miss Edith Sanderson,
published in "The Bahá'í World" (volume VIII, 1938-1940, pp. 885-887), that he is a Bábí. Also, in
response to an unidentified Bahá'í female writer, possibly the same Miss Sanderson, Nicolas expressed
his joy when informed that Shoghi Effendi, and the followers of Bahá'u'lláh as a whole recognized the
Báb as an independent Manifestation of God, and not just as the forerunner of Bahá'u'lláh ("The Bahá'í
World," volume VI, 1934-1936, pp. 481-482; reprinted in seven subsequent volumes of this publication).
The full texts of the interview and the letter in question as found in "The Bahá'í World" are to be found
in the Introduction to this biography. While Nicolas does not seem to have distorted any of the historical
evidence which he encountered in favor of the Báb, it is nevertheless important that he be understood as
a sympathetic student of the Bábí Faith, and one who was inclined neither to underrate its importance
nor to take sides in the Azalí-Bahá'í controversy.

(46)Qurratu'l-'Ayn, the most prominent female adherent of the Báb, and the only female Letter of the Living,

was born Fátimih Zarrín Táj Baraghání, surnamed Umm Salma (Amanat, p. 295). ZARANDI (p. 628)
gives her name as Fátmih and Umm-i-Salmih, as well as Zakíyyih. She received her appellation "Qurratu'l-
'Ayn" (Solace of the Eye) from Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, her teacher in Karbilá and the successor to Shaykh
Ahmad Ahsá’í as leader and guide of the Shaykhí school, not, as is commonly supposed, because of her
great physical beauty, but rather in all likelihood because of her outstanding achievements as a public
speaker, essayist and poetess. According to ZARANDI (p. 83), Siyyid Kázim praised her understanding of
Shaykhí tenets with the words "ya qurrat al-'ayní wa rúh al-fu'adí" which Shoghi Effendi translated as "the
delight of my eye and the soul of my heart." The expression is derived from two Qur'anic verses, one from
Súrat al-furqán (25:75), and the other from Súrat al-sajdah (32:18), reproduced as follows:

wa-alládhína yaqúlúna rabbanáhab laná min azwájiná wa-dhurriyyatiná qurrata a'yunin

"And those who say, 'Our Lord, grant us of our wives and children the delight of our eyes...'"
(Qur'án 25:75, Maulana Sher Ali translation)

falá ta'lamu nafsun má ukhfiya lahum min qurrati a'yunin jazá'an
A Prophet in Modern Times 65

"And no soul knows what joy of the eyes is kept hidden for them..." (Qur'án 32:18, Maulana Sher
Ali translation)

Amanat (p. 298, n. 17) points out that the appellation "Qurratu'l-'Ayn is a common Arabic term of
endearment sometimes given by the religious teachers to their favorite students." It is in this religious context
that this name should be understood. The only female Letter of the Living was given the title "Táhirih" (the
pure) by the Báb (Amanat, pp. 295, 307), in a letter from Máh-Kú in mid-1847, cited by Áqá Muhammad
Mustafá ibn Shaykh Muhammad Shibl al-Baghdádí (henceforth BAGHDADI), in "Risála amríyya" (along
with Ahmad Sohrab, "Risála"; Cairo:1338, pp. 109-110). The Báb apparently wrote another epistle,
published in ZUHUR (pp. 331-334), in which this disciple is called "hujjat alá al-kull," translated by
Amanat as "the proof for all" (p. 307, n. 78). ZARANDI (p. 293) indicates that Bahá'u'lláh conferred new
names upon the participants of the conference of Badasht, and upon Qurratu'l-'Ayn the title of Táhirih, and
that, subsequent to this conference, "to each of those who had convened at Badasht a special Tablet was
revealed by the Báb, each of whom He addressed by the name recently conferred upon him." Inasmuch as
Badasht represented the occasion in which the Bábí leadership made a formal break with the old
Dispensation of the Qur'án and proclaimed the new Dispensation of the Bayán, it may be that it was at this
time that Qurratu'l-'Ayn assumed this new title formally and exclusively, that is, what may have been an
optional mode of reference in the past became her newly-established name for the new Bábí Dispensation.
ZARANDI (pp. 80-84, 269-273, 275, 278-280, 283-286, 288, 291-300, 459-461, 621-629) makes copious
mention of Táhirih. Amanat (pp. 295-296, n. 2) lists the sources for Táhirih's life with which he is
acquainted, including the "Maktúb" of Shaykh Sultán-i-Karbilá'í (in ZUHUR, pp. 245-259); KAF;
SIPIHR; HIDAYAT; KAZEM-BEG (volume VII, pp. 473-476); GOBINEAU (pp. 167-169, 293-294, etc.);
SAMANDAR; BAGHDADI; JADID; WAFA (pp. 291-330 in the original Persian; pp. 190-203 in the
English translation); KASHF (pp. 92-111); MU'IN; AVARIH; ZUHUR; KHUSRAVI (volume III); 'Alí al-
Wardí, "Lamahát Ijtimá'íya min Táríkh al-'Iráq al-Hadíth" (Baghdád, 1971, volume II, pp. 152-190);
'Abbúd Sálihí, "Qurrat al-'Ayn, 'alá Haqíqatihá wa Wáqi'ihá"; and Mullá Ahmad Hisárí Khurásání,
"'Aqá'id al-Shaykhíya". Amanat devotes Chapter VII (pp. 295-331) in "Resurrection and Renewal" to
Táhirih, along with references in other chapters (pp. 164, 163n, 176-180, 215-216, 234, 282, 350-351, 429-
430). Balyuzi (pp. 24-27, 58, 124, 162-171, 176, 230) contains comparatively few references to Táhirih.
MacEoin (p. 107; Amanat, p. 296, n. 2) touches upon her role in the early history of the Bábí movement in
his doctoral dissertation for Cambridge University ("From Shaykhism to Babism," pp. 194-196, 203-207).
Nicolas, in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," devotes Chapitre IV (pp. 263-287) and Chapitre XII (pp.
446-452) to Táhirih. His account, which "seems to be based on oral reports (sometimes very similar to
SAMANDAR), is the fullest in a European language" (Amanat, p. 296, n. 2). It is translated into English
and published as "Qourrèt-oul-Aïne" in "Táhirih in History: Perspectives on Qurratu’l-‘Ayn from East and
West" (Los Angeles:2004), along with several other essays written by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Shoghi Effendi, Sabir
Afaqi, Muhammad Iqbal, M. Hidayat Hosain, Mohammed Ishaque, Mohammad Ali Saddiqui, Masudu’l-
Hasan, Khwaja Masud, Suleyman Nazif, E. G. Browne, Abbas Amanat, Farzaneh Milani, Susan Stiles
Maneck, Negar Mottahedeh, Jan Teofil Jasion, and Denis MacEoin. Amanat (p. 301, n. 41) lists some of the
sources of Táhirih's extant writings, and MacEoin (pp. 107-116) discusses her writings in considerable detail.
Two collections of her poetry in English translations have been published in recent years: "The Poetry of
Táhirih" translated and edited by John Hatcher and Amrollah Hemmat (Oxford:2002); "Táhirih: A
Portrait in Poetry " translated and edited by Amin Banani, with Jascha Kessler and Anthony A. Lee (Los
Angeles:2004). Essays about Táhirih have been published in a great variety of venues, including, most
recently, in Negar Mottahedeh’s book entitled "Representing the Unrepresentable: Historical Images of
National Reform from the Qajars to the Islamic Republic of Iran" (Syracuse:2008). There are two popular
accounts of Táhirih's life written by Bahá'í women. The first of these is "Táhirih, the Pure" by Martha Root
(Karachi:1938; reprint in Los Angeles:1981), based on written and oral sources accessible to its author. The
second is "Táhirih" by Clara Edge (Michigan:1964), a fictionalized account of the Bábí heroine.

(47)Hájí Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Andarmání is mentioned again by Nicolas (Chapitre XII, p. 449), in

which he is described as one of the two clerics who passed a death sentence upon Táhirih, a sentence which
was upheld by Násiri'd-Dín Shah. The only account of her interrogation by Mullá Muhammad Andarmání
and of his death sentence is that found in Nicolas (Ibid.; cited by Amanat, p. 329, n. 199).
A Prophet in Modern Times 66

'Alí Kaní(48), who were charged with winning her back to Islám, and who confronted her with texts
announcing the coming of the Mahdí from the towns of Jábulqá and Jábulsá(49), with: "Leave then
to children these insanities unworthy of you and of me — the question is more lofty"(50).

Furthermore, the Báb claimed to be the interpreter not only of the inner meaning, but of the
innermost of the inner meaning of the Qur'án. He explained not only the letter, not only the spirit,
but the very soul of the Book of God; and it is from Him that one must await the realization of
such prophecies as are based upon nothing, of which the basis is nothing but ignorance, fanaticism
or the bad faith of those who have collected them(51). If one opens the "Bayán," if one reads

(48)HájíMullá 'Alí Kání is mentioned also in Nicolas (Chapitre XII, p. 449), as the other cleric who
interrogated Táhirih and then passed a death sentence upon her. Amanat has noted (p. 329, n. 200) that it is
unlikely that the Grand Vazír of the Shah, Mírzá Áqá Khán Núrí would have been in favor of this death
sentence, inasmuch as his wife, his sister and others among the women of his household were allegedly
sympathetic to Táhirih (MU'IN, p. 10; KHUSRAVI, volume III, p. 191; J.E. Polak, "Persien, das Land und
seine Bewohner," Leipzig:1865, volume I, p. 353).

(49)These two cities are stated in some traditions to be the locations from which the Imám Mahdí would

appear. According to Edward Granville Browne (Note O, p. 298, "A Traveller's Narrative," cited in
Introduction, "The Dawn-breakers," p. liii), the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'ís believe that the Imám Mahdí lives in
Jábulqá or Jábulsá. Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í interpreted these realms, apparently identified as "Jábalqá" and
"Jábarsá" in his writings, to be lower regions in the intermediate world ('alám al-mithál), the first in the East
and the second in the West (Amanat, p. 53). This intermediate world is a visionary world experienced by
mystics in meditation, visions and dreams, rather than a physical world of material locations. Hence these
two cities are described in Shaykhí literature as places in the mystical landscape without specific physical
equivalents. Siyyid Kázim Rashtí warned his followers not to expect that the Qá'im would appear from
either of these cities (ZARANDI, p. 25). In making this statement, Siyyid Kázim, like Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í
before him, gave an allegorical interpretation to those hadíth which referred to the place of residence of the
Imám Mahdí. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 16-17) refers to the complaints of the Muslim clergy throughout Persia,
that the literal fulfilment of prophecies associated with the Imám Mahdí, including those pertaining to
Jábulqá and Jábulsá had not accompanied the declaration and subsequent ministry of the Báb. He also
briefly discusses (pp. 17-18) the treatises authored by the leading Bábí teachers in response to these
complaints, explaining the true meaning of these terms as revealed by the Báb.

(50)Nicolas does not cite the source of these words, but we must suppose that they are derived from the

same oral source which supplied him with the names of the two mujtahidún, Mullá Muhammad
Andarmání and Mullá 'Alí Kání, who interrogated Táhirih and sentenced her to death.

(51)Nicolas writes: "I allude especially to Majlísí here, whose voluminous work is bereft of all critical spirit —

a monument of hypocrisy and of prevarication." The work to which Nicolas refers here is "Bihár al-Anwár,"
of Muhammad Baqír ibn Muhammad Taqí Majlísí (25 volumes, published in Tihran:1885-1897).
Bahá'u'lláh quotes one hadíth from "Bihár al-Anwár" in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (p. 243), not because he considers it
to provide an authoritative proof of the prophetic claims of the Báb, but in the following spirit (pp. 237,
256):

"Although We did not intend to make mention of the traditions of a bygone age, yet, because of
Our love for thee, We will cite a few which are applicable to Our argument..."

"These things We mention only that the people may not be dismayed because of certain
traditions and utterances, which have not yet been literally fulfilled, that they may rather
attribute their perplexity to their own lack of understanding, and not to the non-fulfilment of the
promises in the traditions, inasmuch as the meaning intended by the Imáms of the Faith is not
known by this people, as evidenced by the traditions themselves."
A Prophet in Modern Times 67

through it — what does one see there? Nothing throughout but a new explanation of the terms
used in all the religions: the Fire of Hell, Paradise, the Balance of God, Death, the Final Judgment,
etc. And the man who interprets in such a magisterial manner the superstitions of another age
would not have wasted his time in responding to pretenses of this kind!(52)

I refuse on my own part to believe in them(53) and besides, we do not have a single authority which
affirms them. We do not find in all the dialectic of the Báb and the Bábís anything but a profound
contempt for these hadíth which are false and forged at will; whereas they strive to explain those
which are authentic, but these only, citing the actual facts of the new religion(54).

Besides, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad would have spoken of this incident; there is no trace thereof in the
"Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn"(55).

If we search this work for an allusion to the acts of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, we stop at these
passages(56):

"O my God! I implore Thy witness for that which I said in the Masjid al-Haram, near the
Ka'bih, Thy sacred sanctuary, to him who questioned me on the subject of the verses, in

(52)Nicolas
is referring particularly to "Bayán-i-fársí" which contains allegorical interpretations of many
Quranic verses (and by implication many verses in other Scriptures) that refer to these various topics:

1)Fire of Hell, in váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 4, báb 5, báb 6, báb 9, báb 10, báb 12, báb 13, báb 16,
báb 17; váhid III: báb 3, báb 17; váhid V: báb 4; váhid VI: báb 7; váhid VII: báb 18, báb 19; váhid
VIII: báb 11
2)Paradise, in váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 4, báb 6, báb 8, báb 9, báb 10, báb 13, báb 16; váhid III:
báb 8, báb 13, báb 17; váhid IV: báb 4, báb 11; váh@id V: báb 4; váhid VI: báb 1, báb 15, báb 16;
váhid VII: báb 19; váh@id VIII: báb 11
3)Balance of God, in váhid II: báb 13.
4)Death, in váhid II, báb 8; váhid V: báb 3
5)Final Judgment, called Day of the Resurrection, in váhid II: báb 14; váhid VIII: báb 3; váhid VII:
báb 19

Bahá'u'lláh continued with this principle of allegorical interpretation of certain Scriptural verses in "Kitáb-i-
Íqán" and in other Writings.

(53)Nicolas states that he personally does not believe in the veracity of the traditions, which are fantastic and

which could not possibly be fulfilled literally except through a miraculous manifestation of the divine, one
which is contradictory to the record of both religious and natural history.

(54)This the Báb does, especially in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs).

(55)In other words, "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" makes no mention of the fanciful and false hadíth to which

Nicolas is referring here.

(56)Nicolascites these passages, without identifying their provenance, but just after mentioning "Kitáb
bayna'l-haramayn".

Amanat (p. 246) translates verses from "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (Browne Or. MSS. F.7(9), pp. 14-16)
which correspond exactly to the first paragraph cited above by Nicolas. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 112) cites the
Arabic original of these verses in his biography of the Báb.
A Prophet in Modern Times 68

answering by these verses relative to what Thou caused to descend upon Thy friend
Muhammad in the Qur'án of the past.

"If one argues with thee on this subject, since thou hast received the perfect knowledge,
respond: 'Come let us call our children and yours, my wives and yours, let us come and
you and then let us call upon the Lord each one from his side and call His malediction
upon the liars.'"(57)

"I swear by Thy truth, and Thou art God, and there is no other God but Thee, that men
did not even reap this saying, but the testimony of God suffices in this question."

"Thus, O instructed questioner, did I not say to you in the Masjid al-Haram(58), opposite
the Ka'bih, and we were at the western side, at the place where you were found, before the

(57)Nicolas finds in this verse a reference to Súrat al-'imrán, and apparently to this verse:

"When Alláh said, 'O Jesus, I will cause thee to die a natural death and will exalt thee to Myself,
and will clear thee from the charges of those who disbelieve, and will place those who follow thee
above those who disbelieve, until the Day of Resurrection; then to Me shall be your return, and I
will judge between you concerning that wherein you differ." (Qur'án III:56, English translation by
Maulawi Sher Ali)

Nicolas writes in reference to this citation: "This kind of judgment of God is called 'mubáhala.' The
reasoning of the Báb is the most simple: As Muhammad, I am a Man. (Qur'án XIV:12; XVIII:111; XLI:7)
Like him [Muhammad] bereft of the power to do what you call miracles. The only miracle that I can
accomplish is the only one which he [Muhammad] himself carried out — the [revelation of] verses. You
have believed in yours [verses], which prepared the way for me, for you have seen that according to the
promise of the Qur'án, during 1270 years nobody was capable of causing them [verses] to descend from
heaven. And now I say to you, as Muhammad said to you: Either you believe in these verses, and then you
are saved, or you do not believe and then you are liars, for you deny the absolute truth — unless I am
myself a liar, pretending falsely to receive divine revelation, which is impossible for my verses are my proof,
as they were for Muhammad. But furthermore, because this is your belief, come, come all, and pray to God
to decide between us as He did for the preceding prophets. (This is an allusion to the discussions of Moses
with the magicians, and of those of all the prophets with the unbelievers of their times: Abraham and the
firey furnace, Lot transported into another country, Noah saved from the deluge, etc.)"

Amanat (p. 246, n. 241) points out that the Báb has quoted a verse from the Qur'án at the close of this
paragraph, which he identifies as from Súrat al-'imrán, verse 61:

"Now whoso disputes with thee concerning him, after what has come to thee of knowledge, say
to him, 'Come, let us call our sons and your sons, and our women and your women, and our
people and your people; then let us pray fervently and invoke the curse of Allah on those who
lie.'" (Qur'án 3:61, English translation by Maulawi Sher Ali)

(58)Masjid al-Haram is the "holy mosque" in Mecca, which is frequented by all Muslim pilgrims. It is located

adjacent to the Ka'bih — "Hajar al-Aswád" (the Black Stone), which is also called "Bayt al-haram" (Sacred
House). The Báb is here refering to his two conversations with Mullá Muhammad Husayn Muhít Kirmání,
in which he challenged this sceptic to "mubáhala." However, this individual was not the only one addressed
by the Báb on that occasion. In a Tablet cited in ZUHUR (p. 271), the Báb stated: "I accomplished the
proof of mubáhala in Masjid al-Haram in the presence of eye-witnesses, and the one who was
addressed...was Muhít" and he continues: "Those who heard such a call, I believe, were Hájj Sayyid 'Alí
Kirmání, Hájj Sayyid Muhammad Khurásání, Hájj Sulaymán Khán, and Hájj Muhammad 'Alí
Mázandarání, and there were others as well" (cited Amanat, pp. 245-246, and p. 246, n. 240).
A Prophet in Modern Times 69

minbar, during the night of the 15th day of the month of Dhu al-Hijja al-Haram(59), three
hours after the setting of the sun, did I not say to you: 'Accept my request, come, make
"mubáhala"(60)near the Black Stone, for, in the name of all men, you charge yourself with
the mandate of denying me, so that God may decide the truth between us — and God
knows what I say.'

"Did I not make at another time this same proposition to you in the Masjid al-Haram
between the minbar and the maqám(61), opposite the Ka'bih?

"Did I not, in the very house of Mecca itself, which is the dwelling place of the Truth(62),
renew three times this offer to you?"

The terms here are very clear, and very distinct; the details are precise, and there is no question
either of a sword, or of the Imám Mahdí, which the Báb would not have failed to mention if it had
any utility whatsoever, or any importance in his eyes.

The very fact that he proposes "Mubáhala" to one of his contradictors reveals to us that
throughout his pilgrimage he continued a proclamation which seems not to have been heeded.

Whatever may have been, the Báb, his pilgrimage having come to a close, prepared himself to
return to Persia. It was perhaps at this moment, or perhaps, upon his regaining Búshihr, after
having revealed mid-sea the "Kitáb-i-Rúh"(63), that he dreamed of organizing the events which
were henceforth to take place.

(59)Besides specifying the exact time and place at which the Báb declared "mubáhala," this passage recalls the

"mubáhala" of Muhammad, which took place on 23 Dhu al-Hijja in the year 10 A.H., called thenceforth
"yawm al-mubáhala" (the day of mubáhala), when the Prophet challenged the Christians of Najrán to this
ultimate test of divine truth. Amanat (p. 245, n. 237) points out this similarity, and also that the verse quoted
by the Báb (Qur'án III:62) refers to this "mubáhala" in particular. While Amanat (Ibid.) indicates that
"mubáhala" was practiced between rivals in the Muslim community, in the case of the Báb in Mecca it is
evident that he regarded himself as reviving the "mubáhala" of the new Prophet in contest with the followers
of the previous Prophet.

(60)"Mubáhala" is defined by Amanat (p. 245, n. 237) as a "direct appeal to irrevocable divine arbitration"

which is effected through "mutual execration by means of humble and sincere prayer (bahala: to curse and
ibtihál: lamentation and prayer), in hope of divine arbitration between good and evil." The prophet Elijah
seems to be the first to have practiced "mubáhala," as is described in the First Book of Kings (18:20-39).

(61)"Minbar" means "pulpit" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1102), and refers here to the Masjid al-Haram. "Maqám"

means "sacred place" and here the Báb is indicating the Ka'bih.

(62)"Al-Haqq" (Truth, Reality) is an attribute of God (Wehr/Cowan, p. 224), and here indicates the

presence of God, which is believed by Muslims to be indwelling in the Ka'bih. The Súrat al-hijr (Qur'án
15:86), Súrat al-zumár (Qur'án 39:6), and Súrat al-ahqáf (Qur'án 46:4) state that God created the
universe, the heavens and the earth with "al-haqq" (the truth). This has been interpreted by some
commentators to indicate that the medium whereby God has brought into being all creation is the
Truth. This seems to be the meaning of the Báb, for it is most unlikely, given his uncompromising
monotheism, that he would have claimed that God Himself dwells in the Ka'bih.

(63)Nicolas cites these verses regarding "Kitáb-i-Rúh":
A Prophet in Modern Times 70

Here are the terms in which he invites his uncle(64) to preach the new doctrine(65):

"In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful.

"Read the book(66) of the 'Mention of the Name of your Lord' [Dhikr al-Ism al-Rabbuka].
There is no God but Him, Who is Exalted and Wise. And this book is a book which
descended from the Baqíyyat'u'lláh(67), the Imám of the evident Truth.

"In truth this book is an order which contains no doubt: it descends from God, the Very
Exalted, the Wise. And, in truth, He is the Truth in the heavens and upon the earth.

"He recites for you the Book of your Lord which contains an order of the inflexible
Balance, and in truth this is the voice of your Lord in the heavens and upon the earth. He
calls men to the way of God, the Glorious, the Praised.

"So read the "Kitáb-i-Rúh," this book which I caused to descend mid-sea, during the return of the
Mention of God, in seven hundred solid verses."
("Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn")

The Báb lists "Kitáb al-Rúh" in "Kitáb al-fihrist" and indicates that it is composed of 700 Súras, and 7000
verses (MacEoin, p. 52). This work, which is also called "Kitáb al-'adl" (Mazandarani, "Asrár al-athár,"
volume IV, p. 45; cited MacEoin, p. 61, n. 83), was 900 suras in length according to the Báb's "Kitáb al-
'ulamá'" (cited MacEoin, p. 61, n. 82). There are at least five manuscripts of this work extant at this time
(MacEoin, pp. 61, 189), but one of these manuscripts contains only 98 suras, while another contains 415
suras (p. 189). There is a reference to "Kitáb al-Rúh" in Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p.
107).

(64)Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam), the Báb's uncle who was a Bábí by this time.

(65)Nicolas alleged that "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" was addressed to the Báb's uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí.

Other authorities (ZARANDI, p. 137; MacEoin, p. 21, 54, 60; Amanat, p. 246, n. 241) assure us that
"Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" was written in answer to certain questions posed by Mullá Muhammad Husayn
Muhít Kirmání. Amanat (p. 241, n. 210) also indicates that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání is referred to in "Sahífa
bayna'l-haramayn" and suggests that Nicolas' claim that this work was addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
(Shírází) is based on a misattribution due to the similarity between two names. However, this does not
explain the direct reference, referred to in note (80), to the Báb's maternal uncle. Nicolas asserts ("Seyyed Ali
Mohammed dit le Báb," p. 221) that the first Súrah of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" was addressed to the
uncle of the Báb. He also attests (Ibid., p. 222) that the fourth Súrah of this Book was addressed to Hájí
Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání. Amanat (p. 249, n. 263) indicates that the former portion of this work was addressed to
Mírzá Muhít Kirmání, while the second portion is a direct address to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání. It is entirely
possible then, that one portion of this work was addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, another portion to Hájí
Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, with a third intended for Mírzá Muhít Kirmání.

(66)Nicolas comments on this verse: "I translate 'Kitáb' by the word 'Book,' because that has become the

habitual practice, but this word Book must be taken here to mean 'writing.'"

(67)"Baqíyyatu'lláh" (the Remnant of God) is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí. Hence, it can apply to

the historical twelfth Imám, and also to the Promised One of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. For more
information, please see notes (37) and (44).
A Prophet in Modern Times 71

"Know that whosoever hears one of these new verses, his works will not be accepted unless
he declares his faith in the verses of his Lord and if he becomes of those who prostrate
themselves…

"And in truth a single verse of the verses which We now cause to descend upon you is
equal to the verses of (all the prophets) of the past and to all the verses which afterwards all
men will ask of the Baqíyyat'u'lláh.

"This book suffices to prove the the quality of the Hujjat [proof] of the Dhikr(68) for all who
are upon the earth.

"If God makes a verse descend, nobody has the right to say anything at all about it.

"And, in truth, I do not establish a single difference in the order of the Book. All are under
His orders and adore God.

"We have tested men by the truth, as We have tested those who were before them: all have
thus taken their place from the Book and all will return to God.

"In truth, those who obey the verses of God and leave in the direction of the blessed
land(69), these are those who were [rightly] guided.

"In truth, those who have treated Our verses as lies and have obeyed their passions, those
ones are worthy of the word of chastisement, and they do not know it.

"Know, O you who have truly obeyed Me, and give the good news of the spirit which
comes from Me, and in truth, this spirit is a great blessing.

"God, your merciful Lord has written your names in the leaf of the 'Arsh(70), and, in truth,
this inscription is a great blessing.

(68)"Hujjat al-Dhikr" (the Proof of the Remembrance) is a reference to a name of the Imám Mahdí,
"Hujjatu'lláh" and also a reference to the Báb, who often characterized himself as "Dhikr" (the
Remembrance) or "Dhikru'lláh" (the Remembrance of God). Fariba Ghayebi (26/2/02) writes that
"Hujjat" is found in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" and "Bayán-i-fársí", while both "Hujjat" and "Dhikru'lláh" are used
in a Tablet of the Báb addressed to Mullá Nurúz 'Alí (cited Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 286). There is also a
reference to "Dhikr al-Akbar" from "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb (Súrat Rad, verse 7, cited Abu'l-Qasim
Afnan, p. 66).

(69)Nicolas notes that the "holy land" in the Báb’s Dispensation is the city of Shíráz. "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid

IV: Báb 16, Báb 17, Báb 18, Báb 19) and "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (váhid IV: báb 16, báb 17, báb 18, báb
19) discuss various aspects of pilgrimage to the house of the Báb which was ordained to supercede
pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. Bahá'u'lláh reaffirms this law in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#32, Q25, Q29,
Q32), calling for pilgrimage to the house of the Báb in Shíráz, and supplementing this locus of sacred
visitation with his own residence in Baghdád. Neither location is presently a place of pilgrimage because
of circumstances beyond the control of the believers.

(70)Nicolas may have translated an Arabic word with "Arch" in French, the equivalent of Ark in English, in

which case the Arabic original, if derived from the Qur'án, may be found in Súrat al-húd (Qur'án XI:38-
39), and Súrat al-mu'minún (Qur'án XXIII:28) in reference to the Prophet Noah, and called "fulka"; or in
Súrat tá-há (Qur'án XX:40) in reference to the infant Moses, and called "tábúti." Neither of these meanings
seem to make any sense in this passage. There is another possibility, which is that Nicolas was transliterating
A Prophet in Modern Times 72

"Say: O troops! Come close to Him Who is seated upon the 'Arsh in the sublime haram(71).
Then all of you go out following the order of God (from your homes?) and enter the land of
refuge(72) — so that all of you may be inscribed in the ranks of those who have received the
blessing.

"Know, O pure and good Siyyid(73), who fears God! Invite men to justice; cause the order
of this Book to come to those who are upon this land (there), and to those who are in the
vicinity of this land, so that he who must die will die(74) at the new Hujjat(75); so that he may
be saved who had been saved by the previous verses [Qur'án]. And God, your Lord, is He
Who hears, the Wise.

"To those who accuse God of lying in saying that the Mention of the Name of Your Lord
[Dhikr al-Ism al-Rabbuka] pilfers what was in the Qur'án, say: 'God is pure and free (of
that which you accuse Him) and His rank is exalted. When God permits it to His slave, He
causes to descend in every word the equivalent of a Qur'án.' And God Who is your Lord, is
the Powerful and the Glorious.

a Persian or an Arabic word. In this case, the word is "'arsh" which means "throne" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 704)
in Arabic, and "the throne of God" (among other meanings found in Steingass, pp. 842-843). The translator
has used this term in this context inasmuch as it fits the passage much more conveniently. While "'arsh" is
not found in the Qur'án, it was commonly used among Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims to denote the presence
of the divine, as indicated for example by the title of Mullá Sadra's "Hikmatu'l-'Arshíyyah" which Balyuzi
(pp. 113, 236) translates as "Celestial or Divine Philosophy." Another Arabic word which has the same
meaning as "'arsh" is found in the Qur'án and in a famous passage, in Súrat al-baqara (II:255/256):

wasi'a kursíyyuhu as-samamúti wa'l-árda

"His throne is as vast as the heavens and the earth..."
(Qur'án II:255/256, English translation by N.J.Dawood)

"Kursíy" means "chair; throne; seat" (Wehr/Cowan) and may be related to the Hebrew word "kise'" ("seat"
in Ben-Yehudah). Further research into this question is needed before the meaning intended by the Báb can
be fully grasped.

(71)The sublime "haram" (holy place) referred to seems to be the spiritual world rather than any particular

physical location. In one of his Tablets, the Báb referred to Quddús as the throne from which he made his
night voyage to heaven. It seems likely that the person seated on the "'Arsh" is the Báb himself.

(72)The land of refuge is the city of Shíráz.

(73)While it is not evident here that the Báb is addressing Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, please see note (64) for

clarification.

(74)Nicolas explains this verse: "He who dies in the new testimony, is he who does not believe in the new

prophet; he who is saved by the antecedent [abrogated] verses is he who, having understood the true
meaning of the Qur'án, has given his faith to Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad."

(75)The new "Hujjat" (proof) is the new Prophet of God and his Book. Please see notes (44) and (68) this

Chapter for more detailed references to "Hujjat".
A Prophet in Modern Times 73

"In truth, [O Siyyid] obey the order of the revelation and bring such [verses] as this Book
to those who, in truth, inhabit the ways(76); that thereby they may understand the verses of
God and become among those who are [rightly] guided.

"Know that, in truth, the ways of the sea are difficult: we do not wish them for our
followers. Go by the ways of land(77) and say: 'That which God wishes (will be). There is no
power but in God, this God who holds in His hand all the orders. There is no God, except
Him, the Loving, He Who has need of nobody.'

"And if you are not afraid of the order of Baghdád(78), make efforts in the ways of your
Lord, with wisdom and with solid verses for those who inhabit Baghdad among the 'ulamá'
who reject. Thereby they may comprehend the order of God and become Muslims(79).

"O troops, pay attention! How can you say on the subject of My slave: 'all that is vain'? In
truth, this slave has come to you with verses, which, like those of the Qur'án, are clear and
evident, and this, after you yourselves had been convinced of the order of God.

"Be patient! In truth, the day of the separation (between the good and the bad) is real. And
I ordain in the midst of men with the permission of your Lord. And this day is not a day of
violence, God is the All-Powerful, the Wise.

"Fear God, O men! Then present yourselves between the two hands of God — if you can
do so, bring (verses) equal to (those) of this Book. In this case your religion will be for you,
and, for me, the religion of God, the Glorious, the Praised.

"And if you cannot do so, and of a certainty, you will not be able to do so, even if you all
helped each the other, then turn away from the falsehood in which you find yourselves.

"Enter by the door of God, in prostrating yourselves, and perhaps you will be saved. And if
you do not enter therein, then hold yourselves according to the order of God in the

(76)Nicolasinterprets the Báb's meaning: "'As this book' means the verses which you are carrying, my
writings. Those who live along the way are those, inhabiting the towns or the villages, whom the messenger
will meet upon his way."

(77)Nicolas explains: "This passage places the redaction of this Súrah between Mecca and Medina. Would

the Báb, at this moment, have sent his uncle ahead of him, by land routes which come to an end in
Baghdád?"

(78)Nicolasdoes not explain this reference to an order in Baghdad. It seems likely that the Báb was
acknowledging the arrest, trial and conviction of Mullá 'Alí-i-Bastámí, one of the Letters of the Living,
which occurred in Baghdád between late October 1844 (Amanat, p. 219) and 13 January 1845 (Ibid., p.
230), while the Báb was on pilgrimage. Accounts of this first arrest of a Bábí missionary are found in
ZARANDI (pp. 87-92), Balyuzi (Chapter IV, pp. 58-68), and Amanat (pp. 211-238).

(79)Nicolas states: "I think that this means: 'If truly you are not afraid that the Sunní 'ulamá' will rise up

against you, go to Baghdád, and as you go, preach my doctrine, but do so with wisdom.' It is also possible
that it means that the Sunní 'ulamá' were — according to the understanding of the Báb — even more
intransigently fanatical than their colleagues in Persia, because of their proximity to the holy places, Najaf
and Karbilá. Perhaps it refers to an incident about which I am not acquainted."
A Prophet in Modern Times 74

Qur'án, and call for the justice of God, that it may rain down chastisement upon those who
lie and who have become evil ones.

"Basing yourself on this order, bring this order on your way and do not fear anyone in the
days of your Lord. In truth, this is the blessing of God upon him.

"And, in truth, if you die or if you are killed, you will return to God.

"Cause fear to that one who, in truth, has treated as lies the verses of his Lord, who has
obeyed his passions and who has thus become among the transgressors.

"Bring the greeting of the Mention [Dhikr] to those who have already believed and tell
them: 'Leave (your homes, directing yourselves) towards the blessed land (Shíráz) so that
you will be among the pious.'

"And send such as this book to those who have obeyed Our religion and who are earnest.

"In truth, for one among you it is necessary that he teach in the house of the Báb of God
[the house of the Báb in Shíráz] from our earlier verses, and, in truth, this is an important
matter…

"O my maternal uncle(80), read this book and wait in this town(81) as long as you wish —
then leave for your town (Shíráz). In truth you are of those who have proven their faith
in following this Book. Say: 'Praise be to God, the Ordainer of the worlds.'"

As we can see, from this point onwards the Báb prepares his [prophetic] announcement — he
ordains a messenger to distribute his works, to preach to the population at large; at the same time
he makes it a strict duty incumbent upon all those who have thenceforth believed in him to meet in
Shíráz. Also he gives the order to recommence the giving of sermons in his house and I think that
this refers to the mosque of the makers of swords(82).

Mr. de Gobineau, Mr. Browne, all the Muslim authors, and the generality of the Bábís think that
during the course of his life the Báb presented himself under diverse aspects, first under that of the
Door(83), then under that of the Point(84).
(80)Only one of the maternal uncles of the Báb was a Bábí at this time, and this was Hájí Mírzá Siyyid

'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam).

(81)It is not known to which city the Báb refers; however, inasmuch as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí may have been

attending to his commercial interests in Búshihr, this may have been the location in question.

(82)Nicolas
states that this was the Mosque of the makers of swords in Shíráz, what he denominates
"Shemshirgueran." MacEoin (p. 62) refers to the Shamshírgarán mosque. Sepehr Manuchehri identified
Shamshírgarán as the name of the neighborhood in the city of Shíráz in which the house of Báb was
located. He also indicated that there was a mosque with this name in the vicinity of the Báb’s house.

(83)Edward Granville Browne (Note O, pp. 296-299, "A Traveller's Narrative", cited in Introduction, "The

Dawn-breakers," p. liii) indicates that following the disappearance of the twelfth Imám in 260 A.H. a series
of four "Abwáb" (Gates) were appointed who served for over sixty-nine years as the human channels to the
hidden Imám, Muhammad ibn Hasan al-'Askarí. These four "Abwáb" were named Abú-'Umar-'Uthmán
ibn-i-Sa'íd 'Umarí; Abú-Ja'far Muhammad-ibn-i-'Uthmán; Husayn-ibn-i-Rúh Naw-bakhtí; and Abu'l-
Hasan 'Alí-ibn-i-Muhammad Símarí. George Townshend explained that the assumption of the title "Báb"
A Prophet in Modern Times 75

I shared this opinion myself, not in a very clear and precise fashion, but nevertheless with sufficient
explicitness to have written, on page four (iv) of the Preface to the "Book of the Seven Proofs"(85),

by Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was misunderstood by some of the Muslims of his time. In the Introduction to
"The Dawn-breakers" (pp. xxx-xxxi) he writes:

"They imagined His meaning to be that He was a fifth Gate in succession to Abu'l-Hasan-'Alí. His
true meaning, however, as He Himself clearly announced, was very different. He was the Qá'im;
but the Qá'im, though a High Prophet, stood in relation to a succeeding and greater Manifestation
as did John the Baptist to the Christ. He was the Forerunner of One yet more mighty than Himself.
He was to decrease; that Mighty One was to increase. And as John the Baptist had been the Herald
or Gate of the Christ, so was the Báb the Herald or Gate of Bahá'u'lláh."

'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 4, 6-7) confirms this interpretation of this title of the Báb:

"Now what He intended by the term Báb [Gate] was this, that He was the channel of grace from
some great Person still behind the veil of glory, Who was the possessor of countless and boundless
perfections, by Whose will He moved, and to the bond of Whose love He clung..."
"It was then supposed that He claimed to be the medium of grace from His Highness the Lord of
the Age [Sáhib al-Zamán] (upon Him be peace); but afterwards it became known and evident that
His meaning was the Gatehood [Bábíyyat] of another city and the mediumship of the graces of
another Person Whose qualities and attributes were contained in His books and treatises."

The Báb himself describes his gradual disclosure of his prophetic station in this passage:

"Consider the manifold favours vouchsafed by the Promised One, and the effusions of His
bounty which have pervaded the concourse of the followers of Islám to enable them to attain
unto salvation. Indeed observe how He Who representeth the origin of creation, He Who is the
exponent of the verse, 'I, in very truth, am God', identified Himself as the Gate [Bab] for the
advent of the promised Qá'im, a descendant of Muhammad, and in His first Book enjoined the
observance of the laws of the Qur'án, so that the people might not be seized with perturbation
by reason of a new Book and a new Revelation and might regard His Faith as similar to their
own, perchance they would not turn away from the Truth and ignore the thing for which they
had been called into being." ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," p. 119)

(84)The Point, or "Nuqta" in Arabic and "Nuqtih" in Persian, is one of the titles which the Báb assumed,

particularly during the latter half of his short ministry. In fact, he generally called himself " Nuqtih-i-Bayán"
(Point of the Exposition), as found in many verses of "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid II: báb 4, báb 7,
báb 9, báb 12, báb 15, báb 17; váhid III: báb 13, báb 17; váhid IV: báb 12, báb 18; váhid V: báb 16; váhid
VI: báb 1, báb 13, báb 18; váhid VII: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2, báb 4, báb 17; váhid IX: báb 2, báb 3).
There is only one reference to "Nuqtih-i-Úlá" (Primal Point) in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 15), but this is
the title which seems to have been most commonly used by Bábís in speaking of the Báb. Shoghi Effendi has
translated a passage from the Báb's letter to Muhammad Sháh from the fortress of Máh-Kú, in which the
author declares: "I am the Primal Point" ("The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh," p. 126). The widespread use of
this title among Persian Bahá'ís may be derived from Bahá'u'lláh's copious usage of this title, as can be
witnessed in Shoghi Effendi's translations of his words in "The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh" (pp. 107, 125,
138, 139). In "Bayán-i-fársí," the term "Nuqtih" has a more universal significance, referring in most passages
of this Book to the station of Prophethood in every Dispensation rather than exclusively to the báb (váhid I:
báb 15; váhid II: báb 11, báb 16; váhid III: báb 1, báb 7, báb 8, báb 10, báb 12; váhid IV: báb 12; váhid V:
báb 3; váhid VIII: báb 5). Another title, "Nuqtih-i-Furqán" is applied to the Prophet Muhammad in
"Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2).
A Prophet in Modern Times 76

the following phrase: "The Báb qualifies himself here as Imám Mahdí and rejects the title of Báb
with which he had invested himself."

I must admit here that I was mistaken and my only excuse is to have been mistaken in numerous
company.

What does this title of "Door" signify? We have seen, without having had the need to search very
far, the Prophet say(86):

(85)Nicolas refers to his translation of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" — "Les Sept Preuves de la Mission du Báb" — which

was published in 1902, three years before the publication of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" (1905).

(86)'I am the City of knowledge and 'Alí is the Door' is a hadíth (a tradition, an oral statement) attributed to

the Prophet Muhammad. The original wording in Arabic is “Ana al-madinatu'l-'ilm wa 'Alí al-Báb”. Dr.
Khazeh Fananapazir (email 17/1/02) indicated that Sunní references to this hadíth are numerous:

"Sahih al-Tirmidhi, volume 5: pp. 201,637; al-Mustadrak, by al-Hakim, volume 3: pp. 126-127, 226;
Chapter of the Virtues of 'Alí, narrated on the authority of two reliable reporters: first Ibn 'Abbás, whose
report has been transmitted through two different chains of authorities, and second Jabir Ibn 'Abdu'lláh
al-Ansari; Fadha'il al-Sahaba, by Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, volume 2: p. 635, Tradition #1081; Jami' al-
Saghir, by Jalalu'd-Dín al-Suyuti, volume 1: pp. 107,374; Jami' al-Jawami'; Táríkh al-Khulafá, p. 171;
al-Kabír, by al-Tabarani (d. 360); al-Awsat Ma'rifah al-Sahaba, by al-Hafidh Abu Nu'aym al-Isfáhání;
Ihyá al-'Ulúm, by al-Ghazzali; History of Ibn Kathir, volume 7: p. 358; History of Ibn Asakir; Tarikh,
by al-Khatíb al-Baghdádí, volume 2: p. 337, volume 4: p. 348, volume 7: p. 173, volume 11: pp. 48-50,
volume 13: p. 204; al-Isti'ab, by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, volume 3: p. 38, volume 2: p. 461; Usdul Ghabah, by
Ibn al-Athir, volume 4: p. 22; Tahdhib al-Athár, by Ibn Jarir al-Tabari; Majma' al-Zawa'id, by al-
Haythami, volume 9; p. 114; Bahr al-Asatíd, by al-Hafidh Abu Muhammad Hasan Samarghandi (d.
491); Siraj al-Munír, by al-Hafidh 'Alí Ibn Ahmad Azizi Shafi'i (d.1070), volume 2: p. 63; Manaqib, by
'Alí Ibn Muhammad Ibn Tayyib al-Jalábi Ibn Magházi (d. 483); Firdaws al-Akhbar, by Abu Shuja'a
Shirwayh Hamadani al-Daylami (d. 509); Maqtal al-Husayn, by Khatíb Kharazmi (d. 568), volume 1: p.
43; Manaqib, by Khatíb Kharazmi (d. 568), p. 49; Alif Ba'a, by Abul Hajjáj Yúsuf Ibn Muhammad
Andulisi (d.605), volume 1: p. 222; Matalib al-Su'ul, by Abu Salim Muhammad Ibn Talhih Shafi'i (d.
652), p. 22; Jawahi al-Aghdi'in, by Núr al-Dín al-Shafi'i (d. 911); Yanabi' al-Mawaddah, by al-Qundúzi
al-Hanafi, in Chapter 14; Tadhkirat al-Khawas al-Ummah, by Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 654), p. 29; Kunz
al-Barahín, by Shaykh Khathri; Kifayat al-Talib, by Yúsuf al-Ganji al-Shafi'i (d. 658), Chapter 58; Kanz
al-Ummal, by al-Muttaqí al-Hindi, part 15, p13, Traditions #348-379 in al-Sawa'iq al-Muhriqah, by
Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Chapter 9, section 2, p. 189; Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Siddíq al-Hasani al-
Maghribi, in Fat'h al-Mulk al-'Alí bi Sihah Hadíth-i-Báb-i-Madinat al-'Ilm" (Matba' al-Islámiyyah,
Egypt, 1354 AH.); Ibn Adi on the authority of Ibn Umar; al-Bazzar on the authority of Jabir Ibn
'Abdullah al-Ansari."

Dr. Fananapazir pointed out that this "tradition also supports the infallibility of Imám 'Alí (beside what
is conveyed by Qur'án 33:33 on the issue of infallibility of Ahlu'l-Bayt). The [cause] of non-intentional
mistakes is lack of knowledge, i.e., not to know what is right to do at the time. Therefore, if Imám 'Alí
contained all the knowledge of the Prophet, it [stands to] reason that if the Prophet was infallible, so is
Imám 'Alí."
Dr. Fananapazir also reports that al-Tirmidhi ("Sahih al-Tirmidhi," volume 5: pp 201,637) recorded a
similar hadíth:

"The Messenger of Allah said: 'I am the House of Wisdom and Ali is it's door.'"

"Al-Tirmidhi cites Ibn Jarir al-Tabari [as] recorder [of] this tradition and wrote: 'We believe this
tradition to be genuine and authentic.' Sources for this hadíth are al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-
A Prophet in Modern Times 77

"I am the City of knowledge and 'Alí is the Door."

The doctrine of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í has taken possession of this saying, has embroidered
thereupon complicated designs and this has resulted, in the final analysis, in the twelve Imáms
being perceived as successive Doors, partaking of a direct and divine heritage of inspiration. The
twelfth Imám having disappeared, the Door of the divine science was closed, and men had nothing
more upon which to base themselves except the "reasoning" of their religious leaders, the
mujtahidún. All this is clear and precise, and even the terms which I employ are of common usage
in Persia.

Then the Báb arrives who declares himself to be the Door of divine knowledge, and by this very
fact he claimed to be renewing the interrupted chain, of ascending once more, according to the
Shí'í beliefs, to the earliest epoch of Islám, retrieving all the traditions, and continuing, across the
centuries, the work commenced by Muhammad .

The Báb invents nothing here, because the prophecies announce the reappearance of an Imám
known under the name of Imám Mahdí, Imám Qá'im, Qá'im of the family of Muhammad, Sáhib
al-Zamán, etc.

And, to claim for oneself the title "Door," is to claim also the title of Sáhib al-Zamán.

Unfortunately, here as well as in many other cases, the chaos of the superstitions of Persia
intervened. First of all, the universally admitted idea is that the Imám Mahdí must make Islám
reign, and thus make the Qur'án supreme over all the surface of the earth.

Islám and the Qur'án, for the Persians, purely and simply connote the religion which they already
have in hand, the Book which they already possess. Therefore Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, who
presents a new religion and a new book, cannot be other than an impostor.

But if one takes the words Islám and Qur'án in their true meaning, the pictures changes. "Islám" is
resignation to God, to the religion of God, and it is in this sense that the Persians are justified in
saying that Abraham, Moses, and Jesus were Muslims. Qur'án means "the reading", "the Book" —
would one claim that the immense knowledge of God is enclosed altogether in the narrow confines
of the Book to which this name has been given? No, for if it were the recourse to mujtahidún
would be needless.

I do not believe it indispensable for me to dwell upon this subject. The explanation which I have
given here shall suffice I think to make it understood how to interpret and to translate for oneself
all the Persian beliefs on the subject of the Imám Mahdí.

Thus, and by the very fact of his claim to be the Báb, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad claims the title of
Sáhib al-Zamán.

Ummal (volume 6: p. 401); Jami' al-Saghir, by Jalalu'd-Dín al-Suyuti (volume 1: p. 170); and Jami' al-
Jawami' al-Sawa'iq al-Muhriqah, by Ibn Hajar Haythami (Chapter 9, section 2, p. 189)."

In allegedly referring to this hadíth, the Báb seems to be claiming to have a station similar to that of the
Imám 'Alí, and hence identical with that of the Imám Mahdí, the Qá'im expected by Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í
Muslims. Nicolas cites this hadíth a second time, in Chapter Four, note (38).
A Prophet in Modern Times 78

But, what does he do from that moment on?(87) Without hesitation, without fear he descends
verses. And, if we go back through the story of the ages, we will meet but a single person gifted
with this power, and this is Muhammad!

Further, in the "Kitáb al-haramayn" itself our hero declares that the diverse testimonies — read
“prophets” — of God which have succeeded one another have done so in an ascending fashion;
that is to say that the predecessor — already more elevated than the one he succeeds — is inferior
to his successor. If we translate this principle into names, we have Muhammad as the predecessor,
Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad as successor.

Having thus — from the beginning, and I insist upon this point — proclaimed his mission, there is
nothing left to claim and he will claim nothing more thereafter; his history is there to affirm this.

We see him, in his first works, giving himself the names of Báb, of Mention, of the Name of your
Lord, of the Speech of God, etc. These other titles do not come from anything other than the
normal development of his doctrine, such as the title of Nuqtat'u'lláh for example(88).

Moreover, let us examíne the different Surahs which compose the collection entitled "Kitáb bayn
al-haramayn."

The first Súrah of this work, which was previously cited in its entirety, is addressed to the uncle of
the Siyyid.

The second Súrah, which I have called "The Interdiction" contains the following passage:

"Do all of the verses of all of the prophets equal one of the verses which We send to you?
No, I swear by your God! In truth! We testify that the greater part of men do not
understand and do not invest their faith. They are without intelligence — may God kill
them! !(90)

(87)From 5 Jamádi al-Awwal 1260 A.H., corresponding to 22/23 May 1844 A.D.

(88)Nicolas explains the various titles of the Báb, and cites the Báb himself as a witness to the truth of his

claim: "So that one will not go about believing that there is a contradiction between what I say and what the
Báb himself affirms in the above-mentioned passage of the Book of Seven Proofs" (Nicolas' translation):

"See how the awaited Exalted One manifested His truth before the eyes of the Muslims in order to
open before them the way of salvation. She, the first radiation of creation, She, the mirror of good,
condescended to present Herself under the appearance of the Door which conducts to the
knowledge of the hidden descendent of Muhammad. In His first book He spoke in the name of the
laws of the Qur'án so that men would not be troubled by the new text and the new law..."

Nicolas continues with his explanation: "This is exactly the reasoning that Jesus used with the Jews when he
said to them: 'I did not come to abolish the Law but to fulfill it.' [Gospel of Matthew 5:17] What this is, in
the two cases [alike] is not the law as it exists among men, defiled by the discussions of the doctors [clergy],
and burdened with a mass of accessory superstitions, but of the law of God that was given to the preceding
prophet and which men did not know how to observe."

(90)This may strike many a reader as reminiscent of certain Biblical and Qur'anic verses which call for the

death of unbelievers. However, the Báb has explained in his Writings that by "death" is meant spiritual non-
existence, that is, a state of being in which the human being is deprived of the blessings of the spiritual
A Prophet in Modern Times 79

"One would say that these people are further astray than any donkey and, in truth, the
donkey understands how he eats barley and they do not comprehend anything, and will
not be guided!

"I attest by Him who created you and who made me His testimony over you, a verse of my
verses proves the order of God for all those who are upon the surface of the earth."

The third Súrah is a compilation of hadíth, which does not interest us for the moment.

The fourth is that which is addressed to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání(91).

And finally, the fifth, which is the object of the present study, and from which we have cited large
portions, contains the following words:

"So I have accepted your order, O my God! Because you instructed me regarding the
word of creation, so that the believers might know, by the order of your verses of
acceptance, the word which separates the true from the false (93)."

"God embraces all things — perhaps this book is a sublime Qur'án of the knowledge of
God, so that the Unitarians might testify, in the verses of your slave, to the word of the
Book. And we have counted all things in the evident book so that the faithful may enter

realms, which can only be reached by the believers. In this context, the Báb's statement recalls the words
attributed to Jesus in the Gospel of Luke (9:60):

"Let the dead bury their dead: but go thou and preach the kingdom of God."

(91)Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání is mentioned only once in MacEoin (p. 50), where he is listed as having

received a letter from the Báb which its author listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist." Amanat (pp. 155, 165n, 241n,
246n, 249n, 250-251) gives a little more detail regarding this individual. Amanat asserts that Siyyid 'Alí
Kirmání was Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's secretary, and he cites QATIL (p. 518) who states that Siyyid
Kirmání forged a tract in Rashtí's name in order to justify the leadership claims of Hájí Muhammad
Karím Khán Kirmání (Amanat, p. 155). Amanat (p. 165, n. 89) affirms that Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání
(whom he calls here Mullá 'Alí Kirmání) later admitted to this forgery and was forced to flee to Mecca
for refuge. The Báb stated (ZUHUR, P. 271) that Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání was among those who
witnessed his "mubáhala" with Mullá Muhammad Husayn Muhít Kirmání in the Masjid al-Haram
(cited Amanat, p. 246, n. 240).
(93)Nicolas comments on these verses: "The word which separates the true from the false — that is the title

given to the Qur'án when it is called the 'furqán'." Wehr/Cowan defines "furqán" as a verb (p. 829) "to
separate, part, divide, sever, sunder" and also as a noun (p. 830) meaning "proof evidence" and, with the
definite article "al-furqán" denoting the Qur'án — the proof of God, the proof of the prophethood of
Muhammad , the proof of God's covenant with humankind. One of the chapters of the Qur'án is named
Súrat al-furqán (#25), probably after the opening verse which identifies the Qur'án as "al-furqán":

tabraka al-ladhiy najjala al-furqána 'alá 'abdihi liyakúna lil'alamiyna nadhiyrá
"Blessed be He Who has revealed al-furqán to His servant, that he may warn the nations..."
(Qur'án 25:1, English translation by N.J. Dawood)

In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2), the Báb identifies Muhammad as "Nuqtih-i-Furqán"
— the Point of the Furqán.
A Prophet in Modern Times 80

into the door of the house of your haram(94), because of the order which you caused to
descend in the preceding Qur'án(95): 'Enter by the Door in prostrating yourselves and say:
'Indulgence, O my Lord' and He will pardon you your sins. Verily, we heap up the benefits
of our favors.'

"In truth! The people of the Qur'án have said when the (My) book of the Mention of the
name of your Lord descended that which was said in truth by the associates of the past (at
the moment of the descent of the Qur'án).

"And I do not find any difference upon the way of God. And you will see no change in any
of the words of God!

"Return to me, as did those who turned towards the Prophets of God, and do not fear
anything, in truth, God does not destroy the recompense of those who do what is right.

"In truth, the word of your Lord, (the Báb) does not call men by himself, but he calls
humanity towards that which the envoys and prophets before him have invited them.

"And when God wishes, He will explain by the mediation of His Dhikr (the Báb) what was
decreed for him in the Book.

"In truth, if God wishes it, He can manifest from his slave all that he wishes, as much as He
wishes: and I, I do not want anything other than what God, your Lord, wanted in the past.

"Before the presence of the Mention of the name of your Lord, there is no Testimony, if it
is not a Testimony which comes from me (God), greater than the testimony of the past.

"Remove, without any sign that descends in your heart, from the Door of God the veils of
proofs and arguments."

As we can see, the Báb is the Door, but he is also a Prophet, greater(96) than Muhammad, and God
will explain afterwards, through the mediation of the Báb, what was decreed for the Báb in His
knowledge. There is then no contradiction in the curriculum vitae of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad and
certainly it is a grave error on the part of the Muslims to wish to destroy him with this accusation.

(94)The "gate/door of the house of his haram" means the "gate/door of the house of his household/holy

place" and seems to refer to the Báb as descendant of the holy house (family) of Muhammad .

(95)The Báb is citing Súrat al-baqara of the Qur'án:

wádkhulúá'l-bába sujjadán wa-qúlúá hittatun naghfí lakum khatayakum wa-sanazídu'l-muhsinína

"and enter the gate submissively and say: 'God! Forgive us our sins.' We shall forgive you your sins
and We shall give increase to those who do good."
(Qur'án 2:59, English translation by Maulawi Sher Ali)
(96)Nicolas cites I'TIDAD regarding the station which the Báb claimed: "In appearance, this Siyyid [the Báb]

was a Shaykhí, but he believed himself to be more elevated [in station] than Siyyid Kázim, than Shaykh
Ahmad, and even than the [twelve] Imáms and the Prophet [Muhammad]." In this regard at least, the
Muslim historians seem to have gotten their facts straight.
A Prophet in Modern Times 81

Chapter Three

The Return to Shíráz — The Imprisonment — The Cholera — Flight to Isfáhán

Now our hero returned to Búshihr. It was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í whom he [the Báb] chose to
send to Isfáhán to search for Muqaddas Khurásání(1). He confided to his messenger the text of the

(1)Muqaddas Khurásání: please see note (17) in Chapter One. ZARANDI (p. 96) reports that Mullá Husayn

Bushrú'í was sent to Isfáhán, and also to Káshán, Tihrán, Khurásán and thence to 'Iráq by the Báb prior to
his pilgrimage. ZARANDI (pp. 97-101) also reports that during Mullá Husayn's sojourn in Isfáhán, he
introduced a number of individuals to the new movement, including Muqaddas Khurásání, also called
Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání and Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq. Furthermore, according to ZARANDI (p. 101), Mullá
Husayn directed Muqaddas Khurásání to proceed to Kirmán to announce to Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán (see
note (34) in Chapter One) the appearance of the Qá'im; and to travel thereafter to Shíráz, where Mullá
Husayn would join him, and where they would both be reunited with the Báb. Also according to
ZARANDI (pp.143-144), after completing his pilgrimage and arriving in Búshihr, the Báb sent Quddús to
Shíráz, and there Quddús met Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání, "to whom he entrusted a copy of the 'Khasá'il-i-
Sab'ih" (Seven Qualifications). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 82) and FAYZI (p. 153; cited MacEoin, p. 62) state
that the Báb authored "Risálih Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" (cited in full by Afnan, p. 99) for Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
rather than Muqaddas Khurásání when the Báb returned to Búshihr from the 'Atabát. Afnan (p. 82-83)
indicates that the Báb wrote other letters at this time, one addressed to Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání and
another addressed to Muhammad Sháh. ZARANDI (p. 143) reports that Quddús delivered a letter from
the Báb to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, as well as acquainting him with the declaration of his nephew. According
to MacEoin (p. 62, n. 85), it is this letter which Nicolas has translated in Chapter Two and which is found in
English in note (64). If this is the letter in question then it appears that at least one letter had become
amalgamated with Nicolas' manuscript of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." MacEoin notes (pp. 61-62) that
"Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" was composed by the Báb during his pilgrimage, and ZARANDI indicates that in
"Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" the Báb "set forth the essential requirements from those who had attained to the
knowledge of the new Revelation and had recognized its claim" (p. 143), and prescribes the following
addition to the traditional "adhán"(p. 144):

"I bear witness that He whose name is 'Alí-Qabl-i-Muhammad is the servant of the Baqíyyatu'lláh."

Shoghi Effendi has written a footnote (in “The Dawn-breakers,” p. 144, n. 2) indicating that “'Alí Qabl-i-
Muhammad” (literally, "'Alí before Muhammad") is a reference to the name of the Báb ('Alí Muhammad).
He has also pointed the reader to his Glossary (“The Dawn-breakers,” p. 674), in which he translates
"Baqíyyatu'lláh" as "Remnant of God" and indicates that it is a title which referred sometimes to the Báb
and sometimes to "Him Whom God shall manifest" (that is, to Bahá'u'lláh). For further information on
"Baqíyyatu'lláh" please see note (43) in Chapter Two. MacEoin (p. 62) was not able to locate a manuscript
of “Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih”, but noted that FAYZI (pp. 53-54) and 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Ishráq-Khávarí ("Muhádirát,"
volume II, pp. 785-786) refer to its contents in detail, and he presumed that therefore they must had have
access at some time to the text. The addition to the "adhán" reported by both of these authors, allegedly
derived from the text of this work, is as follows — citing the Arabic transliteration of MacEoin (MacEoin, p.
62), and my own translation into English:

ashhadu anna 'Alíy-an qabla Muhammad 'abdu Baqíyyat Alláh

"I bear witness that 'Alí before Muhammad is the servant of the Remnant of God."

Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 99) actually cites this "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" in full, and, as described by Fariba Ghayebi
(email 5/3/02), this letter of the Báb refers to seven [sab'ih] qualifications [khasá'il] of the true believer at
that time:
A Prophet in Modern Times 82

beginning of his Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph(2), and some prayers(3), and said to him, "As
soon as Muqaddas Khurásání reads these, he will declare his faith in their author, but I do not

First: having the prayer for protection of the Báb, which is in the form of a circle [dá'ira], in one's
possession
Second: abstention from smoking [qalyán], including anything that can be smoked [dukhán] and
hashish [ghilyán]
Third: drinking tea
Fourth: addition to the adhán
Fifth: prostrating in prayer on dust from the tomb of the Imám Husayn
Sixth: saying of "Ziyárat Jami'í" on Fridays and Holy Days
Seventh: wearing a ring, engraved with the following verse:
"There is no God but God, Muhammad is His Prophet, and 'Alí is the Guardian 273"

(2)Nicolas translates from I'TIDAD: "And he gave to his disciple the product of his madness, so as to

propagate it in place of the Qur'án and of the 'Sahífa al-sajjádíyya'." Wehr/Cowan (p. 589) defines "Sahífa"
as "page; surface" and (p. 463) "sajjád" as "worshipper" and related to "masjid" which is "mosque" and
therefore the place of worship. Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 18/1/02) attributes the "Sahífa al-Kamílah
al-Sajjádíyya" to the 4th Imám, named 'Alí Zayn al-'Abidín ibn al-Husayn, and indicates that it can be found
at www.al-Islám.org/sahifa/kamila.html . Dr. J.R.I. Cole (email 21/1/02) indicates that it is attributed to
the 4th Imám, named Zayn al-'Abidín and he points to the website cited above and also
www.geocities.com/ahlulbayt14/s-s.html. Professor J.R.I. Cole (email 25/1/02) also recommended an
English translation, published with Arabic text facing the English, by W.C. Chittick, entitled "The Psalms of
Islám: Al-Sahifat al-Kamilat al-Sajjadiyya" (London: Muhammadi Trust, 1988).

Nicolas does not clearly indicate the source of his identification of the Writings given by Quddús to
Muqaddas Khurásání. It is entirely probable that he would have given Mullá Sádiq a copy of the
Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph, inasmuch as this Book had been completed by the Báb forty days
after his declaration (ZUHUR, p. 285; cited MacEoin, p. 56), and was copied and disseminated widely by
the time of his pilgrimage (please see note (42) in Chapter Two). The "Tafsír Súratu Yúsuf" (Commentary
on the Súrah of Joseph) is the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (“The Self-Subsisting of Names”), and the first chapter of
this work, entitled "Súrat al-Mulúk," was written by the Báb in the presence of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í on 5
Jamádi al-Awal 1260 (ZARANDI, pp. 61-63), at the time of his prophetic declaration. JADID (p. 39)
reports that this chapter was already completed when Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í perused it, and Mírzá Yahyá
(Subh-i-Azal) told Edward Granville Browne that Mullá Husayn became convinced of the Báb's claim by
perusing this work (Browne, "A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts," JRAS, vol. 24, 1892,
p. 699). "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' is composed of 111 chapters, corresponding to the number of verses in the
Qur'anic "Súratu Yúsuf" and is several hundred pages in length (MacEoin, p. 56).

(3)In various of his writings, the Báb mentions that he has revealed five different grades or kinds of divine

words. In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid III: báb 17; váhid VI: báb 1; váhid IX: báb 2), the Báb cites these five
grades as follows (with the French equivalents of Nicolas, and in the order found in his translation of this
Book): 1)"áyát" (versets: verses); 2)"munáját" (oraisons or oraisons jaculatoires: prayers); 3)"tafsír"
(commentaries: commentaries); 4)"khutba" (sermons) or "suwar 'ilmíyya" (questions scientifiques: technical
treatises); 5)"fársí" (paroles en persan: words in Persian). In Browne's "A Summary of the Persian Bayán"
(completed and edited by Moojan Momen, in "Selections from the Writings of E.G.Browne," pp. 349, 374-
375, 403), we find the same five grades and in the same order as indicated by Nicolas. Edward Granville
Browne wrote: "Amongst Bábí manuscripts we do not infrequently come across volumes bearing this title
[Five Grades] and containing selections from each of these 'Five Grades'" ("Materials for the Study of the
Bábí Religion," p. 207). One of the collections of all five grades, which bears the title "Kitáb-i panj sha'n"
(Book of Five Grades), and is also called "Shu'ún-i khamsa" (Five Grades), is regarded by Shoghi Effendi as
"one of His last works" ("God Passes By," p. 51). There are at least eleven manuscripts of this work that are
known to exist, and on the basis of one manuscript it was lithographed by the Azalí Bábís (MacEoin, pp. 93-
95, 189-190). In this book (see MacEoin, p. 93), the Báb organized seventeen groups each composed of five
A Prophet in Modern Times 83

want you to tell him my name — so that he will discover this for himself. You will tell him to go to
Shíráz where he will receive my orders."

It was as the Báb had pronounced(4), and the very day following his conversion, Muqaddas left
Isfáhán on foot with his friend Habíb(5), setting out in the direction of Shíráz. Three days after their
arrival, Muqaddas received a letter from the apostle(6) in which was contained the following order:

"Pray in the Mosque in which the verses descended from thy Lord and teach Our verses in
that same Mosque(7)...and pronounce in a loud voice My name in the adhán(8), after the
three confessions [of faith] in the following manner...'And I confess that 'Alí before Nabíl is
the Mirror of the breath of God(9).'"

He [the Báb] ordained that he also incline himself, in the midst of his prayers, towards his [the
Báb's] house which thereby became the new Qiblih(10).

passages according to these five grades of divine words: 1)"áyát" (verses); 2)"munáját" (prayers); 3)"khutba"
(homilies); 4)"tafsír" (commentaries); and 5)"fársí" (Persian-language writings).

(4)Nicolas notes: "See later on the story of this conversion."

(5)The friend of Muqaddas Khurásání named "Habíb" (friend) is identified later in the text as Quddús, and

this Letter of the Living is described in note (46) of Chapter One.

(6)For an explanation of the term "apostle" please see note (31) in Chapter One. That the Báb wrote a letter

to Muqaddas Khurásání at this time is nowhere else mentioned by any of the historians of the Bábí
movement. There is no reference to such a letter in MacEoin, Amanat, Balyuzi, Shoghi Effendi or even in
Nicolas' own bibliography of sources for "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Nevertheless, it seems that
Nicolas either had a copy of this letter — from which he was quoting the addition to the "adhán" — or that
he received an oral report to this effect from a source he regarded as reliable.

(7)Nicolas reminds the reader that this is the "Mosque of the fashioners of swords." This Mosque is called

"Masjid-i-Shamshírgarán" by MacEoin (p. 62). ZARANDI (p. 144) reports with certainty and MacEoin (p.
62) affirms as possible that the first introduction of the altered "adhán" occurred at "Masjid-i-Naw" (New
Mosque) rather than at "Masjid-i-Shamshírgarán".

(8)"adhán" is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 14) as "call to prayer" and represents the opening formula which

is recited by all Muslims as they begin their prayers — five times daily. This formula differs between the
Shí'í and Sunní sects, as the Shí'ís include one or more of their Imáms in the "adhán" whereas the Sunní do
not include any of their "khulafá'" (caliphs), let alone the Shí'í Imáms.

(9)Nicolas notes: "Ibn Asdaq, according to his memoirs, the original [manuscript] of which was without

doubt in Mashhad." Muqaddas was born and bred in Mashhad according to Kázim Qazvíní in
SAMANDAR (p. 162-171). FU'ADI (pp. 86-99), like Nicolas, uses Ibn Asdaq as a source. ZARANDI (pp.
100-101) and JADID (pp. 40-42) apparently learned about events in Muqaddas' life directly from the man
himself (cited Amanat, p. 262, n. 10) rather than from his son. It seems then that Nicolas' transcription of
Ibn Asdaq's recollections, or Ibn Asdaq's memory of his father's words was slightly faulty, inasmuch as this
account of the altered formula is not entirely similiar to that found in ZARANDI, which is confirmed by the
descriptions of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" by FAYZI and Ishráq-Khávarí.

(10)The "Qiblih" rendered "qibla" in Arabic, is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 868) as "direction to which

Muslims turn in praying" and here refers to a change of direction that seems to have been ordained by the
Báb. ZARANDI (pp. 144-145) does not indicate that Muqaddas Khurásání turned to the new Qiblih at the
same time as altering the "adhán"; nor does MacEoin (pp. 62-63) report that "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" required
A Prophet in Modern Times 84

The Mosque was small, but Muqaddas had mats placed there, in the sanctuary itself as well as in
the exterior court, so as to receive all the people who had been attracted by the announcement of
his arrival(11).

He thus commenced the sacred service, before the gathered faithful, following the traditional
practice, then suddenly faced the direction of the house of the Báb, at the very same time that
three muezzins(12) whom he had previously instructed, caused the air to ring with these words from
the height of the minarets(13):

such a radical change. In the "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb refers to the "Ka'bih" of Islám (váhid IV: báb 12),
indicating that it has been annulled in his Dispensation, along with all other Muslim shrines, with the
appearance of a new Manifestation of God. The Báb affirms that the true "Ka'bih" is the Manifestation of
God Himself. In the same vein, the Báb states (váhid IV: báb 16) that the "House of God" in each
Dispensation is that location which is designated as such by the Prophet of God. In the Bábí Dispensation
(váhid IV: báb 14), the holy shrines are to be the houses associated with the Báb and the eighteen Letters of
the Living. It is not permitted (váhid IV: báb 17) to sell lands adjacent to the House of God (apparently in
this instance the Báb is referring to his own house, in Shíráz), and these lands may be seized by eminent
domain in order to build beautiful dependencies required by the House of God. Pilgrimage to the House of
God is ordained after the Manifestation of God leaves this plane of existence and repairs to the spiritual
worlds; and such pilgrimage is declared to be a changeless ordinance, eternal in the past and likewise in the
future (váhid V: báb 2). Furthermore, the Báb associates the "Ka'bih" with the "House of God" and "Him
Whom God shall manifest" with God Himself (váhid IV: báb 2). This teaching is specifically confirmed by
Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (K137) in these words:

"O people of the Bayán! Fear ye the Most Merciful and consider what He hath revealed in
another passage. He said: "The Qiblih is indeed He Whom God will make manifest; whenever
He moveth, it moveth, until He shall come to rest." Thus was it set down by the Supreme
Ordainer when He desired to make mention of this Most Great Beauty."

(11)The arrival of Muqaddas Khurásání in Shíráz apparently attracted many people. Nicolas does not
explain the reason for this. ZARANDI (pp. 144-145) reports that Muqaddas was the Imám Jum'ih of
Masjid-i Naw in Shíráz, and that he scandalized his congregation by sounding the "adhán" prescribed
by the Báb. This may help to explain the attraction of Shírázís to him upon his return. If one considers
that Muqaddas apparently traveled from Isfáhán to Kirmán and that he endeavored to convert many
persons during this journey, including Hájí Mullá Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni — who was already
at that time an influential Shaykhí leader — and that he then journeyed from Kirmán to Shíráz,
announcing the "good news" along his way, it is not surprising to find many Shírázís who would have heard
of his exploits nor that some would wish to see him in person and hear him speak. Another reason why his
arrival may have attracted a large number of people was because the Shaykhí movement was well
represented in Shíráz, and Muqaddas was regarded as one of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's senior students
(Amanat, p. 263).

(12)Usually transliterated as "muezzin," the Arabic word "mu'adhdhin" ("mu'adhdhún" in plural form) is

defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 14) as "announcer of the hour of prayer." As such, this word is derived from
"adhán," the "call to prayer."

(13)Universally transliterated as "minaret," the Arabic word "ma'dhana" ("ma'ádhin" in plural form) has but

one meaning in Wehr/Cowan (p. 14), namely "minaret."
A Prophet in Modern Times 85

"I confess that there is no other god but God, that Muhammad is the prophet of God, that
'Alí is the Valí of God(14), and that 'Alí before Nabíl is the Mirror of the breath of God!"

This done, Muqaddas quickly ascended the minbar(15), read some of the verses of the Báb’s
Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph, and proceeded then to explicate the famous words(16):

"O Kings, O sons of Kings, do not take possession, any of you, of whatsoever belongs to
God."

War was declared and the official clergy did not delay in responding to these provocations. After
three days of cries, of tumult, of threats and of injuries during which the Bábí missionary continued
the task he had assumed, the theology students(17), the 'ulamá'(18), and the common folk of a general
populace which had been deceitfully excited, went forth and voiced their grievances at the feet of
Mírzá Husayn Khán(19), the adjudant báshí, Governor of the town.

(14)This is an integral part of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í "adhán" which declares the Imám 'Alí to be the "walí" —

literally the "friend; helper; protector" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1289) — in that sense the caretaker of Islám after
the Prophet Muhammad.

(15)"Minbar" is an Arabic term denoting a "pulpit; rostrum" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1102) and is always applied in

this text to that feature in a mosque. In "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb forbade the use of pulpits, and this ordinance
is confirmed by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#154), and elucidated by 'Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi
(KA:n168).

(16)Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 127) says that Muqaddas Khurásání recited this verse in the mosque in Shíráz.

Nicolas does not indicate the source of these "famous words": "O Kings, O sons of Kings, do not take
possession, any of you, of whatsoever belongs to God." Sepehr Manuchehri (email 21/2/02) identified
these words as comprising the opening verse of the Súrah of Kings in the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the
Báb. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 127, 153) gives a different source for this verse — Súrat al-Mulk, verse 20.
Afnan (p. 445) identifies Súrat al-Mulk as the first Chapter of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' ". This same verse was
translated into English by Habíb Taherzadeh and a Committee appointed by the Universal House of
Justice. When it was published, it was identified as from Chapter 1, "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'": "O concourse
of kings and of the sons of kings! Lay aside, one and all, your dominion which belongeth unto God...Let
not thy sovereignty deceive thee, O Sháh, for `every soul shall taste of death,' and this, in very truth,
hath been written down as a decree of God." ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," Bahá'i World
Centre, 1982, Excerpts from the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', p. 41) For more information on "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'
" please see notes (9) and (43) in Chapter Two.

(17)In this context "theology students" refers to Muslims who were studying in the Islámic "madrasa" which is

defined (Wehr/Cowan, p. 321) as "a religious boarding school associated with a mosque" and the purpose
of which is to prepare young men for positions in the Shí'í clergy.

(18)For a definition of 'ulamá' please see note (14) in Chapter Two.

(19)Husayn Khán Nizám al-Dawlih Ájúdán-Báshí, the Governor of the province of Fárs and city of Shíráz its

capital city) is described by the Báb in what Amanat (p. 255, n. 283) calls a "letter to Muhammad Sháh" but
which does not seem to correspond to any of the letters to Muhammad Sháh discussed by MacEoin (pp. 58-
59, 64, 97, 192-193). The Báb calls this individual "vicious and sinister" and indicates that due to his
frequent alcoholic intoxication, the Governor "was never able to pass sound judgment" (INBA no. 64, 115;
cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 283). ZARANDI (p. 145) states that Husayn Khán-i-Íravání was surnamed
Ájúdán-Báshí, and affirms, along with AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 98), that he was generally designated as
Sáhib-Ikhtíyár. According to JADID (p. 204), Husayn Khán was also designated Nizám al-Dawlih. This is
reported by Amanat (p. 255); MacEoin (p. 49); and Balyuzi (pp. 68, 79, 83, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 97, 98,
A Prophet in Modern Times 86

On the night of that very same day, Husayn Khán gathered together the principal doctors of Islám
and caused this Areopagite(20) Muqaddas and Habíb — better known under the name of Quddús
— to be brought before this court(21):

"I have learned," he said to them, "that you have changed the Qiblih?"

104, 105, 123). It appears that Husayn Khán was born in the same town, Íraván, as Hájí Mírzá Áqásí —
please see note (64) of this Chapter.

(20)Nicolas notes: "This gathering took place on 6 August 1845." Shoghi Effendi cites Nicolas' date in a

footnote to his translation of ZARANDI ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 146, n. 2). It has been earlier noted that
Nicolas' dates cannot be relied upon. Amanat, MacEoin and Balyuzi do not assign a date to this event.
However, ZARANDI (pp. 143-148) states that this trial took place prior to the return of the Báb to Shíráz
from pilgrimage. SIPIHR (p. 42) reported that the Báb returned to Shíráz on 21 September 1845, and until
recently it was thought that this dating was accurate. But a letter dated 30 June 1845 and written by the Báb
to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) in Shíráz from Kunar-Takhta, about one week's journey from
Shíráz on the road from Búshihr was discovered (Balyuzi, p. 105), and this seems to indicate that the Báb
arrived in Shíráz by early July, over two months earlier than earlier supposed. Amanat indicates that the
Báb arrived in Shíráz in late June 1845, without giving any source for this statement (Amanat, p. 255).
ZARANDI (p. 155) reports that some time after the Báb returned from pilgrimage he celebrated Naw-Rúz,
the first since he had declared his mission, on 10 Rabí al-Awal 1261/19 March 1845. This is plainly
impossible, for, according to "Khutba al-Jiddah" (cited MacEoin, p. 48; also in Ishráq-Khávarí , vol. II, pp.
729-731), the Báb sailed for Írán on 24 Safar 1261/4 March 1845, and the voyage to Búshihr took around
two and a half months, with the Báb remaining in Búshihr for just over one month before setting out for
Shíráz. This schedule would have given Quddús around a month and a half to travel from Búshihr to
Isfáhán and thence to Shíráz. During this short time span, Muqaddas and Quddús preached, were arrested,
tried, punished and expelled from Shíráz. For neither one was left in Shíráz when the Báb returned, mostly
likely in early July 1845. It seems much more likely that Muqaddas was converted by Mullá Husayn
Bushrú'í in Isfáhán in summer or autumn of 1844, and that he proceeded to Kirmán thereafter, rather the
scenario described here — in which Muqaddas was converted in Isfáhán by Quddús in June 1845 and
managed somehow to travel to Shíráz and get into alot of trouble and get kicked out by the beginning of
July. It would have been impossible for Muqaddas to have been converted by Quddús in June 1845, then to
have visited Kirmán, and arrived in Shíráz and taken part in the events that history chronicles, all in the
course of a single month! It seems most likely, given this schedule of dates, that Quddús went directly to
Shíráz, giving a copy of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" to Muqaddas shortly after his arrival, resulting in the events
which have been reported, between early June and early July. The trial in question probably took place
sometime in mid-to-late June 1845. There is a report of this trial and subsequent punishment which was
printed in the "Literary Gazette" (15 November 1845) and reprinted in the London "Times" (19 November
1845) — the dispatch is dated 23 June 1845 (Balyuzi, p. 76), and indicates that the punishment of the Bábís
took place over the course of two days.

Just an aside, with regard to Nicolas' characterization of Muqaddas as an "Areopagite" — this is any
member of the high court of Athens, and by implication any supreme court. Muqaddas was not a mujtahid,
but he had received his "ijáza" from Siyyid Kázim Rashtí in April 1843 (Amanat, p. 263), and this entitled
him to certain special prerogatives as a Muslim cleric. As has been earlier noted (11), Muqaddas was the
Imám Jum'ih of the Masjid-i-Naw in Shíráz.

(21)This transcript is not included among those discussed in note (40) of Chapter Two, inasmuch as it

pertains to the trial of Muqaddas and Quddús rather than to the trial of the Báb. Nicolas does not indicate
the source of the transcript he translates in this text. No other historian has apparently discovered such a
transcript. ZARANDI (pp. 145-147) reproduces a very differently worded exchange, but covers essentially
the same points.
A Prophet in Modern Times 87

"Yes."

"You have also modified the formula of the adhán?"

"Yes."

"You have recited and explained new verses?"

"Yes."

"What significance do you give to these words: 'O kings, O sons of kings...'(22)?"

"They mean: 'O Sultán(23), do not possess the good things of this earth without the
permission of the true proprietor who has manifested himself today.'"

"This young Shírázi?"

"Yes."

"So Muhammad Sháh must not reign without asking him for permission to do so? And when
this will be, the terrestial globe will it fall in ashes? So I am no longer the governor of this town,
unless I ask him for this government?"

"You have said so."

Husayn Khán became furious, and the 'ulamá' profited from this in order to render a fatwá(24)
condemning the two blasphemers to death. However, the governor not wishing to consent to
this(25), contented himself with stripping Muqaddas of his vestments, conducting him to a garden

(22)Nicolas identifies the source of this verse: "Citation from the Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph."

Indeed, in ZARANDI (p. 146), a verse with similar import is cited. According to this latter account, the
Governor of Shíráz addressed Muqaddas Khurásání in these words:

"Tell me, if you are aware of the opening passage of the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' wherein the Siyyid-i-
Báb addresses the rulers and kings of the earth in these terms: 'Divest yourselves of the robe of
sovereignty, for He Who is the King in truth, hath been made manifest! The Kingdom is God's, the
Most Exalted. Thus hath the Pen of the Most High decreed!'"

(23)"Sultán" is an Arabic word meaning "power; reign; authority; mandate; (absolute) ruler" (Wehr/Cowan,

p. 493), and in this context it refers to the Sháh (king) of Írán, specifically Muhammad Sháh of the Qájár
dynasty.

(24)"fatwá" is Arabic for "formal legal opinion" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 815), and inasmuch as orthodoxy and

heresy are determined according to religious law, this was a legal decision made by Muslim clerics and
based upon the "canon law of Islám," called "al-sharí'a" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 544).

(25)The events leading up to and resulting in the trial of Muqaddas, and Quddús, and which resulted in their

punishment and expulsion from Shíráz are described in the following sources(cited in Amanat, p. 255, n.
282): ZARANDI (pp. 143-148), AHMAD (pp. 451-452), MU'IN (pp. 67-69), JADID (pp. 201-202), and an
article published in the "Literary Gazette" and reprinted in the London "Times" (Balyuzi, pp. 77-78).
A Prophet in Modern Times 88

and making certain he was given, in his presence, five hundred blows of a rod(26). This done, his
beard was burnt(27) and he was imprisoned with Quddús who, himself, received twelve blows(28).

The next day their noses were pierced, a string was passed through the punctures and they were
promenaded for three days through the bazaars(29), in the midst of the laughter, the gibes, the
insults and the blows of the populace. Finally they were expelled from the town and sought refuge
in Saadieh(30), where the Báb went to find them(31).

ZARANDI (p. 146) makes no mention of the 'ulamá' but reports that the punishment inflicted upon
Muqaddas and Quddús was decreed by Husayn Khán-i-Íravání, the Governor of the province of Fárs.

(26)ZARANDI (p. 146) states that the "fatwá" required that Muqaddas be scourged with 1000 lashes, and

one witness (p. 147) expressed astonishment that so aged and frail a person as this could have withstood
"fifty such savage strokes" let alone a thousand! The details of the punishment were relayed to Nabíl by
Muqaddas himself.

(27)ZARANDI (p. 146) alike states that the beards of Muqaddas and Quddús were burnt, that their noses

were pierced and threaded with cords, and that they were led through the city of Shíráz. 'ABDU'L-BAHA
(p. 6) affirms that these two Bábís were joined in these injuries by a third convert, Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Ardistání
(cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 146, n. 3). The newspaper article printed in the "Literary Gazette" and
reprinted in the "London Times" asserted that there were four who were arrested, tried, found guilty and
punished by having their beards burned on one day; that their faces were blackened and noses were pierced
and that they were led by cords throughout the city of Shíráz on the second day. This was followed, in the
evening of that second day, with their expulsion from the city (Balyuzi, pp. 76-77).

(28)These are not lashings but boxing of the ears. There is no other account of Quddús receiving blows on

this occasion.

(29)Nicolas and the newspaper article separately report the duration of this punishment as two days, and

ZARANDI is silent on this question — it would appear from his accounts that he was more impressed with
the burning of their beards, the puncture of their noses, and particularly with the blows inflicted upon
Muqaddas than on the number of days the Bábís spent being paraded about Shíráz.

(30)Saadieh is not mentioned by any of the other historians, or by any of the sources cited here. Perhaps none

of them considered this sojourn to be of any significance. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that Saadieh
is one of the gateways leading into and out of the walled city of Shíráz. It is located near the tomb of the
great Persian poet Sa'adí (1184-1291), a native of Shíráz, and the tomb itself was located on the outskirts
of the city. That gateway is now located well within the city limits, as this urban community has greatly
expanded in the intervening century and a half.

(31)Surely the other historians or chroniclers would have noted this event if the Báb had indeed visited a

group of Bábí missionaries in that place. There does not seem to be a record of such a visit, except in this
book. It seems to have been based on an oral tradition, which no other author has mentioned. Nicolas
affirms: "The Bábí tradition energetically denies that Husayn Khán sent cavalry to Búshihr to bring back
the apostle; or, when it is admitted that he did so, it is said that these [cavaliers] did not encounter the Báb,
and that he returned voluntarily to Shíráz. In any case the sending of the cavalry took place, according to
the Muslims, fourteen days after the gathering which we have just described and it was three days later that
the Báb returned to Shíráz. See Note F at the end of the volume." Note F (p. 455) cites a short text in
Arabic, which is reproduced here for the edification of the informed reader:

If the trial of Muqaddas, Quddús and the other Bábís took place on 23 June, fourteen days following this
would arrive at 7 July. Around this date the cavalry would have been sent to locate the Báb, and about 10
July he would have arrived in Shíráz. This fits very comfortably into the time scheme we have adopted.
A Prophet in Modern Times 89

He prevailed upon them to enter the town with him under the cover of night, and brought them
secretly into his own house. Once they were secure, he threw himself upon their necks weeping,
trembling and crying out(32):

"Alas! I do not know how to look upon you, O you who have suffered for me!"

He wept in this way for some time, and verses were descended in their honor.

In the extant writings of the Báb we find an echo of the suffering he felt from these violent actions
[towards his followers](33):

"O people of the Qur'án, you have accomplished, in the days of God, acts which nobody
ever accomplished before you.

"In truth it is for you that the envoys of the Mention of God have come, coming from Our
part, with testimonial verses, and carriers of the inner meaning of the "Qur'án"; they had
pages written in the way of the people of the "Bayán" and, in truth, you openly turned
away from the verses of God, and you have, in spite of all that is right, tormented the
envoys of the Mention of God(34), at the same time that you declare yourselves to be sincere
in the religion of Alláh(35)! You have acquired evil by your acts, your hands have become
full of sin during the days of God(36)."

Muqaddas and Quddús remained hidden for three days in the house of the Báb, receiving their
instructions for the voyage that they were to make to Yazd and to Khurásán(37).

(32)While this event has not been reported by any other historian or chronicler, it nevertheless resonates with

another story which is familiar to students of religion — the reunion of Joseph with his brothers, after he
subjects them to hardship in order to assure that he will be reunited with his father Jacob and younger
brother Benjamin.

(33)Once more Nicolas cites from "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn".

(34)"Mention of God" is one of the “prophetic” names of the Báb — "Dhikru'lláh."

(35)"Alláh" means "God (as the One and Only)" in Arabic (Wehr/Cowan, p. 30). The word for a "(pagan)

god" (Ibid.) is "Alih" and for "goddess" (Ibid.) is "Alihat." The adjective derived from "Alláh" is "illáhí"
(Ibid.), meaning "divine."

(36)Nicolas notes: "The days of God are the days in which the Testimony of God [Prophet] — in this

instance the Báb — is living." In "Bayán-i-fársí" this concept is found under a different name — the
Resurrection Day (váhid II: báb 7; váhid VIII: báb 3; váhid IX: báb 3). The Báb also calls the Resurrection
Day the "Most Great Day" (váhid VII: báb 19). He assures his followers that there will be other
Resurrection Days after the Manifestation of Him Whom God shall make manifest (váhid VIII: báb 3). Dr.
Khazeh Fananapazir wrote an article (published electronically at bahai-library.org/articles/day.god.html,
and in an edited version in "Scripture and Revelation," George Ronald Publisher, 1997), entitled "The Day
of God (Yawmu'lláh) and the Days of God (Ayyámu'lláh)", in which he reviews and correlates the many
verses in the Bible, the Qur'án and the Bábí and Bahá'i Writings that touch upon this theme.
(37)It appears that after having been expelled from Shíráz in mid-June 1845, Muqaddas and Quddús

repaired to the village of Saadieh outside of the city for an interval to heal their wounds and await orders
from the Báb. Once they received instructions from their Master, they journeyed for a few days in one
another's company and then parted, Quddús departing for Kirmán and Muqaddas setting out for Yazd
A Prophet in Modern Times 90

They went then to Yazd where they remained for the duration of forty days, restricting themselves
to discussions with prominent persons, civic as well as religious and military. Without doubt they
believed the terrain favorable, for they planned a large gathering. They caused it to be announced
throughout the town — at full voice(38), and by circulating written notices — that whosoever
wished to see the envoy of the Imám Qá'im had but to go the following Friday to the Mosque of
Musulla: "There will be said what must be said, there will be revealed what must be revealed."

Everything had been prepared for this circumstance — a platform had been set up, and upon this
platform a chair had been placed for Muqaddas. The crowd was enormous and ardent — its
over-excited religious passions caused it to vibrate like a single man. Scarcely had the Bábí
missionary begun to make known the appearance of the new apostle than all precipitated
themselves upon him with an immense cry: "To death! To death!" He was struck, he was trampled
under foot. Among his assailants, a Siyyid, Siyyid Azghandí(39), made himself noticed by his
violence. He seemed to envelope his victim, bending over him as if to devour him, while in reality
he covered him with his body and sheltered him from the fanaticized crowd. He did this so well
that he succeeded in pushing Muqaddas into his house, where he kept him some days, and made
him depart in secret.

Violence of this kind did not calm the enthusiasm of our two missionaries. Having failed in Yazd,
they went to Kirmán(40), where they recommenced their discussions. There took place an ardent
contest between Muqaddas and Karím Khán(41), who, as we know, had assumed the rank of head
of the Shaykhi sect after the death of Kázim. The discussion took place in the presence of a

(ZARANDI, p. 180). Quddús arrived in mid-1845 according to "Iqádh al-Gháfil va Ibtal al-Bátil dar radd-i
Báb-i Khusrán-ma'áb," by Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni (written in 1866 by order of Násiri'd-
Dín Sháh, published in Bombay, 1896). If he departed Shíráz in mid-July, he would have arrived in Kirmán
by early August at the latest. Quddús sought to convince Karím Khán and the other Shaykhís in Kirmán of
the truth of the Báb's claims. His attempts are described in ZARANDI (pp. 180-182), and by Amanat (pp.
287-288). Muqaddas went first to Yazd, and his activities in that city are described in ZARANDI (pp. 183-
187). See note (40) for the continuation of Muqaddas's journeying.

(38)The spreading of the news would have been effected by individuals who functioned as town criers or by

persons hired for this purpose by the Bábí missionaries.

(39)Siyyid Azghandí is not to be confused with the prominent Bábí named Mírzá Ahmad-i-Azghandí — see

note (37) in First Chapter. Siyyid Husayn-i-Azghandí was the foremost mujtahid of Yazd, and the maternal
uncle of Mírzá Ahmad-i-Azghandí, and both the protector of the Bábís and opponent of Karím Khán
(ZARANDI, pp. 184-187). ZARANDI (p. 186) tells the same story as found in Nicolas, but with a few
differences in the details.

(40)It seems that Muqaddas was travelling with Mullá Yúsuf-i-Ardibílí, and together they journeyed from

Yazd to Kirmán (ZARANDI, p. 187), arriving shortly after the departure of Quddús (SAMANDAR, p.
167; Amanat, p. 288, n. 228). Muqaddas, as ever, was a fearless exponent of the new Faith, and his
challenge to Karím Khán was fierce and uncompromising. Quddús left Yazd for Ardikan, Nayin, Ardistan,
Isfáhán, Káshán, Qum and Tihrán (ZARANDI, p. 182). Muqaddas eventually departed Kirmán and
proceeded, according to plan, to Khurásán. Quddús died in the battle of Shaykh Tabarsí, in the province of
Mázindarán, but Muqaddas survived this debacle (WAFA, p. 7; Balyuzi, p. 239), to die, many years later, in
Hamadán (WAFA, p. 8).

(41)Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni (1810-1871) — Amanat, p. 287 — is described in note (34) of

Chapter One.
A Prophet in Modern Times 91

numerous audience and Karím challenged his adversary to prove the truth of the mission of the
Báb.

"If you do so," he told him, "I will myself convert, and my students along with me; but, if
you do not succeed, I will cause it to be proclaimed in the bazaars: 'Here is he who treads
under foot the holy law of Islám.'"

"I know who you are, Karím," Muqaddas replied to him. "Do you not remember your
master Siyyid Kázim and what he said to you(42): 'Dog! Do you not want me to die so that
after me should appear the absolute truth?!' And here today, impelled by your passion for
wealth and glory, you lie to yourself."

Begun in this tone, the discussion was destined to be brief. Indeed, the students of Kirmán drew
their knives and rushed upon the one who had insulted their leader. Most fortunately the
Governor of the town himself interceded, had Muqaddas arrested and conducted to his palace. He
kept him there for a certain time, and, when passions were a little calmed, he sent him off by night,
accompanied for some distance by ten cavaliers.

Thence he left with Quddús, and took the road for Khurásán. At Bushrú'í they met up with Mullá
Husayn Bushrú'í, with whom they continued their voyage.

We have seen(43) that as soon as the Báb arrived in Búshihr, Mullá Husayn left his master to go to
Isfáhán, where he was to meet Muqaddas and send him to Shíráz. From there he was to stop in at
Tihrán where he was to attempt to see the King, and finally he arrived in Khurásán to preach the
new doctrine in that place. We will leave him here for a moment, where we will find him after
having retraced the story of what was meanwhile happening in Shíráz. This town had become the
theater of passionate discussions that profoundly troubled the general peace. The curious, pilgrims,
and lovers of scandal gathered here, discussed the news, approving or blaming, praising the young
Siyyid or covering him with maledictions or insults. Everyone was excited, nervous, maddened.
The Mulláhá(44) saw with a bitter disquiet an augmentation in the number of those following the
new doctrine — their clientele — and perceived therefore that their own resources were being
diminished to that degree. It seemed evident to them that a prolonged tolerance could well empty
the mosques of their faithful who were convinced that if Islám would not defend itself it thereby
admitted itself vanquished. On the other hand, Husayn Khán, Nizám al-Dawlih(45), Governor of
Shíráz, feared that if he let things go, the scandal would become such, that after some time it

(42)Muqaddas reminded Karím Khán of the words addressed by Siyyid Kázim Rashtí to his fellow Shaykhí

in Karbilá, which are found translated in note (35) of Chapter One.

(43)The sources seem to be confused on this question. Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was in Isfáhán for some time,

and there he met and converted Muqaddas according to ZARANDI (p. 100). Quddús was traveling with
the Báb on pilgrimage, and parted from him at Búshihr in order to proceed to Shíráz, where he met
Muqaddas, according to ZARANDI (p. 144), there entrusting him with a copy of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" which
altered the "adhán" (Ibid.) Hence, this sentence from Nicolas appears to be confused, mixing up two of the
principal disciples of the Báb. See note (1) this Chapter for a more detailed reference to "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih".

(44)"Mulláhá": for a definition please see note (1) in Chapter Two.

(45)"Nizám al-Dawlih" is a title of Husayn Khán, the Governor of Fárs. Please see note (19), this Chapter.
A Prophet in Modern Times 92

would become impossible to contain. This would be no less than to risk personal disgrace(46). And
furthermore, the Báb did not content himself with preaching; he called to him all men of good
will(47):

"And he who knows the Word of God and who does not come to His aid at the moment
of violence is exactly like him who has turned away from the testimony of His Holiness
Husayn, son of 'Alí at Karbilá. Those ones are impious(48)."

The civic interests hence being in accord with the "heavenly" interests, Nizám al-Dawlih and
Shaykh Abú-Turáb(49), the Imám Jum'ih, were of the opinion that an affront must be inflicted

(46)Disgrace, that is, losing face in public is a calamity for the men of many cultures, including in traditional

Persian society. It is particularly onerous for one who is in a position of power and privilege, and subject to
the pleasure of higher-ups who will not suffer the disgrace of their subordinates with good humor.

(47)Nicolas does not identify the source of these verses. It is evident that the Báb is calling upon mankind to

defend him and his Cause, to take up arms if necessary, but not to conquer but rather to defend the holy
religion of God. Many historians have misunderstood the intentions of the Báb and the Bábís, and have
mistakenly regarded the Báb as favoring "jihád" (holy war) against all infidels, and thought the Bábí
upheavals to be revolutionary or subversive in nature. The Báb was certainly in favor of "jihád" but only in
principle — he never sanctioned a "holy war" during his short ministry, and not for lack of opportunity
either. The kind of "jihád" he seems to have looked favorably upon would be waged by believing (Bábí)
monarchs in the course of extending the realms that would fall under the sway of the current law of God.
Nor is it likely that any of the Bábí upheavals would have occurred if the citizenry, clergy and government
had not been implacably opposed to the Bábí movement, and intent upon eliminating as many Bábís as
possible. The Bábís did not respond to religious genocide with non-violence — the Báb did not order them
to do so, nor had the Prophet Muhammad, for whom many Bábís continued to have a reverence that most
Westerners seem to be incapable of understanding. Bahá'u'lláh, on the other hand, insisted upon the rule of
non-violence among his followers, but nevertheless he favored the use of violence by nation states acting in
concert in order to stop aggressors from attacking their neighbors.

(48)Nicolas indicates that these verses are cited from "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." He could not have employed

a more potent symbol in the context of Persian society. The popular adoration for the Imám Husayn far
exceeds their feeling for the Prophet Muhammad, let alone any of the other Imáms. The message therefore
is powerfully conceived — if they do not heed the Báb and come to his defense then it is as if they were
responsible for what happened to their best-beloved of saints, the Imám Husayn.

(49)Either there is a typographical error in the printed text of Nicolas' book, or its author has mis-transcribed

the name of this individual. He has written Shaykh Abú Tarab rather than Shaykh Abú-Turáb. This error
is corrected in Shoghi Effendi's citation of this passage from Nicolas ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 148, n. 1).
Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám Jum'ih of Shíráz, was a friend of the uncles of the Báb (Amanat, p. 255).
Amanat (p. 255) and Balyuzi (p. 69, 89, 94-96, 99) both report that Shaykh Abú-Turáb repeatedly shielded
the Báb from the attacks of his enemies, mostly Muslim clerics, in Shíráz. A fellow Shírází and pilgrim,
Shaykh Abú-Háshim, the brother of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, traveled with the Báb on the boat from Búshihr to
Jiddah (Balyuzi, p. 69; Amanat, p. 242, n. 221), and he was so insulting to the Báb that the captain of that
vessel would have thrown him overboard had the Báb not interceded on his behalf (MU'IN, p. 73; cited
Amanat, p. 242, n. 222). AFNAN (pp. 38-39) stated that Shaykh Abú-Háshim made more trouble for the
Báb upon his return to Shíráz by reporting his actions to the 'ulamá' (cited Amanat, p. 242, n. 223). Balyuzi
(p. 103) reports that one of the early converts to the Bábí Cause in Shíráz was a youthful nephew of Shaykh
Abú-Turáb, named Shaykh 'Alí -Mírzá, and that another early convert, Hájí Muhammad-Bisat, was a close
friend of the Imám-Jum'ih. Balyuzi (p. 233) also noted that Hájí Shaykh Yahyá , the son of Shaykh Abú-
Turáb, succeeded him as Imám-Jum'ih of Shíráz, and that he shielded the Bahá'ís as his father had
protected the Báb. There is another Shaykh Abú-Turáb who is not to be confused with the Imám-Jum'ih.
'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) identifies the latter Shaykh Abú-Turáb as a native of Ishtihárd. SAMANDAR (p. 32)
A Prophet in Modern Times 93

upon the innovator(50) which would discredit him in the eyes of the populace. Perhaps in this way
they might succeed in calming things.

likewise fixes his place of origin as Ishtihárd, and further indicates that he was one of the leading disciples of
Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, that he married the sister of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, and ultimately died a martyr to
the Bábí Cause in the Tihrán prison (cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 39, n. 1). ZARANDI (pp. 39-40)
reproduces one of Shaykh Abú-Turáb Ishtihárdi's memoirs regarding Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and Hájí Mírzá
Karím Khán Kirmáni. ZARANDI (p. 40) also confirms that Shaykh Abú-Turáb converted to the Bábí
Faith, and was imprisoned in the same prison (the "Síyáh-Chál") as Bahá'u'lláh in 1852, where he ultimately
perished, a martyr to the Cause of God. ZARANDI (pp. 293-296) quotes Shaykh Abú-Turáb concerning
the events of the conference of Badasht, and he states that Shaykh Abú-Turáb was "one of the best-
informed as to the nature of the developments in Badasht" (Ibid., p. 293). ZARANDI (p. 299) also reports
that Bahá'u'lláh appointed Shaykh Abú-Turáb to watch over Táhirih and "ensure her protection and
safety" in Núr, ostensibly at his family property in the village of Tákur, to which they repaired following the
conclusion of the Badasht conference. ZARANDI (pp. 347-349) states that Shaykh Abú-Turáb arrived in
Shaykh Tabarsí where he reported that Bahá'u'lláh had entered the village from whence hailed another
Bábí named Nazar Khán. He follows this with Mullá Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furughí's account of Shaykh
Abú-Turáb's meeting at Shaykh Tabarsí with Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í. He next reports (p. 348-349) that
Bahá'u'lláh came to Shaykh Tabarsí, and that after a short visit he returned to the village of Nazar Khán
with this believer and with Shaykh Abú-Turáb. It appears that Shaykh Abú-Turáb was a companion to
Bahá'u'lláh on certain of his journeys, although there is no further mention of him in ZARANDI, and he is
entirely ignored by the historians. If Shaykh Abú-Turáb was not engaged at the time of this particular
journey with looking after Táhirih , we may surmise that Táhirih was by then either out of danger or that
she had already been captured by her enemies. WAFA (p. 202) reports that Táhirih was captured after the
breakup of the Badasht conference and sent under guard to Tihrán. This being the case, it seems that
Shaykh Abú-Turáb somehow escaped confinement, for we find him, some time after Badasht, traveling
with Bahá'u'lláh to Shaykh Tabarsí. For a definition of the title "Imám-Jum'ih," please see note (80) of this
Chapter.

(50)The innovator in question is the Báb. The events related to the trial of the Báb and those which
precipitated and ensued from it (cited in Amanat, p. 255, n. 283) are found in ZARANDI (pp. 143-148,
151-154), AHMAD (pp. 452-453), SIPIHR (vol. III, pp. 42-44), MU'IN (pp. 69-93), KAF (p. 112) and
GOBINEAU (pp. 151-155). Balyuzi draws from three sources for his account of this trial of the Báb in
Shíráz: ZARANDI (pp. 153-154; cited Balyuzi, pp. 94-96), 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 6-7; cited Balyuzi, p. 96)
and AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, pp. 96-99). The Báb was apparently obliged to make a public recantation, at
the Masjid-i-Vakil, of his alleged claim to be the representative or deputy of the Imám Mahdí, as reported
by ZARANDI (p. 154), AFNAN (pp. 50-54), SIPIHR (p. 44), AHMAD (p. 453) and cited by Amanat (p.
255, n. 284). It seems likely that the Báb was also required to pen a written recantation of such claims,
which has been found in one manuscript (INBA no. 91,169-170; cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 285). It has been
noted that the Báb denied being the representative and the Báb of the Imám Mahdí, but that he was not
apparently required to renounce his claim to being the Qá'im — perhaps the 'ulamá' were not informed of
this claim at that time? In any case, both ZARANDI (pp. 155-156) and AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 97-98)
indicate that the Báb's sermon in the Mosque of Vakil served to strengthen the faith of his followers in the
audience, as well as to attract new believers to his Cause. ZARANDI (pp. 155-157) notes the attraction of
Shaykh 'Alí-Mírzá, the youthful nephew of the Imám-Jum'ih, of Muhammad-Karím, of Mírzá Áqáy-i-
Rikab-Saz, of Mírzá Rahim-i-Khabbaz, Hájí Abú'l-Hasan -i-Bazzaz, and of Hájí Muhammad-Bisat.
Balyuzi (p. 103) lists Shaykh 'Alí -Mírzá, Mírzá-Áqáy-i-Rikab-Saz, Luft-'Alí Mírzá, Áqá Muhammad-
Karím, Mírzá Rahim, Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Karím, Mashhadi Abú'l-Qasim-i-Labbaf, Mírzá Mihdi and his son
Mírzá 'Alí-Akbar, and affirms that "most of these native Bábís of Shíráz embraced the Faith after hearing
the Báb from the pulpit of the Mosque of Vakil." Hence, it seems that what the 'ulamá' and Governor
wished to turn into a public defeat and humiliation for the Báb and a discouragement to his followers was
transformed into a public demonstration of his profound influence upon selected souls and a confirmation of
his truthfulness and integrity for his previous adherents.
A Prophet in Modern Times 94

This was convened a great gathering of the 'ulamá' and the principal merchants of the town. The
Báb was brought before this court. Shaykh Abú-Turáb could not master the anger which the sight
of the Siyyid inspired in him, and he began the meeting with invectives. He ended by asking
him(51):

"Who then are you and why do you excite so much disorder?"

"I am," answered the apostle, "delegated by God to conduct men to truth and to salvation.
What do you upbraid Me for? And what have I taught that is bad for the creatures of
God?"

Shaykh Abú-Turáb, furious with the extent of his(52) calm and audacity, struck him with his staff.
He became very excited and particularly beat him on the head. The other participants, full of
disgust at this scandalous scene, put it to an end by declaring that such violence was indecent and
that they must insist upon its termination out of respect for their own selves. The Báb was sent
home(53), advised to keep quiet and to preach no longer. Furthermore it was declared that his uncle
would be held personally responsible for his [nephew’s] upsetting actions. So Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí took
his nephew into his house, where he shut him in so that nobody saw him. The religious
authorities(54), little experienced in this sort of thing, hoped that they had thus succeeded in
stopping the movement which had manifested itself in such a menacing manner.

(51)Nicolas does not cite his source for this exchange, and it is not found in these words in ZARANDI,

'ABDU'L-BAHA, AFNAN — it probably represents an oral tradition.
(52)According to AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 98), the person who struck the Báb was not Shaykh Abú-Turáb,

the Imám-Jum'ih, but rather an individual he calls Shaykh Husayn; also, the blow did not fall upon the Báb
but rather upon the shoulder of Mírzá Abú'l-Hasan Khán, the Mushiru'l-Mulk, the Vizier of Fárs (after his
father, Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí, according to Balyuzi, p. 98n), who interposed himself between the assailant
and his intended victim. Shaykh Husayn is called the "Tyrant" by AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 97). It seems
likely that the assailant was none other than Husayn Khán, the Governor of Fárs, inasmuch as ZARANDI
(p. 150), 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 6), and other sources — please see note (50) — and the historian Balyuzi (p.
89) report that during his first meeting with the Báb after the latter's return to Shíráz from pilgrimage,
Husayn Khán ordered his attendant to strike the Báb a blow in the face, which was so severe that it knocked
the turban off his head. Hence, this kind of behavior seems to have been in character for Husayn Khán,
while it would most certainly not have been characteristic of Shaykh Abú-Turáb.

(53)Nicolas recalls: "I do not remember in which European work I read that after the arrest of the Báb, his

sister ascended the terrace of his house and laughed so hard that she was asked the cause of her joy. 'It is,'
she said, 'that these mad ones want to kill him, and that they do not doubt that he will revive after forty
days.' This anecdote is taken from "Qisas al-'ulamá'" [TUNKABÚNI] but does not apply at all to the Báb
of whom we speak here. The author in question says, in fact, "This religion of the Báb is furthermore not so
new since Siyyid Ni'amat'u'llah Jazairi states in his 'Envar Numanieh'..." — and this Siyyid lived two
hundred years before the manifestation of 1260 [A.H.]; he indeed writes that he was born in 1050 [A.H.]
and that he was the student of A. Jamal Khonnsari, of Mullá Muhin Feiz — the celebrated student of Mullá
Sadrá, of Shaykh Hasan — son of Shaykh Zayn al-Din, and especially of Mullá Muhammad Báqir Majlisi
— the compiler of the hadíth, of whom he was the favorite."

(54)Nicolas affirms: "However, this occurred after Hájí Mírzá Nasir — whom we will meet again in the

events of Nayríz — tried in several instances and violently to require that he kiss the hand of Shaykh Abú-
Turáb — which the Báb refused to do." Bahá'u'lláh forbad the practice of kissing hands in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas"
(#34), and in his Tablets he also prohibited other practices which abase one person in relation to another,
including prostration (see "Kitáb-i-Aqdas," n57).
A Prophet in Modern Times 95

The contrary resulted, and this sacrifice served but to extend the progress of the sect. Hereafter
public attention was attracted in an imperative fashion to the events that were going on in Shíráz.
Everyone wished to know what this was about and everybody was interested in the affair, one way
or another — disorder reached its summit.

It is then that it was decided to strike a great blow. The Mulláhá thought of forcing the Báb to
make a public retraction of his doctrine. He was thus sought in his house, and after the imposition
of the most horrible torments, he was conducted to the great mosque.

The Báb mounted the pulpit and there proclaimed his mission in a discourse so full of conviction,
of force, of energy and of eloquence that all the spectators were stunned(55).
(55)Nicolas writes: "’It was thus,’ says “A Traveler's Narrative,” ‘that he declared that he was not the Imám

al-Zamán, the hidden Mahdí, as it had been believed until then. He said that he was the intermediary or
more exactly the precursor of another.’ This represents a play on words — the author of the narrative, a
zealous Bahá'i, wishes by this to affirm the mission of Bahá [Bahá'u'lláh]. Certainly the Báb, as we will see,
announces the coming of Him Whom God shall make manifest, declares himself to be his slave, but only
because the prophets which succeed each other follow an ascending progression. Jesus is greater than
Moses, Muhammad than Jesus, the Báb than Muhammad , and Him Whom God shall make manifest will
be greater than the Báb. If Moses is the precursor of Jesus, this one [Jesus] of Muhammad , the Báb is the
precursor of Him Whom God shall make manifest. But it is not this meaning that we give to the word
precursor, and we assign this [other] role to Saint John the Baptist towards Christ. It is to singularly
diminish the rank that the Báb has assigned himself to reduce him to the role of the Baptist. Those who
have studied the second divine manifestation, that of Bahá [Bahá'u'lláh], easily realize that the Bahá'ís have
followed the way that was indicated to them and have finished by identifying the Báb with Elijah, and Bahá
[Bahá'u'lláh] with Christ. It seems to forget this fundamental principle of the New Religion magnificently
formulated by the Báb in the 'Seven Proofs':

'…dans le passe, toutes les fois que la necessite s'en est fait sentir Dieu a envoye en ce bas monde un
prophete, porteur d'un Livre contenant des revelations celestes; il en agita de meme dans l'avenir,
toutes les fois qu'il en sera besoin.'"

An English translation of these verses from "Dala'il-i-Sab'ih":

"in the past, every time that the necessity was felt, God sent into this lower world a Prophet,
carrying a Book containing celestial revelations; He will do so also in the future, every time that it
will be needed."

Edward Granville Browne translated the passage cited by Nicolas from 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 6-7), as
follows:

"It was then supposed that he claimed to be the medium of grace from His Highness the Lord of
the Age (upon Him be peace); but afterwards it became known and evident that His meaning was
the Gatehood (Bábíyyat) of another city and the mediumship of the graces of another Person
Whose qualities and attributes were contained in His books and treatises."

In "God Passes By" (p. 242), Shoghi Effendi affirms that 'Abdu'l-Bahá was the author of "A Traveler's
Narrative" (‘ABDU’L-BAHA), which he characterized as "the ablest and most valuable presentation of the
early history of the Faith and of its tenets". This appreciation found expression in a letter written on the
behalf of Shoghi Effendi (26 March 1930, to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'is of Canada and
the United States, in which he writes of Professor E.G. Browne’s translation of this work from the original
Persian to elegant English): "the most authentic history of the early days we have — being the Master's
words — and also because it has a good and scholarly rendering and far superior to many of the other
A Prophet in Modern Times 96

translations of the Master's words we have" (cited in a Memorandum addressed to the author by the
Research Department of the Bahá'i World Centre and dated 15 December 1994).

With regard to the substance of Nicolas' footnote, in "Some Answered Questions," which was first published
in Persian and simultaneously in English and French translations in 1908, hence shortly after the
publication of this biography (1905), 'Abdu'l-Bahá consecrated many pages to "prove to the thoughtful by
reasonable arguments the prophethood of Moses, of Christ, and of the other Divine Manifestations" (p. 13).
One chapter (VIII) of that volume is devoted to the "proofs" of the Báb, in which he is described as
imparting "divine education to an unenlightened multitude" and producing "marvelous results on the
thoughts, morals, customs, and conditions of the Persians". In this same chapter 'Abdu'l-Bahá also affirms
that the Báb "announced the glad tidings of the manifestation of the Sun of Bahá' to His followers, and
prepared them to believe" (p. 31).

The great-grandson of Bahá'u'lláh, grandson of 'Abdu'l-Bahá and Guardian of the Bahá'i Faith, Shoghi
Effendi has explained the Bahá'i conception of the twofold station of the Báb in "The World Order of
Bahá'u'lláh" (p. 123), an excerpt of which is cited here, while the full text is reproduced in Appendix I:

"That the Báb, the inaugurator of the Bábí Dispensation, is fully entitled to rank as one of the self-
sufficient Manifestations of God, that He has been invested with sovereign power and authority,
and exercises all the rights and prerogatives of independent Prophethood, is yet another
fundamental verity which the Message of Bahá'u'lláh insistently proclaims and which its followers
must uncompromisingly uphold. That He is not to be regarded merely as an inspired Precursor of
the Bahá'i Revelation, that in His person, as He Himself bears witness in the Persian Bayán, the
object of all the Prophets gone before Him has been fulfilled, is a truth which I feel it my duty to
demonstrate and emphasize...
"There can be no doubt that the claim to the twofold station ordained for the Báb by the Almighty,
a claim which He Himself has so boldly advanced, which Bahá'u'lláh has repeatedly affirmed, and
to which the Will and Testament of 'Abdu'l-Bahá has finally given the sanction of its testimony,
constitutes the most distinctive feature of the Bahá'i Dispensation. It is further evidence of its
uniqueness, a tremendous accession to the strength, to the mysterious power and authority with
which this holy cycle has been invested. Indeed the greatness of the Báb consists primarily, not in
His being the divinely-appointed Forerunner of so transcendent a Revelation, but rather in His
having been invested with the powers inherent in the inaugurator of a separate religious
Dispensation, and in His wielding, to a degree unrivalled by the Messengers gone before Him,
the scepter of independent Prophethood."

Shoghi Effendi elaborates on this theme in the continuation of this essay (Ibid., pp. 123-128), and returns to
it in "God Passes By" (pp. 29-31, 97-99). That Nicolas did not understand the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh and
'Abdu'l-Bahá with regard to this twofold station of the Báb is evident from this footnote and other comments
scattered throughout his many publications on the Bábí Faith. That many of the Bahá'ís with whom he
came into contact may also have been confused is also possible. However, as he had much more extensive
contact with Mírzá Yahyá Azal and his followers than with the Bahá'is, it is very possible that his incomplete
understanding of this twofold station was derived from their influence. It was clearly beneficial to the aims of
the Azalis to create dissonance and discontinuity between the teachings of the Báb and those of Bahá'u'lláh.

While Nicolas was for many years under the impression that the Bahá'ís did not appreciate the prophetic
station of the Báb, at some point in the 1930s Edith Sanderson, one of the Bahá'ís resident in France, sent
Nicolas a copy of some of Shoghi Effendi's writings on the Báb, which elicited this response, a portion of
which was cited in the Introduction to this volume, and which was reproduced in its original French in
"Appreciations of the Bahá'i Faith" (p. 61). It is cited in full in the Introduction to this volume, and
excerpted here for the convenience of the reader:

"I do not know how to thank you nor how to express the joy that inundates my heart. Thus it is that
we must not only admit the existence but also love and admire the Báb. Poor great Prophet born
A Prophet in Modern Times 97

After this public meeting, provoked by the stupidity of the Mulláhá, and which attracted numerous
partisans to him, trouble was brewing deeply in all the provinces of Persia, and the battle assumed
such a grave character that Muhammad Sháh(56) sent to Shíráz a man in whom he had complete

deep within Persia without any education and who, alone in the world, surrounded by enemies,
succeeded by the force of his genius to create a universal and wise religion. That Bahá'u'lláh has,
subsequently, succeeded him, so be it, but I wish for the sublimity of the Báb to be admired, who
besides paid with his life, with his blood for the reform he preached. Cite me another example,
comparable. Finally, I can die tranquil. Glory to Shoghi Effendi who has calmed my torment and
my anxieties, glory to him who recognizes the worth of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad called the Báb.
"I am so happy that I kiss your hands which have written my address on the envelope which brings
the message from Shoghi. Thank you, Mademoiselle. Thank you from the bottom of my heart."

This extraordinary letter is referred to by Ruhiyyih Rabbani, the wife of Shoghi Effendi, in her biography of
the Guardian:
"An interesting example of this is reflected in a letter of A.L.M. Nicolas, the French scholar who
translated the Bayán of the Báb into French and who might correctly be described as a Bábí.
For many years he was under the impression that the Bahá'ís had ignored the greatness and
belittled the station of the Báb. When he discovered that Shoghi Effendi in his writings exalted
the Báb, perpetuated His memory through a book such as Nabíl's Narrative, and repeatedly
translated His words into English, his attitude completely changed. In a letter to one of the old
believers in France he wrote: 'Now I can die quietly…Glory to Shoghi Effendi who has calmed
my torment and my anxiety, glory to him who recognizes the worth of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
called the Báb. I am so content that I kiss your hands which traced my address on the envelope
which brought me the message of Shoghi. Thank you Mademoiselle, thank you from the bottom
of my heart.'" ("The Priceless Pearl," p. 204)

(56)Muhammad Sháh was the reigning monarch of Persia from the death of his father, Fath 'Alí Sháh, in

1834, until his own passing on 4 September 1848 ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 7, n. 5). Hence, the first fifteen years
of the Báb's life were spent under Fath 'Alí Sháh, and fourteen years including the first four years of the
ministry of the Báb were under the rule of Muhammad Sháh and his Grand Vizier, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí.
Muhammad Sháh was addressed for the first time by the Báb in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' " (Sura 1, f.2b of the
Cambridge Browne Collection F.11 manuscript — cited MacEoin, p. 19; Sura 1, f.3b of Ibid. — cited
Amanat, p. 203, n. 281). The Báb wrote several letters to Muhammad Sháh, as discussed by MacEoin (pp.
58, 83, 92, 192-193), and Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 102, 262, 299, 354). The first letter was written,
according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 102), in Búshihr. See note (1) this Chapter for more information
regarding this Tablet. Sometime in Rabí ' al-Awal 1263/February-March 1847 (MacEoin, p. 82), after the
decease of Manúchihr Khán, Gurgin Khán, his successor informed Muhammad Sháh of the continued
presence of the Báb in Isfáhán and Muhammad Sháh issued a decree summoning the Báb to Tihrán
(ZARANDI, p. 215). According to 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11), Gurgin Khán informed Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the
Grand Vizier of Muhammad Sháh rather than the His Majesty, and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí gave the order of
summons. Once the Báb was en route to Tihrán and had arrived at the fortress of Kinar-Gird, Hájí Mírzá
Áqásí sent the Báb a message instructing him to proceed to the village of Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 226;
'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 11; Balyuzi, p. 119). Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was himself the owner of Kulayn, and the tent
that was pitched outside the village to accommodate the Báb was also his (ZARANDI, p. 227; Balyuzi, p.
119). ZARANDI (p. 227) reports that the Báb arrived in Kulayn on 11 Rabí 'al-Thání 1263, which
corresponds to 29 March 1847 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 227, n. 2). The Báb tarried in the village of
Kulayn for twenty days ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 11; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 229, n. 1) or a fortnight
(ZARANDI, p. 229). According to 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 230, n. 1),
FAYZI (p. 213) and GOBINEAU (p. 124; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 230, n. 1), the Báb wrote a letter
to Muhammad Sháh requesting a private audience with His Majesty, a circumstance which is not reported
by ZARANDI. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 262) indicates that the Báb wrote this letter from Siyah Duhn, in a
mix of Arabic and Persian. If he wrote this petition in Kulayn, it was probably sometime soon after his
A Prophet in Modern Times 98

confidence, in order to prepare for him a report of what he would see and understand. This envoy
was Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí(57).

This person was, as his name indicates, born in Dáráb, near Shíráz. His Father, Siyyid Ja'far(58),
surnamed Kashfí(59), was one of the greatest and the most celebrated 'ulamá' of the epoch. His high

arrival in that town, inasmuch as Muhammad Sháh wrote a second decree, apparently in reply to the Báb's
letter ('ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 11-12; SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-259), dated in
that same month, Rabí ' al-Thání 1263/April 1847 (SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-
259; "The Dawn-breakers," p. 231, n. 1). Balyuzi (p. 121) states that nearly three weeks had passed since the
Báb's arrival in Kulayn before he wrote to Muhammad Sháh, but this is very unlikely because of the dating
of Muhammad Sháh's response to his petition. The imperial decree was issued in His Majesty's own
handwriting ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 12), and in this letter He stated that due to His imminent departure from
the capital, a private audience would not be possible at that time, and that the Báb was to proceed to Máh-
Kú and await the opportune moment for such a meeting (ZARANDI, pp. 229-231; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p.
12; SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-259). Three versions of the text of this decree are
extant: one is found in SAMANDAR (Ibid.), another in ZARANDI (pp. 230-231), and a third (which does
not claim to be other than a paraphrase) is cited in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 12). It seems that Muhammad Sháh
was amenable to a meeting with the Báb, but that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, who, as his Súfí "pir" (master) had
great influence over the Sovereign, feeling his position potentially threatened by the charismatic personality
of the Báb, convinced Muhammad Sháh to transfer the Báb to that remote location in Ádhirbáyján
(ZARANDI, pp. 231-232; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 11-12; MU'IN, p. 129 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
232n). ZARANDI (pp. 121-122, 171, 177, 214-215, 229-232, 253-254, 525, 531-532, 537-539) makes
copious reference to Muhammad Sháh, and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 7-9, 11-12, 15-16, 20) also refers to His
Majesty. Likewise, we find references to Muhammad Sháh in Amanat (pp. 20-24, 28-29, 78-79, 92, 122,
203-204, 258-259, 262, 273, 338-339, 382, 394), MacEoin (pp. 17-19, 58, 83, 92, 116, 192-193), and
Balyuzi (pp. 10, 12, 80, 81, 83, 90, 93, 99, 100, 102, 109, 112, 113, 115, 117, 121-123, 135, 137, 139, 147-
149, 165, 170, 175, 178, 185, 211, 221, 230, 233).

(57)Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, entitled Vahíd by the Báb (Balyuzi, p. 94), was born the son of Siyyid Ja'far-i-Kashfí

(Balyuzi, p. 70 and is described by ZARANDI (p. 171) as "the most learned, the most eloquent, and the
most influential" of the subjects of Muhammad Sháh, and by 'Abdu'l-Bahá (in an untitled manuscript
related to the martyrdoms in Persia) as having "committed to memory no less than thirty thousand
traditions" and as "highly esteemed and admired by all classes of people" (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p.
171, n. 2). Dárábí was sent by Muhammad Sháh to examine the claims of the Báb, and, in the process of
doing so, he became convinced of the truth of those claims (ZARANDI, pp. 171-176; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p.
7). From Shíráz he went first to Burújird to inform his Father of the Bábí Cause (ZARANDI, p. 177;
'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 7). Dárábí spread the teachings in Burújird and in Kurdistan (ZARANDI, p. 465), and
afterwards he went to Tihrán (JADID, p. 115; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 465, n. 1), where he
frequently visited Bahá'u'lláh (ZARANDI, p. 465). Thereafter he proceeded to Qazvin, to Qum, Káshán,
Isfáhán, Ardistan, Ardikan, and Yazd, and finally to Nayríz to announce the presence and explain the
teachings of the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 465-466). In Nayríz he served as the leader of the Bábís in the heroic
struggle with their genocidal opponents which ended with his martyrdom (ZARANDI, pp. 478-495;
'ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 24-25), just ten days before that of the Báb (ZARANDI, p. 499). MacEoin (p. 117)
has identified some writings which most likely came from the hand of Dárábí, including "Risala-yi
istidlaliyya" (ZUHUR, p. 471), two Arabic "máqálas" (ZUHUR, pp. 471-477), and possibly "Risala-yi
ashtat" (unpublished manuscript in Bahá'i International Archives). Balyuzi (p. 94n) states that a letter
survives in the handwriting of Dárábí, addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad , one of the uncles of the
Báb who did not become a Bábí until his questions were answered by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (p. 138).
Many other details pertaining to Dárábí's life are found in ZARANDI (pp. 171-177, 465-486, 488-491, 493-
501, 527, 580, 596, 643, 653); 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 7, 24-25); MacEoin (pp. 11, 13, 54, 71, 104, 117);
Amanat (pp. 256, 278, 286, 315, 350, 369); and Balyuzi (pp. 70, 90-94, 99, 101, 103, 178-182, 205, 215,
240).
A Prophet in Modern Times 99

moral values, his character, his pure manners had attracted to him universal esteem and
consideration. His knowledge had earned him the glorious surname of "Kashfí" which means "he
who discovers," and, in this case, "he who discovers and explains the divine secrets." Brought up
by him, his son did not delay in equaling him in all respects. He shared henceforth the favor that
his Father enjoyed, and he went to Tihrán, preceded by his name and his reputation. There he
became the table-companion of the prince Tahmasp Mírzá, Mu'ayyad al-Dawlih(60), the grandson
of Fath 'Alí Sháh(61) by his father Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá(62). The government(63) rendered homage
to his knowledge and his merit and he was consulted more than once in difficult circumstances.

It was of him that Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí(64) thought when they wished to find an
honest emissary whose faithfulness was not in doubt.
(58)Siyyid Ja'far (d. 1267/1851), the father of Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, was a distinguished and highly respected

Muslim cleric in his town of Burújird. Balyuzi (p. 70, 90) noted that Siyyid Ja'far-i-Kashfí went on
pilgrimage in the same year as the Báb, and indeed, Abú'l-Hasan reported in AFNAN (p. 40; cited Amanat,
p. 247, n. 248) that Siyyid Ja'far saw and heard the declaration of the Báb in Mecca and did not become a
believer. His son went to Burújird to inform Siyyid Ja'far of the stupendous announcement of the Báb, and
he later reported that Kashfí "was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Message I had brought him" but
"preferred, however, to be left alone and to be allowed to pursue his own way" (ZARANDI, p. 177). His son
met his death in 1850 and the following year his Father passed away.

(59)Siyyid Ja'far was called "Kashfí" (the Discloser) "because of his skill in the interpretation of the Qur'án and

the visions which he claimed to have" ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 177, n. 2), and "because of the powers of
divination attributed to him" (Balyuzi, p. 94n), and is also described as an "intuitionist" (Amanat, p. 47).
ZUHUR (volume III) contains information on the Kashfí family.
(60)Prince Tahmasp Mírzá, Mu'ayyad al-Dawlih, is not mentioned in any of the historical sources.

(61)Fath-'Alí Sháh, the second monarch of the Qájár dynasty, reigned as Sháh of Persia from 1797-1834

(Amanat, p. 18, 20), or from 1798-1834 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. lxi).

(62)Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá, known as Áqá Muhammad Sháh, the first monarch of the Qájár dynasty,

reigned 1795-1797, and was assassinated in 1797 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. lxi).

(63)The government in this case is the Sháh (king).

(64)Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, also called Mullá 'Abbás Íravání (Amanat, p. 79, n. 42; p. 451), served as the Grand

Vizier of Muhammad Sháh from 1835 until the monarch's passing in 1848 (Amanat, p. 20). In a long
footnote to "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 231, n. 2), Shoghi Effendi cites FADL (n.p.), MU'IN (p. 120),
GOBINEAU (pp. 132-133), Fadl-Qulí Khán Hidayát's "Majma'u'l-Fusahá'" (n.p.), and Clements R.
Markham's "A General Sketch of the History of Persia" (London:1874, p. 473) on the subject of Hájí
Mírzá Áqásí. According to Hidayát, cited above, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was born 'Abbás-'Alí in the town of
Íraván, the son of Mírzá Muslim, one of the well-known Muslim clergymen of that town; and he studied
in Karbilá with Fakhru'd-Dín 'Abdu's-Samad-i-Hamadání, returning to Ádhirbáyján, whence he began
to climb the ladder of favor which ultimately resulted in his being appointed Grand Vizier of
Muhammad Sháh. FAYZI (p. 216) indicates that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was born in Baku. He does not seem
to have been an effective administrator, as attested by the Báb (ZUHUR, p. 88; cited Amanat, pp. 382-
383, n. 40), and confirmed in a number of other sources cited by Amanat (pp. 20-21, n. 46). Hájí Mírzá
Áqásí was a Súfí, and so was Muhammad Sháh, both of them members of the Ni'matulláhí taríqa
(order) (Amanat, p. 79). It was state policy during his administration to award provincial posts for a year
or two solely to those who were prepared to pay the most for the privilege (Amanat, p. 20) and to
appease the Shí'í clergy with money as well as deferential words (Amanat, p. 101). Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was
Muhammad Sháh's Súfí "pír" (teacher), and therefore wielded great influence over the monarch,
according to Amanat (p. 204, n. 285). The Báb ordered Áqásí in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súra 1, fol. 3a;
cited Amanat, p. 204, n. 283) to withdraw his influence from the Sháh, and, in the same Book (Ibid.), he
A Prophet in Modern Times 100

The Sháh made him the gift of a horse and advanced him the cost of the voyage.

Arriving in Shíráz, the royal messenger went to see the Báb several times. Desiring to study his host
well, Siyyid Yahyá spoke with him, the first two times that he saw him, of different things. On the
third visit he posed him some difficult questions regarding dogma and ritual. His questioner
answered them in a satisfactory fashion. He then asked him to write a commentary upon the 108th
Súrah of the Qur'án(65) which carries the title of "Kawthar"(66).

warns the Sháh of the idolatrous ideology of his Grand Vizier. Áqásí was on very hostile terms with
Manúchihr Khán (Amanat, p. 257), the Governor of Isfáhán. Amanat asserts (p. 258) that Manúchihr
Khán wished to remove Áqásí from power, to bring about a face-to face meeting between the Báb and
Muhammad Sháh, to arrange for the Báb's marriage to the Sháh's sister, and to facilitate the
promulgation of the Bábí Cause in Persia and in lands beyond its borders. For more details, please see
note (79). Amanat reports (p. 261-262; p. 273, n. 118-119 — citing SIPIHR, p. 235) that in late Rajab
1260/August 1844, Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í arrived in Tihrán and delivered a copy of the first Súra
(Súrat al-Malik) of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" to Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. The same source
indicates that Mullá Husayn requested an audience with the monarch in order to personally deliver the
Báb's message, but that this offer was rebuffed. ZUHUR (p. 163; cited MacEoin, p. 17, n. 36) reports
that Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí 'Azím brought "eighteen copies of Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', the Tafsír on the
Hadíth al-jariyya, and other sermons and prayers from Shíráz to Tihrán in order to convert
Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, his Prime Minister. Áqásí, it is said, gave these works to Mírzá
Mahmúd Mujtahid, other 'ulamá', and government officials." It was Áqásí who postponed and
ultimately blocked any meeting between the Báb and Muhammad Sháh; who persuaded the Sháh to
order the Báb's confinement to Máh-Kú, and his transfer to Chihríq; and who engineering the trial of
the Báb in Tabríz, which resulted in his execution on the charge of heresy (Amanat, pp. 387-391).
According to Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 37), shortly after the death of Muhammad Sháh, Hájí
Mírzá Áqásí was "stripped of the treasures he had amassed, fell into disgrace, was expelled from the
capital, and sought refuge in Karbilá" whre he fell "prey to disease, poverty and gnawing sorrow" (Ibid.,
p. 82). MacEoin (pp. 58, 64, 83, 92, 192) describes a "khutba" and a number of letters written by the
Báb and addressed to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, some of which are still extant. There are many sources which
report the details of Áqásí's life and influence he wielded upon the Báb and his followers. Primary
sources include ZARANDI (pp. 120, 121, 204, 226, 231, 244, 254, 259, 280, 301, 323, 525, 531), KAF
(pp. 131-132; cited MacEoin, p. 16, n. 29, 32; p. 92, n. 70), JADID (p. 239; cited MacEoin, p. 16, n. 31),
SAMANDAR (p. 99 — cited MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24; pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, p. 259, n. 293), and
'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 11-12, 14, 15-17); and secondary historical studies, including the works of Shoghi
Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 6, 13, 15, 37, 82), Fádil-i-Mázindarání (ZUHUR, p. 163), Amanat (pp.
20-23, 27, 79, 101, 204, 223, 234, 257-259, 262, 273, 319, 363, 378, 380, 382-383n, 387, 411), Balyuzi
(pp. 11-13, 93, 111-112, 114, 117, 119, 121-123, 128, 131-132, 136-137, 139-140, 147-148, 199), and
MacEoin (pp. 16-17, 58, 64, 82-83, 92, 192).

(65)"Súrat al-Kawthar" is the 108th chapter of the Qur'án and is three verses in length. In the English

translation by Mohammed Marmaduke Pickthall, it is as follows (“The Meaning of the Glorious Koran,”
Meridian, 1997, p. 452):

In the Name of Alláh, the Beneficent, the Merciful.
Lo! We have given thee Abundance [kawthar]; So pray unto thy Lord, and sacrifice.
Lo! It is thy insulter (and not thou) who is without posterity.

(66)The Báb's "Tafsír Súrat al-Kawthar," a work of over two hundred pages in length, was apparently written

for Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí (Vahíd) and the perusal of which reportedly convinced this Siyyid of the truth of
the Báb's claims (ZARANDI, pp. 174-176). MacEoin notes (p. 71, n. 115-116) that neither KAF nor JADID
refer to this work in connection with Dárábí's meetings with the Báb, but that they do indicate that this work
was composed for him. MacEoin (pp. 71, 201-202) quotes various sources to the effect that this Book was
A Prophet in Modern Times 101

Without objection, without a moment of delay, the Báb, in his presence, took his pen and, without
any sort of hesitation, wrote a Commentary of such nature that the royal envoy felt bewilderment
overwhelm him.

Certainly the fact of writing "currente calamo"(67) a new commentary upon a Súrah, the meaning
of which is so obscure, must have struck Siyyid Yahyá with astonishment; but what surprised him
as being even more peculiar was to find, in this commentary, the explanation that he himself had
discovered in his meditations upon these three verses. Thus he met in the Reformer an
interpretation of which he had believed himself to be the only one to imagine and which he had
communicated to no one.

This fact troubled him and he retired to his lodgings. He reflected for a long time about what he
had seen and heard, weighed the pros and the cons, and, finding them to be the same in weight,
the good Persian that he was, he referred the matter to God. He thus decided that the next day he
would go to the Báb, that he would knock softly at the door. If, out of the ordinary, it was the Báb
himself who came to open for him, and if, contrary to the usages ruling in Persia, this one took him
by the hand to invite him to enter and conducted him to the reception room, then the Báb was
truly the Prophet of God. If things did not pass as he had fixed them in his imagination, then
Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was nothing but a charlatan. It was thus for God to regulate things in such
fashion so as not to leave a person as considerable as Siyyid Yahyá in uncertainty.

Thus, the next day, he went to the home of the apostle, knocked and could not restrain a shudder
of surprise when, as the door opened, he found himself face to face with the Báb, who had himself
come to greet him. This latter one took him by the hand, conducted him to the room and did not
release him until he had seated himself. Siyyid Yahyá prostrated himself and recognized the
Prophet, to whom he declared himself the slave.

His master ordered him to go forth and preach in Burújird(68), then at Tihrán(69) and at Yazd(70),
after which he was to return to Shíráz(71).

widely circulated during the ministry of the Báb, and asserts that at least twelve manuscripts of "Tafsír Súrat
al-Kawthar" have survived.

(67)The expression "currente calamo" is Italian and translates into English as "the moving pen". It is a

reference to the unchangeable decree of God, as distinct from the impending decree, called "ajal-i-mu'allaq"
(this information was provided by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir in an email dated 24 January 2002). The
circumstances of Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí's conversion to the Bábí Cause are found described by Hájí Siyyid
Javád-i-Karbilá'í in Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl-i-Gulpaygání's "Kashf al-Ghitá.

(68)Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 24/1/02) reports that Burújird is a city located in central Írán, near

Malayer (in the vicinity of Isfáhán), a celebrated epicenter of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. The sojourn of Siyyid
Yahyá Dárábí in Burújird is described in note (57).

(69)Tihrán is the capital city of Persia, the residence of the Sháh and of his court. It was also the principal

residence of Bahá'u'lláh at this time. The sojourn of Dárábí in Tihrán is described in note (57).

(70)Yazd is a city located almost in the center of Persia, from all four directions. The sojourn of Dárábí in

Yazd is described in note (57).

(71)This return to Shíráz is not reported in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA or in any of the other sources

studied.
A Prophet in Modern Times 102

He obeyed and went to Burújird where he informed his father Siyyid Ja'far of what had happened.
He wrote a description of his conversion to Muhammad Sháh to whom he communicated his
letter through the intermediation of Mírzá Luft 'Alí (72), a gentleman of the chamber of His
Majesty. From then on, free of all official attachment, he fulfilled the program which had been
assigned to him [by the Báb] and began his preaching. Some 'ulamá' considered him mad, others
thought that he had been bewitched. We will see later that he paid for his conversion with his
life(73).

Meanwhile the troubles, the passionate discussions, the scandal continued in Shíráz, so much that,
bothered by all this uproar, and anxious about the effects it might have, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí gave an
order to Husayn Khán Nizám al-Dawlih to finish with this Reformer, to have him secretly killed.

Nizám al-Dawlih ordered the Chief of police to come and talk with him. They were in agreement
that one could not dream of effecting a public act of violence, which would be, first of all,
disobedient to the orders from Tihrán and which would thereafter precipitate great dangers, in
view of this trouble-maker's rank of Siyyid(74). The Prefect of police proposed then to address
himself to the thieves and assassins with whom his profession brought him daily into contact, and
to propose to them this murder with assurance of financial reward(75). This project was agreed to

(72)Mírzá Luft 'Alí Pishkidmat Salmasi (Amanat, p. 456) also called Mírzá Luft 'Alí Salmasi (Amanat, p.
367), was a steward in the court of Muhammad Sháh and a convert to the Bábí Cause from the province
of Ádhirbáyján (Ibid.). ZUHUR (p. 66; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 195) states that following his conversion
through the influence of Vahíd, he was instructed to deliver the Báb's letters to Muhammad Sháh and
Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, and that as a result of his attempt to do so, he was dismissed from service and
removed to Salmas, where he hosted the Báb in 1266/1850. Salmas, near Chihríq, was the location of
his estate, and he hosted the Báb twice, when the Báb was en route to Tabríz (Amanat, p. 384). MU'IN
(pp. 175, 223; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 47) confirms that Mírzá Luft 'Alí was dismissed because of his
propagation of the Bábí Cause, and states that this occurred in early 1847, while the Báb was residing
just outside of Tihrán. Amanat (p. 367) indicates that prior to his conversion to the Bábí Cause, Mírzá
Luft 'Alí Salmasi may have been an adherent of the Ahl-i-Haqq community, which was powerfully
represented in his home province of Ádhirbáyján. This Bábí seems to be distinct from Luft 'Alí Mírzá
Shírází, whom MacEoin (p. 162, n. 35) identifies as a Súfí descended from the Afsharid family, citing
KHUSRAVI (vol. II, pp. 89-94) as his source. KHUSRAVI (vol. III, pp. 273-275; cited MacEoin, p.
162, n. 36) also asserts that Luft 'Alí Mírzá Shírází wrote a chronicle of the Shaykh Tabarsí debacle, in
which he was both a participant and a survivor. MacEoin (p. 162, 215-216) lists five manuscripts of this
chronicle. Balyuzi (pp. 239-240) likewise reports the existence of a history of the debacle at Shaykh
Tabarsí, which he identifies as having been written by Mírzá Luft 'Alí or Luft 'Alí Mírzá of Shíráz, a
descendant of the Afsharid monarchs; he calls him one of the survivors of the Shaykh Tabarsí conflict,
indicates that he escaped in the company of Muqaddas Khurásání, but was martyred in August 1852.
While the two Bábís have similar names, one is from Salmas in Ádhirbáyján and possibly from the Ahl-i-
Haqq community there, while the other is from Shíráz in Fárs and allegedly a Súfí.

(73)Nicolas notes that this took place during the clash in the city of Nayríz.

(74)A "Siyyid" as a descendant of the holy family of Muhammad was greatly respected and indeed revered by

all Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims. It was practically unthinkable that a "Siyyid" should be accused, let alone
executed for heresy.

(75)While the circumstances are entirely different, one is invariably reminded of the sale of Joseph to the

Ishmaelites which was effected by his brother Judah (Yehudah), as noted in the Book of Genesis (37:26-28);
A Prophet in Modern Times 103

and it was decided to gather together a certain number of these people who would precipitate
themselves together, at night, upon the house of the Báb to kill him.

"In this eventuality," said the Governor, "we will deplore the accident for which we will not
seem to be responsible in any way."

The Chief of police gathered without difficulty the brigands necessary for the operation and after
thoroughly explaining what he expected from them and the measures of prudence that the
situation required, he left them free to take the necessary dispositions. These ones deferred the date
of the assassination for eight days so as to find a favorable moment.

In the meantime, cholera had broken out in the town and it quickly made a progress so terrible
that all the inhabitants fled and dispersed. The Governor and the Chief of police had been among
the first to take cover from the scourge by abandoning those whom they administered.

Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad(76) also left the town, accompanied by his secretary Siyyid Kázim
Zanjání(77), and took the road for Isfáhán, in March 1846(78). Having arrived at the last station
before this town, he had the wisdom to write to its Governor, the Georgian, Manúchihr Khán

and the monetary transaction which effected the betrayal of Jesus to the authorities, carried out by Judas
(Yehudah), which is described in the Gospels of Matthew (26:14-16), of Mark (14:10-11), and Luke (22:3-6).

(76)Nicolas affirms: "All the Muslim authors are in agreement that it was Manúchihr Khán, the Governor of

Isfáhán whom he [the Báb] sought [in Isfáhán]."

(77)Siyyid Kázim Zanjání is noted here as the secretary of the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 195) reported that Siyyid

Kázim-i-Zanjání was together with the Báb and His uncle in the home of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí in Shíráz
when the chief constable of that city, named 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán broke into the house and arrested all of
its occupants with the exception of its owner. Balyuzi (p. 104) repeats ZARANDI's report without
attribution. ZARANDI (pp. 197-198) attested that the Báb having been transferred to the home of 'Abdu'l-
Hamíd Khán, sent Siyyid Kázim to his uncle's home to request that the latter visit him. This is not reported
by Balyuzi. ZARANDI (p. 199) and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 9) stated that Siyyid Kázim-i-Zanjání
accompanied the Báb as he departed Shíráz for Isfáhán; ZARANDI (p. 199) also reported that the Báb
wrote a letter to Manúchihr Khán, the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih when he and his companion had arrived
outside of Isfáhán, and that Siyyid Kázim delivered that letter to the Governor. Balyuzi (p. 106, 109) repeats
these details, but without attribution. Finally, Balyuzi (p. 185) affirms that Siyyid Kázim-i-Zanjání died a
martyr in the battle of Shaykh Tabarsí. MacEoin (p. 126) notes that the "most interesting and important
anti-Bábí polemics in manuscript are several works written by Hájí Mírzá Abú'l-Qasím ibn Áqá Siyyid
Kázim Zanjání (1224-92/1809-75)." Is it possible that this was the son of Siyyid Kázim Zanjání, the Bábí
who was with the Báb in Shíráz upon his return from pilgrimage, and who was martyred at Shaykh
Tabarsí? Stranger things have happened.

(78)The date of the Báb's departure for Isfáhán from Shíráz is cited by ZARANDI (p. 199) as the summer of

1262/1846; by Balyuzi as autumn of 1846 (p. 106), probably shortly after 22 September 1846 (p. 104n);
JADID (p. 204; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 195, n. 1; MacEoin, p. 49) indicates that this voyage took
place shortly after 23 September 1845. It seems likely that JADID is a year removed from the true date, that
the Báb must have left shortly after the onset of cholera, and probably then by 30 September 1846. There
are more details regarding the circumstances of the departure of the Báb from Shíráz, to be found in
ZARANDI, FAIZI and Amanat.
A Prophet in Modern Times 104

Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih(79), informing him in advance of his arrival and asking him to fix his place of
residence.

(79)Manúchihr Khán, the Mu'tamid al-Dawlih, Governor of Isfáhán, Luristán and Khuzistán (Amanat, p.

336) was a Georgian eunuch of Christian background (Amanat, p. 257; Balyuzi, p. 108). Amanat (p. 257, n.
290) recommends a number of sources for Manúchihr Khán's life — court chronicles including HIDAYÁT
(volume X), SIPIHR (volumes II, III), Ahmad Mírzá 'Azud al-Dawla's "Táríkh-i-'Azudi" (Tirhan:1949), and
Ridá Qulí Mírzá's "Safar Namih" (Tihrán:1967, pp. 9-170); European accounts including Sir A. Henry
Layard, "Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana, and Babylonia" (London:1887, pp. 114-117), H.A. Stern's
"Dawning of Light in the East" (London:1854, pp. 149-161); and Bábí chronicles including KAF (p. 116),
MU'IN (pp. 102-107), JADID (pp. 208-216), and ZUHUR (pp. 90-94). For a Muslim account which
indicates Manúchihr Khán's general interest in religious debates, see AHMAD (p. 455). Shoghi Effendi
("The Dawn-breakers," p. 199, n. 2) cites Clements R. Markham's "A General Sketch of the History of
Persia" (London:1874, p. 487). According to the Báb's "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited MacEoin, p. 48), he and his
associates left Shíráz on 26 Sha'bán 1260/10 September 1844 for "Hijáz " (that is, Mecca and Medina).
ZARANDI (p. 96) indicates that Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was sent, and it can be implied from the text that
this occurred shortly before his own departure or at the same time, on a journey which was to pass through
Isfáhán, Káshán, Tihrán and Khurásán, and terminate in 'Íráq, where the Báb intended to reunite with his
first disciple. Amanat (p. 260) dates Mullá Husayn's departure to late Jumáda al-Thání 1260/July 1844.
AHMAD (pp. 499-500) indicated that Mullá Husayn had been proclaiming the appearance of the Imám
Mahdí in Shíráz prior to his departure on this journey, but without indicating the person in whom this
appearance was manifest, i.e., without naming the Báb. According to the words of the Báb cited by
ZARANDI (p. 96), Mullá Husayn was, "by the aid of God" to "remove the veils from the eyes of the
wayward and to cleanse the minds of the malevolent" and not, at this point, to proclaim openly the identity
of the Promised One. ZARANDI (pp. 97-98) indicates that Mullá Husayn proclaimed the Bábí Cause in
Isfáhán, and that he was opposed by the students of the recently deceased mujtahid, Hájí Siyyid
Muhammad-Báqir, and that they sought the support of their late master's son, Hájí Siyyid Asadu'lláh, and,
failing this, the approval of another eminent divine, Hájí Muhammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí, who also refused
to censure Mullá Husayn. They then appealed to Manúchihr Khán, and he refused to interfere in these
matters and "warned them to abstain from mischief and to cease disturbing the peace and tranquillity of the
messenger" (Ibid., p. 98). This seems to have been Manúchihr Khán's first contact with a Bábí and the
claims of the Báb; however, we cannot know whether Manúchihr Khán and Mullá Husayn ever met, or the
extent to which Manúchihr Khán was informed regarding the claims of the Báb at this time. Balyuzi (p. 50)
makes passing reference to this incident, and Amanat (pp. 266-268) writes about it in more detail. SIPIHR
(volume III, p. 234; cited and translated Amanat, p. 268, n. 76) reported that in responding to the complaint
of the theological students, Manúchihr Khán "acknowledged that the Báb is a pious man and maintained
that it could be that he is the deputy of the Hidden Imám." Ahmad Sohrab, in "al-Risála al-Tis' 'Ashríyya, fí
Táríkh Hadrat al-A'lá" (Cairo:1919, p. 26; cited Amanat, p. 97, n. 128) reports that Manúchihr Khán
employed an astrologer, by the name of Mírzá Áqá Munajjim Isfáháni, who predicted that incredible events
would take place during the year 1260 A.H.; this prediction may have had some bearing on Manúchihr
Khán's response to the theological students. Accounts of Manúchihr Khán's contact with the Báb himself
are found in ZARANDI (pp. 199-200, 202-214), and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 9-11), and are discussed in
Balyuzi (pp. 109-116), MacEoin (pp. 76-81), Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 301-303), and Amanat (pp. 254-258).
To Manúchihr Khán, the Báb wrote a letter (ZARANDI, p. 199; Balyuzi, p. 109; MacEoin, p. 193) and an
extended work, entitled "Risála fí'l-nubuwwa al-khássa", on the specific mission of the Prophet Muhammad
— please see note (83). In his Tablet addressed to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (cited by Abu'l-Qasim
Afnan, p. 299), dated circa 1264 (by Armin Eschraghi on 24/1/02), the Báb "speaks about Manúchihr
Khán favorably and says [that] he realized…the truth of the Cause — "bar haqíqat-i-amr muttali' shudih"
— and served the friends of God well: "ánchih lázimih-yi 'ubúdiyyat wa khulús bi-nisbat-i-awliyá alláh búd
bi-jámí áward…" (Ibid.). In this same Tablet, the Báb also indicates that Manúchihr Khán was severely
criticised because of his Bábí leanings by the ignorant ("juhhál"). Eschraghi (Ibid.) cited his source for this
Tablet as INBA 64 (p. 115 for this passage; the whole Tablet occupies pp. 103-126). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan
(pp. 301, 303) stated that one night Manúchihr Khán visited the Báb in private and asked the Báb to accept
all of his possessions after his passing, including his rings. The Báb referred to this and indicated that he
A Prophet in Modern Times 105

This Governor was an intelligent and liberal man; perhaps he was also curious to see one about
whom all of Persia spoke. He replied to the Báb by acknowledging receipt of his letter and in
recommending that he go to the house of Mír Siyyid Muhammad(80). At the same time he directed
this latter one in advance to welcome the guest whom he had bestowed upon him.

The Prophet(81) obeyed and went directly to the house that was assigned to him.

One day, upon the request of his host, he wrote a Commentary(82) — in the same manner as that
written in the presence of Siyyid Yahyá — on the Súrah al-'Asr, the 103rd of the Qur'án(83).

refused to accept Manúchihr Khán's possessions at that time and had no desire for them at any time.
Eschraghi (op.cit.) recommended biographical sources for Manúchihr Khán in Bámdád's "Rijál-i-Írán"
(volume IV, pp. 159-163); Fádil-i-Mázindarání, ZUHUR (volume III, pp. 90-94); and Abbas Amanat,
"Resurrection and Renewal" (passim.).

(80)Mír Siyyid Muhammad was the name of the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, who was also entitled "Sultánu'l-

'ulamá' (King of the 'ulamá'), according to Nicolas, and to FADL (p. 66; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 199,
n. 3). Neither ZARANDI nor 'ABDU'L-BAHA name the Imám-Jum'ih. Balyuzi (p. 109) refers to Siyyid
Muhammad as the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, while MacEoin (p. 76, n. 1) gives his name as Mír Siyyid
Muhammad (and cites Hamíd Algar's "Religion and State in Írán, 1785-1906," Berkeley, 1969, pp. 167,
180), and Amanat gives his name and title as Siyyid Muhammad Imám Jum'ih Khatunabádí (p. 257), as
Mír Muhammad Khatunabádí (p. 265) and Muhammad Husayn Imám-Jum'ih (p. 341). None of these
historians explain the titles given to the Imám-Jum'ih, such as "Mír," "Sultánu'l-'ulamá'" and
"Khatunabádí." Dr. J.R.I. Cole (email 25/1/02) wrote: "Mír actually means Sayyid, being a contraction of
Amír, both indicating descent from the Prophet [Muhammad]…He or his family were from Khatunabád.
A name based on such place-name affiliation is called a nisbah. And, in premodern times, one often had a
title, whether a court title (Sayf al-Dawlah) or, among the clergy, a religious one. Sultán al-'Ulamá' means
'Emperor of the Clergy,' and indicates that he was very well respected. Siyyid Muhammad Nasirabádí in
Lucknow, his contemporary, was also called Sultán al-'Ulamá'." Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 24/1/02)
wrote regarding this name: "Khatunabádí is the family name of all of that particular Mullá clan in Isfáhán.
They achieved standing from the Safavi period…Sultán al-'Ulamá' was an honorific title in that family from
the Safavids onwards…The Khatunabádís were related to Majlísí ancestrally." Dr. Fananapazir also
pointed out that Bahá'u'lláh referred to a relative of Mír Siyyid Muhammad, who, at a later date, was
appointed the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, and whom he called the "She Serpent" in the "Epistle to the Son of
the Wolf" (p. 100): "O My Supreme Pen! Call Thou to remembrance the She Serpent (Imám-Jum'ih of
Isfáhán) whose cruelty hath caused all created things to groan, and the limbs of the holy ones to quake."

The sojourn of the Báb in the home of the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán is described in some detail by
ZARANDI (pp. 199-208). That sojourn lasted for forty days (ZARANDI, p. 208), and during that time the
Báb wrote his "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" — please see note (82) — and his "Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa" —
please see note (83). Mír Siyyid Muhammad seems to have been a tolerant and sympathetic personality, and
the Báb apparently transferred his residence to the palace of the Governor at Manúchihr Khán's request,
after the Imám-Jum'ih and other members of the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán had received letters from the Grand
Vizier, in which he expressed his profound disapproval of the Báb and of any kindness and sympathy which
had been shown him (ZARANDI, pp. 204-205). During this epoch, the "Imám-Jum'ih" was the principal
Muslim cleric in each Persian city or province. As reported by Clements R. Markham ("A General Sketch
of the History of Persia," London:1974, p. 465; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 199, n. 3), the office of
Sadru's-Sudur, the chief priest of the Safavid dynasty, was abolished by Nadír Sháh and replaced by the
office of Imám-Jum'ih. The same source identified the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán as the "principal
ecclesiastical dignity of Persia" (Ibid.).

(81)"The Prophet" here refers to the Báb.
A Prophet in Modern Times 106

Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih was informed and he himself went to see the Báb, with whom he spoke on
diverse points of religion and especially on the Nubuwwat-i-Khassih(84). The Governor of Isfáhán

(82)The Báb's "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" was written after dinner one night at the residence of the Imám-

Jum'ih, in the presence of Mír Siyyid Muhammad and his companions, including Mullá Muhammad-
Taqíy-i-Harátí, and it was apparently equal in length to one third of the Qur'án (ZARANDI, pp. 201-
202), which is comprised of 6246 verses (MacEoin, p. 15, n. 28). According to KAF (p. 116), a clock was
set to time the speed of the Báb's writing, and on this basis it was estimated that he had written 1000
verses every 6 hours. Inasmuch as the Báb is alleged by ZARANDI to have written the whole
commentary, which, according to his calculation, numbered some 2000 verses altogether, in the course
of one evening, according to this account the Báb actually wrote down these verses at double (or perhaps
even triple) the miraculous speed reported by KAF. It should be noted that the Báb claimed in the
"Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb 1) that he had revealed 2000 verses in 5 hours (Nicolas translation, tome I,
p. 43). It seems likely that it was at this tempo that he wrote "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" — if it was indeed
completed in the course of that night. MacEoin (p. 202) lists ten manuscripts of this work, including one
in the hand of the Bahá'í scribe Zayn al-Muqarrabín.

(83)"Súrat al-'Asr" (Chapter of the Declining Day) is the 103rd Chapter of the Qur'án and is composed of

three verses:

"In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful!
"By the declining day,
"Perdition shall be the lot of man,
"Save those who have faith and do good works, and exhort one another to steadfastness."

(84)"Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa" was written at the request of Manúchihr Khán according to
ZARANDI, p. 202-204; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 10); Balyuzi, p. 111; Amanat, p. 257; MacEoin, pp. 76-77,
196). It pertains to the specific mission of Muhammad, including his station as "khátama'n-nabiyyína" (Seal
of the Prophets), referred to in "Súrat al-ahzab" (Qur'án XXXIII:40). This treatise was fifty pages in length
and written in less than two hours (ZARANDI, p. 202), and a manuscript copy in the Raqi' style is fifty-one
pages in length (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 448). Armin Eschraghi (email dated 24/1/02) wrote that
manuscripts of this work vary considerably in length, with part of the surviving draft in the Báb's "revelation
writing" comprising 13-14 pages, and copies ranging from 30 to 80 pages long. This work is here described
by ZARANDI (pp. 202-203):

"The originality of His dissertation, the vigour and vividness of its style, the accuracy of its minutest
details, invested His treatment of that noble theme with an excellence which no one among those
who were present on that occasion could have failed to perceive."

While Manúchihr Khán was already a Muslim, having been converted from Christianity as a child
according to some reports (Sir A. Henry Layard, "Early Adventures in Persia, etc." (London:1887, vol. I, pp.
311-312 — cited Balyuzi, p. 108; Amanat, p. 257), nevertheless, his acceptance of Islám does not seem to
have been altogether wholehearted (Armin Eschraghi in email 24/1/02). ZARANDI (p. 204) states that
Manúchihr Khán spoke these words after reading "Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa":

"'Hear me!' he exclaimed. 'Members of this revered assembly, I take you as my witnesses. Never
until this day have I in my heart been firmly convinced of the truth of Islám. I can henceforth,
thanks to this exposition penned by this Youth, declare myself a firm believer in the Faith
proclaimed by the Apostle of God [Muhammad]. I solemnly testify to my belief in the reality of the
superhuman power with which this Youth is endowed, a power which no amount of learning can
ever impart.' With these words he brought the meeting to an end."
A Prophet in Modern Times 107

was very surprised at the superiority of his interlocutor and ordered the convening of a council of
'ulamá' who would be charged with examining the Reformer; he wanted the transcript of this
meeting to be written down so that this could be sent to His Majesty. But the 'ulamá' declined this
invitation, remarking that a discussion upon such a matter was contrary to religion.

"In effect," they said, "if we could imagine for an instant that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad could
possibly be right in his affirmations, we would call forth a council to examine any doubtful
particular; but, as all the evidence indicates that the pretensions of our adversary are in
flagrant contradiction to the Qur'án and the laws of God, we do not have any reason to
gather in order to render justice to an impostor who merits death alone."

They insisted upon this point and declared to the Governor that the Báb was impious, and that he
must either banish him from the town or have him executed.

Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih remarked that this was a religious affair that was not within his competence.

"You must discourse with him yourselves: if he is an impostor, prove it; if on the contrary
what he says is true, believe in him." But the clergy refused again.

The Muslim historians claim that at this point the theologian 'Alí Muhammad Mahdí(85), the
philosopher Mírzá Muhammad Hasan Núrí(86), and Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad(87) consented to try
this adventure. A meeting was fixed at night in the presence of Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih.

This twin declaration on his part — to the truth of Muhammad 's prophetic station and mission and to the
divine gifts which were manifested in the Báb — was subsequently to mature into a wholehearted embrace
of the Bábí Cause (ZARANDI, pp. 212-214).

(85)'Alí Muhammad Mahdí is called Muhammad Mihdí by ZARANDI (p. 207), and Áqá Muhammad-

Mihdí by 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 10) and Balyuzi (p. 111); the son of Hájí Muhammad Kalbásí by Nicolas
(here, in a footnote), the son of Hájí Muhammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí and known as "Safihu'l-'ulamá'"
(Foolish One of the Learned) according to Balyuzi (p. 111, 113). He was apparently one of the most
vociferous opponents of the Báb in Isfáhán, who insulted and criticized the Báb from his pulpit. That his
father, also known as Muhammad Ibráhím Karbásí [Kalbásí] (Amanat, pp. 267-268) would have refused to
condone such behavior has already been indicated, in note (79). However, his illustrious father passed away
on 8 Jamádi al-Úlá 1261/15 May 1845 (Áqá Buzurg Muhammad Muhsin Tihrání, "Tabáqát A'lám al-
Shí'a," Tihrán:1966, volume II: part I, p. 14; cited Amanat, p. 267, n. 60), over four months prior to the
Báb's arrival in Isfáhán, and hence he was unable to influence his son's actions. Muhammad-Mahdí took
part in the examination of the Báb at the home of the Imám-Jum'ih (ZARANDI, p. 207; 'ABDU'L-BAHA,
p. 10; Balyuzi, p. 113), and presumably also in the subsequent issue of a death sentence upon the Báb on the
charge of heresy. The Imám-Jum'ih did not believe that this charge was warranted, and he felt himself
constrained to overturn the death sentence by a declaring that the Báb was insane (ZARANDI, p. 209;
ZUHUR, p. 95; Balyuzi, p. 113; Amanat, pp. 258-259, n. 292). However, this was not a matter decided in
Isfáhán alone. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was contacted by the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán with regard to the claims of the
Báb and their sentence of heresy, and the Grand Vizier wrote to them, assuring his support, and requesting
that the Governor send the Báb to Tihrán. The text of this letter, dated Muharram 1263/January 1847, is
reproduced in I'TIDAD (pp. 121-122; cited Amanat, pp. 258-259, n. 292), and paraphrased in
SAMANDAR (pp. 101-102; cited Amanat, p. 259, n. 293).

(86)Mírzá Muhammad Hasan Núrí was, according to Nicolas's footnote here, the "son of Mullá 'Alí Núrí."

ZARANDI (p. 207) calls him Mírzá Hasan-i-Núrí, and identifies him as a noted [Neo-]Platonist
A Prophet in Modern Times 108

philosopher, who asked the Báb to elucidate the meaning of certain passages in "Hikmat al-'Arshíyya" of
Sadru'd-Dín Muhammad Shírází (d. 1050/1640), generally known as Mullá Sadrá. This work has been
translated into English by J.W. Morris and published as "The Wisdom of the Throne" (Princeton:1981).
Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í wrote a commentary on this work of Mullá Sadrá, and on another of his works
entitled "Masha'ir" (Balyuzi, p. 236). The commentary by Shaykh Ahmad is entitled "Sharh al-'Arshíyya"
and there is a recently published edition available (Tihrán:1982, pp. 79ff) although no English translation as
yet (MacEoin, p. 78, n. 8). According to ZARANDI (p. 207), the Báb replied to each of the questions posed
him by this philosopher, and he informs his readers that Mírzá Hasan-i-Núrí was unable to understand the
meaning of the answers that he received. Balyuzi (pp. 112-113) relates the same story as ZARANDI, while
Amanat (p. 257) does not give a detailed account of this meeting. However, Amanat (p. 258, n. 291) does
give other sources for the religious debates in which the Báb participated in Isfáhán, including KAF (pp.
116-118), SIPIHR (volume III, pp. 44-47), AVARIH (pp. 73-105), ZUHUR (pp. 93-94) and the "Khátirát"
(Memoirs) of Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáhání (cited Amanat, p. 258, 427). Mírzá Muhammad Hasan
Núrí is to be distinguished from Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan, described as "one of the most celebrated
ecclesiastics of Shí'íh Islám" (ZARANDI, p. 90), who pronounced Mullá 'Alíy-i-Bastámí a heretic after
hearing him proclaim the mission of the Báb in the city of Najaf (Ibid.) Bahá'u'lláh refers to Shaykh
Muhammad-Hasan in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#166), calling him "among the most learned divines of his day"
and recalls the spiritual blindness of most of the Muslim clergy at the appearance of the Báb:

"When the True One was made manifest, this shaykh, along with others of his calling, rejected
Him, while a sifter of wheat and barley accepted Him and turned unto the Lord. Though he
was occupied both night and day in setting down what he conceived to be the laws and ordinances
of God, yet when he Who is the Unconstrained appeared, not one letter thereof availed him, or he
would not have turned away from a Countenance that hath illumined the faces of the well-favoured
of the Lord."

The "sifter of wheat and barley" to whom Bahá'u'lláh referred, is mentioned in the Báb's "Bayán-i-fársí"
(váhid VIII: báb 14), and his conversion is described in ZARANDI (p. 99), MU'IN (p. 98) and AVARIH
(volume I, p. 71), as cited in Amanat (p. 357, n. 143-147). Amanat (p. 357) translates the passage in "Bayán-
i-fársí" as follows:

"Look at the Land of Sád [Isfáhán] which in appearance is the greatest of lands where in each
corner of its schools numerous students are found under the name of knowledge and itjihád, yet, at
the time of refining Gandum Pakkun will put on the garb of primacy. This is the secret of the word
of the People of the House [the twelve Imáms] regarding the time of the Manifestation when they
say: 'The lowest of the people shall become the most exalted and the most exalted shall become the
lowest.'"

Nicolas translates this passage in "Le Beyan Persan" (tome IV:1914, p. 113), and ZARANDI (p. 99) gives a
paraphrase of this passage from "Bayán-i-fársí". The name of this Bábí is noted by Amanat (pp. 356-357) as
Ja'far Gandum Pakkun (Ja'far the sifter of wheat). He died a martyr to the Bábí Cause in Shaykh Tabarsí
according to ZARANDI (p. 99) and KAF (p. 202, cited Amanat, p. 357, n. 146).

(87)Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad, referred to here seems to be the Imám-Jum'ih, whom Nicolas earlier — please

see note (80) — named Mír Siyyid Muhammad. This we know because present at this gathering were a
number of the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán, and, according to ZARANDI (pp. 207-208), subsequent to the departure
of Muhammad Mihdí, Manúchihr Khán spoke with the Imám-Jum'ih, and arranged the transfer of the Báb
to the Governor's residence in order to assure his safety. After this conversation, ZARANDI (p. 208) reports
that the Imám-Jum'ih, Mír Siyyid Muhammad, "returned alone to his house."
A Prophet in Modern Times 109

A transcript, or at least a description of this meeting was preserved for us in the "Násikh
al-Tawáríkh"(88) and Mr. Browne has included it in one of his works(89).

I will remark that Bábí tradition absolutely denies the authenticity of this meeting; it affirms that
the clergy persisted in refusing any official interview with the Báb. On the other hand, the
questions(90) which were posed to the Reformer verge upon absurdity. It is strange that, face to face
with a man who claims himself to be, they say, the Imám al-Zamán, a theologian like Muhammad
Mahdí thinks of asking him:

"The men who are ornamented with Faith in Muhammad are encompassed in the two
following ways: either they derive their conviction from the very hadíth to which they
conform their acts, and those are mujtahidún(91); or they follow the precepts of a religious
leader, and those are the muqallidún(92). Among which must one count you?"

And the Báb allegedly replied: "I do not have any need of the opinions of anyone in order
to regulate my actions, but I regard it as wicked for a man to act in any way except through
reliance upon his own reasonings."

(88)According to Nicolas, "Násikh al-Tawáríkh" — which source is identified throughout this history by its

author's name, SIPIHR — reproduces a transcript of this informal tribunal convened at the home of
Manúchihr Khán. Amanat (p. 258, n. 291) notes the location of this alleged transcript in SIPIHR (volume
III, pp. 44-47).

(89)Here and in an earlier location — Chapter Two, note (41) — Nicolas refers to E.G. Browne's
publication of the transcript made of this meeting. It is evident however from an examination of the
transcript published by Browne, in "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 255-258), that it
pertains to a tribunal convened in Tabríz, and not to this gathering in Isfáhán. Shoghi Effendi (The
Dawn-breakers," p. 207, n. 1) points the reader who would wish for more information regarding this
later examination to Note M appended to Browne's translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (volume II,
pp. 277-290), and to GOBINEAU (pp. 65-73). Both sources provide translations of SIPIHR, and
Browne also translates JADID, QISAS and RAWDAT. In Browne's "Materials for the Study of the Bábí
Religion" (pp. 248-260) we find other documents related to the Tabríz trial, including an account by
Amír Aslán, the maternal uncle of Násiru'd-Dín Mírzá, the Crown Prince (pp. 248-256); a purported
recantation of the Báb at that trial (pp. 256-258); and the alleged verdict (fatwá) of the 'ulamá' (pp. 258-
260).

(90)It is interesting to note Nicolas' insistence that Bábí tradition, in his experience, denied the very existence

of this meeting. Not only did ZARANDI report this meeting, but, as cited in note (85), KAF, AVARIH,
ZUHUR and Áqá 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáháni also gave Bábí accounts of this event.

(91)Please see note (2) in Chapter One.

(92)"muqallidún" is the plural form of "muqallid" which Wehr/Cowan (p. 920) defines as "blind follower;

believer in authority; adherent of taqlíd." "Taqlíd" is defined (Ibid.) as "imitation; copying; blind,
unquestioning adoption (of concepts or ideas); uncritical faith (e.g., in a source's authoritativeness)." The
nature of the Báb's response to this query is such as to identify him as disapproving of the "muqallidún" and
of "taqlíd" and approving of the spirit of "ijtihád" although not necessarily of the specific methods and
standards of the Shí'í mujtahidún. Throughout the writings of Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá are found
copious references to this theme, and "taqlíd" and the "muqallid" are consistently censured as representing
the darkness of superstition and the blindness of imitation which prevent individuals from discovering the
truth for themselves. Please see note (2) in Chapter Two for definitions of "ijtihád" and "mujtahid."
A Prophet in Modern Times 110

"Be that as it may," Muhammad Mahdí allegedly replied, "but you know that the door of
divine knowledge is closed(93) and that the proof of God is hidden(94). Therefore, without
having seen the Imám Mahdí, without having heard his explanations, how can you act
with certitude? Tell me, what is the source of that certitude?"

Surely a bizarre question and which well merits the disdainful reply of the Báb: "You are
but a child whose knowledge is borrowed from others. How can you interrogate me and
discuss with me things about which you are ignorant(95)?"

It is thus that, Muhammad having fallen silent, Mírzá Muhammad Hasan, who followed the
philosophical doctrine of Mullá Sadrá(96), questioned the Báb in order to incite him to explain
three Miracles(97), which explanation would be sufficient to convince him, the questioner.
(93)Nicolas notes: "Muhammad Mahdí does not seem to doubt for an instant that his respondent claims to be

precisely this "Báb" (Gate)."

(94)The proof of God, "Hujjatu'lláh," is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí. Please see note (44) in Chapter

Two.

(95)Nicolas writes: "Whatever may be the case, the response of the Báb is well within the range of his

doctrine. In effect, the door of divine knowledge was closed after the disappearance of the twelfth Imám;
since then certain portions of the Book of God have remained obscure and certain matters have not been
foreseen by the Apostle [Muhammad] or his twelve Imáms. One then must seek, be it the explanation of
these obscure passages, or be it the rule of conduct which must be followed in the case of matters which
were not foreseen. Men, deprived from that time of the divine lights, have not been able up to now to find a
solution except through reasoning. This reasoning is based upon their complete knowledge of the hadíth
[traditions associated with the Prophet Muhammad and the twelve Imáms], upon their exact interpretation,
and upon the analogy which one can find between a particular new matter and a particular word of the
Prophet or of the Imáms. The solution — necessarily uncertain — hereby arrived at assumes the force of
law; that is the doctrine of the "mujtahidún," that is to say, the official doctrine of Persia. The Báb rises up
against this pretension: First, because he who follows this course may do so without knowing all the hadíth;
Secondly, because he may be mistaken regarding their interpretation; Thirdly, he may find a theological
position therein no trace of which is to be found in actuality; Fourthly, he may accept as authentic a hadíth,
the authenticity of which is questionable or illusory. Finally, in these matters the reasoning of man is nothing
other than human reasoning, that is to say, it is defective." Hence, while the Báb approves of the spirit of
"ijtihád", of independent enquiry, he does not approve of the methods adopted by the "mujtahidún" in
order to arrive at the truth. They are human methods, and they are liable to human error. Bahá'u'lláh refers
to this theme in many of his Tablets, including "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (pp. 3-4, 255-256) and "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#99).
'Abdu'l-Bahá speaks on the criteria and standards of investigating divine reality in a number of his talks, as
recorded in "Some Answered Questions" (Chapter LXXXIII: pp. 341-343) in "The Promulgation of
Universal Peace" (pp. 20-22, 253-257, 355-361), and in his Tablet of the Innermost Heart ("Min Makátíb-i-
`Abdu'l-Bahá," 83-86).

(96)Mullá Sadrá, whose full name was Sadru'd-Dín Muhammad Shírází (d. 1050/1640), was the founder of

the Isfáhání school of spiritual philosophy or theosophy, known as "hikmat ilahí" and derived principally
from the interpretations of Pythagoras and Plato (as well as various Persian theosophists) by Shiháb al-Dín
Yahyá Suhrawardí, known as Shaykh Ishráq (d. 1191). Most scholars agree that Mullá Sadrá's line of
theosophical thought was continued, with important innovations, by Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid
Kázim Rashtí. MacEoin (p. 78) notes that the Báb, in a letter to Mírzá Sa'íd Ardistání or Mírzá
Muhammad Sa'íd Zavára'í, contradicts the Ishráqí monist conception of reality, called "basít al-haqíqa" —
which was formulated by Mullá Sadrá in his "Hikmat al-'Arshíyya" cited earlier. There are six manuscripts
of this letter of the Báb extant (MacEoin, p. 193). The Báb also refuted this doctrine in a letter that MacEoin
has named "Risála-yi dhahabíyya II" (pp. 80-81). In this latter letter, and in "Sahífa-yi 'adlíyya" (MacEoin,
p. 69), the Báb also refutes the monist doctrine of "wahdat al-wujúd" (unicity of being), which is closely
A Prophet in Modern Times 111

The first [Miracle] is the "Tayu'l-Arz," or, if one prefers, the immediate transportation of any
person from one place in the world to another place very far away — the Shí'í are convinced that
the third Imám, Imám Jawad(98), adopted this easy and economical mode of travel; that, for
example, he transported himself in the blink of an eye from Medina in Arabia, to Tús in
Khurásán(99).

The second Miracle is the multiple and simultaneous presence of the same person in many
different places. 'Alí, among others, was at the same minute seen by sixty different persons.

Finally, the third is a problem of cosmography which I will submit to our astronomers who will
certainly appreciate its flavor. It is said in a hadíth(100), that during the reign of a tyrant the sky
turns rapidly, while during that of an Imám it turns slowly. First, how can the sky have two
movements? And then, what was it doing during the reign of the Umayyads(101) and of the
Abbasids(102)?

associated with the famous Súfí author Ibn al-'Arabí , and his "Fusús al-hikam" (MacEoin, p. 81).
Bahá'u'lláh wrote "Lawh-i-basít al-haqíqá" (found in Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'ida-yi Ásmání," volume VII, pp.
140-147; cited MacEoin, p. 78, n. 8) to explain such metaphysical matters.

(97)Nicolas' discussion of the three Miracles is probably based on SIPIHR (pp. 44-47, volume III, published

in Tihrán, 1344 A.H.), according to Armin Eschraghi (email 24/1/02). Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email
24/1/02) reported that the subject of teleportation, the first Miracle cited, was current amongst both Shí'í
and Sunní Muslims. This Miracle is based on a verse from the Qur'án (27:40), and many traditions of the
Prophet Muhammad and the twelve Imáms, as was confirmed in both the learned understanding and
popular imagination by the accounts of eminent Súfís and other mystically inclined Muslims. For further
study he recommended home.attgi.net/~nungan/Súfísm/27warp.htm.

(98)According to a standard list of the twelve Imáms found in E.G. Browne ("A Traveler's Narrative," note

O, pp. 296-297; cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. lii-liii), the third Imám was Husayn ibn 'Alí, and none of
the twelve Imáms was named Jawad. Hence, it is not known to whom Nicolas was referring in this citation.

(99)From the city of Medina in the Hijáz (the Western coast of Arabia) to the city of Tús in Khurásán

represents a journey of well over one thousand miles.

(100)The hadíth referred to has not been identified as yet: "that during the reign of a tyrant, the sky turns

rapidly, while during that of an Imám it turns slowly."

(101)The Umayyad dynasty ruled from 661 to 750 A.D. They were the descendants of Abú Sufyan, a leader

of the Quraysh who was forced into becoming a Muslim. His descendants are generally regarded as half-
hearted if not altogether disbelieving adherents of Islám, and as tyrannical rulers. In 656 A.D., 'Alí ibn Abí
Tálib, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and his chosen successor (and first Imám) according to
the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'ís, was elected the fourth "khalifa" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 298: "deputy; successor") by the
Muslim elders. Mu'awiya, the son of Abú Sufyan of the clan of Abí Shams — the bitterest enemies of Islám
and of the family of Muhammad — then Governor of Syria, refused to recognize 'Alí as the leader of the
community of Muslims. In 661 A.D., 'Alí was assassinated, apparently at the instigation of Mu'awiya, and
this latter one usurped the position of "khalifa" — which was assumed by himself and his descendants,
known to history as the Umayyads, for the following 89 years. The Umayyads were also responsible for the
assassination of the Imám Hasan, eldest son of the Imám 'Alí, in 670 A.D.; and the Imám Husayn, second
son of the Imám 'Alí, in 680 A.D. (see "The Dawn-breakers," p. liii). Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (24/1/02)
reported that "the Umayyads ruled for precisely 1000 lunar months (and this was prophesied in the Qur'án:
"laylatu'l-qadr kharun min alfa shahrin"). All the Shí'í commentaries point out [that] "laylatu'l-qadr" is
symbolically the chaste Fátimih [daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, wife of the Imám 'Alí, and mother of
A Prophet in Modern Times 112

It was allegedly the solution of these inanities that was proposed to the Báb. I will not delay on this
subject any longer, but I must make a remark here about the mentality of the Muslim learned of
Persia. If one wishes to reflect that for about a thousand years, the science of Írán consists only of
such nonsense, that men exhaust themselves upon continuous research into such matters, one will
easily understand the emptiness and arrogance of all of these brains.

Whatever may be the case(103), the gathering was interrupted by the announcement of dinner, and
each one participated, returning homewards thereafter.

Then Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih believed that he must announce to his guests that from thenceforth he
was not at all convinced of the imposture of the Reformer, and that furthermore, in order to
silence all arguments and for his soul to be at peace, he intended to send him immediately and
under escort to Tihrán.

Tradition reports that when he had been relieved of his guests, Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih
approached the Báb and said to him, "I believe in you because you are the truth; what I
did, I was obliged to do in order to extract you from the talons of the 'ulamá'. Dispose of
me as you desire. I am rich and powerful, I have a considerable number of clients: if you
wish, I will arm my people and will kill all those who oppose you(104)."

The Báb declined his offer and replied that his work must be accomplished by the force of
persuasion and not by that of arms.

The next day, that is to say forty days after the arrival of the Báb in the house of the Imám Jum'ih,
Mír Siyyid Muhammad, Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih summoned some cavaliers, gave a mount to the
Prophet and ordered this company to leave the town, passing through the most populated roads
and the most frequented bazaars, and then to take the road to Tihrán.

The crowd would then see the procession, follow it through the streets to the gate which opens
onto the road towards the Capital, and accompany him with their blessings or their maledictions.
The 'ulamá' were informed of what was happening, and, in their triumph, they heaped up praises
upon the Governor, who had finally rid them of a sacra-religious and dangerous guest.

the second and third Imáms, Hasan and Husayn] and the Immaculate Imáms and the thousand months
[are] the thousand months of Umayyad rule."

(102)The 'Abbásíd dynasty ruled from 750 to 1258 A.D. This dynasty claimed connection with the family of

the Prophet Muhammad, but not through the Imám 'Alí and his descendants, the other eleven Imáms.
Nicolas states the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í view of the Umayyad and 'Abbásíd caliphs: "These were usurpers who
ruled only in appearance, while in reality sovereignty belonged to the Imáms who lived during that era."

(103)Nicolas indicates that this examination of the claims of the Báb was interrupted by dinner, followed

by the dispersal of the clerical participants. ZARANDI (p. 207) states that it was cut short by Manúchihr
Khán when Muhammad Mahdí became abusive of the Báb, and was immediately escorted from the
Governor's residence and to his home.

(104)Nicolas notes: "This conversion of Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih is affirmed by the author of "Mutanabbi'ín"

(I'TIDAD), and by the Báb himself." He does not indicate precisely where I'TIDAD or the Báb refer to this
conversion. Please see notes (79) and (83) this Chapter for more details related to Manúchihr Khán,
Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih.
A Prophet in Modern Times 113

But Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih secretly sent one of his confidants to the head of the group of cavaliers
[accompanying the Báb] instructing him to join the voyagers. He gave him a letter for the leader
of the escort, in which he told him that he must give over the prisoner into the hands of the new
envoy. This one must take possession of the person of the Báb, and bring him back, in the greatest
secrecy, to Isfáhán, where he would arrive by night.

The confidant left, rejoined the Báb at Murchih-Khár(105), gave the letter of which he was the
carrier to the leader of the escort, and, taking the Báb, conducted him by out of the way paths to
the town he had just left. He awaited nightfall in order to enter the town and, through the deserted
streets, he conducted him to one of the palaces which belonged to the Government.

The secret was well-guarded and nobody suspected the ruse. The Báb lived thus a little more than
four months in the most complete tranquility, frequently receiving visits from the Governor, whom
he instructed in the new religion.

(105)Murchih-Khár is cited in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11) as the location where the Báb's escort received the

message which induced them to return the Báb to Isfáhán. Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p.
211, n. 1) indicates that Murchih-Khár is located about 35 miles from Isfáhán, the second stage from
that city on the north road towards Tihrán. ZARANDI (p. 211) relates that according to Manúchihr
Khán's instructions, the Báb should arrive at Isfáhán before dawn. These instructions were carried out, the
Báb was escorted to the private residence of Manúchihr Khán, called 'Imárat-i-Khurshíd, and therein the
Governor waited in person on the Báb, until the Governor passed away (ZARANDI, pp. 211, 213-214).
'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11) indicates that the Báb spent four months in the private residence of the Governor
without disturbance. ZARANDI (pp. 211-214) describes some of the events that transpired during that
period.
A Prophet in Modern Times 114

Chapter Four

Death of Manúchihr Khán — Exiled from Isfáhán — Tabríz — The Prison of
Máh-Kú

Unfortunately, Mu'tamidu'd Dawlih died.1 Mírzá Gurgin Khán his nephew and his only heir,2
came to Isfáhán to collect his inheritance. He learned with surprise about the guest his uncle
had hidden in one of his residences, and, much embarrassed, not knowing what to do, he
referred this matter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí.

1Nicolas reports: "On 4 March 1847, Monsieur de Bonniere wrote the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of

France: "Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih, the Governor of Isfáhán, has just died, leaving a fortune which is valued
at 40,000,000 francs." This report is cited in "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 212, n. 1) and in Balyuzi (p.
115n). E.G. Browne stated ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note L, p. 277; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p.
214, n. 2) that Manúchihr Khán died in the month of Rabí al-Awal 1263, corresponding to February-
March 1847. Balyuzi (p. 116) and MacEoin (p. 82) confirm the Islamic (Hijra calendar) month of the
Governor's death. ZARANDI (p. 213) indicates that the Báb predicted the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih's death
three months and nine days prior to its occurrence B and hence shortly after He took up His secret
residence in the Governor's private residence. As the life of Manúchihr Khán was approaching its end,
the Báb acquainted two of his companions, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím, with his
prediction of the Governor's imminent death, and told them to share this news with the Bábís in Isfáhán,
and to advise that they scatter throughout Kashán, Qum and Tihran and await the will of God
(ZARANDI, p. 214). Balyuzi (p. 116) states that in his Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, the Báb indicates
that, in a letter addressed to two divines in Yazd, he foretold the passing of Manúchihr Khán eighty-
seven days before it occurred. Given the exactitude of these statements, it is curious that the precise date
of Manúchihr Khán's death has not been preserved in Bábí sources. ZARANDI (p. 215), ‘ABDU’L-
BAHA (p. 11) and Balyuzi (p. 116; p. 236 citing ‘ABDU’L-BAHA) indicate that this death occurred four
months after the Báb was publicly escorted out of Isfáhán only to be secreted back into the city under
the cover of night, probably a day after his departure.

2Nicolas notes: "We will see by a letter which the Báb wrote from Máh-Kú to His Majesty [Muhammad

Sháh], that he holds himself to be the inheritor of these goods." According to ZARANDI (pp. 212-213),
Manúchihr Khán declared his intent to dedicate his efforts and his vast fortune to the Cause of the Báb.
On the very same day, the Báb informed the Governor that his earthly days were limited to three
months and nine days. The Báb accepted this bequeathal of the Governor's property, which was noted
in Manúchihr Khán's will and testament (ZARANDI, p. 213). Balyuzi (p. 116) echoes this report. In his
Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, the Báb acknowledges that Manúchihr Khán offered him all of his
property, and states that he accepted this act of renunciation but returned the Governor's property to
him for the duration of his life (Balyuzi, p. 116; Amanat, pp. 381-382, n. 37). Amanat (p. 382, n. 37)
reports that in this Tablet the Báb did not claim the property of Manúchihr Khán for himself, writing:

"Now I do not desire to have a trifle of that. All his wealth belongs to the Proof. Whatever that
Holiness would see fit, he would ordain."

While the Báb often refers to himself as "Hujjat" (the Proof), in this case he seems to be referring to
"Him Whom God shall make manifest," the prophetic figure whose appearance he anticipated following
his own manifestation. Dr. Fananapazir pointed out (email 18/1/02) that in váhid II: báb 1 and váhid
III: báb 1 of "Bayán-i-fársí", the Báb indicates that all things are the property of "Him Whom God shall
make manifest" when He appears. ZARANDI (p. 213; cited by Balyuzi, p. 116) indicates that following
the death of Manúchihr Khán, his nephew and successor, Gurgin Khán destroyed his will, seized his
property and ignored the wishes of his uncle. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11; cited by "The Dawn-breakers," p.
214, n. 3; repeated by Balyuzi, p. 116) also indicates that Gurgin Khán was Manúchihr Khán's nephew.
A Prophet in Modern Times 115

This one, changeable and capricious, having forgotten that he had, only a little earlier, decreed
the death of the Reformer, felt in himself the birth of a desire finally to see the man who had
inspired so many to talk of him. He ordered Gurgin Khán to send him [the Báb] to Tihrán.3

He obeyed and sent the Báb on his way under escort, without even leaving him time to say
goodbye to his wife,4 before setting out on the road to Tihrán. When they arrived at the last

3ZARANDI (pp. 214-215) reports that, a few days after the death of Manúchihr Khán, Gurgin Khán

was informed of the residence of the Báb in 'Imárat-i-Khurshíd, and that Gurgin Khán sent a message
to Muhammad Sháh informing His Majesty of this situation, and awaiting his decree. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA
(p. 11) states that Gurgin Khán informed Hájí Mírzá Áqásí of the same. ZARANDI (p. 215) states that
the Sháh issued an imperial mandate summoning the Báb to Tihran, commanding Gurgin Khán to
send him secretly and in disguise and in the company of a mounted escort led by Muhammad Big-i-
Chápárchí, of the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11) indicated that it was Hájí Mírzá Áqásí who
issued this command, and that he instructed that the Báb be sent secretly and in disguise and escorted by
Nusayri horsemen. Balyuzi (p. 117) favors ZARANDI, and Amanat and MacEoin are silent on this
matter. Balyuzi (p. 236) indicates that the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect were a party of Shí'í Muslims founded by
'Abdu'lláh Ibn-Saba, a Jewish convert to Islám, who was put to death by the Imám 'Alí, apparently
because he identified 'Alí with God Himself. If Manúchihr Khán died on 4 March 1847, and Gurgin
Khán did not discover the presence of the Báb in his custody until a few days after that death; and
allowing time for Gurgin Khán's message to be carried to Tihran and for Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's reply to
travel to Isfáhán, we may assume that the Báb did not leave Isfáhán until mid-March 1847.

4Nicolas refers here to the second wife of the Báb, a marriage contracted while he was in Isfáhán. There

is no mention of the Báb's second wife in "The Dawn-breakers," or by Balyuzi, Amanat or MacEoin.
Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir indicates (18/1/02) that her name was Fátimih Khánum, and was the sister of
Mullá Rajab 'Alí Qahir. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 218) indicates that Fátimih was the daughter of Mullá
Hasan, Rúzi Khán, an Isfáhání Bábí, and the sister of Mullá 'Alí Muhammad (ibid. p. 220). He also
indicates (ibid. p. 218) that Manúchihr Khán wished the Báb to take a house-servant while he was in
concealment in Amárat Sadr, the Governor's residence in Isfáhán, and that since Islám requires a
woman to be related to the ones she serves, a "síghih" was contracted between her and the Báb. While
most "síghih" are temporary, this marriage apparently was never terminated. Sepehr Manuchehri (email
21/1/02) indicates that Fátimih, the "mut'áh" of the Báb in Isfáhán, was "the sister of Mullá Rajab 'Alí
Isfáhání (Qahir). Mullá Rajab-'Alí became one of the early believers in Isfáhán during the Báb's stay at
the residence of Manúchihr Khán. There are many Tablets issued by the Báb in later years, in which he
showers praise on Qahir and consoles Fátimih. After the martyrdom of the Báb, both became devoted
Azalís. Fátimih was a confident and charismatic lady and used her charms in maintaining a nucleus of
Azalí followers in and around Isfáhán."

In "God Passes By" (p. 125), Shoghi Effendi refers to "an act so odious that Bahá'u'lláh characterized it
as 'a most grievous betrayal,' inflicting dishonor upon the Báb, and which 'overwhelmed all lands with
sorrow'" which was carried out by Mírzá Yahya and repeated by Siyyid Muhammad Isfáháni, while
Bahá'u'lláh was residing in Kurdistan (1854-1856). Shoghi Effendi is referring to the marriage of
Fátimih, the second wife of the Báb, first with Mírzá Yahya and then shortly thereafter with Siyyid
Muhammad. Anthony Lee (email 18/1/02) indicated that the Báb "left instructions on how she should
be cared for by the believers, and had specifically commanded that no one should marry her after he
did." He goes on to affirm that "Mírzá Yahya ignored the Báb's instructions and married her anyway
while he was living in Baghdád. But, only for a few days. After that, he passed her on to one of his
followers. And after that, she was passed around a bit more. Bahá'u'lláh laments all this grossness at
length in the Epistle to the Son of the Wolf." He continues: "Apparently, she was quite a ferocious
woman and was able to hold her own through all of this 'dishonor'. She was able to intimidate the Bábí
men, probably because of her direct connection to the Báb's charisma, and get them to do what she
A Prophet in Modern Times 116

wanted." Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 220) reports that it was while Bahá'u'lláh was in Sulaymáníyyih, in
1272-1274 A.H. (1856-1858 A.D.) that Fátimih and her brother Mullá 'Alí Muhammad journeyed to
Baghdád from Isfáhán, and that was trapped by Mírzá Yahya into a temporary marriage, lasting a
month, but as his other wives insulted and offended her, he then terminated this marriage and gave her
to Siyyid Muhammad 'Alí Isfáháni.

Adib Taherzadeh reports this undignified treatment of the Báb's second wife, in "The Revelation of
Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II, p. 262) and in "The Child of the Covenant" (p. 110). Taherzadeh points out
that Bahá'u'lláh referred to this in "Epistle to the Son of the Wolf" (1891):

"Reflect a while upon the dishonour inflicted upon the Primal Point. Consider what hath
happened. When this Wronged One, after a retirement of two years during which He wandered
through the deserts and mountains, returned to Baghdád, as a result of the intervention of a few,
who for a long time had sought Him in the wilderness, a certain Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí of
Rasht came to see Him, and related, before a large gathering of people, that which had been
done, affecting the honour of the Báb, which hath truly overwhelmed all lands with sorrow.
Great God! How could they have countenanced this most grievous betrayal? Briefly, We
beseech God to aid the perpetrator of this deed to repent, and return unto Him. He, verily, is
the Helper, the All-Wise." (pp. 176-177)

The Báb's second wife was a temporary wife, and temporary marriages of convenience, called "mut'áh"
in Arabic and "síghih" in Persian, were permitted by Shí'í law. Dr. Fananapazir (18/1/02)
recommended the following websites for information on "mut'áh":

http://www.al-islam.org/al-serat/muta
http://www.mutah.i12.com/2BeWithDaTruthful.html
http://www.islam.org.au/articles/12/TMPMRIG.HTM
http://www.aol40.com/muta_yes.htm
http://www.al-islam.org/organizations/dilp/
http://www.aliasoft.com/islamboard/messages/509.html
http://www.alhuda.or.id/temporary_marriage.htm
http://www.shia-nj.org/_disc1/00000042.htm
http://www.islam.org.au/articles/index.htm
http://www.isis.aust.com/domviolence/discussion/messages/74.html
http://www.isis.aust.com/domviolence/discussion/messages/96.html
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/3879972303/avsearch-bkasin-20
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0815624832/inktomi-bkasin-20
http://www.kuwait.net/~akar/html/shiah/faqs/mutah.html
http://patriot.net/~crouch/quotes.html
http://www.al-shia.com/html/eng/books/temperory-of-marrige/index.htm
http://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/04/world/04IRAN.html
http://netiran.com/Frame-Html/Clippings/books-index.html
http://www.answering-christianity.com/muta.htm
http://www.ansar.org/
http://www.naree.com/Law/muta.htm
http://www.ummah.com/nida/articles/12/TMPMRIG.HTM
http://muslimmarriagenetwork.com/
http://www.maldivesculture.com/maldives_divorce.html

Dr. Fananapazir also cited a Ph.D. dissertation on the subject, by Dr. Paula I. Nielson (University of
Utah, 1995), which can be found at www.iiu.edu.my/rescentre/dip/hist.html

In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VIII: báb 15), the Báb describes only one kind of marriage, indicating that it is
to be monogamous, that one is permitted to remarry if one's partner is incapable of procreation, and
A Prophet in Modern Times 117

station before this town, that is to say Kinár-Gird,5 the versatile mood of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí
changed once again. He sent a cavalier to inform the Báb that he was to await new orders at
Kulayn,6 a village situated a little off the highway. It was there for the first time7 that the

that one is only permitted to marry a fellow Bábí or one who becomes a Bábí after marriage. Bahá'u'lláh
substantially confirms these laws of marriage in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas", indicating that it is to be monogamous
(K63, n89), permitting remarriage (K67, K68, Q4, Q27, Q31), but also allowing marriage between
believers and unbelievers (K139, Q84). Neither the Báb nor Bahá'u'lláh have indicated that temporary
marriage is an option for their followers.

ZARANDI (pp. 190-191) states that upon his return from pilgrimage, the Báb bequeathed to his
mother, Fátimih Baygum, and wife, Khadíjih Khánum, all of his possessions and transferred title to all
of his property. Shortly before his departure from Shíráz, the Báb divulged his future sufferings and the
significance of his mission to his wife and entrusted her with a special prayer (ZARANDI, pp. 191-192).
Then he transferred his residence to his uncle's house (ZARANDI, p. 192), from there he was taken to
the home of 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán (ZARANDI, p. 196), and it was from this location that he effected his
departure (ZARANDI, pp. 197-198). Hence, it was sometime in the summer of 1262/1846 that the Báb
saw his mother and wife for the last time. His wife did not follow him to Isfáhán, but was left in the care
of the loyal Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) according to ZARANDI (p. 198).

5ZARANDI (pp. 217-222) reports that the Báb proceeded from Isfáhán to Kashán, arriving there on the

eve before the third Naw-Rúz after the declaration of his mission, on 2 Rabí al-Thaní 1263, and that he
remained there for three nights as the guest of Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání. Balyuzi (pp. 118-119) reports
the same events found in ZARANDI, as does Amanat (p. 271) with some additional sources. It is during
this visit that Muhammad Big, the captain of the Báb's escort, seems to have met Hájí Mírzá Jání for the
first time, as implied by Balyuzi (p. 126). The Báb then continued on his journey towards Qum, staying
for a night in the village of Qumrúd (ZARANDI, pp. 223-225; Balyuzi, p. 119). After this the party
journeyed for two days, arriving at the fortress of Kinár-Gird on the afternoon of the eighth day after
Naw-Rúz (ZARANDI, p. 225; Balyuzi, p. 119), which Balyuzi (p. 119) calculated as 28 March 1847. If
this is accurate then Naw-Rúz fell on 20 March in the year 1847, and the Báb arrived in Kashán on the
eve of that Naw-Rúz and hence on 19 March. Inasmuch as Kashán is around 100 miles north of
Isfáhán, it is likely that the Báb departed Isfáhán around the middle of March in order to arrive on the
19th of the month. According to ZARANDI (p. 225), Kinár-Gird is located six farsangs (each "farsang"
or "farsakh" being equivalent to three or four miles according to "The Dawn-breakers," p. 674) to the
south of Tihrán, while E.G. Browne calculated this distance as approximately 28 miles ("A Traveller's
Narrative," volume II, p. 14, n. 2; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 225, n. 1; cited in Balyuzi, p. 119).
Then, according to ZARANDI (pp. 226-227) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11), an order was received from
Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, requiring that the Báb proceed immediately to the village of Kulayn (also cited in
Balyuzi, p. 119).

6The Báb arrived in Kulayn on the ninth day after Naw-Rúz, the eleventh day of Rabí al-Thání 1263

(ZARANDI, p. 227). This village was owned by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, as was the tent in which the Báb was
accommodated during his sojourn (ZARANDI, p. 227; Balyuzi, p. 119). ‘ABUD’L-BAHA (p. 11)
indicated that the Báb remained in Kulayn for twenty days (cited in MacEoin, p. 82), after which he
wrote a letter to Muhammad Sháh requesting an audience with His Majesty. ZARANDI (pp. 229-230)
reported that the Báb remained in Kulayn for a fortnight, after which he received a letter from
Muhammad Sháh, in reply to his request for a private audience with His Majesty. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp.
11-12) also referred to this letter. Balyuzi indicated that the Báb's letter was written nearly three weeks
after his arrival in Kulayn (p. 121), and that Muhammad Sháh sent his reply in April 1847 (p. 122). For
more information about Muhammad Sháh's letter to the Báb in Kulayn, please see Note (14). According
to ZARANDI (p. 227; and Balyuzi, p. 120, citing ZARANDI), two days after his arrival in Kulayn, the
Báb was joined by four of his adherents, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí,
Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí. On 14 Rabí al-Thání 1263, corresponding to 1 April
1847 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 227, n. 3), and the twelfth day after Naw-Rúz, Mullá Mihdíy-i-Khu'í
A Prophet in Modern Times 118

Prophet saw Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí,8 who would succeed him some years afterwards under the
name of "Bahá'".9

and Mullá Muhammad-Mihdíy-i-Kandí arrived from Tihrán, the latter delivering to the Báb a sealed
letter together with certain gifts from Bahá'u'lláh, which inspired the Báb with evident and unusual
delight (ZARANDI, p. 227; cited in Balyuzi, p. 120).

In a Tablet addressed to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (translated in "Selections from the Writings of
the Báb," p. 14), the Báb writes:

"Following his [Manúchihr Khán's] ascension to the eternal Kingdom, the vicious Gurgin,
resorting to all manner of treachery, false oaths and coercion, sent Me away from Isfáhán with
an escort of five guards on a journey which lasted seven days, without providing the barest
necessities for My travel (Alas! Alas! for the things which have touched Me!), until eventually
Your Majesty's order came, instructing Me to proceed to Mákú..."

Selections of this Tablet are translated by Nicolas — please see further along in this Chapter for the
French, and note (62) for two English renderings of the text, one from the French by the present
translator and another by Habib Taherzadeh in "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (pp. 11-17)
from the Persian text (published in "Muntakhabát-i-áyát az áthár-i-Hadrat-i-Nuqta-yi Úlá," Tihrán: 134
B.E., pp. 13-18). The Persian original of this Tablet is found in the International Bahá'í Archives in
Haifa, Israel (listed as "Letter to Muhammad Sháh III" in MacEoin, p. 193; also cited in MacEoin, p.
58, n. 63; p. 97, n. 93).

7Nicolas alleges that the Báb was visited in Kulayn by Bahá'u'lláh. ZARANDI (pp. 228-229) reports

Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím's story of a peculiar incident which has been understood to suggest a secret
meeting between the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh. According to his account, the Báb disappeared one night
from his tent in Kulayn, and when Muhammad Big, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and his companions set out to
find him, they discovered him at the first flush of dawn, some distance from the village and coming from
the direction of Tihrán, remarkably changed in his speech and demeanour. Balyuzi (pp. 120-121) cites
this account without comment. Other sources appear to be silent on this matter. ZARANDI (pp. 459-
462) reports his own meeting with Bahá'u'lláh on 7 Rabí al-Thání 1306/11 December 1888
(ZARANDI, p. 459, n. 1), and reproduces "the gist of his words to me on that memorable occasion"
(Ibid.), in which Bahá'u'lláh states, speaking of an event which occurred after the conference of Badasht
(summer 1263/1848) and hence subsequent to the Báb's sojourn in Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 461):

"The leading Mullá of the town denounced us bitterly...He questioned Us regarding the Mission
of the Báb. We informed him that, although We had never met Him face to face, yet We
cherished, none the less, a great affection for Him."

Thus it seems that the Báb did not meet Bahá'u'lláh during his nocturnal journey towards Tihrán from
Kulayn.

8Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí (2 Muharram 1233/12 November 1817-2 Dhi'l-Qa'dih 1309/29 May 1892),

was a Bábí from summer of 1844, and an openly active member of the Tihrán Bábí community from
1847 according to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (first edition, pp. 58-62); Mullá Ja'far Qazvíní in MSBR (pp. 3-4);
Shaykh Kázim Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar (in first published edition); AVARIH (volume I, pp. 257-
270); KAF (pp. 200, 239-240) — all sources cited in Amanat (p. 362, n. 158). Under the name
Bahá'u'lláh, Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí was recognized by the vast majority of his fellow Bábís as "Him
Whom God shall make manifest" promised by the Báb. References to this Bábí in his relationship with
the Báb and other Bábís are found in ZARANDI (pp. xxiii-xxv, xxxv-xxxvii, xlix, l, lxiii, 8-9, 12-13, 31-
33, 40-42, 70-71, 77, 84, 86, 90, 92, 94, 100, 103-104, 106-114, 116-121, 123, 126-128, 137, 155-156,
159, 168, 183, 188, 189,-191, 197, 201, 203, 227-228, 248, 252, 255, 258, 260-261, 269, 278-279, 283-
286, 288-299, 301, 304-305, 311-312, 323-324, 347-349, 352-354, 368-377, 410-411, 414-415, 425-426,
A Prophet in Modern Times 119

432-434, 439-441, 444, 459-462, 464-465, 473, 476-477, 490, 505, 519-521, 523, 539, 580-582, 584-
586, 588-595, 597-607, 609-611, 613-619, 630-634, 636-643, 655-666); in Balyuzi (pp. 9, 27, 48, 55-56,
78, 109, 120, 125, 128, 135, 138, 145, 152, 154, 165, 167-168, 170-171, 173-175, 183, 188-192, 235,
237, 240); in MacEoin (pp. 3, 23-24, 26-27, 40, 84, 88-89, 92-93, 95, 98, 106, 130, 134, 145, 149, 150,
164, 168, 160); and in Amanat (pp. 123n, 272n, 281-282, 312, 324, 327-328, 345, 361-365, 384, 396n,
405). For more sources, please see note (9).

9According to ZARANDI (p. 293), Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí was known as Jinab-i-Bahá' from the time of

the conference of Badasht, during June/July 1848. The first reference to Bahá' as Bahá'u'lláh has not
been dated as yet, but it is under this latter title that Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí is now generally identified
in historical accounts. The primary source material on the life and work of Bahá'u'lláh has yet to be
reviewed in a single reference work, as provided for the Báb by MacEoin. Nor has the entirety of this
source material been employed with complete fluency as Amanat has demonstrated in his study of the
Báb. Two book-length biographies of Bahá'u'lláh have been written by Hasan M. Balyuzi ("Bahá'u'lláh,"
London: George Ronald, 1963; "Bahá'u'lláh, The King of Glory," Oxford: George Ronald, 1980). A
third volume gives many details related to those who associated with Bahá'u'lláh is H.M. Balyuzi's
"Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of Bahá'u'lláh" (George Ronald Publisher, 1985). A largely
autobiographical collection of source materials on the life of Bahá'u'lláh compiled by Geoffry W. Marks
was published under the title "Call to Remembrance – Connecting the Heart to Bahá'u'lláh" by the
Bahá’í Publishing Trust (Wilmette, 1992). David S. Ruhe began a multi-volume biography of
Bahá'u'lláh, of which the first volume, "Robe of Light, The Persian Years of the Supreme Prophet
Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853" alone was published prior to his demise (Oxford: George Ronald, 1994). Juan R.
I. Cole's treatment of some aspects of the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh was published in spring of 1998 by
Columbia University Press as "Modernism and the Millennium". In 2008 two biographies of Bahá'u'lláh
were published, one by Moojan Momen entitled "Bahá'u'lláh: A Short Biography" (Oneworld), and one
by Shahrokh Monjazeb entitled "Bahá'u'lláh" (Furútan Academy Publications). Many stories about
Bahá'u'lláh are also found in 'Alí-Akbar Furútan's "Stories of Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald,
1985); Hájí Mírzá Haydar-'Alí's "Stories from the Delight of Hearts" (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1980);
Ustad Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Salmání's "My Memories of Bahá'u'lláh" (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1982);
and Tarazu'lláh Samandari's "Moments with Bahá'u'lláh" (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1995). Many of
Bahá'u'lláh's writings are discussed in the four volumes of Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of
Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald Publisher, vol. I:1974; vol. II:1977; vol. III:1983; vol. IV:1988).
Some details related to his life were reported in a Western language for the first time in Adib
Taherzadeh's "The Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald Publisher, 1992). Other unusual
details are cited in William McElwee Miller's "The Bahá'í Faith — its History and Teachings" (South
Pasadena, 1974). Of his writings, approximately 17,000 documents have been preserved, and those
which have been published in English translations include: "Kalimát-i-Maknunih" ("Hidden Words," in
Arabic and Persian); "Haft Vadí" ("Seven Valleys," in Persian); "Chahar Vadí" ("Four Valleys, " in
Persian); "Kitáb-i-Íqán" ("Book of Certitude, in Persian); "Súrat al-Haykal" ("Chapter of the Temple," in
Arabic); "Súrat al-Mulúk" ("Chapter to the Kings," in Arabic); "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" ("Most Holy Book," in
Arabic); "Lawh-i-Karmíl" ("Tablet of Carmel," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Aqdas" ("Most Holy Tablet," in
Arabic); "Bishárát" ("Glad-Tidings," in Arabic); "Tarázát" ("Ornaments," in Arabic); "Tajallíyát"
("Effulgences," in Arabic); "Kalimát-i-Firdawsíyyih" ("Words of Paradise," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Dunyá"
("Tablet of the World," in Arabic); "Ishráqát" ("Splendours," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Hikmat" ("Tablet of
Wisdom," in Arabic); "Asl-i-Kullu'l-Khayr" ("Words of Wisdom," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Maqsúd" ("Tablet
of Maqsúd," in Arabic); "Súriy-i-Vafá" ("Tablet to Vafá," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Siyyid-i-Mihdíy-i-Dahají"
("Tablet to Siyyid Dahají," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Burhán" ("Tablet of the Proof," in Arabic); "Kitáb-i-
'Ahd" ("Book of the Covenant," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Ard-i-Bá" ("Tablet of the Land of Bá," in Persian);
"Lawh-i-Shaykh" or "Lawh-i-Ibn-i-Dh'ib" ("Tablet of the Shaykh" or "Epistle to the Son of the Wolf," in
Arabic). Portions of other Tablets have been translated into English, by Shoghi Effendi, and by a
committee of translators appointed by the Universal House of Justice. Also, provisional translations of
many Tablets have been rendered by individual scholars and are readily available on various websites.
A Prophet in Modern Times 120

Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was perplexed — he didn't know what he should do. While he reflected upon
the consequences of the decision he must make, the Báb wrote to Muhammad Sháh, asking
him what had been decided with regards to himself.10 The Sháh wished that he come to
Tihrán, but Hájí Mírzá Áqásí remarked that:11

10MacEoin (p. 58) thinks it seems likely that the Báb wrote his first Tablet to His Majesty in early
summer 1844 and that this Tablet was delivered by Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í along with a copy of
"Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (please see Note (6) for the Báb's Tablet which mentions the delivery of
"Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"). MacEoin (pp. 58, 192) indicates that manuscripts found in Iranian National Bahá'í
Archives 4011C (pp. 328-336) and 5006C (367-371) appear to be the first Tablets of the Báb addressed
to Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Grand Vizier. The Báb then wrote Tablets to
Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí upon his return from pilgrimage, probably from Bushíhr, of
which the manuscript copies ("Letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí II" in MacEoin, p. 192; "Letter to
Muhammad Sháh II" in MacEoin, p. 193) were published in part in FAYZI (pp. 148-153; cited in
MacEoin, p. 64, n. 90-92; pp. 192, 193). MacEoin (p. 83) indicates that the Tablet written by the Báb in
Kulayn is mentioned only by ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11) and he does not list a copy of this Tablet among
the extant works of the Báb. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) refers to other Tablets which the Báb wrote to
Muhammad Sháh during this period, and which Muhammad Big delivered to the court, but which Hájí
Mírzá Áqásí did not deliver to His Majesty. MacEoin (p. 83) has not discovered the location of any of
these Tablets. Shaykh Kázim Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar (p. 99; cited in MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24) reports
that the Báb wrote another Tablet to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí from the village of Síyáh-Dihán, in the
neighborhood of Qazvín, where he paused briefly on his journey to Máh-Kú, and MacEoin (p. 83) states
that it is highly unlikely that a copy of this Tablet has survived. Sepehr Manuchehri states that the Báb
wrote this Tablet from the locality of Síyáh-Chaman, without citing a source. From Máh-Kú the Báb
wrote at least one Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, which is cited in note (6). Two other Tablets were
written to Muhammad Sháh from Chihríq, in 1264/1848 (MacEoin, p. 97), and published in
"Muntakhabát" (pp. 5-8, 9-13), translated by Habib Taherzadeh in "Selections from the Writings of the
Báb" (pp. 18-23, 24-28). There are unique manuscripts of these two Tablets in the International Bahá'í
Archives (MacEoin, pp. 97, 193), and the second of these Tablets from Chihríq was quoted in ZUHUR
(vol. III, pp. 82-85; cited in MacEoin, p. 97, n. 94; p. 193).

In the course of his journey from Isfáhán to Ádhirbáyján, the Báb "is reported" by Shaykh Kázim
Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar [SAMANDAR] (pp. 4-5, as cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2) "to
have revealed several Tablets addressed to the leading 'ulamás in Qazvín, among whom were the
following: Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb, Hájí Mullá Sálih, Hájí Mullá Taqí, and Hájí Siyyid Taqí. These
Tablets were conveyed to their recipients through Hájí Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál."

11‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 11-12) and ZARANDI (pp. 231-232) give accounts of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's
decisive influence on Muhammad Sháh, and his success in discouraging the monarch from summoning
the Báb to Tihrán, by convincing His Majesty that it was not timely to do so. FADL (cited in "The
Dawn-breakers," p. 232, n. 1; Balyuzi, pp. 121-122) stated that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí sought to induce
Muhammad Sháh to abandon his aim of summoning the Báb to Tihrán by indicating the severe nature
of the rebellion of Muhammad Hasan Khán, the Salar, in Khurasan and the revolt of Áqá Hasan-'Alí
Khán-i-Isma'ílí, the Áqá Khán I, in Kirmán, which were state matters that must take precedence. Hájí
Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí, Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana [MU’IN] (p. 129; cited
in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 232n) stated that the chief motive which motivated the Grand Vizier in
urging that Muhammad Sháh indefinitely postpone summoning the Báb to Tihrán was his fear that the
Báb might make good on his promise to cure the Sháh of his malady. He was sure that, should the Báb
succeed in curing the Sháh, His Majesty would fall under the influence of the Báb, and would no longer
confer upon his Grand Vizier all of the blessings of his well-established position. Please see Note (20)
with regard to the Báb's promise to cure the Sháh.
A Prophet in Modern Times 121

"His Majesty having to leave the town to effect a voyage, the arrival of Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad would not fail to excite the susceptibility of the mullás and the curiosity —
perhaps favorable — of the general population, which would oblige the clergy to request
the death of the unfortunate Siyyid. It would be more worthy if His Majesty were to give
the necessary orders so that this personage would be sent to Máh-Kú, until the return of
the Sháh, at which time it would be timely to examine the affair and to consider what
measures should be taken."

Muhammad Sháh, convinced by the seeming wisdom of this opinion, replied [to the Báb] by
his own hand:12

"As the imperial camp is at the point of setting out, your visit at this moment could not
have but bad consequences. Go to Máh-Kú, rest yourself there for some time. I have
recommended that you be treated with respect. When I return from my voyage, I will
call you to my presence."13

12Nicolas writes: "The text of this letter was communicated to me by the Bábís." Muhammad Sháh's

letter, apparently written in response to the Báb's request for an audience, and written in his own hand,
is paraphrased in ZARANDI (pp. 230-231) and in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12), and both of these sources
are cited in Balyuzi (pp. 122-123). A version of this letter is found in its original Persian in SAMANDAR
(pp. 101-102; cited in Amanat, p. 259, n. 293), and parts of this version are translated in Amanat (pp.
258-259). ZARANDI (p. 231) and SAMANDAR (pp. 101-102; cited in Amanat, p. 259, n. 293) date this
letter to Rabí al-Thání 1263/April 1847. This letter informed the Báb that the monarch was not at
liberty to meet with him at this time, and that His Majesty wished him to proceed to Máh-Kú to await
Muhammad Sháh's pleasure.

13Nicolas notes: "The author of "Mutanabbi'ín" [`Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb al-
Mutanabbi'ín] adds these words: 'Consequently, the Báb was imprisoned. After some time, Násri'd-Dín
Mírzá, then Valí-'Ahd [Crown Prince, heir to the throne] was named Governor of Ádhirbáyján.' Hence,
this prince left Tihrán to take his government post on 23 January 1848, and, when his father died, on 4
September [1848], he returned [to Tihrán] on the 18 [September] of the same year as Sháh. The events
which here follow are thus known to have taken place between two dates at the extremes [beginning and
ending], 23 February and 4 September 1848." The Báb received Muhammad Sháh's letter, directing
him to set out for Máh-Kú, in April 1847 (please see note (14) for details). Apparently the same letter, or
a subsequent communication, required that the Báb pass through Tabríz on his way to Máh-Kú
(ZARANDI, p. 235; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12); either this, or the only route to Máh-Kú was that which
passed through this city. The journey to Tabríz avoided passing through most populated places
(ZARANDI, p. 235), no doubt in order to avoid coming into contact with the enemies and well-wishers
of the Báb. The Báb, his two companions — Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-
Yazdí (ZARANDI, p. 235) — -and his escort, under the command of Muhammad Big, stopped en route
to Tabríz in the village of Síyáh-Dihán, outside of the city of Qazvín as reported by ZARANDI (pp.
235-236) and SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2). A number of the
Bábís of Qazvín met the Báb in this village (ZARANDI, p. 235). While in Síyáh-Dihán, the Báb is
reported by SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2) to have written Tablets
addressed to the leading 'Ulamá' of Qazvín, including Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb, Hájí Mullá Salih,
Hájí Mullá Taqí, and Hájí Siyyid Taqí, and delivered by Hájí Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál. MacEoin (p. 83)
gives the name of this messenger as Mullá Ahmad Ibdál Maraghá'í, a Letter of the Living, and he cites
SAMANDAR (pp. 97-98) to the effect that Muhammad Taqí Baraghání (apparently this is Hájí Mullá
Taqí) tore up the letter sent to him, but that Shaykh Samandar Qazvíní, the author of this account, was
able to copy the Báb's letter addressed to Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb. MacEoin does not list any of these
letters as being extant. SAMANDAR (p. 99; cited in MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24) states that the Báb wrote a
Tablet to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí from Síyáh-Dihán, and this seems to be the epistle mentioned in ‘ABDU’L-
BAHA (p. 12). SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5) stated that the Báb spent one night in Síyáh-Dihán, and this is
A Prophet in Modern Times 122

An anecdote shows what sentiments inspired the Prime Minister when he determined that the
will of the Sháh should take this direction. The Prince Farhad Mírzá,14 still young, was the
student of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. He recounted afterwards:15

His Majesty had taken the advice of his Prime Minister and had written to the Báb indicating
that he was to go to Máh-Kú, we went with Hájí Mírzá Áqásí to spend some days in the park
which he himself had planted in Yaft Abad,16 near Tihrán. I was very eager to question my
master about the events which had precipitated, but I did not dare to do so before the assembled
company. One day when I was walking with him in the garden and he showed himself to be in
good humor, I steeled myself to ask him: 'Hájí, why have you sent the Báb to Máh-Kú?' He
replied: 'You are still young and you can not understand certain things, but know this, that if he
had come to Tihrán, we would not be able at this moment, you and I, to walk about free of all
worries under these fresh shady trees.'"

Muhammad Big,17 the courier, took command of the escort which conducted Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad to his new residence.

also asserted by Balyuzi (pp. 124-125). One of the Bábís who attained the presence of the Báb at Síyáh-
Dihán was named Mullá Iskandar, and the Báb commissioned him to deliver a message to Sulaymán
Khán-i-Afshar, then in Zanján, was called upon this admirer of Siyyid Kázim to recognize the Báb as
the Promised One (the Mahdí, the Qá'im), and arise to effect his deliverance (ZARANDI, p. 235).
Within three days, Sulaymán Khán received the message, but he ignored it and departed for Tihrán
(Ibid.). Two days after his departure, a friend of Mullá Iskandar informed Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Hujjat
al-Islám Zanjání, then in Tihrán, of the nature of this message, and he instructed a number of the Bábís
from Qazvín and Tihrán to proceed to Tabríz and be prepared to rescue the Báb from captivity (Ibid.).
The Báb and his travelling party were by then, perhaps a week after leaving Síyáh-Dihán, not far from
Tabríz. This group of Bábís entered the encampment, careful not to awaken the Báb's guards, and
begged him to flee with them; however, they do not seem to have understood the Báb's intent in sending
this message to Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI, p. 236). The Báb refused to escape with his followers, and
replied to their urgings with these words: "The mountains of Ádhirbáyján too have their claims" (Ibid.).
Balyuzi (p. 125), citing ZARANDI, tells the same story.

14Prince Farhad Mírzá is mentioned in a Tablet of Bahá'u'lláh, written, apparently, in 'Akká (‘ABDU’L-

BAHA, p. 44), and quoted in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 48), in which he is called "His Highness the
Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih." None of the other sources cited make any reference to this Prince. According to
the Tablet cited in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, Farhad Mírzá visited Bahá'u'lláh twice, while the latter was
residing in Murgh-Mahallih in Shimiran. David S. Ruhe ("Robe of Light, The Persian Years of the
Supreme Prophet Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853," Oxford: George Ronald, 1994, pp. 51-52) states that
Bahá'u'lláh summered once at Murgh-Mahallih (Abode of Birds), located on a hillside of the Shimiran
district near Tihrán, sometime after his marriage to Khánum, in early autumn 1835 (ibid. p. 45). From
the text of this Tablet it seems that Farhad Mírzá was spreading calumnies regarding Bahá'u'lláh.

15The source of this account is not indicated by Nicolas.

16According to Sepehr Manuchehri, Yaft Abad used to be a locality lying just outside the southern

outskirts of Tihrán. Nowadays it is well within the city proper.

17Muhammad Big Cháparchí (the courier) was appointed by Gurgin Khán to lead the Báb's mounted

escort from Isfáhán to Máh-Kú. Apparently either Muhammad Big or all members of this escort were of
the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect — please see Note (3). Muhammad Big escorted the Báb from Isfáhán (ZARANDI,
p. 215; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12), departing sometime in the middle of March 1847 — please see Note
(3) — arriving in Tabríz in Jumáda al-Úlá 1263/later May 1847 (Amanat, p. 372). According to
A Prophet in Modern Times 123

The Bábís describe this voyage very differently. Some claim that the Báb said to Muhammad
Big that he was ready to cure the malady of the Sháh.18 This offer was not reported to the
Sovereign because the Prime Minister was opposed to it, perhaps fearing a snare. Other Bábís
absolutely deny this report.

Be it as it may, the Báb, while on the road [to Máh-Kú], wrote to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí:19

ZARANDI (pp. 236-237), Muhammad Big and his 'Alíyu'lláhí cavaliers did not escort the Báb beyond
Tabríz. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) stated that Muhammad Big was one of the guards who escorted the
Báb to Tabríz and then to Máh-Kú. ZARANDI (p. 239) reports that a detachment of the Násirí
regiment guarded the entrance of the house in which the Báb resided in Tabríz. Perhaps this
detachment is the same as the escort of Nusayrí cavaliers who are reported in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11)
to have accompanied the Báb from Isfáhán. In other words, it seems that the Báb's escort from Isfáhán
to Tabríz was composed of a small group — in his Tablet to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (please
see Note (5) this Chapter) the Báb says five guards accompanied him to the location where he received
an order from Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, and which ZARANDI (pp. 225-226) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11)
identified as the village of Kinár-Gird. This escort seems to have been disbanded in Tabríz, as indicated
by ZARANDI (pp. 236-237), who reported that the guards delivered the Báb into the hands of Nasiru'd-
Dín, the Governor of Tabríz (and Ádhirbáyján), the Valí-'Ahd (Crown Prince). In this event, the
detachment which guarded his place of residence in Tabríz, which is identified as Násirí, may have
escorted him to Máh-Kú, and this escort may have been confused with the Nusayrí, who are a Muslim
sect. In any case, ZARANDI (p. 236) reports that Muhammad Big made a declaration of faith in the
claims of the Báb as the travellers approached the city of Tabríz, and that the Báb accepted his avowal.
Balyuzi (p. 125) likewise alleges that before the end of this period, Muhammad Big came to believe in
the claims of the Báb. According to Balyuzi (p. 125n) and Shoghi Effendi (citing Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl
Gulpaygání in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n.2), 'Alí-Akbar Big, the son of Muhammad Big, became
some years later a follower of Bahá'u'lláh. Furthermore, Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpaygání met 'Alí-Akbar
Big in Tihrán and personally heard from him how his father came to believe in the Báb (cited in Ibid.).
JADID (pp. 220-221), cited by Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n. 1) and Balyuzi (pp. 126-
127 — this citation included what is found in "The Dawn-breakers" and much more besides) reports the
account given by Muhammad Big to Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání regarding some of the events that took
place during this journey from Isfáhán to Tabríz. Balyuzi (p. 126) implies that Muhammad Big met Hájí
Mírzá Jání in Kashán, and as the Báb stayed with this Bábí while passing through that town, this seems
to be very likely to have occurred. He also states that Muhammad Big met Hájí Mírzá Jání some time
after the stop-over in Kashán, and that it was on that occasion that Muhammad Big related the
anecdotes regarding the journey with the Báb which are found in JADID. According to Hájí
Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí, Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana [MU’IN] (p. 138), the
Báb spent his first night in Tabríz in the home of Muhammad Big, after which he was transferred to the
Citadel (the Ark) which adjoined the Masjid-i-'Alí Sháh (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 239, n. 1).
Amanat (p. 374, n. 8) also cites MU’IN (pp. 137-149) regarding the first abode of the Báb in Tabríz.
Amanat (ibid.) identifies the Tabríz citadel as "Arg" and "Shanb-i-Ghazan.

18‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) reports Bábí accounts to the effect that the Báb sent letters through
Muhammad Big to the Sháh, offering to cure him of his foot malady, in exchange for a private
audience, and for the cessation of the "tyranny of the majority", apparently a reference to the oppression
of the Bábís by the predominantly Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í population. MU’IN (p. 129; cited in "The Dawn-
breakers," p. 232n) affirmed that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's chief motive for dissuading Muhammad Sháh from
summoning the Báb to Tihrán was because of his fear that he might be able to effect the healing of the
monarch's ailment, which would undoubtedly have resulted in Muhammad Sháh falling under the
influence of the Báb, and, in all likelihood, the ignominious exit of the Grand Vizier.

19An English rendering of this passage from the French of Nicolas:
A Prophet in Modern Times 124

"You have brought me from Isfáhán to Tihrán to talk with the Mulláhá — how is it that
you have changed your mind and have had me re-directed to Tabríz and Máh-Kú?"

Once he arrived at Tabríz, he resided there for forty days in the midst of the lively hostility of
the Mulláhá.20 There, as in Shíráz, as in Isfáhán, an assembly of the most eminent doctors of
Islám21 was convoked under the presidency of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, at that time the Prince heir

"Vous m'avez mandé d'Isfahan à Téhéran pour y discuter avec les Mollas: comment se fait-il
que vous ayez changé d'avis et me faissiez diriger sur Tébriz et Makou?"

Apparently the same text is found in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12):

"You summoned Me from Isfáhán to meet the doctors and for the attainment of a decisive
settlement. What has happened now that this excellent intention has been changed for Mákú
and Tabríz?"

20‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) also states that the Báb remained in Tabríz for 40 days, and this is confirmed

by Balyuzi (p. 128) and MacEoin (p. 82). ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) indicates that during the entirety of
this period, the 'ulamá' (Arabic plural form of 'alím, comparable in meaning to mullá in Persian) did not
meet with the Báb. ZARANDI (pp. 237-238) wrote that the news of the Báb's approach to Tabríz
having reached the Bábís, they set out to meet him, but were constrained by government officials from
leaving the city, all except one youth who ran about a mile and a half to meet his Beloved, resulting in a
meeting which was as touching as it was rare. ZARANDI (pp. 239-240) also reported that the Báb's
arrival in the city of Tabríz was greeted with a tumultuous reception by the population of Tabríz,
believers and non-believers alike, and KAZEM-BEG (vol. 7, pp. 357-358) attested that there were
numerous Bábís in Tabríz as well as in a village just outside its limits where the people as a whole had
embraced His Cause. The village referred to here may be Mílán, situated about 10 miles east of Tabríz,
for, according to Muhammad Big, whose memoir is preserved in JADID (pp. 220-221), "in that place
about two hundred persons believed and underwent a true and sincere conversion" (cited in "The
Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n. 1). Other accounts (cited in Amanat, p. 284, n. 194) of the Bábís of Mílán,
converts of Mullá Yúsuf Ardabílí, Letter of the Living, are found in MU’IN (pp. 194-196); in Mírzá
Muhammad Husayn Mílání, "Táríkh-i-amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján" (pp. 32-35, cited in MacEoin, pp. 180,
219); in Áqá Mírzá Haydar-'Alí Uskú'í, "Táríkh-i-amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján" (pp. 1-2, cited in MacEoin, pp.
178, 217); and in ZUHUR (pp. 41-44). Amanat (pp. 284) indicates that there were mass conversions to
the Bábí Cause in Mílán, Uskú, Salmás and Saysan. ZARANDI (pp. 239-240) also attested that while it
was generally forbidden for the Bábís or any other among the inhabitants of Tabríz to visit the Báb, on
the day after his arrival, Hájí Muhammad-Taqíy-i-Mílání and Hájí 'Alí-Askar came to visit him, and,
through the intervention of Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, they were permitted to enter his residence, not once,
but several times during the forty days he spent in Tabríz. Balyuzi (pp. 127-128) retells all of the above-
mentioned incidents found in ZARANDI. KAZEM-BEG (vol. 7 pp. 357-358) stated that Mullá Yúsuf-i-
Ardibílí was responsible for attracting many converts to the Bábí Cause in Tabríz. Although the Báb was
under house arrest in Tabríz, yet nevertheless his influence was felt. ZARANDI (pp. 306-307) indicated
that the son of Siyyid 'Alíy-i-Zunúzí who was also related to Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, named
Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zunúzí and later known as Anís, visited the Báb in Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 227) and
later in Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 245), heard the message from the Báb himself in Tabríz, and embraced
it with an enthusiasm and devotion which ultimately reached their zenith with his martyrdom alongside
the Báb in that very same city.

21All the sources agree that an examination of the Báb took place in Tabríz, an assembly of the 'ulamá'

presided over by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá. However, Nicolas came to the conclusion that this trial took place
during the Báb's first visit in Tabríz, en route to Máh-Kú, while Balyuzi (pp. 137-147), Amanat (pp. 385-
393) and MacEoin (p. 82) indicate that it occurred over a year later. All three of these historians agree
that this examination took place three months after the Báb had been relocated from Máh-Kú to
A Prophet in Modern Times 125

[heir to the throne] and Governor of the province [of Adhirbáyján]. Nízámu'l-'Ulamá', Mullá
Bashí,22 interrogated him regarding the significance of this or that Arabic word, upon the
conjugation of such and such a verb.23 It seems they feared to broach a theological discussion
with him which might have confused the official clergy.

Chihríq, in Sha'bán 1264 B and either in early July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387), in the last week of July 1848
(Balyuzi, p. 139) or in August 1848 (MacEoin, p. 82). While ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 14-15) did not give
the date of this trial, he stated that it took place after the Báb had spent three months at Chihríq.
ZARANDI (pp. 314-320) described the trial in some detail, but did not assign it a date. The 'ulamá' who
participated in this trial were, according to ZARANDI (p. 314): Hájí Mullá Mahmúd(32), the Nizámu'l-
'Ulamá', and tutor of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd; Mullá Muhammad-i-Mámáqání(34); Mírzá
'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám; and a number of the most distinguished Shaykhi divines as well as
'ulamá' from other theological schools. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) listed the following participants:
Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'; Mullá Muhammad-i-Mámáqání; Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám; Mírzá
Ahmad, the Imám-Jum'ih; and several other unidentified divines. ZARANDI (pp. 314-315) attested to
Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá's presence at that gathering, and to its presidency by the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'.
According to Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, p. 423) cited in
Amanat (p. 388, n. 64), those who attended included Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar; MU’IN (p. 196) included Mírzá
Abu'l-Qasím (Amanat indicated that this individual is also cited in ZARANDI, p. 314, but there is no
mention of this person on that page) — neither of whom are cited in the official report. Mírzá
Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím al-Dawlih, in "Miftah Báb al-Abwab au Táríkh al-
Bábíya" (Cairo: 1342/1903, pp. 184-197; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 64; pp. 388-389, n. 67) identifies
five other mujtahids who participated in the trial, including two other tutors of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá and
Za'ím al-Dawlih's own grandfather, and is based on the recollections of the author's father and
grandfather. Amanat (Ibid.) notes that the presence of these two other tutors is not confirmed by
Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání, cited in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i
Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá' (pp. 308-315) or by "others" whom he does not identify. Amanat also states (ibid.),
based on the official report (ibid. n. 63) that Mírzá Ahmad, the chief Usúlí mujtahid of Tabríz (Amanat,
pp. 387-388) did not participate, although his participation was reported by several contemporary
sources: ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14); Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí [henceforth, HASHTRUDI],
"Abwáb al-huda" (quoted in ZUHUR, pp. 73-74, 116-119; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 64); MU’IN (p.
201, citing HASHTRUDI; cited in Amanat, ibid.); and KAF (pp. 135-138, citing HASHTRUDI; cited
in Amanat, ibid.). Amanat (p. 388, n. 65), citing the official report, states that the government of Persia
was represented on this occasion by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, his uncle — please see Note (39) for details —
his chief steward, and various other officials and courtiers.

22In identifying Mullá Báshí as the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá', Nicolas seems to be contradicted by ZARANDI

(p. 314), who gives the name of the clerical official invested with this title as Hájí Mullá Mahmúd.
However, later in his text — please see Note (33) — Nicolas identifies Hájí Mullá Mahmúd as the
Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' and as the Mullá Báshí (that is, the personal tutor) of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-
'Ahd (Crown Prince). Hence, "Mullá Báshí" appears to be a title of Hájí Mullá Mahmúd. He is certainly
not to be confused with the only Mullá Báshí found in ZARANDI (p. 590), which name refers to Mullá
Ibráhím, surnamed Mullá Báshí, who was ultimately martyred at Sultán-Abad, and whom Nabíl-i-
Zarandí identifies as his source for details concerning another Bábí named Siyyid Basír.

23ZARANDI (p. 319); ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14); and the official reports of this trial in Mírzá Muhammad

Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh (volume III, pp. 126-130), Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat
al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, pp. 423-430), and which are collected in E.G. Browne's Notes K and M, pp.
277-290 to "A Traveller's Narrative," and in MSBR (pp. 248-256) — for more information please see
Note (40) for Chapter Two — all agree that one or more of the questions put to the Báb pertained to
Arabic grammar. In Chapter One — Notes (8), (63), (67) and (71) — the Báb's lack of training in Arabic
grammar is discussed. In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 10) the Báb forbade the study of grammar,
except insofar as was necessary to understand the "Bayán." Elsewhere in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb
1), the Báb affirmed that grammar has been based upon and established in conformity with the verses of
A Prophet in Modern Times 126

The Báb was very surprised with these questions and replied to them:24

"It has been a long time since I transcended the world of words, since I set speech at
liberty. What are of concern here are matters which are more grave and more exalted."

The convocation ended without result, and another was held some days afterwards in the house
of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání;25 there they [the Mulláhá] replied to his explanations with
blows.26

God and not the reverse; that he has broken the rules of grammar; and that his revelation of verses
which break the rules of grammar is in itself a proof of his prophetic claims. Hence, it is according to the
divine standard, the divine verses that human learning and human words are to be evaluated, and not
vice versa. This teaching of the Báb was re-affirmed and amplified by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas":

"Say: O leaders of religion! Weigh not the Book of God with such standards and sciences as are
current amongst you, for the Book itself is the unerring Balance established amongst men. In
this most perfect Balance whatsoever the peoples and kindreds of the earth possess must be
weighed, while the measure of its weight should be tested according to its own standard, did ye
but know it." (KA:#99)

"Say: This is the infallible Balance which the Hand of God is holding, in which all who are in
the heavens and all who are on the earth are weighed, and their fate determined, if ye be of
them that believe and recognize this truth." (KA:#183)

24All of the accounts cited are unanimous in asserting the Báb’s bold proclamation during this trial of his

station as the Qá'im, the Promised One of Islám. That the clergy present at this examination asked
many questions which pertained to such technical matters and few which touched upon theological
issues is evident from all of the accounts cited above. Balyuzi (p. 145n) reports the discovery of a letter in
the handwriting of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh, addressed to 'Alau'd-Dawlih, the Governor of Tihrán, in which
he attests that the Báb stood firmly by his claim to be the Qá'im at the Tabríz trial, to which His Majesty
was an eye-witness.

This seems to be the answer that was reported by the official Muslim chroniclers cited above. Táríkh-i-
Jadíd (cited by E. G. Browne, "A Traveller's Narrative," Note M, p. 290 — reproduced in "The Dawn-
breakers," p. 319, n. 2) indicated that the Báb kept a dignified silence in response to such frivolous
questions. ZARANDI (p. 319) reported a different response: "In answer to him, the Báb quoted this
verse of the Qur'án (37:180-182): 'Far be the glory of thy Lord, the Lord of all greatness, from what they
impute to Him, and peace be upon His Apostles! And praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds.'"
According to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) and ZARANDI (p. 319), the gathering broke up immediately
after the Báb answered a question pertaining to Arabic grammar.

25ZARANDI (p. 320) indicates that a second convocation was called for by some of the 'ulamá', for the

purpose of inflicting a humiliating punishment on the Báb rather than in order to further investigate his
claims. He (Ibid.) states that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Governor of Tabríz and Prince Regent refused to
convene such a gathering. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) also indicates that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá pronounced
no sentence on the Báb and refused to interfere with him, and that the 'ulamá' decided on their own to
inflict the bastinado — please see Note (30) — upon the Báb. He (Ibid.) states that the corps of farráshes
— please see Note (43) — refused to inflict this punishment upon the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 320) alike
reports that the Governor's body-guards were ordered to administer the bastinado, but that they refused
to do so. ZARANDI (p. 320) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 15) agree that Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-
Islám summoned the Báb to his home and himself inflicted the punishment, eleven blows to his feet
(ZARANDI, p. 320). Balyuzi (p. 145), citing no source, states that the Báb was taken to the house of
Muhammad Kázim-Khán, the farrásh-báshí (chief lictor), but, as the guards refused to carry out the
A Prophet in Modern Times 127

This is, according to the Bábi version,27 the transcript of this meeting:28

sentence, it was personally administered by Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám. According to Dr.
Cormick (extracted from letters to Rev. Benjamin Labaree, published by E.G. Browne in MSBR, pp.
260-262, 264; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 320-322, n. 1), an English physician and a long-time
resident of Tabríz, who later recommended to the Sháh that the Báb's life be spared, when the Báb was
administered the bastinado, a farrásh either intentionally or inadvertently struck him in the face,
producing a wound and swelling which the doctor treated for a few days. This incident may have
occurred after the trial just prior to the Báb's execution, in July 1850. It is not dated, either by Dr.
Cormick or Browne. The whole of Dr. Cormick's eye-witness testimony is reprinted from MSBR in
"The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944: Some Contemporary Western Accounts", edited by Dr.
Moojan Momen, and published in Oxford by George Ronald, 1981, pp. 74-75). Dr. Momen identifies
the physician’s full name as Dr. William Cormick and his nationality as Irish rather than English.

26The bastinado, carried out by one or more farráshes, is illustrated in a photograph in W.D. Cresson,

"The Awakening East" (cited in David S. Ruhe [henceforth, RUHE], "Robe of Light, The Persian
Years of the Supreme Prophet Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853," Oxford: George Ronald, 1994, p. 107). The
victim is made to lie on his back, with his legs raised at right angles to his torso. His bare feet are tied to
a post which is held on either end by assistants, and then the farrásh or farráshes administer the blows
upon the soles of the feet with a cord or rod.

27It is not clear which Bábí version of the Tabríz trial is recounted here by Nicolas. Perhaps it is the

account found in KAF (pp. 135-138), which Amanat (p. 388, n. 67) indicates as derived from the
"Abwáb al-Huda" by Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí. This account is also found in MU’IN (pp.
201-207; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 67), and ZUHUR (pp. 73-74, 116-119; cited in MacEoin, p. 120).
Another Bábí version of this trial is found in ZARANDI (pp. 314-322). Amanat (Ibid.) seems to allude to
a third Bábí source, but does not give particulars. Muslim sources for this event are listed and briefly
described in Amanat (p. 388-389, n. 67), including the so-called official reports found in Ridá Qulí Khán
Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, pp. 423-430), , and Mírzá Muhammad Taqí
Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh [SIPIHR] (volume III, pp. 126-130). Other Muslim sources are the "Risála" of
Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání (cited in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az
Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá', pp. 308-315); and "Miftah Báb al-Abwáb wa Táríkh al-Bábíya," of Mírzá
Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím al-Dawlih (Cairo:1903, pp. 184-197), the memoirs of
the writer's father and grandfather, both of whom allegedly witnessed the trial of the Báb.

28Although word for word this account differs considerably from that preserved in ZARANDI (pp. 315-

319), many of the themes are identical. In Nicolas it is Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání who asks most of
the questions, while in ZARANDI it is Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá', but many of the
questions cited in the two sources are identical. As in Nicolas, so also in ZARANDI (pp. 315-316), the
Báb claims to be the Qá'im, the One Whom they have awaited for a thousand years. So also, in
ZARANDI (p. 317) the Báb is asked for the proof of his claims, and he replies that the greatest proof of
his prophethood are the verses he reveals. ZARANDI (p. 316-317), citing the recollections of Shaykh
Hasan-i-Zunúzí, who was standing outside the hall in which this trial took place and who was able to
follow the conversation taking place within, affirms that the Báb made this statement regarding his
Writings:

"'The mightiest, the most convincing evidence of the truth of the Mission of the Prophet of
God,' the Báb replied, 'is admittedly His own Word. He Himself testifies to this truth: “Is it not
enough for them that We have sent down to Thee the Book?” [Qur'án 29:51] The power to
produce such evidence has been given to Me by God. Within the space of two days and two
nights, I declare Myself able to reveal verses of such number as will equal the whole of the
Qur'án.'"
A Prophet in Modern Times 128

"Hájí Mullá Mahmúd,29 Nízámu'l-'Ulamá', Mullá Bashi30 of the Prince Heir, Mullá
Muhammad Mámáqání,31 Hájí Murtadá Qulí Marandi 'Alam al-Huda,32 took their
places

For more information regarding the speed of the Báb's revelation of verses, please see Note (81) of
Chapter Three. In ZARANDI's account, the Báb is not posed this question and does not give the
answer cited by Nicolas.

29Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' of Tabríz (ZARANDI, p. 314; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 14;

Balyuzi, p. 140; Amanat, p. 285); private tutor of the Prince Regent (ZARANDI, p. 314; Balyuzi, p. 140;
Amanat, p. 285); a leading Shaykhí cleric of Tabríz (Amanat, p. 285); participated in the trial of the Báb
in Tabríz (ZARANDI, pp. 314-319; ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 14; Balyzi, pp. 140-144; Amanat, pp. 387-390);
presided over the trial of the Báb in Tabríz (ZARANDI, p. 314); the chief interrogator at that trial
(Amanat, p. 389); was appalled by the discourtesy shown the Báb at this trial (ZARANDI, p. 319); was
inclined toward clemency, suggesting a verdict of insanity which would avert the imposition of the
mandatory death penalty required by a verdict of heresy (Amanat, p. 390). Ultimately, Hájí Mullá
Mahmúd did not sign a "fatwá" condemning the Báb to death — this was carried out by Mullá
Muhammad Mámáqání, Mírzá Baqír (the son of Mírzá Ahmad) and Mullá Murtadá-Qulí (ZARANDI,
p. 510; ‘ABDUL-BAHA , p. 26; Balyuzi, pp. 155-156; Amanat, pp. 399-400).

30Mullá Báshí, as we have seen in Note (25) was none other than the title of Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the

Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'. "Mullá" is a Persian word meaning (Steingass, p. p. 1303) "schoolmaster, doctor,
learned man, a judge, a priest"; and "Báshí" may be related to the Turkish word "báshá" which has been
adopted in Persian meaning (Steingass, p. 147) as "governor of a province, counsellor of state, great
lord"; in this instance a title comprised of both of these words seems to indicate that Hájí Mullá
Mahmúd was not just the teacher but also the advisor of the Prince Regent.

31Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, described by ZARANDI (p. 316) as a "one-eyed and white-bearded

renegade" and by ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26) as a "learned divine", was a Shaykhí mujtahid (Amanat, p.
39, n. 18), and one of the students of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í who were reportedly envious of the
attention he paid to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí his subsequent appointment as leader of the Shaykhí school
(ZARANDI, p. 11). Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was among the claimants to leadership of the
Shaykhís after the passing of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí according to ZUHUR (p. 9; cited in Amanat, p. 285,
n. 207). MU’IN (p. 299; cited in Amanat, p. 285, n. 208) reports that Mullá Mámáqání tried to preserve
Shaykhism as a sect with only minor differences from the Usúlís and hence comfortably within the fold
of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was a participant in the Tabríz trial of the
Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 316-320; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA , p. 14; Balyuzi, pp. 140-144), and his memories of the
trial of the Báb were preserved by his son, Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání, in a "Risála" which is
cited in part in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá'
(pp. 308-315; cited in Amanat, pp. 386-389). Mullá Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání claimed that the
official report of this trial, penned by Hájí Mírzá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' was replete with
misrepresentations (Balyuzi, p. 143), and he wrote a detailed refutation of those points. Apparently, and
perhaps in reaction to the widespread dissemination of the Shaykh's "Risála," Mullá Hájí Mírzá
Mahmúd tried to recall all copies of his tract and destroyed those he could retrieve (Balyuzi, p. 143).
Mámáqání claimed that his report was the most accurate and reliable (Amanat, p. 389, n. 69), in
comparison with the official chronicles, of Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh, Ridá Qulí
Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí. A detailed comparison of the various accounts has
not yet been effected. Please see Note (31) for more details. Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was,
according to various accounts, one of the mujtahids who wrote a "fatwá" (legal decision) condemning
the Báb of heresy and sentencing him to death (Balyuzi, p. 155); the most prominent of the three leading
mujtahids who wrote that "fatwá" (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 26; Amanat, p. 399); and the first of the
mujtahids to be approached for his "fatwá" by the farrásh-Báshí (head executioner) on the day of the
Báb's execution (ZARANDI, p. 510).
A Prophet in Modern Times 129

under the Presidency of the Valí-'Ahd,33 in the midst of a great number of functionaries.
The Báb entered alone, fresh from the bath and perfumed.

"He held a cane in his hand; upon entering he saluted, but nobody replied to him. He
stopped for an instant, waiting for someone to designate his place, but as nobody
seemed to pay attention to him, he sat at the lower extremity of the assembly and
immersed himself in prayers.

"Suddenly Mámáqání questioned him in these terms: "O Siyyid, writings circulate
among men which are attributed to you. We cannot believe that you are the author
thereof. Are you, yes or no?"

“The Báb replied:34 "These writings contain the words of God, which have come
from my pen."

"I have heard it said that you are the Báb."

"Yes."

"What does this word mean?"

32Hájí Murtadá Qulí Marandi 'Alam al-Huda, called Mullá Murtadá-Qulí by ZARANDI (p. 510) and

‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26); called Mullá Murtidá-Qulíy-i-Marandi by Balyuzi (p. 153); called Shaykh
Murtadá Harandi 'Alam al-Huda by Hájí Muhammad Ibn `Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí,
Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana (p. 196) and (p. 142), and, citing these sources, by Amanat (pp. 285, 388, 399).
He is described as a wealthy mujtahid, and a Shaykhí (Amanat, pp. 285, 388). He is not listed in
ZARANDI (p. 314) or ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) as participating in the trial of the Báb, but ZARANDI
(p. 510) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26) affirm that Hájí Murtadá Qulí issued a "fatwá" condemning the
Báb to death. ZARANDI (p. 510) indicates that Hájí Murtadá Qulí refused to meet the Báb face to face,
and issued his "fatwá" sight unseen. Balyuzi (p. 155) and Amanat (p. 399) mention this mujtahid as
issuing a "fatwá" without going into other details. However, Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-
Taváríkh (volume III, p. 304) omits 'Alam al-Huda and names Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí in his place, which is
highly unlikely, considering that this cleric was, according to ZARANDI (p. 509), Balyuzi (p. 156, cited
without name) and Amanat (p. 401), the stepfather of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí, surnamed "Anís" who
chose to die alongside the Báb. While Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí was a mujtahid (Amanat, p. 401), and therefore
qualified to participate as a jurist in this trial, it seems very improbable that he would have rendered
judgment in a matter related so intimately to a member of his own household.

33As indicated in note (24), ZARANDI (pp. 314-315) reports that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd

attended the examination of the Báb. However, he states that the chair reserved for the Valí-'Ahd was
the only seat left unoccupied when the Báb entered the chamber, and that he took that seat without
hesitation. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) does not indicate that the Valí-'Ahd attended this gathering.
ZARANDI (p. 315) states that the Presidency of this convocation belonged to the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' and
this affirmation is found also in Balyuzi (p. 143) and Amanat (p. 389). However, in another reference to
this event, ZARANDI (p. 510) states that the Valí-'Ahd presided over the trial of the Báb. Perhaps there
were two meetings, and the Valí-'Ahd presided over the one and not over the other. It is possible that
information will surface that will settle the issue.

34Nicolas notes: "The Báb replies by asking a question and this question cites none other than the hadíth

upon which is based all of Shí'í Islám."
A Prophet in Modern Times 130

"How have you hitherto understood this illustrious expression: 'I am the City of
knowledge and 'Alí is the Door?'35

"Then the Báb plunged into an explanation of the subject in which he spoke of
the eye, of the ear, of the mouth and of the nose.

"Then Hájí Mullá Mahmúd interrupted him in these terms: "Why do you say the eye,
the ear, when we have two eyes and two ears?"

"O My soul, the meaning is a 'hearing'."

"The Báb had two purposes in pronouncing this word 'hearing'. First he reminded Hájí
Mullá Mahmúd of the terms of the contract, decided upon moreover in his absence, and
according to which Mámáqání alone was to take charge of the interrogation; and the
second meaning of these words was this: "Open the ear of your heart and understand
God."

"Mámáqání then said to him, in a bantering tone: "Who thus wished you a good night
by giving you this name of 'Báb'?"

"I am He Whom you have awaited a thousand years."

"We await the 'Qá'im' of the family of Muhammad of whom the name is Muhammad
son of Hasan."

"It is I."

"By what can we recognize you?"

"By my verses."

"Amír Arslan Khán,36 the maternal uncle of the Valí-‘Ahd then said to him: "Then
descend verses on the subject of your cane."

"The Báb complied.37
35For a detailed note on this tradition, please see Note (86) in Chapter Two.

36Amír Arslan Khán, the maternal uncle of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, is not mentioned elsewhere in these

various chronicles and histories. According to MSBR (pp. 249, 253; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 65),
among the participants listed for this trial were Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, his uncle, his chief steward, and a
number of other officials and courtiers. Apparently Amír Arslan Khán is the maternal uncle of the Valí-
'Ahd here mentioned.

37Nicolas cites `Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín on this detail: "According to
'Mutanabbi'ín' here is the verse pronounced by the Báb: 'Glory to God, Who created the cane, which is
a sign among the signs.'" If this is the verse revealed by the Báb, which seems nonsensical given the
prolific nature of the Báb's versifying, then the response of the assembled, to the effect that they could
not understand his verses, seems most unlikely. This subject of the cane may have been confused with
another subject during the trial, inasmuch as Amanat (p. 390) indicated that Mullá Muhammad
Mámáqání challenged the Báb to turn a walking stick into a serpent, a replica of the Mosaic miracle
(Exodus IV:2-4; Qur'án VII:117), to which the Báb replied that his proofs were his verses. ZARANDI
A Prophet in Modern Times 131

"They then protested, saying to him: "We do not understand your verses."

"[He replied:] "From where have you understood that the Qur'án is the
testimony of God? That which you attest on the subject of the sacred Book, you
must say it again in this case."

"Amír Arslan Khán then said, laughing, "I also can make verses" and began to ramble.

"The Valí-'Ahd, entering the arena in his turn, said to him, throwing him a ball which
he held in his hand: "Do you know astronomy? Explain to us the qualities of this ball."

"I do not know astronomy."38

"Someone asked: "What do you believe on the subject of prayer, when one is in doubt
whether one has said it two or three times?"

"The Báb replied.

"Then someone asked him: "Qala, what form is this of the Arabic verb?"

"The Báb, recognizing the derision of his adversaries, arose and left the
assembly."39

(pp. 317) reports that Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' requested verses from the Báb on an
entirely different subject:

"'Describe orally, if you speak the truth,' the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' requested, 'the proceedings of
this gathering in language that will resemble the phraseology of the verses of the Qur'án so that
the Valí-'Ahd and the assembled divines may bear witness to the truth of your claim.'"

ZARANDI (pp. 317-318) indicates that the Báb had hardly begun his invocation when Mullá
Muhammad Mámáqání interrupted him, criticizing his grammar. Amanat (p. 390) repeats this,
apparently citing the official record. According to Nicolas, the Báb, in response to his audience
protesting its inability to understand his verses, compares his verses to those of the Qur'án, while
ZARANDI (pp. 318-319) indicates that the Báb made the same claim in response to Mullá Muhammad
Mámáqání's criticism of his Arabic grammar. Amanat (p. 390) states that, according to the official
report, the Báb was asked many questions, to which he replied either with silence, with a declaration of
his ignorance of earthly things, or in a reiteration of his claims.

38Nicolas reports one question, asked by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá , related to the properties of a ball, to which

the Báb is alleged to have replied that he was not learned in astronomy. Inasmuch as Nicolas is citing a
Bábí source, it seems that at least some of the Bábís regarded the Báb's knowledge as divinely inspired,
and his perfections as divinely endowed, and did not expect that their Prophet would be infallible in
human knowledge or in other human attainments. Nicolas later wrote an article translating and seeking
to unravel what he alleged were the views of the Báb on astronomy, published as "Le Báb astronome"
("Revue de l'Histoire des Religions," no. 114, 1936, pp. 99-101). In view of the Báb's preoccupation with
other-worldly subjects and aims, and his marked tendency towards allegorical interpretations of the
references to physical phenomena found in Scripture, it is possible that any verses of the Báb which
describe astronomical phenomena are meant to be understood metaphorically rather than literally.

39Nicolas writes with regard to this description of the Tabríz trial of the Báb: "All this is told according to

the Muslim authors. I do not believe for a second that the Báb could have had such a ridiculous attitude
A Prophet in Modern Times 132

These accursed ones decided that he must be beaten. The Valí-'Ahd ordered his farrashes40 to
execute this sentence, but they refused, alleging that they feared for their eternal salvation in
case they should permit themselves such forgetfulness of the respect due a descendant of
Muhammad.41 Shaykh al-Islám42 then intervened, and ordained that a Siyyid beat him and this
one obeyed.

This done, he was sent to Máh-Kú.43

Every place through which he passed, in spite of or perhaps because of the furious hatred of the
Mulláhá, he made numerous proselytes.44 The terrain had been well prepared by his

in any of these assemblies." The authors to which Nicolas is alluding here are ‘Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-
Saltanih, Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín, and Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí, as cited
in in note (26). The assemblies which he mentions are the examinations of the Báb in Isfáhán — please
see Notes (87) and (88) for Chapter Three — and Tabríz. As to the trial in Tabríz, Nicolas here reports
that immediately following another question on a grammatical point, the Báb rose and left this assembly.
ZARANDI (p. 319) states that following that question, the Báb recited a Qur'anic verse and then stood
up and exited the gathering. Balyuzi (pp. 144-145) cites ZARANDI regarding the break-up of the
meeting, and neither he nor Amanat provide alternative accounts of its conclusion. Given the diversity
of the sources, it appears that the details of this trial have not yet been fully sorted out by historians.

40In this detail, Nicolas' account agrees with ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 14-15) and with ZARANDI (p. 320).

Amanat (p. 391) explains that farráshes are servants in charge of punitive duties, in this case in the
employment of the Governor of Tabríz, Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd.

41Nicolas alleges that the farráshes were motivated by fear of divine displeasure should they deign to

show such grave disrespect to a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad and the holy Imáms. ZARANDI
(p. 320) simply states that the Governor's body-guards did not want to interfere in a matter which they
considered to be the concern of the 'ulamá'. Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí
(volume X, p. 428) and MU’IN (p. 212, citing HASHTRUDI) state that the farráshes refused to inflict
this punishment because of their great sympathy for the Báb.

42Nicolas indicates that the Shaykhu'l-Islám ordered a Siyyid to inflict the bastinado, whereas
ZARANDI (p. 320) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 15) state that the Shaykhu'l-Islám, himself a Siyyid,
inflicted the bastinado. Amanat (p. 391, n. 79), without citing his source, indicates that the Shaykhu'l-
Islám ordered a clerical aide, Mullá Sádiq, known as Shimr (the name of the killer of the Imám Husayn)
to administer twenty lashes to the Báb's feet. It is evident that ZARANDI (pp. 320-321) was entirely
convinced that Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám personally administered this punishment, as he
indicated that in the same year (1848), this individual was struck with paralysis and died a miserable
death. Furthermore, he affirms that after his death the functions of the Shaykhu'l-Islám were abolished
in Tabríz due to his infamy and the bad name he had given to this institution.

43After forty days in Tabríz (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12), the Báb left for Máh-Kú, arriving either in early

July 1847 (Amanat, p. 374) or later in the summer of that year (MacEoin, p. 82). He remained in Máh-
Kú for nine months according to KAF (p. 129; cited Amanat, p. 374, n. 9), and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12;
cited in Balyuzi, p. 132). ZARANDI (p. 249) indicates that the Báb left Máh-Kú for Chihríq on the
twentieth day after Naw-Rúz in the year 1264, and Balyuzi (p. 132) calculates this as 9 April 1848.
MacEoin (p. 82) agrees with this date, while Amanat (p. 380) states that the Báb departed for Chihríq on
4 Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/10 April 1848. If the Báb spent nine months in Máh-Kú, then he must have
arrived nine months before this date, or around 10 July 1847. This seems to confirm Amanat's dating of
the Báb's arrival in Máh-Kú.
A Prophet in Modern Times 133

44Nicolas indicates that the Báb attracted many new believers in the places through which he passed en

route from Tabríz to Máh-Kú. One of the towns through which the Báb probably passed was Khuy,
situated some twenty miles northeast of Chihríq, and the future cite of much Bábí enthusiasm. It was
this enthusiasm and its potential for danger which persuaded the captain of the Báb's escort on this
journey from Chihríq to Tabríz to bypass Khuy and adopt the longer route via Urúmíyyih (ZARANDI,
p. 309), either across Lake Urúmíyyih or around the southern end of that Lake. Inasmuch as Nicolas
does not describe the journey which the Báb took from Chihríq to Tabríz, a few of the incidents which
are reported for that journey are given in this note. Other events associated with the Báb's visit to
Urúmíyyih are found in Note (50). To continue, when the Báb was informed that the overwhelming
majority of the people of Urúmíyyih had spontaneously embraced the Bábí Cause, he remarked,
quoting the Qur'án (XXIX:2) that they would be put to the proof. Soon after, the people of Urúmíyyih
were informed of his punishment by order of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, and only a handful from among
these masses persevered in their faith (ZARANDI, p. 311). One of those who persevered was Mullá Jalíl-
i-Urúmí, appointed by the Báb a Letter of the Living, who later became a follower of Bahá'u'lláh, and
died at the age of eighty years after having served the Bábí and Bahá'í Cause with earnestness and
unflinching determination (ZARANDI, pp. 311-312). Accounts of the Báb's prodigies were soon
transmitted by eye-witnesses and spread through word of mouth over the entire country, reaching the
seat of government in Tihrán, and particularly inflaming the populace of Tabríz prior to the Báb's
arrival in that city (ZARANDI, p. 312). ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) stated that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered
the Báb to be brought from Chihríq to Tabríz for trial because of the "ferment and clamor of the
learned doctors in all districts of Persia"; and Balyuzi and Amanat cite other compelling reasons for this
decision, and the reader will discover their testimonies in Chapter Five.

Balyuzi (pp. 138-139) reports that it was during the Báb's visit to Urúmíyyih that Áqá-Bala Big, the
Naqqash-Báshí (Chief Painter) made a portrait of the Báb, which apparently represents the only likeness
rendered of his person. The painter later related the circumstances of this event to Mírzá 'Alí-
Muhammad Varqá, the martyred Bahá'í poet, which were in turn conveyed to Balyuzi by his son, Hand
of the Cause Valíyu'lláh Varqá (Balyuzi, p. 139n). Valíyu'lláh Varqá passed away in 1955 and in that
same year his son, 'Alí Muhammad Varqá, apparently named after his grandfather, was appointed to
succeed his father. The original black and white portrait and one of the two copies of the watercolor
rendered by Áqá Bálá Big from this original portrait were separately conveyed respectively to
Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá in the Holy Land, and both are now on display at the International Bahá'í
Archives in Haifa (Balyuzi, pp. 138-139). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 313) and FAYZI (p. 367) alike report
that Áqá Bálá Bayk Shishavání drew a portrait of the Báb during the ten day period that the Báb was in
Urúmíyyih, which is in the International Bahá'í Archives. Afnan points out that Áqá Bálá was not a Bábí
at the time he made this portrait. However, he subsequently became a Bábí, and later a Bahá'í. A
number of years later, Áqá Bálá made a copy of this portrait, with Bahá'u'lláh's permission, which
somehow came into the possession of Varqá, but disappeared when he was captured and martyred in
Zanján. In a Tablet cited by Abu’l-Qasim Afnan (p. 313) and FAYZI (p. 369), Bahá'u'lláh subsequently
gave Áqá Bálá permission to make another seven copies of the portrait, so that there would be nine
altogether. It is not known whether or not Áqá Bálá made seven copies of the portrait. One copy came
into the possession of Mírzá Mahmúd, who gave it to Mírzá 'Alí Asghar, the son of Mullá Husayn
Dakhí'íl Dárúghíyí, and in 1320 A.H. this portrait was received by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. FADZI also states
(Ibid.) that after Áqá Bálá passed away, two copies of the portrait were found among his papers, but only
one of them was complete. Mírzá 'Alí Ashráf (not to be confused with Mírzá 'Alí Asghar) colored the
complete portrait and for many years the Bahá'ís in Tabríz were accustomed to view that portrait on
Holy Days, until 1937, when the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Tabríz sent this colored portrait to
Shoghi Effendi. Neither Mírzá 'Alí Asghar nor Mírzá 'Alí Ashráf are to be confused with Hájí 'Alí-Askar,
a relative of an official of the Russian consulate who saw another portrait of the Báb (ZARANDI, p.
518) which will be discussed in Note (39) of Chapter Five.

Apparently then, there are at least three copies of this portrait of the Báb, one of them the original, and
two rendered from that original, in the International Bahá'í Archives in Haifa. If Áqá Bálá made seven
copies of the portrait, and if one of those was left incomplete, then there may very well be five complete
A Prophet in Modern Times 134

missionaries,45 and hence in the consciousness of the people one could follow the luminous
traces of his passage.

It is thus that he converted 'Alí Khán,46 Governor of the fortress of Máh-Kú, where he was
imprisoned. This is how tradition reports the story of his conversion:47

portraits, including the copy in the possession of 'Alí-Muhammad Varqá, and one incomplete portrait,
which have yet to be accounted for. Please see Note (39) in Chapter Five for discussion of other portraits
of the Báb, one genuine but missing, and others published but probably counterfeit.

45Amanat (p. 284) states that Mullá Yúsuf Ardabílí, appointed a Letter of the Living by the Báb, was

particularly active as a Bábí missionary, first in Ádhirbáyján, and then in Yazd, Kirmán and Qazvín. He
also reports (p. 285) that Mullá Ahmad 'Abdu’l Maraghíhí was also instrumental in effecting the
conversion of many persons in Ádhirbáyján. However, he does not date these conversions, except to
state, citing ZUHUR (pp. 67-69; cited in Amanat, p. 285, n. 199), that three village preachers and their
congregations converted in Salmás and Kuhnih Shahr during the Báb's imprisonment in Chihríq. It
seems likely that the Báb's personal influence was limited in its impact during the course of his journey to
Máh-Kú.

46'Alí Khán was the warden in charge of the fortress of Máh-Kú and the frontier officer (ZARANDI, p.

244), for this fortress and its neighboring village were very close to the Persian territorial borders, with
the Russian and Ottoman Turkish empires. His mother was a Kurd, and he was held in great esteem by
the people of Máh-Kú and implicitly obeyed (Ibid.). Balyuzi (p. 128) states that 'Alí Khán was a Kurd,
"simple, rough and uncouth." Amanat (p. 374) calls the warden 'Alí Khán Sardár. Steingass (p. 673)
defines "sardár" as "a general, field marshal, officer of rank, king's lieutenant, a chief in any department"
and this appears to be his title rather than his given name. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) does not speak of the
conversion of 'Alí Khán Máh-Kú'í, but does indicate that the warden "paid Him such attention as was
possible, and gave permission [to some persons] to converse with Him" and he is reputed by this source
to have acted in this manner "because of his excessive love for the family of the Prophet". By this it is
meant that 'Alí Khán was reverent and respectful towards the Báb because he was a Siyyid, a
descendant of the family of the Prophet-Founder of Islám. ZARANDI (p. 245) reports that, during the
first two weeks of his residence in Máh-Kú, the only persons who were allowed into the presence of the
Báb were Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, and that 'Alí Khán was
adamant in preventing other Bábí visitors from visiting his prisoner. The same source (pp. 246-248)
indicates that 'Alí Khán had a vision of the Báb, and that this vision brought about his conversion to the
Bábí Cause. Thereafter, according to ZARANDI, 'Alí Khán did his utmost to alleviate the discomfort of
the Báb's imprisonment, permitting his followers to visit him during daylight hours. 'Alí Khán later had
a dream which further confirmed him in his devotion to the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 255-257). Balyuzi (pp.
128-131) reports this transformation of 'Alí Khán, citing ZARANDI.

47Nicolas relates a story which is not found in ZARANDI or ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, at least in this form.

ZARANDI (p. 309) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) alike report that during the Báb's journey from
Chihríq to Tabríz to be examined by the 'ulamá' of that latter city, he passed through the city of
Urúmíyyih, whose Governor, Qasím Mírzá showed Him "extraordinary deference" (‘ABDU’L-BA, p.
14) and "the warmest hospitality" (ZARANDI, p. 309). In connection with this visit to Urúmíyyih,
ZARANDI (pp. 309-311) reports an incident which is virtually identical with that described here by
Nicolas. According to ZARANDI, on his way to the public bath, the Governor provided the Báb with a
steed which had overpowered the most skillful of equestrians, in the public square and in plain view of
the populace, and the Báb calmly mounted and rode this stallion. He took his bath, and then once more
mounted and rode the horse to the Governor's residence. The people who had witnessed this prodigy,
and there were apparently hundreds or even thousands, rushed in to obtain a share of the bathing water
used by the Báb, believing that given his apparently miraculous powers, it would invariably have a
beneficial influence upon them. As a result of this incident, the overwhelming majority of the people of
Urúmíyyih spontaneously embraced the Bábí Cause. This appears to be the event which Nicolas has
A Prophet in Modern Times 135

'Alí Khán Máh-Kúí, like everyone, had heard people speak of the Reformer. Like all Persians,
curious regarding religious questions, he sought to inform himself, received some reports and
must have recognized that, at least in his thundering against the abuses, the reigning vice and
the rottenness of the century, the Báb was absolutely right. What he learned of his doctrines
perplexed him much; the Reformer might speak the truth, but upon so moveable a terrain,
truth clings so closely to falsehood that very little suffices to make a man stray. The least
deviation from the path can conduct you to the abyss, and the Qur'án warns the faithful that
Satan is clever and that he knows how to give false things the appearance of Truth.

He was at this point in his reflections when he received the official notice announcing that he
was soon to become the jailer of the Báb. From then on he knew no rest B his conscience was
anxious about this stain which was to be imposed upon him. What if the Báb was a true
Prophet? But, on the other hand, if he were to disobey the orders which he had received? And if
the illustrious captive was nothing but a vulgar charlatan? He could not find an exit from this
dilemma and as much as he saw that eternal damnation might await him, the fury of the
government seemed more menacing. Finally, convinced that he had reflected deeply and
looked upon the problem from all angles, he did not come to the same solution as his fellow
citizens in such an embarrassing situation; he left the matter to God, trusting that He would
illumine the way. He would attempt a test of the Báb when he would arrive, and it was for God
to turn this to [his] glory or towards confusion of this one who claimed to have been sent by
Him.48

The fortress of Máh-Kú is perched upon the summit of a mountain very difficult to access, and
the village of the same name is found at the foot of the mountain.

ascribed to Máh-Kú and in relation to 'Alí Khán. The location of this event may be confirmed by the
following report of Rev. Austin H. Wright (published in German translation as "Báb und seine Secte in
Persien," in "Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft," Leipzig:1851, pp. 384-385; cited
in English by E.G. Browne in "A Traveller's Narrative," p. 200; reprinted in Moojan Momen, "The
Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944," Oxford:1981, p. 73); and in Amanat (p. 386, n. 56):

"On the way to Urumiyih, where the Governor treated him with special consideration and
many people received permission to visit him. On one occasion, a crowd were with him, and as
the Governor afterwards remarked, they were all mysteriously moved and burst into tears."

It is obvious that, had the conversion of 'Alí Khán been effected in the manner alleged by Nicolas, the
Báb's followers would have had no difficulty, at the outset of his imprisonment at Máh-Kú, with
obtaining the warden's permission to visit their Master. It seems unlikely that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí,
one of the two companions of the Báb at this time, would have reported to ZARANDI (p. 245) that for
two weeks all Bábí visitors were prevented from meeting the Báb unless this were the case. And while the
Báb could have effected the conversion of 'Alí Khán in the manner alleged some time after his arrival in
Máh-Kú, the story is much more plausible if it represents the arrival of the Báb from a journey. The Báb
was a fervent advocate for cleanliness and practiced it himself with great consistency, and hence he
would have been determined to bathe after traveling a considerable distance and over dusty roads, and
prior to taking up his residence in a new location.

48This manner of ascertaining the truth of the Báb's claims was assumed by at least one Bábí of
prominence, namely Siyyid Yahya Darabí (Vahíd). Please see Note (57) in Chapter Three for more
details on this Bábí. The story of his conversion is related in ZARANDI (pp. 174-176).
A Prophet in Modern Times 136

When the Báb arrived with this escort, the first thing he asked for, after the usual salutations,
was permission to go to the baths. He wished in this way to relax from the fatigue of the voyage
and thereby also to accomplish one of the obligations of his doctrine.49 This makes the purity of
the body and of the vestments one of the essential virtues of the true believer.

'Alí Khán complied with his desire and sent him to the village below the mountain. This
circumstance inspired in him the idea of attempting a decisive test which would definitively
indicate for him the value of the personage who had been confided to his guardianship. He
possessed in his stables a young horse, vicious, restive, hopelessly skittish. Never had anybody
been able to mount him, and only with impatience had he tolerated the presence of the man
charged with his feeding.

'Alí Khán resolved to send this horse to the Báb. "Thus," he told himself, "if my prisoner is able
to hold himself in the saddle, which nobody has been able to do, then God has wished to show
me by this sign that he is truly everything he says he is. If, on the contrary, as it certainly will
come to pass, that the horse unseats and kills his rider, then he is but a false prophet, and I will
have thus relieved Persia and the Government of a dangerous charlatan at the same time as I
will be delivered of a costly and annoying guest."

Every effort in the world was made to saddle the animal. Several grooms were obligated to take
a hand, and some of them received powerful kicks, so restive was the beast. Finally they
succeeded in bringing it to the door of the bath. 'Alí Khán ascended the wall of the fortress to
observe what was going to happen. The villagers seeing this horse, celebrated in the
neighborhood, saddled and held with great difficulty by several men, understood the intention
of the Governor and gathered at this place to watch the events which could not fail to produce
an effect, either one way or the other.

When the Báb came out of the bath the chief of the servants told him that the Governor, that
he might avoid having to clamber up the difficult path, had sent him his own horse, along with
several grooms to honour him.

The Báb approached the horse which stopped, trembling, caressed it with his hand and his
words and the compliant beast docilely allowed itself to be mounted. It is even said that the
restraint which it exercised upon itself was so powerful that an abundant sweat flowed from all
of its members. The Prophet asked those who held the horse to let go of the reins, and very
slowly and without incident he proceeded to climb the incline.

49In "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb set forth his teachings pertaining to bathing, cleanliness and purification. In

váhid VI: báb 2, the Báb approved of bathing, and called for baths to be placed in every dwelling.
Therein he also praised Christians (Europeans) for their high standards of cleanliness. In váhid VIII: báb
6, he set forth his own standards and procedures for cleanliness. In váhid V: báb 14 all previous religious
injunctions with regard to ritual purity are abrogated, and in váhid VI: báb 2 he states that purification
is to be effected by means of water, that is, through bathing and ablutions. In váhid X: báb 10 he
indicates that physical cleanliness in his Dispensation is most pleasing to God, while in váhid IX: bab 10
he indicates that spiritual purification is effected not through any ritual or act of physical cleanliness but
through the knowledge and remembrance of God. Hence, in his religion, cleanliness is not just close to
godliness — it is an integral aspect of godliness, that is, of earning the good-pleasure of God.
A Prophet in Modern Times 137

The villagers who were witnesses to this prodigy hurried to the bath and collected the water
thereof in basins; those who came late took cloths with which they wiped the humidity that was
left over — they are still relics.50

'Alí Khán51 placed himself in front of the Báb, prostating before him, and professed faith in
him.

The Báb consented thus to remain at Máh-Kú where he lived for nine months in relative
freedom, meeting with those who came to see him,52 receiving and sending forth a numerous
correspondence, writing much.53

50In many cultures, including that of the Kurds of Ádhirbáyján and the other inhabitants of Persia, the

physical objects associated with persons who are believed to be extraordinary or superhuman are
believed by the generality of the people to be invested with a peculiar and contagious power, which may
effect cures, extend life and health, improve fertility, and generally make life easier to endure. This
variety of magic can be witnessed in contemporary cultures, where it is associated with selected political
leaders, celebrity entertainers, and athletic stars. It is often called "charisma" and, in the U.S.A. this
wondrous power is often denominated "sex appeal." Nicolas reports this matter in such language that
one gathers that either he himself or one or more of his informants have actually verified that the Kurds
of Máh-Kú preserve relics associated with the miraculous powers of the Báb. Of course, if such relics are
independently reported or actually found in Máh-Kú rather than in Urúmíyyih, this would be positive
evidence in support of Nicolas' version of this story. It should be noted that ZARANDI's placement of
this event in Urúmíyyih was described as taking place in 1848, and in Chapter XVIII of his history (as
translated by Shoghi Effendi). ZARANDI's history is a chronological account according to his own
testimony: "Yet is my hope to recount, in their chronological order, the chief evetns that have happened
since the year '60, the year that witnessed the declaration of the Faith by the Báb" ("The Dawn-
breakers," Preface, p. lxiii). In Chapter XXI, in which ZARANDI describes events in the years 1849 and
1850, we find his assertion that "at this stage of my narrative I was privileged to submit to Bahá'u'lláh
such sections of my works as I had already revised and completed — He vouchsafed me His blessings."
(ibid. p. 459) It seems likely then that Bahá'u'lláh was read or himself perused ZARANDI's account of
the story, and that he approved of it. As Bahá'u'lláh was undoubtedly well informed concerning the
events of this period, the fact that he approved of ZARANDI's account lends further credibility to
ZARANDI's placement of this event in Urúmíyyih.

51Nicolas writes of 'Alí Khán: "Mírzá Jání does not speak of this conversion, the account of which I owe

to the oral tradition." Nicolas is referring of course to KAF, which he believed to be authored by Mírzá
Jání Kashání. The oral tradition from this story is derived was probably conveyed to Nicolas by one or
more of the Azalí Bábí or Bahá'í informants whom Nicolas lists in his bibliography. Nicolas does not
indicate here to which informant he owes this particular story. This is unfortunate, inasmuch as Mírzá
Yahya Subh-i-Azal has elsewhere shown himself to be an unreliable chronicler of historical events
pertaining to the Báb and his fellow Bábís, and if this story is derived from him alone, we would be
advised to treat it with extreme caution. On the other hand, if it was derived from a more reliable
informant, it should be treated with greater weight. In any event, this story is not found in JADID,
‘ABDU’L-BAHA, ZARANDI, or indeed in any of the manuscript histories of the Bábí movement. Note
(49) cites ZARANDI's account of 'Alí Khán's recognition of the Báb's superhuman station, by means of a
miracle of a different kind, a vision later confirmed by a dream.

52Nicolas states in a note: "The author of the "Mutanabbi'ín" [`Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb

al-Mutanabbi'ín] writes: "The Bábís from all the parts of the earth went to Ádhirbáyján, on pilgrimage to
their chief." ZARANDI (pp. 245, 248) indicates that an unspecified number of Bábís visited the Báb at
Máh-Kú, and that their numbers increased during his imprisonment (p. 258). JADID (p. 238) described
these visitors as "great multitudes" (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 248, n. 1). One of these visitors was
Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, who arrived on the fourth Naw-Rúz after the declaration of the Báb, 13 Rabí
al-Thání 1264 (ZARANDI, pp. 255-256) and departed on the ninth day after Naw-Rúz (ibid. p. 260),
A Prophet in Modern Times 138

The Báb54 himself tells us how his life passed in the prison in which he was held captive. His
lamentations, so frequent in the "Bayán",55 must, I think, be due to the tightening of discipline

just eleven days before the Báb left Máh-Kú for Chihríq (ibid. pp. 259-260). Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was
instructed by the Báb to visit the Bábís resident in Khuy, Urúmíyyih, Marághih, Mílán, Tabríz, Zanján,
Qazvín and Tihrán on his way to Mázindarán (ZARANDI, p. 160). Please see Note (48) for the
significance of this missionary journey.

53The continuation of this Chapter Two is found in Chapter VII of the original book by Nicolas.

54While at Máh-Kú, the Báb wrote a great number of works. To begin with, a brief description of the

books he penned during this period of nine months:

1] "Dalá'il al-sab'a" (Seven Proofs) in Arabic, of which three manuscripts are extant (MacEoin,
pp. 87-88, 185), and which has been lithographed (MacEoin, pp. 185, 254).

2] "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs) in Persian, of which there are at least thirteen surviving
manuscripts (MacEoin, p. 85), which has been lithographed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 33; p. 285),
printed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 34), twice translated into French (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 35), was
written in Máh-Kú, as attested by the Báb himself ("Dalá'il-i-sab'ih," p. 67 of lithographed
edition; cited in MacEoin, p. 86, n. 43), and confirmed by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p.
26), Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal (letter to E.G. Browne, 1 October 1889; cited in MacEoin, p. 85,
n. 37), Balyuzi (p. 132) and MacEoin (p. 86). Nicolas called this Book "the most important of the
polemical works from the pen of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad" (translation from Nicolas, "Le Livre
des Sept Preuves de la Mission du Báb," preface, p. i); and Shoghi Effendi described it as "the
most important of the polemical works of the Báb" ("God Passes By," p. 26). Balyuzi refers to
this Book (p. 132), as does Amanat (pp. 161, 193, 199, 375, 384).

3] Nine commentaries on the entirety of the Qur'án are reported by Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, a
Bábí convert from the Shaykhí school (ZARANDI, pp. 25-31), who testified that he was
engaged in transcribing the verses which the Báb dictated to his amanuensis every night for a
period of nine months. He claims that the Báb revealed a commentary on one "juz'" (thirtieth
part of the Qur'án) every night, and that, at the end of nine months, nine commentaries on the
whole of the Qur'án had been completed (ZARANDI, p. 31). According to Shaykh Hasan-i-
Zunúzí (ibid. pp. 31, 307), the texts of these commentaries were to the keeping of Siyyid
Ibráhím-i-Khalíl, in Tabríz. Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí told Nabíl (ZARANDI, p. 31) that Siyyid
Ibráhím-i-Khalíl "was instructed to conceal them until the time for their publication might
arrive. Their fate is unknown until now." As to the content of these commentaries, Shaykh
H@asan-i-Zunúzí related the following conversation with the Báb to Nabíl (ZARANDI, p. 31):

"In connection with one of these commentaries, the Báb one day asked me: 'Which do you
prefer, this commentary which I have revealed, or the Ahsanu'l-Qisas, My previous
commentary on the Súrih of Joseph? Which of the two is superior, in your estimation?' 'To me,'
I replied, 'the Ahsanu'l-Qisas seems to be endowed with greater power and charm.' He smiled at
my observation and said: 'You are as yet unfamiliar with the tone and tenor of this later
commentary. The truths enshrined in this will more speedily and effectively enable the seeker to
attain the object of his quest.'"

According to Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, the Báb's amanuensis at Máh-Kú, Siyyid Hasan-i-Zunúzí was
engaged in serving as an intermediary between the followers of the Báb who made the journey to Máh-
Kú and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, who in turn submitted their petitions to the Báb and returned
with his responses (ZARANDI, p. 245). Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí stated that, for the first two weeks of the
Báb's residence at Máh-Kú, the only followers of the Báb who were admitted to his presence, by order of
A Prophet in Modern Times 139

'Alí Khán, were Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, and his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí (Ibid.). After the
miraculous conversion of 'Alí Khán (ZARANDI, pp. 246-247), Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, who had been
barred from the Báb's presence and who was residing in a "masjid" (mosque) on the outskirts of Máh-Kú
(ZARANDI, pp. 245, 247) was escorted by 'Alí Khán himself into the presence of the Báb. It was
apparently from this point on, until the departure of the Báb from Máh-Kú, that Shaykh Hasan-i-
Zunúzí was occupied with transcribing the nine commentaries on the Qur'án revealed by the Báb.
MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that the Báb may be referring to these commentaries when he writes, in
"Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid III: báb 16):

"Thus has the Point of the Bayán [i.e., himself] written three commentaries on the Qur'án."
(MacEoin, p. 88, n. 51)
Browne refers to this verse as follows:

"The Nuqta-i-Bayán has written three Commentaries on the Qur'án; two in the style of verses
(áyát) throughout, one Commentary on the Súratu'l-Báqara in the form of a scientific treatise."
("A Summary of the Persian Bayán," in "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," p. 348)

Nicolas has translated this verse as follows:

C'est ainsi que le point du Béyân a écrit trois commentaires du Qoran, dont deux sont en versets
jusqu'à la fin et un commentaire sur la sourate de la Vache [Súrat al-báqara] sous forme de
matières scientifiques." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome II:1913, p. 67)

This verse can be rendered in this fashion:

"It is thus that the Point of the Bayán has written three commentaries on the Qur'án, of which
two are in verses [from beginning] to end and [the third] a commentary upon the Súrah of the
Cow [Súrat al-báqara] in the form of a scientific treatise."

It should be noted that, prior to his arrival in Máh-Kú, it is likely that the Báb had already revealed
commentaries on "Súrat al-báqara" (MacEoin, pp. 201); on "Súrat Yúsuf," also called "Qayyúmu'l-
Asmá'" (MacEoin, pp. 195-196); on "Súrat al-kawthar" (MacEoin, pp. 71, 201-202); on "Súrat al-qadr"
(MacEoin, pp. 72, 202); on "Súrat al-'asr" (MacEoin, pp. 76, 202); and on "Súrat al-tawhid" (MacEoin,
pp. 72, 202). Moojan Momen, in an editorial note related to this verse, has expressed the view that the
Báb is here referring to the commentaries he had written prior to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú
(SWEGB, p. 348, n. 1). MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that this verse may refer to three commentaries
which had been written by the Báb at Máh-Kú at the time of his revealing váhid III of "Bayán-i-fársí".
Inasmuch as Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí" said that the Báb revealed a commentary on one "juz'" of the
Qur'án every night of his captivity (ZARANDI, p. 31), we may calculate, based on the number of verses
in the "juz'" (approximately 206 verses, one thirtieth of 6236 verses, the length of the "Qur'án" as
attested by MacEoin, p. 15, n. 28) that during the first night the subject of his commentary was "Súrat
al-fatihah", "Súrat al-báqara" and the beginning of "Súrat al-'imrán"; that during the second night he
continued with "Súrat al-'imrán"; and that during the third night he completed "Súrat al-'imrán" and
began "Súrat al-nisa." Hence, after the passage of three nights, the Báb would have completed
commentaries on three chapters of the Qur'án, namely, "Súrat al-fatihah," "Súrat al-báqara" and "Súrat
al-'imrán." There is clear agreement between this reasoning and the verse cited from "Bayán-i-fársí"
(váhid III: báb 16), and it seems likely to the present author that this was Báb's meaning. In any case,
prior to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú, the Báb had written at least six commentaries on chapters of the
Qur'án, rather than three, as referred to in this verse. It therefore seems that Momen's explanation is less
likely.

4] "Bayán-i-fársí" was revealed at Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 248; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes
By," pp. 24-25; MacEoin, pp. 84, 85, 88). Balyuzi (p. 132) indicates only that "Bayán-i-fársí" was
begun at Máh-Kú, while Amanat (p. 374) states that the Báb compiled parts of "Bayán-i-fársí"
A Prophet in Modern Times 140

at Máh-Kú. There are at least forty-nine extant manuscript copies of this work (MacEoin, pp.
84, 181-184). It has been lithographed (MacEoin, p. 183, n. 23; p. 254), with the title "Bayán-i-
fársí" and the title page of this version reads: Inna 'l-Bayán mi zan min 'inda'lláh ila yawmi man
yuzhiruhu'lláh. Man ittaba'ahu nur wa man yanharifu 'anhu nar" (n.p., n.d.). Copies of this
lithographed exemplar are to be found in many research libraries, and on the web
(http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/Báb/A-F/Bayánf/Bayánf.htm). A manuscript
copy of this Book is extant in the hand of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, to
whom it was apparently dictated (Bahá'u'lláh, "Lawh-i-Shaykh," p. 128; cited in MacEoin, p.
84, n. 29), now in the International Bahá'í Archives (Balyuzi, p. 132; MacEoin, p. 182). Nabíl-i-
Zarandí transcribed a copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" which is also extant (MacEoin, p. 182, n. 12). In
his "Táríkh-i-Nabíl" (ZARANDI, p. 248), he called this Book "the most weighty, the most
illuminating and comprehensive of all His works". Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 24-25)
called this work "that monumental repository of the laws and precepts of the new Dispensation
and the treasury enshrining most of the Báb's references and tributes to, as well as His warning
regarding, 'Him Whom God will make manifest'...peerless among the doctrinal works of the
Founder of the Bábí Dispensation". MacEoin (p. 83) identifies it as "the most important work of
this period — indeed, the central book of the entire Bábí canon". "Bayán-i-fársí" is composed of
a preface (Nicolas, "Le Béyân Persan," tome I:1911, pp. 1-16) or exordium (SWEGB, p. 322),
eight chapters individually called "váhid," each composed of nineteen sub-divisions individually
called "báb," and of a ninth "váhid" composed of ten "abwáb" (plural of "báb"). As has been
described above, MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that in váhid III: báb 16, the Báb refers to
three Qur'anic commentaries, and MacEoin suggests that as the Báb had completed this
number of commentaries when the third váhid of "Bayán-i-fársí" was being completed, this may
indicate that the Báb wrote a váhid of "Bayán-i-fársí" every month that he was imprisoned at
Máh-Kú. This might explain why the Báb revealed nine váhids instead of nineteen, inasmuch as
he was in Máh-Kú for nine months. Indeed, the last month spent in Máh-Kú was short, and
while all other váhids were composed of nineteen abwáb, the ninth váhid was composed only of
ten abwáb. Nineteen was an important number for the Báb, rich with spiritual significances,
whereas nine and ten do not seem to have been accorded a particularly outstanding role in his
writings. Hence, MacEoin's hypothesis seems to fit what we know about the Báb's sojourn in
Máh-Kú, although there is no conclusive evidence to support this hypothesis. Nicolas translated
the entirety of "Bayán-i-fársí" into French, and this was published, with an Introduction and
footnotes as "Le Béyân persan" (Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911-1914). Selections from
"Bayán-i-fársí" were translated into English by 1)E.G. Browne and are found in many of his
articles and books on the Bábí religion; 2)Shoghi Effendi and are found in a number of his
letters published under Bahá'í auspices; 3)Habib Taherzadeh and a committee appointed by the
Universal House of Justice, and entitled "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (first edition
published 1976, reprinted 1978; corrected lightweight ed. (with index), 1982, in Israel: Bahá'í
World Centre, vii, 235 pp.). A German translation of this last-named collection was published as
"Der Báb: Eine Auswahl aus Seinen Schriften," 1991, Hofheim-Langenhain, Bahá'í-Verlag ed.).
The original Arabic and Persian texts used in making this third listed translation under Bahá’í
auspices were published as "Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Úlá" (Tehran:
Bahá'í Publishing Committee, 134 B.E./1977-78). Passages in Persian from "Bayán-i-fársí" were
collected and annotated by Muhammad 'Abdu'l-Karím Isfáhání Na'ím, as "Natijat al-Bayán"
(Tihrán: Bahá'í Publishing Committee, 105 B.E./1947-48). Also published, under Bahá'í
auspices and in English was "A Compilation of Passages from the Writings of the Báb" (Manila,
Philippines:Bahá'í Publishing Trust of the Philippines, 1980; New Delhi: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust, 1980). A summary of "Bayán-i-fársí" in English was begun by E.G. Browne and
completed by Moojan Momen, published as 'A Summary of the Persian Bayán', in "Selections
from the Writings of E. G. Browne on the Bábí and Bahá'í Religions" (George Ronald
Publisher, 1987, pp. 316-406).

5] "Bayán al-'arabíyya" was written in Máh-Kú (MacEoin, p. 85), at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 152),
or at some time during these two imprisonments (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 25). This
A Prophet in Modern Times 141

Book is composed of a preface (Nicolas, "Le Béyân Arabe," pp. 103-107), and of eleven chapters
each called "váhid" and each of these chapters in comprised of nineteen sub-divisions
individually called "báb". If one applies the same method of calculation used by MacEoin with
regard to "Bayán-i-fársí" one would be tempted to suggest that the Báb composed "Bayán-i-
'arabíyya" during an eleven month period. However, the Báb spent nine months at Máh-Kú,
and about two years at Chihríq, so there is no eleven-month period which would explain the
length of this work, unless it was begun in Máh-Kú and completed in Chihríq. MacEoin (p. 85)
describes "Bayán al-'arabíyya": "In spite of its brevity and frequent obscurity, this little book
does provide us with the most succinct exposition of the laws and doctrines of the Báb in their
final development." There are at least fifteen manuscripts of "Bayán al-'arabíyya," including an
incomplete copy allegedly in the hand of the Báb (MacEoin, p. 181). This Book has been
lithographed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 33; p. 181, n. 6; p. 254), printed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 34; p.
181, n. 3, 4), and twice translated into French (Comte de Gobineau, "Les religions et les
philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," 1865, appendix; and Nicolas, "Le Béyân arabe. Le livre sacre
du Bábysme",Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1905). The lithographed version was published under Azali
auspices (n.p., n.d.) with "Lawh-i-Haykal al-Dín" and a "Tafsír" on two verses of the "Lawh-i-
Haykal al-Dín"; and the printed version is in 'Abdu'l-Razzaq al-Hasaní, "Al-Bábíyyún wa'l-
Bahá'íyyún fí hadirihim wa madihim" (Sidon: Matba'at al-'Irfán, 1349/1930-31).

6] "Tafsír Du'a al-sabah" (Commentary on the Morning Prayer) was revealed at Máh-Kú at the
request of Áqá Siyyid Abu'l-Hasan, the son of Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí according to Fádil-i-
Mázindaráni (ZUHUR, p. 73; cited in MacEoin, p. 98, n. 100), of which there are two
manuscript copies extant (MacEoin, p. 199).

7] "Lawh-i-Shihab al-Dín Siyyid Mahmúd al-Alusi" (Letter to the Muftí of Baghdád), in which
the Báb claims to be the Mahdí and states that he has abolished Islamic canon law ("sharí'a"), is
found in a collection of letters published by Muhammad Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawla, in
"Táríkh al-Bábíyya wa miftah Báb al-abwáb" (Cairo:1903; Persian translation by Hájí Shaykh
Hasan Faríd Gulpaygání, Tihrán:1968, pp. 212-215; cited in MacEoin, p. 97).

8] "Lawh-i-Muhammad Sháh", "the most detailed and illuminating of his Tablets to
Muhammad Sháh" (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 26) was also written in Máh-Kú (Ibid.;
MacEoin, p. 94). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 460) indicates that the Báb addressed five Tablets to
Muhammad Sháh, one each revealed in Búshihr, Isfáhán, Síyíh Duhn, Máh-Kú and Chihríq.
The "Lawh-i-Muhammad Sháh" revealed in Máh-Kú was written in a mixture of Arabic and
Persian, and this entire Tablet is cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 299-304). A single manuscript
of this letter is preserved in the Bahá'í International Archives (MacEoin, pp. 97, 193), which is
the basis for the Arabic and Persian text published in "Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i
Nuqta-yi Úlá" (Tihrán:1977-1978, pp. 13-18; cited in MacEoin, p. 97, n. 93; pp. 193, 254),
translated into English and published in "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (Haifa:1976,
pp. 11-17). It is this letter that Nicolas has cited later in this Chapter, in large excerpts, which
are translated in Note (64). Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 26) describes the contents of this
Tablet in these words:

"Prefaced by a laudatory reference to the unity of God, to His Apostles and to the twelve
Imáms; unequivocable in its assertion of the divinity of its Author and of the supernatural
powers with which His Revelation had been invested; precise in the verses and traditions it cites
in confirmation of so audacious a claim; severe in its condemnation of some of the officials and
representatives of the Sháh's administration, particularly the 'wicked and accursed' Husayn
Khán; moving in its description of the humiliation and hardships to which its writer had been
subjected, this historic document resembles, in many of its features, the Lawh-i-Sultán, the
Tablet addressed, under similar circumstances, from the prison-fortress of 'Akká by Bahá'u'lláh
to Násiri'd-Dín Sháh, and constituting His lengthiest epistle to any single sovereign."
A Prophet in Modern Times 142

according to orders received from time to time from Tihrán. All the historians, the Bábís as
much as the Muslims, tell us that, despite the severe orders to stop all communications of the
prisoner with the exterior world, the Báb received a crowd of disciples and strangers in his
prison.

Be that as it may — for documents are utterly lacking for this period — the reader will judge
for himself, if he will take a look at the passages of the "Bayán" which I have collected here:56

55The Báb indeed refers to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú in various passages of "Bayán-i-fársí" including

váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 5, báb 7, báb 16; váhid III: báb 17, báb 18, báb 19; váhid IV: báb 12, báb
16; váhid V: báb 13; váhid VI: báb 7, báb 8, báb 15; váhid VII: 15. Please see E.G. Browne's 'A
Summary of the Persian Bayán' ("Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," pp. 316-406 passim.)
and Nicolas' translation of "Bayán-i-fársí" ("Le Béyân Persan," tomes I-IV:1911-1914) for English and
French versions of these verses.

56The collection of passages cited here (and enumerated by Roman numerals in brackets) represent

Nicolas' translations of passages from "Bayán-i-fársí" and as they were published in "Seyyed Ali
Mohammed dit le Báb" in 1905, they predate his publication of "Le Béyân Persan" in four volumes
(1911-1914). Each of the passages will be cited as follows — in the main text, an English rendering of the
text found in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb"; in the endnote, the English version of the
retranslation of this same text. Hopefully this will provide the reader with an improved understanding of
the subtleties involved in translating the Báb's language.

[I] "How ignorant you are, O My creatures, who all, wherever you are, and in relationship to
Me, imagine yourselves being in My good-pleasure; and these verses which prove Me, these
verses from My power, of which the treasure is its very nature and which He recites with My
permission, you have, contrary to any right, relegated Him to a mountain, in a place where the
inhabitants are not worthy of being mentioned. In His presence, which is in My presence, there
is nobody other than one of the Letters of the Living of My book; in His hands, which is in My
hands, during the night, there is not even a lamp! And this notwithstanding that in these seats
(Seats here is used in a general sense and particularly means mosques), which degree by degree,
return to Him, there is an infinite number of lamps from which the light shines. Everything on
the earth is created for Him, and it is from Him that all derive their happiness. And yet all have
remained ignorant of Him, even refusing Him a lamp!" (váhid II: báb 1)
[II] "He has henceforth appeared in the very midst of Islám but all, opposing Him, claim
precisely the title of Muslim, and without any right have relegated Him to the mountain of
Máh-Kú." (váhid II: báb 7)

[III] "Hence this room (in which I am found), which has neither doors nor precise boundaries, is
today the highest of the chambers of Paradise, for the Tree of Truth inhabits it. One would say
that all the atoms of this room sing in a voice that says: 'In truth! I am God! There is no other
God but Me, the Lord of all things.'" (váhid II: báb 16)

[IV] "The fruit of this door [báb] is that: At the moment that the manifestation of Him Whom
God shall become manifest he [the believer] will understand from that very moment that this
was ordained by His works [Writings] as it is for He Himself.
"That at least what has happened today will not happen then, when copies of the Qur'án valued
at a thousand tumans are innumerable among Muslims, while He Who caused it to descend is
imprisoned upon a mountain, in a room the walls of which are made of plain brick. And this
even though, everywhere He was, that place is the 'arsh of God, be it at the highest degree of
grandeur, be it crouching in the dust." (váhid III: báb 19)
A Prophet in Modern Times 143

[I] "Oh! such is your blindness, O My creature! That which you do, you do it thinking
that in doing so you content Me!57 And despite these verses which prove Me for Myself,
these verses which flow from My power and of which the treasure is the very being of
this Person (the Báb), despite these verses which do not leave His mouth without My
permission, see that, without any sort of right, you have put Him on the summit of a
mountain of which the inhabitants are not even worthy to be mentioned. Near Him,
which is near to Me, there is nobody, except for one of the Letters of the Living of My
book. Between His two hands, which are My two hands, there is not even a servant, to
light, at night, the lamp. And yet the men who are on the earth have not been created
except for His existence; it is by His benevolence that they are happy, and they do not
even give Him a light!" [Unity II:Door 1]

[II]"The fruit (of the Islamic religion) is to believe in the manifestation (of the Báb) and
He is imprisoned at Máh-Kú!" [Unity II:Door 7]

57Nicolas asserts: "As strange as this might appear, this passage is not addressed in any way to the Bábís;

on the contrary, it is the Muslims whom our author or rather God here summons to respond. In effect,
as we will see later, in the second volume of this study—see Note (63) — one may also consult the "Book
of the Seven Proofs" ["Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"] on this subject, that every "nation of a prophet" acts only, in its
religious acts, with the intention of satisfying God and of pleasing Him. But, one cannot satisfy God
except in satisfying His Prophet. And the Muslims do not want to recognize in the Báb the Mahdí
promised by Muhammad. This refusal of obedience is unacceptable, for God, having summarily effaced
the teaching of Muhammad, has replaced it with that of the Báb. The Báb is thus the current Prophet,
for Whom the world was created. Thus, a Muslim who acts in order to satisfy God must act in reality in
order to satisfy whom? The Báb." In this note, Nicolas has not explained the teaching of the Báb on this
subject in all of its implications. In his writings the Báb does not merely refer to the abrogation of the law
of the Qur'án by the law of the Bayán. In fact, he refers repeatedly to this phenomenon as it is repeated
in many Dispensations, including the abrogation of the Torah by Jesus, the abrogation of the Gospel by
Muhammad, and, in the future, the abrogation of the Bayán by the Book of "Him Whom God shall
manifest". In particular this latter abrogation is of consequence, inasmuch as the Báb warns his followers
not to miss the appearance of his prophetic successor, and to be especially careful not to harm "Him
Whom God shall manifest" in any way. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 444) indicates that "Him Whom God
shall manifest" is mentioned 300 times in "Bayán-i-fársí" and 80 times in "Bayán al-'arabíyya". Fariba
Ghayebi (email 26/2/02) remarked after having skimmed through "Bayán-i-fársí" that nearly every
váhid contains a warning from the Báb not to miss the appearance of "Him Whom God shall manifest".
A few of these passages, taken from the very same locations already cited by Nicolas, will be given here
to illustrate this vital point.

"The final judgement of the Bayán will take place with the appearance of Him Whom God shall
manifest. Today, in effect, the Bayán is in the station of seed, and, in the beginning of the
appearance of Him Whom God shall manifest, it will be at its ultimate perfection." ("Le Béyân
Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69; váhid II: báb 7)

"This is said so that the believers in the Bayán will understand that they must not do with their
Master [Him Whom God shall manifest] as the believers in the Qur'án have done with theirs
[the Báb]." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome II:1913, p. 73; váhid III; báb 19)

"It is ordained that once every nineteen days, one must read this door [báb] that thereby in the
day of the appearance of Him Whom God shall manifest, they will not remain ignorant of the
verses which were and which remain the greatest of the arguments and of the testimonies [in
support of the Prophet of God]." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913, p. 102; váhid VI: báb 8)
A Prophet in Modern Times 144

[III]"All that belongs to the man of Paradise is in Paradise. This solitary room (in which
I am) and which does not even have a door is today the greatest of the gardens of
Paradise, for the Tree of the Truth is planted therein. All the atoms which compose it
cry: 'In truth, there is no other god but God! In truth, I am God, and there is no other
god but Me the Lord of the Universe!'" [Unity II:Door 16]

[IV]"The fruit of this door [báb] is that men seeing that it is permitted to do all that for
the "Bayán" (spending so much money), which is only the trace of Him Whom God
shall manifest, must pay attention to what they must do for Him Whom God shall
manifest when He will appear, so that it will not happen (to him) what happens (to me)
today. That is to say that there are in the world many [copies of the] Qur'án worth a
thousand tomans, while He Who makes verses descend (the Báb) is put on a mountain,
in a room built of bricks dried in the sun. And furthermore this room is the 'arsh (ninth
heaven,58 dwelling-place of the Divinity) itself." [Unity III:Door 19]

In Unity IX:Door 2 [Bayán-i-fársí], he remarks that they paid him the greatest respect when he
was simply a Siyyid, and that it is from the moment that he manifested himself as sent by God
that they began to overpower him with injuries and insults.59

In Unity VI:Door 8, he again reproaches Muslims for having awaited the Mahdí with
impatience, only to imprison him as soon as he appeared.60

It is furthermore in the same order of ideas that, when sequestered at Máh-Kú, he addressed a
long letter to the Sháh (Muhammad Sháh) which we are going to analyze here.

58The identification of "'arsh" (throne of God) is with "His seat" [kursíyyuhu] found in the Qur'án, Súrat

al-Báqarah, II:255:

wa si'a kursíyyahu al-samawati wa'l-arda
"His throne is as vast as the heavens and the earth."

Nicolas' association of "'arsh" in this passage of "Bayán-i-fársí" with the ninth heaven is of unknown
provenance.

59Nicolas has misattributed this reference, inasmuch as a comparison of E.G. Browne's "A Summary of

the Persian Bayán" (SWEGB, p. 403) and of Nicolas' translation ("Le Béyân Persan," tome IV:1914, pp.
143-145) indicates that "Bayán-i-fársí" does not mention this subject in váhid IX: báb 2. Nor is this
theme found in Nicolas' translation of "Bayán al-'arabíyya" ("Le Béyân Arabe," p. 197) in the same
location (váhid IX: báb 2).

60Checked against Nicolas' translation ("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913), we find that this reference is

embodied in these words:

"As for example (the Muslims), who read every day the prayer of the 'Ahd Namah' (prayer made
by the Imáms specially for the manifestation of the Imám Mahdí) and, by the very fact that they
have too often repeated 'Al-hajal! Al-hajal!' ('Hasten! Hasten' the arrival of the Mahdí), they
have been mistaken in their desires and have believed that they loved the Imám Mahdí. When,
in actuality, over three years have passed since the order of God (the Imám Mahdí) manifested
himself, and here it is that the One Who was your aim you have locked up on a mountain. And
yet, he did not manifest himself except with this very proof, upon which is based all of Islám."
("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913, pp. 102-103; váhid VI: báb 8)
A Prophet in Modern Times 145

The document begins, like almost all the literary documents of the Báb, with an exalted praise
of the Divine Unity. The Báb continues by praising, as is agreeable to him, Muhammad and
the twelve Imáms, who, as we will see in the second volume of this work,61 are the cornerstones
of the "Bayán":62

"And I affirm," he cried, "that all that is in this world of possibilities other than them is
before them nothing but absolute nothingness, and if one can mention it, this all, it is
but like the shadow of a shadow. I ask pardon from God for the limits which I have just
assigned to them, for in truth the last degree of the praises that one can render is to
recognize, in front of them, that one can not render them."

"It is why God created Me from such clay as no one has been created of a similar clay.
And God gave me what the wise men in their knowledge cannot comprehend, what
nobody can know except to be completely annihilated before one sign from among my
signs."

"Know, that is truth, I am a column of the First Word: this Word that whoever has
know it has known God in His entirety and has entered into the universal good.
Whoever has not wished to know it has remained ignorant of God and has entered into
universal evil. I swear by your God, the Master of the two worlds, the one who lives here
below for as long as nature permits, and who remains all of his life the bondsman of
God in the works of good embraced by the knowledge of God, if there is in his heart any
animosity towards me, be this so little that God only can comprehend it, then all the
good works and all his piety are without utility and God looks at him only with the
glance of chastisement, and that one is among those who die. God has fixed all good
which He Himself recognizes as good in the work of obeying me, and all the evil that
He knows in the act of disobeying me. In truth, today I see, in the rank that I hold, all
that I have just said and the people of my love and of my obedience in the highest
dwelling-places of the heavens, while my enemies are plunged into the depths of the fire!

"If in my existence, I swear, I had not been obliged to accept being the Hujjat63 of God,
I would not have warned you!"

As we see, the Báb continues here very clearly and renews the affirmations of the "Kitáb
bayna'l-haramayn". He adds nothing, but also retracts nothing:

"I then," he says, "I am this Point from which all that exists found existence. I am this
countenance of God which does not die, I am this Light which is not extinguished. The
one who knows me is accompanied by all good, the one who pushes me behind him by
all evil."

61Nicolas refers once again to the second volume of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" which has yet to

be identified, and must be presumed unpublished.

62The Tablet to Muhammad Sháh which is cited by Nicolas at this point in his text is that described in

note (56), part 8]. For an English translation of portions of this Tablet from the Persian, please see
"Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (pp. 11-17).

63"Hujjatu'lláh" means the "Proof of God". It is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí.
A Prophet in Modern Times 146

"In truth, Moses, when he asked God what he asked (he wanted to see God), God
radiated upon the mountain, with the light of one of the followers of 'Alí,64 and, as the
hadíth explains "this light, I swear by God, was my light." Do you not see that the
numeral value of the letters which compose my name is equal to the numerical value of
those which compose the word Rabb (Lord)? And did not God say in the Qur'án: "And
when your Lord will radiate upon the mountain" (68)?65

The Báb continues to relate the prophecies found in the Qur'án and in some hadíth on the
subject of the manifestation of the Mahdí. He reports the famous hadíth of Mufaddal,66 which is
one of the strongest arguments for the truth of his mission.

In the Qur'án it is said [Súrah 32, verse 4]: "God conducts the affairs (of the world) from
heaven to earth and then (all) returns to Him in the day the duration of which is one thousand
years of our reckoning".67

On the one hand, the last Imám disappeared in the year 260 Hijri,68 and it is at this moment
that the [Muhammadan] prophetic manifestation was terminated and that "the door of
knowledge was closed".

When Mufaddal asked the Imám as-Sádiq about the signs for the arrival of the Mahdí, the
Imám replied: "He will manifest himself in the year sixty and his name shall be elevated."
Which means in the year 1260, precisely that of the manifestation of the Báb.

"I swear by God," Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad says on this subject, "I did not take lessons
and my education was that of a merchant. In the year 60 [1260 A.H.] my heart was
filled with manifest verses, certain knowledge and the testimony of God. And I
proclaimed my mission in that very year."

"And that very year I sent you a messenger (Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í), the conveyer of a
Book so that the Government could act as it should towards the Hujjat (please see Note
65). But the Will of God was that civil wars rise up that they might deafen the ears, blind
the eyes, and harden the hearts, and it is for this reason that this messenger was not
allowed to come before you. Those who considered themselves patriots opposed us and
until today almost four years have passed69 without anyone speaking the truth on the
question."

64'Alí here is the Imám'Alí.

65Súratu'l-A'ráf, 7:143: falammá tajallí rabbuha lil-jabali

66Hadíth of Mufaddal.

67Súratu'l-Sajdat, 32:5: yudabbiru'l-amra mina'l-samá'í ilá'l-ardi thumma ya'ruju ilayri fí yawmin kána

miqdáruha alfa manatin mimmá ta'udúna

68Disappearance of the Imám Mahdí in the year 260 Hijra.

69Four years, 1844-1848.
A Prophet in Modern Times 147

"And now, as my time is near, as my work is divine work and not human, this is why I
have written you briefly."

"I swear by God! If you only knew what has happened to me during these four years
from your funtionaries and your delegates! If you knew it, the fear of God would impede
the passing of the breath which exhales at this moment from your lips, unless you were
to adopt the aim of entering into the obedience to the order of the Hujjat, and to
immediately repair what went wrong."

"I was in Shíráz, and from this awful and evil governor I suffered tyrannies such that if
you only knew the least part thereof, by your justice you would exercise against him the
punishment of the talion, for his violence attracted the punishment of heaven until the
day of judgment upon the extent of the Empire. This very arrogant and always drunken
man did not given a single sign of the imprint of intelligence. I was forced to leave
Shíráz and I directed myself towards Tihrán to go see you, but the late Mu'tamidu'd-
Dawlih understood the truth of my mission and was among those exercized deference
towards the elect of the Lord."

"Some ignorant ones of the city started a riot, and that is why I sequestered myself in the
Sadr palace at the moment that the Mu'tamid died. May God reward him! There is no
doubt that the cause of his leaving the fire of hell is because of what he did for me."

"Then Gurgin caused me to voyage for seven nights with five individuals, without
anything that is necessary for a voyage and with a thousand lies and a thousand
violences. Alas! Alas, for that which happened to me! Finally the Sultán70 ordained that
I be directed towards Máh-Kú, without even giving me a mount which I might ride!
Alas! Alas, that what happened to me happened! Finally I came to this village71 of which
all the inhabitants are ignorant and vulgar. Ah! I swear by God, if you knew in what
place I reside, the first who would have pity on me would be you! It is a little fort, at the
summit of a mountain, and it is to your benevolence that I owe such a dwelling-place!
Those who inhabit it are two men and four dogs! Think of how I pass my time!"

"I thank God, as He should be thanked, and I swear by God that the one who
imprisoned me here is content with what he did. And yet, if he knew with whom he
acted in this way, he would never again be happy."

"And now, I tell you a secret: this man imprisoned (in my person) all the Prophets, all
the saints and he who has been embraced by the knowledge of God. And there has not
remained a single kind of suffering under which I have not trembled."

"When I learned of the order which you had given (to conduct me to Máh-Kú), I wrote
to the Sadr A'zam: "Kill me and sent my head wherever you wish, for to live without sin
and to go where sinners are cannot suit me." He did not reply to me with anything: and
I am convinced that he did not know the truth of the question, for to sorrow without
any reason the hearts of the believers male and female is worse than destroying the
house of God."
70"Sultán" is an Arabic word, which refers in this case to the Sháh of Írán, the King of Persia.

71Village of Chihríq.
A Prophet in Modern Times 148

"And, I swear by God, today I am the true house of God. All good attaches to this, that
someone does me good, for it is as if he did good to God, to His angels, to His friends.
But perhaps God and His friends are too far elevated for the good and the evil of
anyone arrive at the dust of Their threshhold, but that which happens to God happens
to me. I swear by God, he who imprisoned me, has imprisoned himself, and only that
which God has ordained happens to me. Then alas! Alas for him whose hand allowed
evil to escape, and very happy is he who lavishes the good."

Finally, and to sum up this long missive, the Báb writes:

"The other question is the matter of this lower world. The late Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih,
one night, caused all of his assistants and even Hájí Mullá Ahmad to retire, and then he
said to me: 'I know very well that all that I acquired, I acquired by violence, and it
belongs to Sáhib al-Zamán. I therefore give it all to you, for you are the Master of Truth
and I ask you permission to become its possessor.' He took off even a ring and gave it to
him and sent him off in possession of all of his goods. God is witness to what I say here,
and His testimony suffices."

"I do not want a Dínár72 of these goods," adds the Báb, "but it is for you73 to ordain was
seems good to you. But as for all disagreements God has Himself ordained the testimony
of two witnesses, from the midst of all the wise men, therefore cause Áqá Siyyid Yahya74
and Akhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Khaliq75 to be present. They will show you and explain to
you my verses and from this meeting there will survive only one single thing, which is
the perfection of my testimony."

"From these two persons, one knew me before my manifestation, the other afterwards;
both know me very well, and this is why I have chosen them."

And the letter ends with kabbalistic proofs76 and ahadíth.77

72Dínár is a Persian currency.

73Here the Báb is referring to the Sháh, the recipient of his letter.

74Áqá Siyyid Yahya—this appears to be a reference to Siyyid Yahya Darabí.

75Akhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Khaliq—unidentified person.

76"Kabbalistic proofs" in this instance refers to 'ilm al-jabr, or 'ilm al-hurúf, also called gematria, the

computation of hidden meanings through the comparison of words having the same numerical values,
with each letter in the Arabic/Persian alphabet representing a number.

77"Ahadith" is the plural form of "hadith", denoting the oral traditions associated with the words and

actions of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions, and, for the Ithna ‘Asharí Imámís, the words
and actions of the twelve Imáms.
A Prophet in Modern Times 149

Chapter Five

Imprisonment at Chihríq — Trial and Execution at Tabríz — Concealment and
Burial

Hence, the Báb was much vexed in his prison and he remained there for a relatively long
time(1), because the document which we have just cited is dated 1264(2), and the execution of the
martyr did not take place until 27 Sha'bán of the year 1266(3).

(1)The Báb was imprisoned at Máh-Kú for nine months (ZARANDI, p. 259; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 12; KAF,

p. 129 — cited Amanat, p. 374, n. 9), and he departed for Chihríq twenty days after Naw-Rúz
(ZARANDI, p. 259), the fourth Naw-Rúz after his declaration, corresponding to the "hijra" year 1264
(ZARANDI, pp. 255-256). Since the eve of Naw-Rúz was on the thirteenth day of Rabí' al-Thání of that
year (ZARANDI, pp. 255-256), then the twentieth day after Naw-Rúz must have landed on the fourth
day of Jamádi al-Úlá 1264. Amanat (p. 380) gives precisely this date, with its Gregorian equivalent of 10
April 1848. Another conversion of this date is 8 April 1848, based on these two date converters:
http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi
http://www.ori.unizh.ch/hegira.html
Nine months prior to this date would place his arrival at Máh-Kú during the month of Sha'bán in the
year 1263, corresponding to 15 July 1847 to 12 August 1847:
http://www.ori.unizh.ch/hegira.html
Or to 14 July 1847 to 11 August 1847:
http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi

(2)The Báb could have written this Tablet to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú at any time during the last

five months of 1263 — Sha'bán, Ramadán, Shawwál, Dhi'l-Qa'dih, Dhi'l-Hijjih, and the first four
months of 1264 — Muharram, Safar, Rabí' al-Awwal, Rabí' al-Thání and Jamádi al-Awwal. Nicolas'
dating of this Tablet in 1264 is entirely probable, although not proven beyond a reasonable doubt.

(3)The date of the Báb's death is reported in ZARANDI (p. 517), ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 27), and AVARIH

(volume I, p. 245; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 114) as the twenty-eighth of Sha'bán 1266. ZARANDI (p.
517) states that it took place at noon, while ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 27) affirms that it occurred before noon.
In his dispatch to Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, dated 22 July 1850 (F.O. 60/152;
cited Balyuzi, pp. 202, 241), Lt.-Col. Sheil reported the martyrdom of the Báb but seems to have
omitted the date of this event. At the time of the execution of the Báb, R.W. Stevens, the British consul
then serving in Tabríz was absent from the city, having left his brother George Stevens in charge;
George did not report this event to Lt.-Col. Sheil, who seems to have been informed through some other
channel (Balyuzi, p. 202).

On 24 July R.W. Stevens returned to Tabríz and promptly filed a report of the execution to Sheil (F.O.
248/142; cited Balyuzi, pp. 202, 241; Amanat, p. 402, n. 114). Amanat (p. 402, n. 114) notes that R.W.
Stevens reported that the Báb's martyrdom took place on 27 Sha'bán 1266/8 July 1850, but casts doubt
on the British consul's positive knowledge of the event, inasmuch as he was not present in Tabríz at the
time of its occurrence. Amanat (p. 402, n. 114) notes that SIPIHR (volume III, p. 305; cited Amanat, p.
402, n. 114) also reports this event as occurring on 27 Sha'bán 1266, but that this chronicler mistakenly
identifies 27 Sha'bán/8 July as a Monday, while ZARANDI (p. 517) correctly identifies 28 Sha'bán/9
July as a Sunday, and he reasons that this makes the Bábí/Bahá'í dating more reliable than the Muslim
report and British diplomatic report. It might also be noted that ZARANDI (pp. 507-508) relates the
testimony of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid Husayn Yazdí, with regard to the night just prior to the Báb's
martyrdom, and it seems entirely unlikely that so devoted a disciple could have mistaken the date of his
Master's martyrdom. Various eye-witness reports of the martyrdom of the Báb were collected and
translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh and his brother Kazem Kazemzadeh and published as "The Báb:
Accounts of His Martyrdom," in "World Order" (Fall 1973).
A Prophet in Modern Times 150

However the execution was preceded by a change of prison — he was made to leave Máh-Kú
for Chihríq(4). Mírzá Taqí Khán(5), the Amír Nizám(6) who was then the Prime Minister, seeing

(4)The date of the Báb's departure from Máh-Kú for Chihríq has been cited in Note (1), as 4 Jamádi al-

Úlá 1264/8 or 10 April 1848. Since Chihríq is approximately eighty miles southwest of Máh-Kú, it
seems likely that the Báb would have arrived in Chihríq a few days later, at the latest about 9 Jamádi al-
Úlá 1264/13 or 15 April 1848. MacEoin (p. 82) indicates that the Báb departed Máh-Kú on 9 April
1848, and arrived at Chihríq at the beginning of Jamádi al-Thání 1264/early May 1848. It is entirely
improbable that this journey would have taken an entire month. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered that Ridá-
Qulí Khán-i-Afshár lead the escort of the Báb from Máh-Kú to Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 134). For
information about his father, Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár, please see note (12). Ridá-Qulí Khán was
married, through the intervention of his father, to the daughter of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (Balyuzi, p. 13-
14). This chief of the Báb's escort was attracted to his charge during the journey from Máh-Kú to
Chihríq (MU'IN, pp. 169-172; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 192) and subsequently became a zealous Bábí
(Balyuzi, pp. 134-135; Amanat, p. 247, n. 250). MU'IN (pp. 173-176; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 194) also
reports that Ridá-Qulí Khán was deprived of his family estate at Sa'in Qala by his anti-Bábí father, and
then poisoned by his son, motivated also by religious enmity.

The transfer of the Báb from Máh-Kú to Chihríq is reported by ZARANDI (p. 259) to have been
motivated by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's "fear and resentment" over the influence exercised by the Báb over his
jailer, 'Alí Khán of Máh-Kú. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) reports that the Báb was moved because of the
entreaties of the "accomplished" Muslim clerics of Ádhirbáyján. Amanat (p. 378, n. 23) indicates that
Prince Dolgorukov, the Russian minister in Tihrán from 1845 to 1854 (MacEoin, p. 170, n. 63), in a
dispatch dated 4 February 1848 to the Foreign Minister of the Czar, reported that the Báb was
transferred away from the Russian border, i.e. from Máh-Kú to Chihríq, during the previous year, in
1847. It seems likely that the Báb was not transferred until April 1848, but perhaps Prince Dolgorukov
was informed of the decision to transfer the Báb prior to its taking effect. In any case, it appears from
this dispatch that one of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's motivations for effecting the removal of his prisoner from
Máh-Kú to Chihríq may have been to calm the fears of the Czar's representative at court that the Báb's
presence in that location might result in civil unrest and that its consequences might cross over the
border into the Russian Empire. Chihríq was chosen for the Báb's imprisonment because the governor
of the fortress and chief Khán (leader) in the region was Yahya Khán Shakaki, a Naqshbandí Súfí, the
brother of Muhammad Sháh's favorite wife and an ally of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí (Amanat, p. 380, n. 33).
ZARANDI (p. 301) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) call him simply "Yahya Khán the Kurd", and
ZARANDI (p. 301) also reports that his sister was the mother of Náyibu's-Saltanih, one of the daughters
of Muhammad Sháh — this would likewise identify his sister as one of Muhammad Sháh's wives.
According to ZARANDI (p. 302), Yahya Khán was transformed through his contact with the Báb, as
were the Kurdish inhabitants of the village of Chihríq, and those of Iskí-Shahr, an hour's distance from
the fortress. Soon after the death of Muhammad Sháh, his Grand Vazír, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was deposed,
and Násiri'd-Dín Sháh appointed Mírzá Taqí Khán the new Grand Vazír. According to 'Abbás Mírzá
Mulk Ara (in "Sharh-i Hal," Tihrán:1946, p. 17; cited Amanat, p. 380, n. 33), shortly after Hájí Mírzá
Áqásí's fall from power, Yahya Khán was summoned to Tabríz and imprisoned there, apparently
because of his relationship with the former Grand Vazír. This would indicate that Yahya Khán was not
governor of Chihríq during the last period of the Báb's imprisonment in that fortress. The last reference
to Yahya Khán in ZARANDI (p. 322) is immediately upon the Báb's return to Chihríq after the trial in
Tabríz, which probably occurred in August 1848, a month prior to Muhammad Sháh's passing and Hájí
Mírzá Áqásí's disgrace. Please see the next paragraph for details. It should be noted that there is another
Yahya Khán in this story, an attendant of 'Abbás Mírzá Sháh and of his son Muhammad Sháh (Balyuzi,
p. 149). He was a resident of Tabríz, and the father of Hájí Sulaymán Khán (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 28;
Balyuzi, p. 149). Balyuzi reports (p. 149) that it was intended that Hájí Sulaymán Khán follow his father
in service to the court, but that instead he went to the 'Atabat, where he studied with Siyyid Kázim
Rashtí. Subsequently he embraced the Cause of the Báb, and visited his Master at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p.
A Prophet in Modern Times 151

149). ZARANDI (pp. 518-519) reports that Hájí Sulaymán Khán tried to effect the deliverance of the
Báb, but arrived in Tabríz on the second day after the Báb's execution. ZARANDI (p. 519) and
‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 28) indicate that Hájí Sulaymán Khán was instrumental in the initial retrieval and
safeguarding of the mortal remains of Anís and the Báb, and ZARANDI (pp. 519-520) indicates that
Hájí Sulaymán Khán reported the details of this matter to Bahá'u'lláh in Tihrán.

According to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14), the Muslim clerics of Tabríz wrote to the government in Tihrán
after the Báb had been in residence at Chihríq for three months. Three months after the Báb's arrival,
which probably occurred about 9 Jamádi al-Úlá, would fall on 9 Sha'bán. ZARANDI (p. 301) reports
that the Báb was brought to Tabríz towards the end of Sha'bán. Is there any conflict between these two
dates? Not at all. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) reports that subsequent to the appeal of the clerics of Tabríz
to Tihrán, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered the Báb to be taken from Chihríq to Tabríz to be examined by the
'ulamá' . It would have taken some days for the message of the 'ulamá' to reach Tihrán, for the edict of
the Grand Vazír to reach Chihríq, and then for the Báb to be conducted via Urúmíyyih to Tabríz. The
Báb's imprisonment at Chihríq, which began in early Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/April 1848, was interrupted
by his journey to Tabríz in Sha'bán 1264/July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387; Balyuzi, p. 139). MacEoin (p. 82)
dates this journey in Sha'bán 1264 but later in that month, in August 1848 (the only day of Sha'bán
which fell in August is the 1st — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 301, n. 1), probably calculating the
Báb's three months imprisonment at Chihríq from an arrival date of Jamádi al-Thání 1264/May 1848.
Balyuzi (p. 147) dates the Báb's return to Chihríq in early August 1848, which must have corresponded
to Ramadán 1264. Amanat (p. 394) indicates that the death of Muhammad Sháh took place less than
two months after the Báb's trial in Tabríz. Balyuzi (p. 147) reports the date of Muhammad Sháh's death
as 4 September 1848, while Amanat (p. 394) states only that this monarch died in September 1848.
Hence, it appears that scarcely a month separated the return of the Báb to Chihríq and the death of
Muhammad Sháh.

Whatever the duration of this interval, ZARANDI (p. 323) reports that the Báb wrote "Khutbiy-i-
Qahríyyih" to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí immediately after his return to Chihríq; that Mullá Muhammad 'Alí-i-
Zanjání, known as Hujjat (proof) personally delivered that Tablet to the Grand Vazír; and that
Bahá'u'lláh recalled the circumstances of that delivery as they had been related to him by Hujjat himself,
shortly after the fact. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí must have received this epistle shortly before the death of
Muhammad Sháh and just prior to his own fall from power.

KAF (p. 132; cited MacEoin, p. 92, n. 70) included "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" among the letters written to
Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí during the Báb's imprisonment at Chihríq. Balyuzi (p. 147)
states that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí had already fallen from power when Hujjat delivered the Báb's letter to him
in Tihrán. This is entirely unlikely given Bahá'u'lláh's account of the meeting between Hujjat and the
Grand Vazír.

MacEoin (p. 92, n. 73) notes that "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" can be dated from a reference in the text
(INBMC 64, p. 140) to the forty months that had transpired since the Báb wrote Hájí Mírzá Áqásí for
the first time. MacEoin (p. 58) cites the first letter of the Báb to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí as having been written
most likely in 1844, and affirms that two manuscripts of this letter have survived (MacEoin, p. 192). The
Báb meticulously listed all of his writings from 1 Muharram 1260/22 January 1844 to 15 Muharram
1262/14 January 1846 in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (cited MacEoin, pp. 50-52), and no mention is made therein
of a letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. However, the Báb wrote "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" during this period, as is
attested by "Kitáb al-fihrist" and other independent sources — ZARANDI (p. 61), JADID (p. 39),
‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 4) — and copies of this work were conveyed by Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í to
Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in 1260/1844 according to the Báb's Tablet to Muhammad
Sháh from Máh-Kú, cited in the previous Chapter. Forty months prior to August 1848 would have
fallen around April 1845, and certainly by that date Hájí Mírzá Áqásí would have received a copy of
"Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'". It is also possible that "Kitáb al-fihrist" is not a complete record of the Báb's
writings during this period, and that he may have written a letter directly to the Grand Vazír subsequent
to his pilgrimage, from Búshihr, in April 1845. Inasmuch as the Báb is writing "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" to
A Prophet in Modern Times 152

Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in August 1848, he may have been referring to one of the "khutub" he wrote as he was
returning to Shíráz after his pilgrimage, which are listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51) and briefly
described by MacEoin (p. 63). According to "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited MacEoin, p. 48, n. 25), the Báb
sailed for Írán after the completion of his pilgrimage on 4 March 1845, arriving at Búshihr about two
and a half months later, circa 19 May 1845. During this voyage, the Báb's vessel would undoubtedly
have put into port a number of times, and it may well have docked at a port in southern Írán, such as
Bandar Abbas, in the strait of Hormuz and opposite the modern kingdom of Oman, in April 1845, forty
weeks prior to the writing of "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" in August 1848. Indeed, Amanat (p. 241) states that
the Báb's sea-journey from Persia to Arabia took seventy-one days, and that the boat stopped at
Kangan, Muscat and Mocha on its way from Búshihr to Jidda. This period of time closely resembles the
two and a half months which the Báb employed in returning from Jidda to Búshihr. Inasmuch as we do
not know of any epistle to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí which can be accurately dated in April 1845, it is difficult to
follow MacEoin's reasoning that the date of "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" can be dated from a reference in the
text.

When the Báb returned to Chihríq, he remained imprisoned at that location from Ramadán
1264/August 1848 until Rajab 1266/June 1850 (KAZEM-BEG, tome VII, p. 371 — cited in French in
"The Dawn-breakers," p. 302, n. 2; cited and translated into English in Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and
Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944," p. 75; cited Amanat, p. 395, n. 90). ZARANDI (pp. 504, 506) and
GOBINEAU (p. 213; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 504, n. 1) report that Mírzá Taqí Khán — please
see notes (5) and (13) for details — ordered Navváb Hamzih Mírzá, the governor of Ádhirbáyján to
arrange the transfer of the Báb from Chihríq to Tabríz for a second time, without divulging the purpose
of this journey.

Amanat (p. 395) alleges that the Báb was escorted by a detachment of Afshár horsemen from Sa'in
Qal'a. Inasmuch as this was the location of the family estate of Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár, who was
the Grand Vazír's special envoy charged with overseeing the Báb's execution (Amanat, p. 399), it may be
that Hájí Sulaymán Khán was the instigator of this initiative. On his way to Tabríz, the Báb stayed at
Salmás (MU'IN, p. 289; cited Amanat, p. 396, n. 91), where he was the guest, for the second time, of
Mírzá Lutf 'Alí Salmási, the former steward of Muhammad Sháh who was dismissed when he conveyed
one of the Báb's letters to His Majesty (MU'IN, pp. 175, 223; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 47). Amanat (p.
396) reports that the Báb reached Tabríz on 19 June 1850.

During the first three months of his imprisonment at Chihríq (Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/April 1848 - Sha'bán
1264/July 1848), and the twenty-two months which followed his return from Tabríz (Ramadán
1264/August 1848 - Rajab 1266/June 1850), the Báb received many visitors, attracted many new
followers and friends, and wrote many letters and other writings. His visitors included his uncle Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí [Khál-i-A'zam] (Amanat, p. 384; Balyuzi, p. 150); Hájí Sulaymán Khán (Balyuzi, p.
149); Muhammad Taqí Hashtrudi (MU'IN, pp. 255-258; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 46); Mullá 'Abdu'l-
Karím Ahmad Qazvíní Kátib (ZUHUR, p. 370); Shaykh Mullá Mírzá 'Alí called 'Azím by the Báb
(ZARANDI, pp. 306-307); Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 504-505; Balyuzi, p. 151); Mullá Ádí
Guzal Marághih'í, called Sayyáh (the traveller), the student of Mullá 'Alí Akbar Marághih'í (ZARANDI,
pp. 431-433; MU'IN, p. 186; ZUHUR, p. 59 — all cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 43) — about whom please
see more details in note (15); Mullá 'Alí of Kuhnih Sháhr (MU'IN, pp. 176, 231, 240, 254; cited
Amanat, p. 384, n. 45); Dakhil Maraghih'i (Ibid.; FAYZI, p. 280). The Russian agent, M. Mochenin,
states in his memoirs, as reported in KAZEM-BEG (tome VII, p. 371; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
302, n. 2; Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions," p. 75; Amanat, p. 395, n. 90) that he
heard the Báb preaching in Chihríq shortly before his transfer to Tabríz, in June 1850, and that the
eager listeners were so numerous that the courtyard of the fortress was too small to accommodate all of
them, such that the majority remained in the street. His new followers, who became converts during his
imprisonment at Chihríq, included the Indian dervish whom the Báb named Qahru'lláh (ZARANDI,
pp. 305-306; KAF, pp. 212-214; MU'IN, pp. 226-230; all cited Amanat, pp. 384-385); "Mírzá
Muhammad-'Alí and his brother Búyúk-Áqá, both siyyids of distinguished merit who had risen with
fevered earnestness to proclaim their Faith to all sorts and conditions of people among their
A Prophet in Modern Times 153

countrymen" (ZARANDI, p. 303); and "Mírzá Asadu'lláh, who was later surnamed Dayyán by the Báb"
(ZARANDI, pp. 303-305; ZUHUR, p. 64 — cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 42); and others (Amanat, p. 384),
described by ZARANDI (p. 303) as including "a number among the most eminent of the siyyids, the
'ulamás, and the government officials of Khuy". The Báb's writings while at Chihríq included the
following:

1] While according to some scholars (ZARANDI, p. 248; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," pp.
24-25; MacEoin, pp. 84, 85, 88), the "Bayán-i-fársí" was revealed at Máh-Kú, Balyuzi (p. 132) indicates
only that "Bayán-i-fársí" was begun at Máh-Kú, while Amanat (p. 374) states that the Báb compiled
parts of "Bayán-i-fársí" at Máh-Kú. It is then possible that this book was begun at Máh-Kú and
completed at Chihríq. Please see note (56) of Chapter Four for more details regarding this work.

2] "Bayán al-'arabíyya" was written in Máh-Kú (MacEoin, p. 85), at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 152),
or at some time during these two imprisonments (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 25). Please see
note (56) of Chapter Four for more details on this book.

3] "Lawh-i-hurúfát" (ZARANDI, p. 304), which is also called "Kitáb-i hayákil-i-váhid" by the
Báb in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (pp. 45-46, lithographed edition; cited MacEoin, p. 90, n. 59); called "Kitáb-i-
hayákil" (Book of Talismans) and "Kitáb-i-dar hayákil-i-váhid" (a book concerning the temples
[talismans] of unity) in Bahá'u'lláh's letter to Mírzá Ibráhím Shírází (INBA 3003C, p. 19; cited
MacEoin, p. 89, n. 55); called "Risála-yi Ja'fariyya" in Bahá'u'lláh's letter to Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siráj
Isfáhání (Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'ida-i Ásmání," vol. VII, p. 60; cited MacEoin, p. 89, n. 56); and called
"Kitáb-i-haykal" in another letter written by Bahá'u'lláh (Ishráqát, p. 47; cited MacEoin, p. 89, n. 58).
This work is not to be confused with the Báb's "Sahífa-yi Ja'fariyya" (MacEoin, pp. 66-67, 90, 198); with
Bahá'u'lláh's "Súrah-yi haykal" (MacEoin, p. 90, n. 61); or with Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal's "Kitáb-i
hayákil" (MacEoin, p. 90, n. 61). Nor should it be confused with the "hayákil" written by the Báb which
are elsewhere described by MacEoin (p. 90, n. 61; pp. 99-101, 186).

4] "Haykal al-Dín" is preserved in at least three manuscripts (MacEoin, pp. 91, 186) and was
lithographed along with "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (MacEoin, pp. 91, 254). MacEoin describes "Haykal al-
Dín" as bearing a close resemblance to "Bayán al-'arabíyya" and taking the form of eight chapters of
Bábí laws, each denominated a "váhid". In the lithographed version, two commentaries are appended,
allegedly written by the Báb on 12 Sha'bán 1266/22-23 June 1850 (MacEoin, p. 91).

5] "Kitáb al-Asmá'" is also known as "Tafsír al-asmá'" and "Kitáb asmá'i kulli shay'" (MacEoin,
p. 91), and "Chahár sha'n" ('Alí Frahvashtí, "Á'ín-i Báb," n.p, n.d. — cited MacEoin, p. 91, n. 67; p.
251) was composed during the last days of the Báb at Chihríq according to Fádil Mázindarání ("Asrár
al-athár," vol. I, p. 126). This book consists of nineteen "váhid" each of nineteen "abwáb", each "báb"
containing four grades of writing (MacEoin, p. 91). MacEoin (pp. 92, 188) refers to twenty-six
manuscript copies of this work, many of which are defective.

5] "Kitáb-i panj sha'n" which is also entitled "Shu'ún-i khamsa dar Bayán-i shu'un-i da'wat,"
and "Kitáb al-Bayán fí'l-shu'ún al-khamsa," is found in eleven manuscripts (MacEoin, pp. 189-190), and
it was also lithographed but this version is missing five passages out of the total of sixty-five (MacEoin, p.
93). According to MacEoin (p. 95), the last five passages, or last two sections in the particular manuscript
of "Panj sha'n" consulted by him (INBMC 64:60, pp. 85-89, 89-94; cited MacEoin, p. 90, n. 60) are
more or less identical with "Lawh-i-hurúfát" — please see 1] for details.

6] Two Tablets addressed to Muhammad Sháh, listed in MacEoin (p. 97, n. 94; p. 193) are
published in Persian ("Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Úlá," pp. 5-8; pp. 9-13 and
ZUHUR, pp. 82-85) and in English translation ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," pp. 18-23;
pp. 24-28). Amanat (p. 381) maintains that during his first few months at Chihríq, the Báb wrote two
letters to Muhammad Sháh which were the first of a series of Arabic letters known as his "Khutab-i
Qahríyyih." Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 354) states that the Báb wrote Muhammad Sháh from Chihríq (p.
A Prophet in Modern Times 154

460), and cites a portion of one such letter in Arabic (p. 354).

8] "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih", mentioned above and by MacEoin (p. 92), addressed to Hájí Mírzá
Áqásí and apparently written immediately after the Báb's return to Chihríq from his trial in Tabríz, is
found in two manuscripts (MacEoin, p. 186), and may be one of the "Khutab-i Qahríyyih" (sermons of
wrath) quoted by MU'IN (pp. 151-160; cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 41) and FAYZI (pp. 304-306; cited
Amanat, p. 383, n. 41).

9] Amanat (p. 381) asserts that the Báb wrote two letters to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí during his first
months at Chihríq which were the first of the "Khutab-i Qahríyyih." The quotation he cites from
ZUHUR (p. 84; Amanat, p. 381, n. 36) consists of a portion of one of the Báb's letters to Muhammad
Sháh, according to MacEoin (p. 97, n. 94; p. 193). ZUHUR (pp. 85-89; cited MacEoin, p. 92, n. 78)
quotes a letter written to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí that is different from "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih."

10] Letters to his followers: (1) Thirty-seven letters and other short pieces, in Browne Or. F. 25
(cited MacEoin, pp. 95, 208-209); (2) Six letters, in Browne Or. F. 21, numbers 9, 16, 18, 23, 24, 25
(cited MacEoin, p. 95, n. 90); (3) Ten letters, in ZUHUR (cited MacEoin, pp. 95-96); (4) Nine letters,
published in facsimiles in an Azalí compilation, entitled "Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt-i Nuqta-yi Úlá wa
Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i Kátib" (cited MacEoin, p. 96); (5) Three letters, in MIFTAH (Mírzá Muhammad
Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawlih, "Tá'ríkh al-Bábíyya aw miftah Báb al-abwáb"; cited MacEoin, p. 97).

11] Letter to the 'ulamá' in every city of Írán, and the 'Atabat, referred to by Shoghi Effendi, in
"God Passes By" (p. 24) as probably written in Máh-Kú or Chihríq; which information MacEoin (p. 98)
suggests is derived from Bahá'u'lláh ("Kitáb-i-Iqan," p. 178). Amanat quotes a letter written by the Báb
in late 1849 to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, reproduced in MU'IN (pp. 263-264; cited Amanat, p. 394, n. 86,
87). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan says that the Báb wrote a letter to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz while incarcerated at
Chihríq.

12] Munáját (prayers), ziyáratnámas (Tablets of visitation), hayákil and dawá'ir (talismans in the
shape of pentacles and circles) written at this time are described in MacEoin (pp. 99-101, 186, 195, 203,
210).

ZARANDI (p. 307) reports this testimony from Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, one of the transcribers of the
writings of the Báb in Máh-Kú (p. 31), speaking of the last days of the Báb in Tabríz, shortly before his
martyrdom:

"'At about the same time that the Báb dismissed 'Azím from His presence, I was instructed by
Him to collect all the available Tablets that He had revealed during His incarceration in the
castles of Máh-Kú and Chihríq, and to deliver them into the hands of Siyyid Ibráhím-i-Khalíl,
who was then living in Tabríz, and urge him to conceal and preserve them with the utmost
care.'"

Given the sheer quantity of writings cited above, it is quite remarkable that so many of them survive to
the present day. However, it seems that Siyyid Ibráhím was not altogether unsuccessful in discharging
his sacred trust. Indeed, ZARANDI (p. 31), writing circa 1888 about the location of the Báb's nine
commentaries on the Qur'án authored at Máh-Kú, states that their "fate is unknown until now."

(5)Mírzá Taqí Khán, whose full name was Mírzá Taqí Khán Farahani (Amanat, p. 451), was appointed

Grand Vazír by Násiri'd-Dín Sháh (ZARANDI, pp. 332, 500; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 20; Balyuzi, p. 152).
He was determined to uproot the Bábí movement as it seemed to represent a challenge to the absolute
authority of the central government; nor did he hesitate to employ the most brutal measures in order to
effect his purpose (ZARANDI, pp. 500-504; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, pp. 20-22; GOBINEAU, pp. 211-213;
cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 501-502, n. 2; Balyuzi, pp. 148, 152; Amanat, pp. 395-397). While
Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 164) called Hájí Mírzá Áqásí the "Antichrist of the Bábí
A Prophet in Modern Times 155

that the Bábí revolution loomed bigger and higher and appeared to be formidable, told himself
that the best means for calming down all these revolts would be to do away with the one whom
he considered to be the leader behind all these events, that is to say, the Báb himself. He
referred the matter to the Sháh(7) who felt obligated to remark that all these troubles were due
to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the former Sadr A'zam(8) of his father(9), who ordained the imprisonment
of the Reformer at Máh-Kú without having him come first to Tihrán where he could have
made him submit to an enquiry(10).

Revelation," it is nevertheless incontestable that Mírzá Taqí Khán was singlehandedly responsible for
effecting the martyrdom of the Báb and of hundreds if not thousands of his followers, during his Grand
Vazírship, from fall of 1264/1848 until spring of 1268/1852, when he was assassinated by order of
Násiri'd-Dín Sháh (ZARANDI, p. 595; Lord Curzon, "Persia and the Persian Question," volume II, p.
16 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 595, n. 2; Lady Sheil, "Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia,"
pp. 251-252 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 595-596, n. 2; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 82;
David S. Ruhe, "Robe of Light," p. 129). ZARANDI (pp. 596, 598) recites a litany of "deeds of blackest
infamy" of the so-called "Amír Kabír" which amply demonstrates that the Bábís could not but regard
him as the most formidable of their many enemies. For information on Mírzá Taqí Khán, the reader is
urged to consult ZARANDI (pp. 332, 443, 445-448, 450-452, 500-502, 504-506, 539, 546-547, 554-
556, 558, 568, 595, 597, 598, 615); ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 20-21, 25, 26, 28-30); Balyuzi (pp. 146, 148,
152, 184, 185, 203, 207, 209, 212); and Amanat (pp. 27, 29, 281, 329, 339n, 355, 363, 366, 388n, 393,
395-399, 405-406, 411). Abbas Amanat's "Pivot of the Universe: Násir al-Dín Sháh Qájár and the
Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896," (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) contains much more
information about Mírzá Taqí Khán.
(6)Mírzá Taqí Khán was also called Amír-Nizám (ZARANDI, pp. 332, 500, 504, 506, 526, 539, 547,

595; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 20); Amír Kabír (Balyuzi, p. 148; Amanat, pp. 394-401); and Amír
(ZARANDI, p. 332; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 25).

(7)Násiri'd-Dín Sháh assumed the throne with the decease of his father, Muhammad Sháh on 4
September 1848, and hence he was the reigning sovereign at the time of the Báb's execution. Ruhe
("Robe of Light," p. 129) reports that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh was made monarch at seventeen years of age,
while Balyuzi (p. 140) and Amanat (p. 387) indicate that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá was seventeen during the
first examination of the Báb at Tabríz, earlier that same year. Balyuzi (p. 140) indicates that Násiri'd-Dín
Mírzá had been recently appointed governor of Ádhirbáyján, and Amanat (p. 387) indicates this
appointment as dating from February 1848. As the trial took place in July 1848, and Muhammad Sháh
died in September 1848, it seems that these reports are mutually compatible.

‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 20) describes Násiri'd-Dín Sháh as being "in the prime of youthful years." In view
of the various accounts of the machinations resorted to by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in order to avoid a meeting
between the Báb and Muhammad Sháh, it seems entirely realistic and justifiable that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh
should have blamed the imprisonment of the Báb at Máh-Kú and the missed opportunity for an
examination of the Báb's claims at Tihrán on the former Grand Vazír. Nicolas appears to base his
account here on SIPIHR (volume III, p. 302; cited Amanat, p. 396, n. 93).

(8)Sadr-A'zam is a title meaning "prime minister; dignity of premier; chief seat" (Steingass, p. 788). Not

only did Hájí Mírzá Áqásí serve as Grand Vazír to Muhammad Sháh, but according to Amanat (p. 79,
n. 42), he may also have been the Sháh's Súfí "pir" (guide) in the Ni'matulláhí taríqah of which he, under
the name Mullá 'Abbás Írávání was incontestably an adherent. It should also be noted that Muhammad
Sháh consistently showed respect and reverence for Súfís (Amanat, p. 79, n. 43).

(9)Násiri'd-Dín Sháh's father was Muhammad Sháh.

(10)Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's rationale for circumventing such an enquiry in Tihrán was afterwards explained

by him to Prince Farhad Mírzá, and is found towards the opening of Chapter Four.
A Prophet in Modern Times 156

Násiri'd-Dín Sháh remarked, "Also the vulgar believed that in him there was a [divine]
knowledge or some miracle. If he had been allowed to come to Tihrán for a public discussion, it
would quickly have been seen that there was nothing special about him." These judicious
reflections attracted a response worthy of admiration. "The words of kings, are the kings of
words," observed the Prime Minister in a convincing tone, "which does not detract," he added,
"from the fact that today there is no longer any other way than to kill him." I do not know
whether the conversation lasted a long time in this vein(11).

Nevertheless, Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar(12) was sent to Tabríz to proceed with the execution.

(11)ZARANDI (pp. 501-502) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 25) indicate that Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Amír-

A'zam and Grand Vazír decided that the only way to extirpate the Bábí movement was to strike at its
source, and bring about the execution of the Báb. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 25, 30) states that he came to
this decision without consulting Násiri'd-Dín Sháh or any of his fellow ministers of the court, whereas
ZARANDI (pp. 502, 504) affirms that he summoned his counselors and that only one of them, Mírzá
Áqá Khán-i-Núrí, the Minister of War, dared to advise him against this course of action. Balyuzi (p. 152)
seems to follow ZARANDI in his account of this decision, and Amanat (p. 396) cites SIPIHR (volume
III, pp. 302, 303) and ZARANDI (pp. 502, 504). ZARANDI (p. 615) states that a rumor was spread
among the Bábís to the effect that shortly before his own demise, Mírzá Taqí Khán was haunted by a
vision of the Báb whom he regretted having executed, and that he wished to effect the release of Siyyid
Husayn-i-Yazdí, the Báb's amanuensis and of Táhirih, as well as the Abandonment of further
persecution of the Bábís. ZARANDI (pp. 615-616) also reports that Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí, who
assumed the position of Grand Vazír after the forced departure of Mírzá Taqí Khán — and whom he
described (pp. 502, 504) as the only minister who advised against the execution of the Báb — was
inclined to follow a policy of reconciliation with the Bábís during the first period of his administration,
until the attempt, in 1852, on the life of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 29-30) affirms that the
attempt of one Bábí to assassinate the Sháh was not representative of the wishes of the Bábí community,
and moreover due to the ignorance of that individual. Nor was it justified, for the decision to execute the
Báb had been taken by Mírzá Taqí Khán alone and without the cognizance of the Sháh. It should be
noted that Táríkh-i-Nabíl (ZARANDI) was composed circa 1887-1892, while ‘ABDU’L-BAHA was
published in Persian in 1890, and in English translation in 1891, and that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh did not die
until 1896 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 296; Webster's Biographical Dictionary, p. 1084). It
seems likely that if the Sháh had been instrumental in the decision to execute the Báb, the Bahá'í reports
to the contrary would have come to the attention of his government, and that efforts would have been
carried out to correct such a misapprehension.

This story recalls recalls the Book of Esther, in which Haman, the chief minister of King Ahashverosh
(Artaxerxes) conspires without the knowledge of His Majesty to bring about the genocide of the Jewish
people resident in his realms. In that story, Mordechai advises Esther to inform the King of the
impending doom of her entire people, and as a result of this action, the Jewish people are saved, Haman
is condemned along with his treacherous associates and Mordechai is appointed chief minister in his
place. In this nineteenth century story, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí (like Mordechai) advised Mírzá Áqá
Khán-i-Núrí (like Haman) not to carry out a death sentence, but he did not go to the Sháh himself, and
so the sentence was carried out. Ultimately though, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí replaced Mírzá Áqá Khán-
i-Núrí as Grand Vazír, and, just like Haman, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí went to his death by order of his
sovereign.

(12)Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (ZARANDI, pp. 391, 402, 428) is also called Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI,

pp. 391), Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 125), Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár-i-Shahríyárí
(ZARANDI, p. 378), and Hájí Sulaymán Khán Afshár Sa'in Qal'a Amír al-Umara' (Amanat, pp. 247,
460). He was a son-in-law of Fath 'Alí Sháh, the King of Persia prior to Muhammad Sháh (Amanat, p.
247), and a devoted follower of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí — who had promised that he would meet the
A Prophet in Modern Times 157

When Sulaymán Khán arrived at his destination, Hamzih Mírzá Hishmat al-Dawlih(13), who

Qá'im (Balyuzi, p. 134). He was on such close terms with Siyyid Kázim Rashtí that he was able to effect
the marriage of one of his Master's daughters with his son, Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 134).
After the passing of his Master, this Shaykhí chose to follow Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání
instead of the Báb (Balyuzi, p. 134; Amanat, p. 367). Sulaymán Khán met the Báb while on pilgrimage
(The Báb, in ZUHUR, p. 271 — cited Amanat, p. 246, n. 240; ZUHUR, pp. 74-77 — cited Amanat, p.
247, n. 250; Balyuzi, p. 134). The Báb addressed a letter to Sulaymán Khán, probably during his
pilgrimage, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51), and three manuscripts of letters addressed to
Sulaymán Khán are extant (MacEoin, pp. 191, 192). ZARANDI (p. 235; cited Balyuzi, pp. 124-125)
reports that in the course of his journey from Kulayn to Tabríz, while in the village of Síyáh-Dihán, the
Báb was visited by Mullá Iskandar, whom he commissioned to deliver a message to Hájí Sulaymán
Khán-i-Afshár, then in Zanján and preparing to leave for Tihrán:

"He whose virtues the late siyyid unceasingly extolled, and to the approach of whose Revelation
he continually alluded, is now revealed. I am that promised One. Arise and deliver Me from the
hand of the oppressor."

Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár ignored the message. ZARANDI (pp. 378, 391, 402, 428) and SIPIHR
(vol. III, p. 244; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 193) report in some detail the contribution made by Hájí
Sulaymán Khán to the destruction of the Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí. Amanat (p. 399) indicates that Hájí
Sulaymán Khán was subsequently sent to Tabríz by Mírzá Taqí Khán as his "special envoy and
troubleshooter" to assist Mírzá Hasan Khán (Amanat, p. 399), the Vazír Nizám (secretary of the army)
of Ádhirbáyján, and the Amír Kabír's brother and confidant (Amanat, p. 398), in effecting the execution
of the Báb. Other details pertaining to Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár can be found in Amanat (pp.
246n, 247, 367, 398n, 399). He must not be confused with Hájí Sulaymán Khán, the Bábí, from Tabríz
— please see note (38).

(13)Hamzih Mírzá Hishmat al-Dawlih (Balyuzi, pp. 152-153) was also called Navváb Hamzih Mírzá
(ZARANDI, p. 504), and identified as a prince of the Qájár family (ZARANDI, p. 504; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
25; Amanat, p. 398). ZARANDI (pp. 504, 506) indicates that Navváb Hamsih Mírzá appointed one of
his trusted officers, with a mounted escort, to accompany the Báb from Chihríq to Tabríz. ZARANDI
(p. 504) states that Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír did not disclose the reason why the Báb was
being transferred to Tabríz, and that the governor of Ádhirbáyján assumed that no harm would come to
the Báb. Once the Báb had been delivered to Tabríz, and the order for his execution was conveyed to
Navváb Hamzih Mírzá, he was unwilling to carry out this order (ZARANDI, p. 506; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
25). ZARANDI (p. 506) reports him as having told the Vazír-Nizám, Mírzá Hasan Khán, the brother of
the Grand Vazír:

"'The Amír,' he told him, 'would do better to entrust me with services of greater merit than the
one with which he has now commissioned me. The task I am called upon to perform is a task
that only ignoble people would accept. I am neither Ibn-i-Zíyád nor Ibn-i-Sa'd that he should
call upon me to slay an innocent descendant of the Prophet of God.'"

Shoghi Effendi noted ("The Dawn-breakers," p, 506, n. 2) that Ibn-i-Zíyád and Ibn-i-Sa'd were
"persecutors of the descendants of [the Prophet] Muhammad".

The sentiments of Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír are further attested to by ZARANDI (p. 504),
citing a discussion prior to this event with court officials in Tihrán:

"'Such considerations,' he protested, 'are wholly irrelevant to the issue with which we are faced.
The interests of the State are in jeopardy, and we can in no wise tolerate these periodic
upheavals. Was not the Imám Husayn, in view of the paramount necessity for safeguarding the
unity of the State, executed by those same persons who had seen him more than once receive
marks of exceptional affection from Muhammad, his Grandfather? Did they not in such
A Prophet in Modern Times 158

was then the Governor of Ádhirbáyján, ordained that the Báb be brought thence from Chihríq.
At the same time his disciples were brought along with him, those who followed him
everywhere, that is Áqá Siyyid Husayn(14) and Mullá Muhammad-i-Yazdí(15).

circumstances refuse to consider the rights which his lineage had conferred upon him?'"

It is quite extraordinary that Mírzá Taqí Khán should have sought to justify his actions towards the Báb
and his followers by referring to the assassination of the Imám Husayn and the suppression of his
followers by order of Mu'awiya, whom Sunní and Shí'í Muslims alike consider a usurper of authority
and a murderer of innocents. ZARANDI (p. 506) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 25, 26) state that Hamzih Mírzá
explained his reasons for not carrying out the order of execution; that the Vazír-Nizám conveyed this
message to the Grand Vazír; and that Mírzá Taqí Khán sent a second order to his brother, directing
him to carry out the sentence immediately. When Hamzih Mírzá would not do so, feigning illness
(ZARANDI, p. 506), Mírzá Hasan Khán took matters into his own hands. For more information about
Hamzih Mírzá, Amanat (p. 398, n. 101) recommends that the reader consult Mahdí Bamdad, "Sharh-i
Hal-i Rijal Írán dar Qarn-i 12, 13, 14 Hijra" (Tihrán:1968-1974, vol. I, pp. 462-468).

(14)Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, also called 'Azíz, in this context probably meaning meaning "precious,

dear" (Steingass, p. 848), and given this name by the Báb in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súrah 79, last verse),
according to MacEoin (p. 204). He served as the principal amanuensis of the Báb, accompanying him to
Máh-Kú, Chihríq, and Tabríz. According to Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 80) and
MacEoin (p. 204), Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí was chosen as one of the Letters of the Living by the Báb.
Sources for his life include 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Ishráq Khávarí, "Rahíq-i-makhtúm" (Tihrán, 1973-74,
volume I, pp. 757-60); Muhammad 'Alí Malik Khusraví, "Táríkh-i-shuhadá-yi amr" (Tihrán, 1973-74,
volume III); ZUHUR (volume III, pp. 459-60, 460-61). Please see note (15) and note (26) for more
details on his life.

(15)Nicolas calls this disciple of the Báb, Mullá Muhammad Yazdí. There is one Bábí by this name, Mullá

Muhammad Rawdih-i-Khán-i-Yazdí, who is listed among the Letters of the Living in ZARANDI (p. 80)
and Balyuzi (p. 27). Amanat gives this individual's name as Mullá Muhammad Rawza [Rawdih] Khwan
Yazdí, and Zakir, and reconstructs some of his actions in relation to the Bábí Cause (pp. 176, 178-179,
286). It is fairly certain however that Mullá Muhammad Yazdí was not a constant companion of the
Báb. There were two Yazdís who reportedly were companions of the Báb, and these were Siyyid
Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí. Nicolas mentions the first of these, and perhaps
he simply got the name wrong for the second Yazdí. Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí joined the Báb in Shíráz
shortly before the Báb departed for Isfáhán, and the Báb sent him on ahead to join his other disciples in
that city (ZARANDI, pp. 192-193). Whether or not his brother accompanied him either to Shíráz or
Isfáhán is not indicated. Two other disciples who had settled in Shíráz, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and
Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí were also sent by the Báb to Isfáhán at that time (Ibid., p. 192). In Isfáhán the
Báb instructed Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní, Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí and Siyyid Husayn-I-Yazdí to
transcribe his writings (ZARANDI, p. 212). Towards the end of his stay in Isfáhán, the Báb sent Mullá
'Abdu'l-Karím [Qazvíní] and Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí as emmisaries to the other Bábís in that city to
advise them to scatter throughout the region (ZARANDI, p. 214). The Báb then instructed Siyyid
Husayn-i-Yazdí to proceed to Kashán, where they met shortly after the Báb's arrival there, on his way to
Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 219). Two days after the Báb arrived in Kulayn, he was joined by Siyyid
Husayn-i-Yazdí, his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím [Qazvíní] and Shaykh Hasan-i-
Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 227). ZARANDI (p. 243) records a conversation between the Báb and Siyyid
Husayn-i-Yazdí in Tabríz, on his way to Máh-Kú, and it is apparent from the context of this
conversation that at least this one of two brothers was in the immediate company of the Báb at that
time. Siyyid Husayn reports the transition to Máh-Kú: "…orders were issued to transfer Him and me to
the castle of Máh-Kú and to deliver us into the custody of 'Alí-Khán-i-Máh-Kú'í." (Ibid.) Then Siyyid
Husayn describes their residence in Máh-Kú: "For the first two weeks, no one was permitted to visit the
Báb. My brother and I alone were admitted to His presence. Siyyid Hasan would, every day,
accompanied by one of the guards, descend to the town and purchase our daily necessities. Shaykh
A Prophet in Modern Times 159

Then the 'ulamá' were invited to a great conference, but they refused to come, declaring that
the ideas of the accused were heretical and that, by this very fact he merited death(16). Hishmat

Hasan-i-Zunúzí who had arrived at in Máh-Kú, spent the nights in a masjid outside the gate of the
town. He acted as an intermediary between those of the followers of the Báb who occasionally visited
Máh-Kú and Siyyid Hasan, my brother, who would in turn submit the petitions of the believers to their
Master and would acquaint Shaykh Hasan with His reply." (ZARANDI, p. 245) At one point the
warden of the fortress in Máh-Kú, 'Alí Khán, dreamed a dream, and upon waking up from that dream
he permitted other Bábís to visit the Báb, but ZARANDI asserts (p. 257), "Until that time no one of the
disciples of the Báb but Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother had been allowed to spend the night
within the castle." From Máh-Kú the Báb went to Tabríz, and then was sent to Chihríq, and
ZARANDI (pp. 302-303) writes that at Chihríq "To no one would Yahya Khán refuse admittance to
the castle. As Chihríq itself was unable to accommodate the increasing number of visitors who flocked to
its gates, they were enabled to obtain the necessary lodgings in Iskí-Shahr, the old Chihríq, which was
situated at an hour's distance from the castle." Up until sometime in Dhi'l-Qa'dih 1265, the Báb was
attended in Chihríq by Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí along with his brother, the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid
Husayn. ZARANDI (p. 431) informs us that the Báb sent out "Mullá Ádí Guzal, one of the believers of
Marághih, who for the last two months had been acting as His attendant instead of Siyyid Hasan, the
brother of Siyyid Husayn-i-'Azíz", to make a pilgrimage to Shaykh Tabarsí on his behalf. KASHF (p.
241, cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 431, n. 3) identifies the full name of this Bábí as Mírzá 'Alíy-i-
Sayyáh-i-Marághih'í, and states that "he had acted as a servant of the Báb in Máh-Kú, ranked among
His leading companions, and subsequently embraced the Message of Bahá'u'lláh." It appears then that
Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí was no longer a companion of the Báb from Dh'il-Qa'dih 1265, as there is no
mention of him accompanying the Báb to Tabríz.

Finally, the Báb was summoned to Tabríz, where the officer who had escorted him, Navváb Hamzih
Mírzá "instructed one of his friends to accommodate Him in his home and to treat Him with extreme
deference." (ZARANDI, p. 506) Mírzá Hasan Khán, the Vazír-Nizám and brother of the Grand Vazír
arrived shortly thereafter and ordered the transfer of the Báb "and those in His company from the house
in which He was staying to one of the rooms of the barracks." (ZARANDI, pp. 506-507) "Deprived of
His turban and sash, the twin emblems of His noble lineage, the Báb, together with Siyyid Husayn, His
amanuensis, was driven to yet another confinement…" (Ibid., p. 507) He was engaged in a conversation
with Siyyid Husayn in that very barracks, when it was interrupted and he was taken to the place of
execution. When the first volley failed to touch him, the Báb was found "seated in the same room which
He had occupied the night before, engaged in completing His interrupted conversation, with Siyyid
Husayn." (ZARANDI, p. 513) For the last time, the Báb and Siyyid Husayn were together in the flesh.
ZARANDI reiterates that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí was "the Báb's amanuensis both in Máh-Kú and
Chihríq" (p. 629), and reports his imprisonment in the Síyáh-Chál in Tihrán (pp. 629-630), his being
joined in that prison by his "Comforter", Bahá'u'lláh, in whose company he "was privileged to remain
until the hour of his death" (p. 631), which took place, in 1852, at the hands of the executioner of
Táhirih, 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár.

It is evident from this survey of the companions of the Báb, that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí accompanied
him virtually non-stop from his departure from Shíráz to the time of his death in Tabríz, and that Siyyid
Hasan-i-Yazdí was also in his company for most of that period. There were other close companions of
the Báb, including Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní and Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, but none were as
constantly in the company of the Báb as the two brothers from Yazd.

(16)Neither ZARANDI nor 'ABDU'L-BAHA refer to a second gathering of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, and this

seems to confirm Nicolas' allegation. ZARANDI (p. 509) reports that Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí — see
note (15) — was summoned before a group of mujtahidún, who unsuccessfully tried to persuade him to
renounce his ties with the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 510) also states that the Báb was conducted first to the
house of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, then to that of Mírzá Báqir, and finally to that of Mullá
A Prophet in Modern Times 160

al-Dawlih, seeing the disgust — I here translate a Muslim author — of the 'ulamá', had the Báb
arrive at night, when he was encountered, in a meeting prepared for this purpose, by Mírzá
Hasan Khán Vazír-Nizám(17) and Hájí Mírzá 'Alí(18). These ones interrogated him, asking for
the explanation of a difficult hadíth, and the Reformer — which is implausible — remained
silent. So Hishmat al-Dawlih, taking the floor, asked him to descend verses on the subject of the
crystal candlesticks(19).

The Báb obeyed, but his response was not recorded. Some moments later, when invited to
repeat for a second time the same verses, he was unable to do so(20).

Murtadá-Qulí, and that none of these three mujtahidún consented to meet the Báb face-to-face,
although all three handed death-warrants to the government authorities who were charged with
carrying out the execution. This version of the events of that morning is also found in Balyuzi (pp. 155-
156). Amanat (p. 398) indicates that the 'ulamá' of Tabríz were reluctant to associate themselves with
this execution. MU'IN (pp. 303-304), citing HASHTRUDI refers to a threatening message allegedly
sent to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz by the Vazír-Nizám, warning them of the Grand Vazír's wrath should they
refuse to sign death-warrants for the Báb (cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 102).

MU'IN (p. 305; cited Amanat, p. 399, n. 104) indicates that Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was
reluctant to sign a death-warrant. Muhammad Taqí, who was an eye-witness of his father's last meeting
with the Báb, writes in his "Risála" (cited MURTAZA, pp. 315-317; mentioned Amanat, p. 399, n. 105;
p. 400, n. 106, 107) that Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání tried to persuade the Báb to renounce his
claims, but that the Báb firmly refused to do so. Mírzá Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím
al-Dawlih [henceforth, MIFTAH], in "Miftah Báb al-Abwáb aw Táríkh al-Bábíya" (Cairo:1903, pp.
233-235; cited Amanat, p. 400, n. 107), on the authority of his grandfather, Mullá Muhammad Ja'far
and his father, Mullá Muhammad Taqí, both of whom he alleges to have been present on this occasion,
gives similar testimony to the Risála of Muhammad Taqí. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 26) states that the
farrásh-báshí (chief of police) delivered the Báb and Anís over to the chosen executioner, with the death-
warrants of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, Mullá Mírzá Báqir, Mullá Murtadá-Qulí and others.
ZARANDI (p. 510) says the same, but mentions only three death-warrants. The actual content of these
death-warrants is described by MU'IN (pp. 304) on the authority of HASHTRUDI, and AVARIH (vol.
I, p. 241), two different versions according to Amanat (p. 400, n. 108).

Amanat (p. 398, n. 101) indicates that inasmuch as he was unable to bring together the clergy, Hamzih
Mírzá summoned a small gathering of state officials to examine the Báb. He cites SIPIHR (pp. 303-304)
and AVARIH (vol. I, pp. 234-239) as sources for this event. Present at this examination, besides Hamzih
Mírzá, were Mírzá 'Alí Khán and Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Amanat, p. 398, n. 101). Nicolas, citing no
source, includes the Vazír-Nizám, Mírzá Hasan Khán in this meeting, and does not mention the
presence of Hájí Sulaymán Khán.

(17)Mírzá Hasan Khán Vazír-Nizám was the secretary of the army in Ádhirbáyján and brother of Mírzá

Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír, also known as Amír Kabír. The fate of Mírzá Hasan Khán subsequent to
the execution of the Báb is not mentioned in any of the sources consulted for this study.

(18)Hájí Mírzá 'Alí is also called Mírzá 'Alí Khán Ansárí, the son of Mírzá Mas'ud, and is named as

having carried out the examination of the Báb before the state officials (Amanat, p. 398, n. 101).
Nothing more is said about this individual in any of the sources.
(19)According to SIPIHR (pp. 303-304; cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 101), Hamzih Mírzá was not impressed

with the verses revealed by the Báb. AVARIH (vol. I, pp. 234-239; cited Ibid.), on the other hand,
which account seems to rely upon the Prince's own recollection of the inquisition, reports that he was
indeed impressed with the Báb's revelation of verses.

(20)Here it is reported that the Báb cannot reveal the same verses twice on the subject of crystal
candlesticks, while in Chapter Four — please see Note (40) — the Báb is asked to reveal verses on the
A Prophet in Modern Times 161

From that time, he was condemned, and sentenced to death. However, it was wished that his
execution be in public, for it was thought that if it took place secretly, nothing would stop the
people from believing in his miraculous ascension to heaven. It was thus decided that the Báb
would be marched through the streets of the town and executed in the great common(21), which,
strange as it may seem, has in Tabríz the name of "Plaza of the Sáhib al-Zamán".

Thus the Siyyid was taken with Mullá Muhammad-'Alí Yazdí and Siyyid Husayn, and they
were conducted to Hájí Mírzá Báqir(22), the Imám Jum'ih of the town, to Mullá Muhammad
Mámáqání(23) and to Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí(24). These ones delivered a fatwa ordaining the

subject of his cane, and then is told that his audience cannot understand his verses. In both cases it is
clear that the examiners are toying with the Báb, not taking his claim to divine inspiration at all
seriously, nor comparing his verses with the only other revealed verses in their possession, namely, those
of the Qur'án. The Prophet Muhammad is not reported to have revealed the same verses a second time
upon demand, nor is it alleged that all of the verses of the Qur'án are readily understood by its readers.
Indeed, the Qur'án in Surat al-'imrán states, as a matter of principle (III:7):

"He it is Who has revealed the Book to you; some of its verses are unambiguous [muhkamátun],
they are the basis of the Book, and others are figurative [mutashábihátun]. So that those in
whose hearts is perversity will follow that part of it which is figurative, seeking to mislead others
and to give it (their own) interpretation. However none knows its interpretation except God, and
those who are firmly rooted in knowledge."
This theme is referred to with specific reference to this Qur'anic passage by the Báb in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"
and by Bahá'u'lláh in Kitáb-i-Íqán.

(21)ZARANDI (p. 502) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 26) alike affirm that Mírzá Taqí Khán intended that the Báb

be given a public execution. The specifics of the manner in which this execution would be carried out
may have been left to Mírzá Hasan Khán and his associates.

(22)Hájí Mírzá Báqir, also called Mírzá Báqir (ZARANDI, p. 510), Mullá Mírzá Báqir ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p.

26), and Mullá Muhammad Báqir the Imám Jum'ih (Amanat, p. 398), was the son of Mírzá Ahmad
(ZARANDI, p. 510; Amanat, p. 398), the Imám Jum'ih of Tabríz who participated in the first
examination of the Báb ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 14) — described in Chapter Four — and signed a death-
warrant for the Báb at that time (ZARANDI, p. 510). Mírzá Ahmad had died in 1265/1849 according
to Áqá Buzurg Muhammad Muhsin Jamálí, "Tabaqát A'lam al-Shi'a:II:al-Kiram al-Barara fi al-Qarn
al-Thalith ba'd al-'Ashara" (part I, p. 97; cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 99). Amanat (p. 398) indicates that
Hájí Mírzá Báqir was one of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz who were reluctant to involve themselves in the
condemnation and execution of the Báb. Amanat (p. 399, n. 103) indicates that there is some
disagreement among the sources (ZARANDI, pp. 509-510; SIPIHR, vol. III, p. 304; ZUHUR, p. 9;
MU'IN, pp. 300-301) regarding the signatories of the fatwá calling for the execution of the Báb, but all
of these sources seem to indicate that Hájí Mírzá Báqir Imám Jum'ih was one of the signers. Balyuzi (p.
155) likewise lists him as one of the three clergymen to sign death-warrants for the Báb: 1] Hájí Mírzá
Báqir, the Imám Jum'ih of Tabríz, is not to be confused with 2] Hájí Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí,
known as Harati (ZARANDI, pp. 19, 97, 264), also called Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harati (Amanat, pp.
61, 158n, 262, 264-266, 283-284); nor with 3] Mullá Muhammad Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 50-
55, 63, 69), also called Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 368, 504-505), and named as one of the
Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, pp. 80, 368, 504); nor with 4] Muhammad Báqir, the nephew of
Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, pp. 80), also called Mullá Báqir
(ZARANDI, pp. 287, 683); nor with 5] Mullá Báqir, the Imám of Chinár-Súkhtih (ZARANDI, p. 476);
nor, finally, with 6] Muhammad-Báqir, the son of Zaynu'l-'Abidín, the fifth Imám of the Ithná 'Asharí
Shí'í (E.G. Browne, "A Traveller's Narrative," Note O, pp. 296-298; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. lii).
A Prophet in Modern Times 162

execution.

From then on commenced a sorrowful march through the bazaars(25), during which Áqá Siyyid
Husayn — charged by his Master with the execution of his last wishes — disavowed and
renounced the Báb, and, upon the order of the tormenters, spit in his face. He accomplished
the mission which was confided to him, and was, a little later, executed in Tihrán(26). Having

(23)MulláMuhammad Mámáqání has been identified in considerable detail in Note (34) of Chapter
Four, as well as in other notes.

(24)Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí was a well-known mujtahid in Tabríz (Amanat, p. 401), and Nicolas follows

SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 304; cited Amanat, p. 399, n. 103) in numbering him among the mujtahidún who
delivered a "fatwá" condemning the Báb to death. Amanat (p. 399, n. 103) calls this "an obvious error."
His stepson was none other than Muhammad-'Alí (ZARANDI, p. 507), also called Muhammad-'Alíy-i-
Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 306), Mírzá Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 507), Áqá Muhammad-
'Alí ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 26), and Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (ZARANDI, pp. 508, 509, 512), and was
surnamed Anís (ZARANDI, p. 306). Very little is known about Anís , except that his stepfather, Siyyid
'Alíy-i-Zunúzí (ZARANDI, pp. 306, 509; cited Balyuzi, p. 153) locked him into his home, refusing to
allow him to join the Báb at Chihríq (ZARANDI, pp. 306-307; Balyuzi, p. 153). It is also reported that
the Báb assured Anís, in a vision, which he related to Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, a relative and one of the
amanuenses and companions of the Báb, that he would be granted the privilege of sharing his Master's
martyrdom (ZARANDI, pp. 307-308; cited Balyuzi, pp. 153-154). For more details concerning the
fulfillment of this promise, please read on. There are reports in ZARANDI (p. 509), Balyuzi (p. 156) and
Amanat (p. 401) to the effect that attempts were made to persuade Anís to retract his confession of faith
in the Báb's claims, but to no avail. Amanat (p. 401, n. 111) cites AVARIH (vol. I, p. 240) and ZUHUR
(pp. 31-37) both of which claim to be accounts of an exchange between Anís and a Shaykhí mullá
seeking to elicit his return to Islám. ZARANDI (pp. 509-510) reports a brief exchange between Anís and
Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání — among others — and it is worth noting that Mámáqání was regarded
as perhaps the leading Shaykhí 'alím (cleric) in Tabríz.

(25)The humiliating removal of the Báb's turban and sash, the twin emblems of the "siyyid" (descendant

of the Prophet Muhammad) is reported in ZARANDI (p. 507) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 26), as well as
Balyuzi (p. 153) and Amanat (p. 402). He was conducted around the city and through the bazaar before
being brought to the square for his execution in order to demonstrate the government's full control of
the situation (Amanat, p. 402). This whole scene evokes many similar images in the public humiliation,
the parade through the city streets and the open air of Jesus of Nazareth, as depicted in the Gospels.

(26)Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, the amanuensis of the Báb, held his last earthly conversation with his Master

in the prison cell adjoining the place of the Báb's martyrdom, between the firings of the two regiments
(ZARANDI, pp. 513-514; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 27). ZARANDI describes Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí as "the
Báb's amanuensis both in Máh-Kú and Chihríq" (p. 629), and reports his imprisonment in the Síyáh-
Chál in Tihrán (pp. 629-630), his being joined in that prison by his "Comforter", Bahá'u'lláh, in whose
company he "was privileged to remain until the hour of his death" (p. 631), which took place, in 1852, at
the hands of the executioner of Táhirih, 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár. According to MacEoin, (pp. 13, 84, 182),
a manuscript copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" in the hand of Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí is preserved at the Bahá'í
International Archives in Haifa. Also in the handwriting of this amanuensis are twenty-seven folios of
"Kitáb al-asmá'", in the same location (MacEoin, p. 188); and six examples of letters reproduced in
facsimile in the Azalí compilation entitled "Qismatí az alwah-i-khatt-i-Nuqta-yi-Úlá wa Siyyid Husayn-i-
Kátib" (MacEoin, pp. 204, 254). The authenticity (and authorship) of the letters in this collection has yet
to be independently confirmed. There is another trace of his influence which has been discovered, and a
very interesting one at that. E.G. Browne (in Appendix Two to JADID, pp. 395-396; cited "The Dawn-
breakers," p. 518, n. 1) quoted Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání to the effect that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, whom
he calls Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Husayn, gave some of the writings of the Báb to the Russian consul at
Tabríz (presumably Anitchkov, according to Amanat, p. 381, n. 35), who came to ask Siyyid Husayn
A Prophet in Modern Times 163

arrived at the fatal Plaza, all efforts were made, in vain, to detach Mullá Muhammad-'Alí(27)
from his convictions — his wife and his little children were brought, and he obstinately refused
to listen to them, confining himself to one last request — the favor of being killed before his
Master.

It is then that a strange event occurred, unique in the annals of humanity. The two companions
solidly attached to one another had placed before them the Christian regiment of the
Bahadurans(28). Upon a signal given by their chief the soldiers fired. Then Mullá Muhammad-
'Alí was seen covered with wounds, dying, turning towards his Master, and his words terrified
the witnesses: "Master," he said, "master, are you content with me?" The bullets had cut the
cords which held the Báb, who dropped to his feet, without a scratch. "Ah! If at this moment he
had exposed his chest(29)," says the historian of the "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín"(30), "and if he had

about the Báb shortly after his martyrdom. E.G. Browne indicates that this story is confirmed by the
testimony of Bernard Dorn ("Bulletin de l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg," vol.
VIII, p. 248), who, in describing a manuscript of one of the Báb's works in the possession of the
Academie, indicates that it was "'received directly from the Báb's own secretary, who, during his
imprisonment at Tabríz, placed it in European hands.'" Amanat (p. 381, n. 35) notes that this interview
is also found in KAF (p. 267), and Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions" (p. 48).

Inasmuch as Siyyid Husayn was imprisoned shortly after the Báb's execution, it appears that the
government authorities were not convinced by Siyyid Husayn's feigned repudiation of the Báb just prior
to his martyrdom, an act which had been enjoined upon him by the Báb himself according to
ZARANDI (p. 508) and ZUHUR (p. 460; cited Amanat, p. 381, n. 35). Two years later, immediately
following the attempt on the life of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh in 1852, Siyyid Husayn was imprisoned in the
same dungeon as Bahá'u'lláh, the Síyáh-Chál of Tihrán, until the time came for his execution, which
was carried out by 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár, the executioner of Táhirih (ZARANDI, pp. 629-631).
ZARANDI (p. 631) indicates that Siyyid Husayn was comforted in his separation from the Báb by
Bahá'u'lláh, "One who alone could banish, by the light of His presence, the anguish that had settled
upon his soul." Whether this indicates that Siyyid Husayn recognized the prophetic station of
Bahá'u'lláh is not evident from this passage.

(27)The attempts to persuade Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) from his Bábí convictions are described in

Note (24). No mention is made in any of the Persian sources however to the pleas of this young man's
wife and children. However, given the young age at which Persians were customarily married at this
time, it is not improbable that he was married and had little children.

(28)ZARANDI (pp. 511-514) indicates that Sám Khán and his men were designated the first executioners

of the Báb. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 26-27) indicates the same, identifying Sám Khán as a colonel, and his men
as the Christian regiment of Urúmíyyih. MU'IN (p. 306; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 117) states that Sám
Khán, better known as Sám Khán Urus was a convert to Islám; this is clearly not reflected in
ZARANDI or 'ABDU'L-BAHA. Perhaps he became a convert to Islám after the execution of the Báb?
HIDAYAT (vol. X, pp. 210, 329, 416-422; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 117) reported that the Bahaduran
regiment participated in all of the major campaigns of Muhammad Sháh's reign under Sám Khán's
leadership. MIFTAH (p. 238; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 116) indicates there were three regiments present
at the place of execution, and that Áqá Ján Bag Khamsih, the leader of the Násirí regiment refused, and
so the Bahaduran regiment was chosen. He indicates that KAF (p. 249; cited Ibid.) seems to confirm this
report. ZARANDI and 'Abdu'l-Bahá state that Sám Khán and his men were selected first. ZARANDI
(p. 514) indicates that upon the failure of the Bahaduran regiment to injure, let alone kill the two
condemned ones, Sám Khán was excused and Áqá Ján Khán-i-Khamsih, colonel of the body-guard,
known as the Khamsih or Násirí regiment, carried out the execution. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) indicates the
same, naming the colonel of the body-guard Áqá Ján Big-i-Khamsih.

(29)Amanat (p. 403) has translated this passage, from SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 305; cited Ibid., n. 122), and it
A Prophet in Modern Times 164

started to cry, 'O soldiers, O men, you are yourselves the witnesses of this miracle, that of 1000
bullets(31) not a single one could reach me, and some even came to cut my bonds,' all would

is reproduced here in full for the convenience of the reader (the words in brackets are supplied by
Amanat in order to assist reading comprehension):

"[His] escape [to one of the rooms in the barracks] was a demonstration of the might of the
[Islamic] sharí'a since at that time when the bullets hit the rope and he was set free, if he
exposed his bosom and cried out: 'O, ye the soldiers and the people, didst thou not see my
miracle that of a thousand bullets not even one hit me but instead untied my bonds,' then no
one would have fired a shot at him any more and surely the men and women in the barracks
would have assembled around him and a riot would have broken out. It was God's will that the
truth should be distinguished from falsehood and doubt and uncertainty be removed from
among the people."

(30)The author of "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" is 'Alí-Qulí Mírzá, I'tidád al-Saltanih. Not to be confused with

Muhammad Hasan Khán, Saní'ud-Dawlih, I'timád al-Saltanih Marághiyí. Please see Note (37) for
details related to the latter author. MacEoin (p. 253) indicates that part of "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" is
incorporated in "Fitna-yi Báb" by 'Abdu'l-Husayn Navá'í, who also wrote an article entitled 'Siyyid 'Alí
Muhammad Báb va Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín-i-I'tidád al-Saltanih' ("Yaghmá", volume III).

(31)Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh and his brother Kazem Kazemzadeh compiled various eye-witness accounts

of this event, some of them being translated for the first time from Persian and Russian, in "The Báb:
Accounts of His Martyrdom" ("World Order," Fall 1973). According to ZARANDI (p. 513) and
'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 27 English/p. 65 Persian), Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) was untouched by the
shots fired by the Bahaduran regiment. This seems to be confirmed by KAZEM-BEG (translated from
the Russian of "Bab i babidy," St. Petersburg, 1865 pp. 39-41 by Kazem Kazemzadeh in the "World
Order" article cited above). Justin Sheil's Foreign Office report to Lord Palmerston, cited by Balyuzi (p.
202) and in Moojan Momen's "Some Contemporary Western Accounts of the Babi and Bahá'í
Religions, 1844-1944" (George Ronald, Publisher, 1981, p. 78) does not make any mention of Mírzá
Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) in connection with the martyrdom of the Báb. Neither does Clement Huart, the
French Orientalist, in "La Religion du Bab" (Paris, 1889, pp. 3-4; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 513,
n. 1). SIPIHR (p. 305; cited Amanat, p. 403, n. 120; and translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh for the
"World Order" article) reports that Anís was killed in the first attempt, and this is repeated by
GOBINEAU (translated by Kazem Kazemzadeh in the "World Order" article), and MIFTAH
(translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh in the "World Order" article). Due to the similarity of their
accounts, it seems that both GOBINEAU and MIFTAH based their descriptions of this event on
SIPIHR, and hence should not be taken as independent sources. A conversation between George
Latimer and 'Abdu'l-Bahá on 19 November 1919 seems to confirm SIPIHR in this regard ("The Light
of the World," Boston:1920, p. 70):

"Mr. Latimer: 'Was the Babi, Aga Mohammed Ali, who was martyred with the BAB, killed with
the first volley or the second?'
"Abdul Baha: 'With the first one he was killed. He was mutilated. But the body of His Holiness
the BAB was not hit by the first discharge.'"

However, this conversation was not confirmed either in substance or wording by 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and it is
possible that Latimer or his translator may have misunderstood his meaning.

KAZEM-BEG stated that after the first attempt, the "Christian soldiers immediately ran and showed the
people the ropes severed by bullets; the criminal was again tied; Áqá Muhammad-'Alí was shot first,
then the Báb" (op. cit.). This seems to suggest that neither Áqá Muhammad-'Alí nor Báb was struck by
the first attempt, namely of the Christian regiment, but that in the second attempt, first Áqá
Muhammad-'Alí was struck and then the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 512) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 43-44) state
A Prophet in Modern Times 165

have set to howling, and precipitating themselves at his feet. But," continues our author, "God
wished to make known the truth; that is why He made him run away."

I am not, and cannot be, concerning these last words, of the same opinion as I'tidád al-Saltanih.
Christians are convinced that if Jesus Christ had wished to descend living from the cross, he
could have done so without difficulty — he died voluntarily, because he had to die in order to
fulfill the prophecies. It is the same for the Báb, say the Bábís, who alike wished to give clear
evidence in support of his words. He also died voluntarily, because his death was to save
humanity. Who will ever tell us the words that the Báb could have pronounced in the midst of
the nameless tumult that greeted his departure? Who will know what memories agitated his
beautiful soul? Who will ever tell us the secret of his death?

Be that as it may, the soldiers took him again(32), attached him once more to the infamous pole,

that the regiment consisted of three files of soldiers, each of two hundred and fifty soldiers (ZARANDI),
and that each file was ordered to fire a volley of shots in its turn. Perhaps the attempt by the Christian
regiment, after firing three volleys, did not injure either Áqá Muhammad-'Alí or the Báb, but severed
the ropes that secured the Báb, resulting in his seemingly miraculous disappearance from the scene.
Once the next regiment was summoned to make a second attempt at this public execution, perhaps Áqá
Muhammad-'Alí was hit by the first file of soldiers, and the Báb by the second or third file, and hence
after him. This might explain this difference between the various accounts.

ZARANDI (p. 512) and Balyuzi (p. 157) report that the regiment consisted of 750 men, and that they
fired in three volleys, one row at a time, while Amanat (p. 403) states only that there were three volleys.
Hence, it seems that I'TIDAD, here reported by Nicolas to have cited 1000 shots, is exaggerating the
number of bullets fired during the first attempt to execute the Báb and his companion.

(32)While I'TIDAD states that the Báb "ran away" and accuses him of cowardice, and SIPIHR (op. cit.),

GOBINEAU (op. cit.) and MIFTAH (op. cit.) agree with this source, ZARANDI (p. 513) and 'Abdu'l-
Bahá (p. 27) indicate that after his disappearance from the place of execution, the Báb was found in the
cell he had occupied earlier and in the company of Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí. ZARANDI (pp. 513-514)
reports that the farrásh-báshí who was in charge of finding the Báb and returning him to the place of
execution was so shaken by these events that he resigned his post and left the scene; he further indicates
that he told this story to his neighbor, Mírzá Siyyid Muhsin, who was immediately converted to the Bábí
Cause, and who later showed Nabíl-i-Zarandí the exact location of the room where the Báb was found
and the nail from which he was suspended during the execution. Amanat (p. 403, n. 121) cites a report
— without identifying the source — that a Muslim army sergeant, Ghuj 'Alí Sultán retrieved the Báb,
striking him in the face, and dragging back to the firing squad. In SIPIHR (op. cit.), Quch-'Alí Sultán is
described as "having hit him several times on the back of his head, returned him to the place of
execution." The same account is found almost word for word in MIFTAH. GOBINEAU (op. cit.) states
once freed of his bonds by the first attempt on his life, the Bab "fell on his feet, quickly rose and sought
to flee; then, all of a sudden seeing a guardhouse, he ran into it…when the Báb had entered the guard-
room, an infantry captain, or Sultán, by the name of Quch-'Alí came in after him and cut him down
with his sabre. The Báb fell without saying a word; then the soldiers, seeing him in a pool of blood,
approached and ended his life with their rifles at point-blank range." It thus appears that Amanat could
have derived his information from any one of these sources.

ZARANDI (p. 514) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) insist that the Muslim regiment led by Áqá Ján of Khamsih
stepped in to carry out the death sentence against the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 525) seems to have kept track
of this Muslim regiment: he indicates that during the year 1266/1850, one third of the regiment died in
an earthquake, and that three years later the remaining 500 mutinied and were mercilessly shot by order
of Mírzá Sádiq Khán-i-Núrí.
A Prophet in Modern Times 166

and this time Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad rendered his soul to God. It was on Monday the 27th of
Sha'bán that this event took place(33).

The Comte de Gobineau(34), who is in agreement in this with the authors of the "Nasíkhu't-
Tawáríkh"(35), of the "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí"(36), of the "Mir'at al-Buldan"(37), in a word with
all the official court historians, reports that after the execution, the cadaver of the Báb was
thrown into the ditches of the town and devoured by the dogs. In reality it was not so, and we
will see why this account was spread — as much by the authorities of Tabríz who were not at
all anxious to bring upon themselves the reprimands of the government through a complacency
sold at high expense, as by the Bábís who were desirous in this manner to influence the
investigations of the police.

The most sure testimonies of the very spectators of this drama and of its actors do not leave me
in any doubt that the body of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was received by pious hands and that
finally, after vicissitudes which I will recount, received a sepulcher worthy of him.

When the execution was completed, the troops retired, the crowd dispersed and the bodies
were confided to the soldiers on guard. The Comte de Gobineau would have it, with some
other authors, that the body was marched through the streets of the town for three days.
Although this fact is in general denied by tradition, I accept it as true because it is believable. In
any case, night having come, the body was left where it was, alone and abandoned, or it was
guarded by soldiers. In the first case it is totally impossible that the numerous Bábís who were
found in the town would have hesitated a single instant to steal the body while nobody watched.
They have demonstrated too many proofs of their courage, of their conviction and of their
enthusiasm to admit, for even a second, that they would have abandoned to the public the body
of him whom they considered as their god and which besides would have been so easy to
recover. But, if the official historians are right, and if on the third day the body was thrown into
the ditches of the town to become the prey of stray animals, it is very clear that after this it was
no longer guarded and the sectarians could easily have appropriated it. Finally, in last case,
even if it was guarded at night, its removal would have been relatively easy. One has no doubt
been able to perceive in the course of this story what Persian sentinels are made of; their

(33)Please see note (3) for a detailed consideration of the date of the Báb's execution.

(34)Comte Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, "Religions et philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," Paris: Didier &

Cie, 1865.

(35)MírzáMuhammad Taqí Lisan al-Mulk Sipihr, "Nasíkhu't-Tawáríkh:Qájáríyya," edited by M.B.
Bihbudi; Tihrán:1965, four volumes.

(36)Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí," Tihrán:1959-1960, third edition.

(37)"Mir'at al-Buldan", a work in several volumes (Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir, email 14/1/02) was
authored by Muhammad Hasan Khán (Dr. Fananapazir; and Dr. J.R.I. Cole, email 14/1/02), known
as I'timád al-Saltanih (Dr. Cole) and as Saní'ud-Dawlih, I'timád al-Saltanih Marághiyí (Dr.
Fananapazir). Dr. Cole pointed out that the author died in 1896, and he referred to the publication of
his history in Tihrán by Nashr-i-Asfar, with the first volume dated 1364/1985. Dr. Fananapazir points
out that the author of this history was the son of Hájibu'd-Dawlih Hájí 'Alí Khán Marághiyí, "a cruel
persecutor of the Bábís" and that his son, "the author, was fair in description of geography etc. but not in
matters related to the [Bábí] Cause." MacEoin (p. 252) cites "Kitáb al-ma'áthir wa'l-áthár" (Tihran,
1306/1888-89) by the same author.
A Prophet in Modern Times 167

function essentially consists in sleeping in front of the trust they have been charged with
guarding.

If one considers that eloquent and passionate arguments leave very few people untouched in
Persia, one may easily realize that these Bábís could find the way to the hearts' depths of these
so inadequately remunerated poor devils. Finally, courage not being, especially in this
circumstance, the dominant characteristic of the enemies of the Bábí Faith, if one wishes to
admit that the guard was composed of two or three soldiers, these ones would very probably
have fled after a first serious attack.

This is what the Bábís resolved at first to do. The leaders, gathered at the home of Sulaymán
Khán of Sa'in Qal'a(38) in order to decide upon what measures to take to remove the body of the
(38)There are two individuals named Hájí Sulaymán Khán who were directly associated with the Bábís

during this period. Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár converted to the Bábí Cause (MU'IN (pp. 173-176; cited
Amanat, p. 367, n. 194) and was apparently deprived of his family estate at Sa'in Qala by his anti-Bábí
father, Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár — please see note (4) for more information. On the other hand,
there is another Hájí Sulaymán Khán, a fervent and active Bábí, who is referred to in the context of the
safeguarding of the Báb's body, in ZARANDI (pp. 518-520) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 28). When the body
was retrieved from the street, it was first brought, according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 408), to the house
of Mírzá Hasan Vazír, the son in law of Hájí Mírzá 'Alí Tafrishí (FAYZI, p. 357), known as Majd al-
Ashráf. From there the body was transported to Tihrán by Hájí Sulaymán Khán, according to various
accounts.

In a conversation between George Latimer and 'Abdu'l-Bahá on 19 November 1919, we find the
following report ("Light of the World," Boston:1920, p. 70):

"Then Mr. Latimer asked about the taking of the body of the BAB to Teheran.
"Abdul Baha: 'It is just as it is written in the Traveller's Narrative. Read it in the Traveller's
Narrative. It is the same. All the other accounts are without foundation. Suleyman Khan, the
martyr, brought His Blessed Body to Teheran.'"

Actually, "Traveller's Narrative" (that is, ‘ABDU’L-BAHA) does not state that the body of the Báb was
brought to Tihrán by Sulaymán Khán...it only states (p. 28) that he retrieved the body of the Báb,
placed it in a box, and sent it away from Ádhirbáyján according to instructions from Tihrán. ZARANDI
(p. 519) tells a similar story, indicating that Sulaymán Khán had the Báb's body retrieved, placed in a
box and transferred "to a place of safety." ZARANDI (p. 521) does not report who delivered the body of
the Báb to Tihrán, but he does state that he was in Tihrán at that time, and that the remains were
transferred by Áqáy-i-Kalím and Mírzá Ahmad, "from the Imám-Zádih-Hasan, where they were first
taken, to a place the site of which remained unknown to anyone excepting themselves." Balyuzi (pp.
159-160) seems to rely on ZARANDI and 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and does not clarify this matter. It would seem
that 'Abdu'l-Bahá's words, cited above, are the only definite account we have of who was responsible for
transferring the body of the Báb from Tabríz to Tihrán. Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 273-274)
states that, according to Bahá'u'lláh's instructions, the remains of the Báb were "transported to Tihrán
and placed in the shrine of Imám-Zádih Hasan. They were later removed to the residence of Hájí
Sulaymán Khán himself in the Sar-Chashmih quarter of the city, and from his house were taken to the
shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum, where they remained concealed until the year 1284 A.H. (1867-1868)..."
This would seem to explain ZARANDI's omission of the name of Hájí Sulaymán Khán with regard to
the process of the actual transfer of the Báb's body from Tabríz to Tihrán — it was intended that this
process be secret, so that enemies of the Bábís (and later of the Bahá'ís) would be incapable of seizing
that sacred relic. ZARANDI (pp. 610-611, 613-619) makes copious reference to the martyrdom of
Sulaymán Khán, and other sources cited by Amanat (p. 367, n. 189) include SIPIHR (vol. IV, p. 42),
ZUHUR (p. 26n), Browne in JADID (pp. 330-331), Moojan Momen (pp. 128-146), and "Vaqayi'
Ittifaqiya" (no. 82). Sepehr Manuchehri has indicated that ZUHUR (volumes III and IV) contains much
A Prophet in Modern Times 168

martyr from the insults and the brutalities of the infidels, decided to mobilize their men, to go in
groups to the place where the Báb lay, to wage battle if necessary but to carry off the precious
relic, no matter what the cost. Sulaymán Khán was a considerable man, and head of a large
family having ties of friendship with the Kalantar of Tabríz(39). He prevailed upon his co-

material on Hájí Mírzá Sulaymán Khán, the Bábí, and on the transfer of the Báb's remains from Tabríz
to Haifa. According to Manuchehri, ZUHUR categorically denies that the Bábís intended to 'wage
battle if necessary' in order to retrieve the body of the Báb. Instead, the Bábís sent two or three persons
who pretended to be 'mentally disturbed' to the vicinity of the site. These were instructed not to leave
the site under any circumstances. Bábí women were directed to bring them food and water. They were
to remain there and attempt to smuggle the body out at a suitable time.

(39)Hájí Mihdi Khán (Balyuzi, p. 159), the Kalatar (mayor) of Tabríz was a long-standing friend of Hájí

Sulaymán Khán. ZARANDI (p. 519) calls the Kalantar a dervish and a member of the Súfí community,
while 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 28) states that he was "of the mystic temperament and did not entertain aversion
or dislike for any sect" — important indications, inasmuch as Hájí Mírzá Áqásí and Muhammad Sháh
were also Súfís, if clearly of a different stripe. The Kalatar arranged for Hájí Alláh-Yár (ZARANDI, p.
519; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 28), a private servant of the mayor ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 28), known for his exploits
(Balyuzi, p. 159) to recover the bodies of Anís and the Báb. These were delivered to Hájí Sulaymán
Khán, on the second night after the Báb's death (ZARANDI, pp. 518, 519; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 27), at
midnight. Both ZARANDI (p. 518) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) report that an official of the Russian
consulate sent an artist to draw a sketch of the two bodies as they lay at the edge of the moat, before they
were recovered by the Bábís. ZARANDI (p. 518) received his report from Hájí 'Alí-Askar, a relative of
an official of the Russian consulate, who showed him that sketch "on the very same day it was drawn. It
was such a faithful portrait of the Bab that I looked upon! No bullet had struck His forehead, His cheeks,
or His lips. I gazed upon a smile which seemed to be still lingering upon His countenance. His body,
however, had been severely mutilated. I could recognize the arms and head of His companion, who
seemed to be holding Him in his embrace. As I gazed horror-struck upon that haunting picture, and saw
how those noble traits had been disfigured, my heart sank within me." This sketch was thought to be lost
until the Armenian author Atrpet Sargis Mubagajian published numerous photographs of early Bábís
and some allegedly of the Báb in the second half of his "Imámat: Strana Poklonnikov Imámov
(Persidskoe Dukhovenstvo) [Imámate: The Country of the Worshippers of the Imáms]" (Alexandropol,
1909), entitled "Bábíty I Bekhaiti" (pp. 87-208) [http://bahai-library.org/books/ biblio/history.html]
Dr. Denis MacEoin, who inspected this volume himself and who was familiar with authenticated
pictures of the Báb, wrote in his bibliography of Bahá'í literature, in which we find Atrpet's work cited,
that "none of which [photographs] appear to be in the least authentic." This assessment is confirmed by
an Ad Hoc Committee appointed by the Universal House of Justice to look into this question, replying
(20 March 1983) to a letter asking about these pictures written by Robert Stauffer (9 February 1983) and
posted as follows at: http://bahai-library.org/wwwboard/messages00/584.html

"In an early sketch of Atrpet Sargis Mubagajian's sources of information for his book 'Bábízm i
Bekhaizm', a report was found among the documents filed by Shoghi Effendi indicating that
Mubagajian went to Tabríz to investigate the Bahá'í Faith. He, unfortunately, met with Jalil
Mishkar Khu'i, a Covenant-breaker, and received his information from this man. What
Mubagajian was told, particularly about the period after Bahá'u'lláh, was grossly incorrect. Jalil
also sold Mubagajian other pictures and portraits which later appeared in the book. The report
further states that the portraits identified as those of Bahá'u'lláh, the Báb and Táhirih are
obviously forged. However, the drawing made of 'Abdu'l-Bahá in his youth bears, of course, a
great resemblance to the original picture."

Ismael Velasco (email 16/1/02) reported that "Bahiyyih Nakhjavani and Bill Collins have done some
research into this at the [Bahá'í] World Centre. It seems the portrait [found in Artpet's book] that was
purportedly drawn by an artist who had been brought by the Russian consul to the spot where the
bodies [of the Báb and Anís] were thrown the day after the Báb's martyrdom may not be authentic. Bill
A Prophet in Modern Times 169

religionists for permission to warn this functionary of the decision that had been taken and to
make known to him that it would be better for him to allow the removal of the body than to risk
civil war breaking out in the town. The Kalantar, struck by the immanence of this peril, and by
the sum that was offered him, thanked Sulaymán Khán for his message, prayed him to advise
his companions not to budge and to wait until he himself could assure that the body of the Báb
could be removed by his people. But the Bábís responded to him that they would not permit the
assassins to sully with their touch the body of the august victim. The Kalantar thus consented
that some Bábís go to the place of execution to remove the body and he sent some of his men
with them to silence the soldiers on guard, who, receiving an agreeable payment, easily
consented to keep quiet. Everyone being thus satisfied, it was arranged to say that the [body of
the] Báb had been devoured by stray animals. This could easily be believed, for it was
believable. Hence the plan offered the immense advantage of maintaining the peace in a
generally turbulent city, of enriching the actors in the comedy, to free them from all
responsibility and from the other side to close the eyes of the authorities. The two bodies were
thus carried off, that of Muhammad-'Alí-i-Zanjání(40) was buried and that of the Báb shrouded
in a box and hidden in a house(41).

I must here open a parenthesis, so as to report what was told me by Subh-i-Azal, during my
visit to Cyprus(42):

"Before his death the Báb ordained in one of his verses that I enclose his body in a

Collins wrote:

'I served at the Bahá'í World Centre Library for thirteen years, and on a number of occasions, I
was presented with difficult problems of identification. One of these problems had to do with a
supposed sketch of the Báb's body that appeared in a Russian article. We could find no
historical evidence that this sketch was anything other than the author's imagination. Yet there
were people who criticized the finding that this was almost certainly not drawn at the time the
Báb's body was thrown by His enemies beside the moat in Tabríz.'"

It appears then that the original sketch of the Báb after his martyrdom has not been found, and that the
pictures found in Artpet's book are forgeries. Please see note (47) of Chapter Four for a description of
other portraits of the Báb.

(40)Mullá Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zanjání was named Hujjat-i-Zanjání by the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 178, 529,

683) and was also called simply Hujjat (ZARANDI, pp. 531-580). Nicolas has confused him with
Muhammad-'Alí Zunúzí of Tabríz, named Anís, who was the Báb's companion in death. Nicolas' source
for this misinformation would appear to be Mírzá Yahya, as he quotes him to this effect (cited note (44)
this Chapter). Nicolas claims that the body of the Báb's companion was buried while that of the Báb
himself was shrouded in a box and hidden in a house. ZARANDI (p. 519) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27)
affirm that the bodies of both of these martyrs, the Báb and Anís, were carried away by the Bábís, and
ZARANDI (p. 519) indicates that both were laid in a single casket. This is confirmed by Shoghi Effendi
("God Passes By," p. 273) and by Mírzá Yahya as well — please read on and see note (44).
(41)As has been indicated in note (38), other reports confirm Nicolas' statement that the body of the Báb

was placed in a casket and hidden in a house.

(42)Nicolas attests that he was in contact with Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal in Cyprus for two years, in 1894

and 1895 ("Introduction," "Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. i, n. 1). Inasmuch as Nicolas refers here
to his visit to Cyprus, it would seem likely that he may have made two visits, one in 1894 and another in
1895. Mírzá Yahya did not die until 1911, so it appears that Nicolas discontinued contact with him by
choice rather than necessity.
A Prophet in Modern Times 170

casket of diamonds, with God's permission, and to bury him opposite Sháh 'Abdu'l-
'Azím(43). He described the place of the sepulcher in such fashion that I alone could
understand what he meant.

"He died thus, as well as Muhammad-'Alí-i-Zanjání. The executioners threw the
members of the two martyrs one over the other haphazardly in such fashion that it was
impossible to differentiate them.

"I put both of them in a casket of crystal(44), not being able to make one in diamonds and
buried it at the very place which the Prophet had indicated to me. The location of the
sepulcher remained a secret for thirty years(45). The Bahá'ís especially knew nothing of it,
(43)ZARANDI (pp. 520-521) indicates that Bahá'u'lláh ordered the transfer of the Báb's body from
Tabríz to Tihrán, "prompted by the wish the Báb Himself had expressed in the 'Ziyárat-i-Sháh-'Abdu'l-
'Azím,' a Tablet He had revealed while in the neighborhood of that shrine and which He delivered to a
certain Mírzá Sulaymán-i-Khatíb, who was instructed by Him to proceed together with a number of
believers to that spot and to chant it within its precincts." ZARANDI (p. 521) quotes some of the words
of the Báb with regard to this location:

"'Well is it with you,' the Báb addressed the buried saint in words such as these, in the
concluding passages of that Tablet, 'to have found your resting place in Rayy, under the shadow
of My Beloved. Would that I might be entombed within the precincts of that holy ground!'"

Lord Curzon ("Persia and the Persian Question," pp. 345-347; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 521, n. 1)
described this sanctuary, which is located about six miles southeast of Tihrán.

(44)As was affirmed in note (41), ZARANDI (p. 519) and Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 273) report

that the two bodies, of the Báb and Anís, were placed together in a single casket. This is corroborated
here by Mírzá Yahya. It is entirely unlikely however that the Báb's body could have been buried in a
crystal casket, inasmuch as this would be so heavy, so cumbersome and possibly so costly as to make the
movement of such a relic extremely difficult. Hence, this contention of Mírzá Yahya is highly suspect.
None of the extant letters of the Báb, including those which have been published by the Azalís (see
MacEoin, p. 96) confirm Mírzá Yahya's claim that he was personally and exclusively chosen by the Báb
to carry out the burial of his Master, in a location which he alone could identify. This is also unlikely
because, if he had been the only person who could identify this location, the priceless remains of the Báb
might easily have been lost forever, should Mírzá Yahya have died prior to informing another of the
secret location. Finally, Mírzá Yahya, if he has been accurately quoted by Nicolas, wrongly identifies the
martyred companion of the Báb as Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zanjání, called Hujjat, rather than Mírzá
Muhammad-'Alí, called Anís.

(45)Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 408) affirms that the body of the Báb was taken to the house of Mírzá Hasan

Vazír, the son-in-law of Majd-i-Ashráf. FAYZI (p. 357) indicates that the full name of Majd-i-Ashráf was
Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafrishi. ZARANDI (p. 521) states that the location of the Báb's body was a
closely guarded secret, apparently known only to Bahá'u'lláh, and to Áqáy-i-Kalím (Bahá'u'lláh's
brother, also known as Mírzá Músá) and Mírzá Ahmad, who were charged with effecting its
concealment by Bahá'u'lláh, and perhaps also by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. However, ZARANDI (p. 521) indicates
that upon the departure of Bahá'u'lláh for Adrianople, Áqáy-i-Kalím was to inform Munír, one of his
fellow disciples, of the location, but that he was unable himself to find the site. Bahá'u'lláh left
Constantinople for Adrianople on 1 December 1863 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 161), and it
seems likely that Áqáy-i-Kalím wrote to Munír by this time, if not earlier in the year. Ismael Velasco
(email 14/1/02) indicated that Mírzá Músá, Áqáy-i-Kalím was " a leading disciple of Bahá'u'lláh" who
acted "as His shield until 'Abdu'l-Bahá grew up" and that he was present when Bahá'u'lláh "received [a]
copy of [the] Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' sent by Mullá Husayn." For a description of this event, the reader may
refer to ZARANDI (pp. 106-107). For more details regarding that Mírzá Músá, Áqáy-i-Kalím, please
A Prophet in Modern Times 171

but a traitor revealed it to them. These blasphemers disinterred the body and destroyed
it. If they did not destroy it, and if they can show a new sepulcher which truly contains
the casket of crystal and the body of the Prophet which they have stolen, we cannot
resolve ourselves to considering this new tomb as sacred as it is not the place indicated
by the Báb(46)."

see ZARANDI (pp. 183, 255, 286, 288, 397, 432, 441, 582); H.M. Balyuzi's "Bahá'u'lláh: King of
Glory" (pp. 13, 36, 62, 66-67, 102, 105, 107, 112, 121, 128-29, 137, 139, 141, 148-50, 153, 155, 181,
184, 199, 204-207, 219, 221, 225-27, 229-30, 236, 243, 246, 275, 277, 283, 288, 315, 319, 327, 330,
347-48, 363, 369; H.M. Balyuzi's, "Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of Bahá'u'lláh" (George Ronald, 1985,
pp. 261-62); Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh" (volume I: pp. 15-16, 53, 67n, 131,
144, 205, 228, 247, 284, 316n; volume II: pp. 58, 67, 154, 160, 163-64, 200, 211, 247n, 332, 402, 405;
volume III: pp. 23, 181, 225n, 361, 424-25; volume IV: pp. 242, 420n, 438).

ZARANDI (pp. 521-522) indicates that the casket containing the bodies of the Báb and Anís was
subsequently discovered by Jamál, an adherent of the Cause who had been informed of its location while
Bahá'u'lláh was in Adrianople. Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 273-274) states that in 1284 A.H.
(1867-1868), in Adrianople, Bahá'u'lláh wrote a Tablet to Mullá 'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí, whom he
had appointed a Hand of the Cause (Balyuzi, p. 189n) and to Jamál-i-Burújirdí, ordering them to
transfer the sacred remains to a new location. It appears that the Jamál in ZARANDI may be identical
with Jamál-i-Burújirdí. This is confirmed by Adib Taherzadeh, who reports in "The Revelation of
Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II, p. 402): "At this juncture it is appropriate to mention that before going to
Adrianople, Jamál-i-Burújirdí had rendered an important service to the Faith in Persia. He and Mullá
'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí, known as Hájí Ákhund, whom Bahá'u'lláh later appointed a Hand of the
Cause of God, had been instructed by Him in 1284 A.H. (1867-8) to transfer the remains of the Báb
which were concealed within the Shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum to another place of safety." The story
of this transfer as found in "God Passes By" (pp. 273-276) is virtually identical to that found in Nicolas,
and both accounts seem to be based on the memoirs of Mullá 'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí. Photographs of
the Shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum are published in "Bahá'í World" (volume V, p. 544; and volume VI,
p. 65). Hence, Mírzá Yahya's contention, that the location of the bodies remained a secret for thirty
years, when they were apparently concealed in 1850 and moved in 1867-1868, is also highly suspect;
furthermore, his claim that the Bahá'ís in particular knew nothing of the whereabouts of the precious
trust is preposterous, inasmuch as Bahá'u'lláh called upon two Bahá'ís to move the remains when he
foresaw that they could be endangered by being left in the shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum. His statement
that the Bahá'ís disinterred the body and destroyed it is furthermore unbelievable, when one considers
that Bahá'ís universally regard the Báb as a Manifestation of God, greater in station to any previous
Prophet, and the first of the two Manifestations of a Cycle of Fulfillment destined to last half a million
years. Indeed, the Bahá'ís have a higher regard for the Báb than did the Bábís, inasmuch as the writings
of Bahá'u'lláh depict his prophetic standing in more superlative terms than those employed by the Báb
himself.

(46)Mírzá Yahya allows that if the Bahá'ís did not destroy the body of the Báb, and if they possess this

sacred relic, nevertheless, the tomb they chose for it is not sacred as it is not placed in the location
stipulated by the Báb. According to the verses of the Tablet cited by ZARANDI (p. 521), the Báb
wanted to be buried in Rayy, near the shrine of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, and just outside of Tihrán, because
he wished to have a resting place "under the shadow of My Beloved." Given the many hints in his
Writings to the identity of "Him Whom God shall manifest," which Bahá'u'lláh claimed to fulfill, it
seems reasonable to regard this Tablet as an expression of the Báb's wish to be buried close to
Bahá'u'lláh. 'Abdu'l-Bahá seems to have had the Báb's wishes in mind as well as those of Bahá'u'lláh
when he ordered that the Báb's remains be transported from Tihrán to 'Akká, where they arrived on 19
Ramadán 1316/31 January 1899 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 274). Finally, in "Bayán-i-fársí"
the Báb stated that certain geographical locations and buildings are sacralized through their association
with holy souls. The Manifestation of God is the "divine presence" during his earthly sojourn, and after
his passing, the places associated with him are holy to his followers. His house becomes the House of
A Prophet in Modern Times 172

This version, which I reported to the Bahá'ís of Tihrán had the effect of exasperating them and
causing them to renew their anathemas against the solitary of Cyprus.

This is how things transpired... We have said that the body of the Báb was hidden in one of the
houses of Tabríz. It was that of Sulaymán Khán himself(47). This one informed Bahá'u'llah of
what had happened and asked him for his instructions. Bahá', in conformity with the order he
had received in the testament of the Báb(48), ordained the transport of this box to Jamál. It was
carried to the Imám-Zádih Ma'sum(49), which has since become the favored cemetery of the

God, his city the City of God. The Báb made all of his ordinances and teachings contingent upon their
acceptance by "Him Whom God shall manifest", and hence, if Bahá'u'lláh, the successful claimant to
this title, decreed that the Báb's remains be located in a place different from the place ordained by the
Báb himself, it would appear that this is entirely in harmony with the Báb's wishes.

Regarding Mírzá Yahya's version of these events, Nicolas writes: "I hesitated for a long time to write
down these words of Subh-i-Azal in my story. Everything he says is contradictory and unbelievable, but
I thought that impartiality made it a duty for me to report what I heard. I will limit myself to remarking
that Subh-i-Azal does not explain how the body came to him, or where and how he procured the casket
of crystal. The confused members of the two victims respond to nothing that history tells us. If the two
sects differ in opinion as to the person of the successor of the Báb, at least they envelope the Báb himself
with the same love and the same respect. To accuse one of them of having destroyed him seems to be a
calumny of which Mírzá Yahya repents, moreover immediately, as he adds as a corrective that it is
possible that the body was not destroyed. That the Bahá'ís would have ignored the location of the
sepulcher for thirty years is impossible, because at the start there were only Bábís. Finally, how could
Azal have hidden this [location] from his brother Bahá' in whom he had the greatest confidence and
whom he even accuses of having abused that confidence?" Nicolas' comments are telling considering
that he relied on Mírzá Yahya and his followers for much of his information and many of his copies of
the writings of the Báb.

(47)Nicolasdoes not identify his source here. ZARANDI (p. 519) states that Hájí Sulaymán Khán
transferred the remains of Anís and the Báb from the silk factory in Mílán "to a place of safety."
'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 28) reports that the sacred remains were placed in a box in the workshop of a Bábí
of Mílán, and that afterwards, in obedience to instructions from Tihrán, they were sent away from
Ádhirbáyján to a secret location. Inasmuch as Hájí Sulaymán Khán's father was a Tabrízí (Balyuzi, p.
149), and "one of the nobles of Ádhirbáyján" (ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 28), it is very likely that the family
had a residence in Tabríz itself, and that the bodies of the Báb and Anís were taken to that location
subsequent to their consignment to a casket. Furthermore, it is recorded by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes
By," p. 273) that the casket was concealed in the Tihrán residence of Hájí Sulaymán Khán after it was
removed from the shrine of Imám-Zádih Hasan and before it was taken to the shrine of Imám-Zádih
Ma'sum.

(48)ZARANDI (pp. 519-520) indicates that Hájí Sulaymán Khán reported the location of the casket and

its sacred trust to Bahá'u'lláh who was then in Tihrán. ZARANDI (pp. 520-521) also indicates that
Bahá'u'lláh gave instructions for the transfer of the Báb's body in compliance with a formal statement of
the wishes of the Báb himself regarding his burial that was in his possession.

(49)Nicolas identifies the resting place of the casket, which ZARANDI and ABDU'L-BAHA refrained

from doing, either because they were not informed of its whereabouts, or more likely because they did
not wish to endanger its continued existence by making its location public knowledge in an untimely
fashion. When ZARANDI was compiling his history, circa 1887-1892, and when 'Abdu'l-Bahá was
seeing his history published, in 1890 and 1891, the body of the Báb had already been transferred to
another safe house, inasmuch as it had been imperiled by the renovations being made to the Imám-
Zádih Ma'sum. However, the casket was still in the keeping of the Bahá'ís in the vicinity of Tihrán, and
A Prophet in Modern Times 173

Bábís, outside what is called the gate of Qazvín(50) — because it is there that the road terminates
which conducts from this town to the capital. It was placed in a niche that was walled in with
bricks.

Things remained in this way for a long time, when, twenty-nine years ago, Mírzá Husayn 'Alí
Bahá', being then at Adrianople(51), gave the order to Hájí 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí(52) and to
Áqá Jamál(53) to remove it from the place where it had been and to transport it elsewhere.
These ones obeyed without understanding why they had been ordered to make this change; but
they understood this instruction some time later when the Imám-Zádih, which was on the verge
of collapse, was demolished and then rebuilt. Its demolition — if Bahá' had not taken this
precaution — would have revealed the box and the previous relics would have fallen into

it may have seemed risky to them to openly discuss the present whereabouts of this sacred trust. In 1899,
the sacred remains made their way to 'Akká and out of Persia altogether; hence, what would have
constituted a risky and potentially disastrous disclosure in 1890 was an entirely appropriate statement of
historical fact in 1905.

(50)Qazvín is a city located around one hundred miles northwest of Tihrán.

(51)Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 274) gives the date of this ordinance of Bahá'u'lláh as 1284 A.H.

(1867-1868), which would have been thirty-seven to thirty-eight years prior to 1905, when Nicolas
published "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Twenty-nine years prior to 1905 would have fallen on
the year 1876. Bahá'u'lláh left Adrianople — from whence, according to both authors, he wrote a Tablet
ordering the transfer of the Báb's remains — on 22 Rabí' al-Thání 1285 A.H. (12 August 1868)
according to Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 180). Therefore, it is plainly impossible that he could
have sent this order twenty-nine years prior to the publication of Nicolas' book, as he left Adrianople
eight or nine years prior to that time. Was Nicolas referring to an earlier date, perhaps the time when he
met and talked with Hájí Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí? If so then this meeting must have taken place
eight years before the publication of his book, in 1897. This is entirely possible. Another possibility is
that Nicolas did not calculate this period of time accurately, and as we have witnessed repeatedly in the
course of this biography, the calculation of time was not one of his strong points as a chronicler of
events.

(52)Hájí 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, also known as Hájí Ákhund, was appointed a Hand of the Cause of

God by Bahá'u'lláh (Balyuzi, p. 189). Biographical references to Shahmírzádí can be found in H.M.
Balyuzi's "Bahá'u'lláh: King of Glory" (pp. 399, 454); H.M. Balyuzi's "Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of
Bahá'u'lláh" (pp. 105-106, 139, 175, 258, 261-63, 265-66); Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of
Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II: p. 402; volume III: pp. 85-86, 200, 425-27; volume IV: pp. 14, 185, 255, 275,
277, 279, 292, 294-301, 306, 311-12, 315-326, 337-38, 348, 380-81, 436).

(53)Jamál-i-Burújirdí is described by ZARANDI (p. 521) as "an old adherent of the Faith", and it thus

appears that he had been a Bábí for some time prior to the martyrdom of the Báb. ZUHUR (volumes V
and VI), and the memoirs of Dr. Afrukhtih and Dr. Mu'ayyad contain biographical information related
to this learned man, this devoted teacher who traveled throughout Persia to promote the Cause of
Bahá'u'lláh. It has been reported that Jamál-i-Burújirdí eventually became proud of his knowledge and
his eloquence, and it is certain that after the passing of Bahá'u'lláh he refused to accept 'Abdu'l-Bahá, the
eldest son of Bahá'u'lláh who had been appointed by him in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" and "Kitáb-i-'Ahdí" to
serve as the leader of the Bahá'í community. He demanded that 'Abdu'l-Bahá appoint him the head of
the Bahá'í Faith in Írán, even as George I. Kheirallah demanded to be made head of the Faith in North
America. When 'Abdu'l-Bahá refused to acede to this demand, Jamál-i-Burújirdí joined forces with
Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, 'Abdu'l-Bahá's rebellious half-brother, in making a sustained attack upon the
leadership of the appointed heir of Bahá'u'lláh. He maintained his opposition to 'Abdu'l-Bahá until his
death, at a very advanced age.
A Prophet in Modern Times 174

profane hands.

I cede speech here to Hájí Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, who told me this entire story in these
terms(54):

"After having received the order in question we went, Áqá Jamál and I, to find the box
at the Imám-Zádih Ma'sum. We found it behind the wall of bricks which we had to
destroy, and we transported it in the direction of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím(55). Night had come
and we did not know what to do, finding no place where we could safely place the box
that had been confided to us. We crossed the village and came to the side of Chishmih-
'Alí(56) when we passed before the Masjid-i-Masha'u'llah(57), which was then half ruined
and far away from every inhabited place.

"We had found a favorable location, and we stopped. We opened the box and found the
body enwrapped in a shroud; we left it as it was, but wrapped the whole in a shroud of
silk which we had brought. In the course of this operation, we found upon his chest a
bouquet of flowers which had been placed there and which were all dried out. We took
this bouquet and we shared the flowers. Then we replaced the body in the box which
we carried into the mosque and we placed it standing up under a little arch. In the
opening of the two arches we built a wall of the bricks we found laying on the ground;
some plaster had been brought to us by one of our co-religionists.

"While we were thus occupied, we had not noticed that we had been watched by
farmers who had been intrigued by our entry into this solitary place.

"After having finished our work, we went to Quts-i-Hesar(58), a village situated below the
Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, where we rested the whole day.

"The evening having fallen, we directed ourselves towards Jamál. Having arrived at

(54)This account is virtually identical to that found in "God Passes By" (p. 274), although it is told in

greater detail by Nicolas.

(55)Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím is the shrine to which the Báb apparently referred in his Tablet, and also which

ZARANDI (p. 519) indicates as the preferred resting-place of the Báb. Sepehr Manuchehri states that it
is found in southern Tihrán.

(56)Chashmih-'Alí is translated as the 'Alí Springs by Balyuzi (p. 190). Sepehr Manuchehri reports (email

22/1/02) that "Chishmih-'Alí is now a part of the Nadí-Abad district in southern Teheran. It was
famous for its natural spring water system. The local carpet dealers and weavers believed the quality of
water would enhance the color richness of their carpets and hence it was a popular spot for washing
carpets. During the reign of Fath-'Alí Sháh [1797-1834], a portrait of the king was engraved on the
rocks surrounding the spring water way. Hence the name 'Chishmih-'Alí'."

(57)Masjid-i-Masha'u'lláh, the "abandoned and dilapidated" mosque ("God Passes By," p. 274) "used to

be in Chishmih-'Alí and was destroyed [a] long time ago to make way for development" (Sepehr
Manuchehri in an email 22/1/02).

(58)Quts-i-Hesar, according to Sepehr Manuchehri, is located approximately five kilometers from the

shrine of 'Abdu'l-'Azím in southern Tihrán. This name was retained right up to the 1979 Islamic
Revolution.
A Prophet in Modern Times 175

Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím at the place where the two roads meet, the first going towards
Chishmih-'Alí, the other towards Tihrán, Jamál took the road to the town. I stopped
him saying it would be good that we return to the Masjid-i-Masha'u'llah to see if we had
left any apparent traces of our passage and if our deposit was really secure. As you will
see, this was an inspiration from heaven.

"We set ourselves on the road and Jamál whose mount was less tired or more robust
than mine preceded me. I cried to him that I would await him at the place where I was.
He left then and I stayed alone. I waited a very long time, so long even that inquietude
overcame me and I hastened to rejoin my companion.

"Upon the threshhold I found him swooning. I tried to make him come back to himself,
but he was so troubled, so upset, that he did not have the strength to respond to my
questions about the cause of his fainting. So I entered the Mosque fearing that
something bad had happened, and, as it was dark, I touched with my hands the wall
which we had constructed. I could feel that it had been destroyed! Half crazy I stretched
out my arms before me, and found the box, but confirmed at the same time that the box
had been broken. I pulled it to me in a violent movement of despair and, finding it very
heavy, I was restored with hope. Very soon I had the immense joy of confirming that
the body was still therein. Reassured, I reassured my companion and we took counsel as
to what we could do.

"We did not see an alternative other than to trust in Providence and to try to bring the
box back into the town. We put it upon one of our donkeys and set upon the way.

"Arriving close to the fortifications we stopped, much perplexed; if we wished to make
our burden enter by the gate, the customs men and the soldiers would have stopped us
to exAmine the contents, and we would have been imprisoned after the confiscation of
our box. To pass through the ditch and to climb up the bank was difficult and
dangerous. We were at the point of despair when the storm which had been threatening
for a long time suddenly broke. The rain poured down and the pilgrims precipitated
themselves in a crowd towards the door. Profiting from the occasion we mixed ourselves
in their midst and, holding our 'abá(59) over the box we were able to pass in this disorder
without being noticed.

"We carried the box to one of our number, Áqá Mírzá Hasan Vazír(60), son-in-law of
Siyyid 'Alí Majdu'l-Ashraf(61); I installed myself in his house without revealing to him the
secret.

(59)'Abá' is the Persian and Arabic term that denotes the heavy cloak or robe which was the preferred

garb of most middle and upper class Persian men in the 19th century.

(60)Áqá Mírzá Hasan Vazír is called Mírzá Hasan-i-Vazír by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 190).

Balyuzi (p. 190n) indicates that Dr. Yunis Khán-i-Afrukhtih learned that the descendants of this believer
had pieces of linen that had been soaked in the blood of the Báb; he persuaded them to donate these
relics to the leadership of the Bahá'í Faith, and they are now kept in the International Bahá'í Archives.

(61)Siyyid 'Alí Majdu'l-Ashráf is referred to in note (38), as being the father in law of Mírzá Hasan Vazír.

FAYZI (p. 357) gives his full name as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafrishi. MacEoin (p. 19) identifies his name
as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafarshí Majdu'l-Ashráf.
A Prophet in Modern Times 176

"I remained for fourteen months the guardian of this deposit. I do not know how our co-
religionists were advised of this provisional sepulcher, but I soon received letters from all
the provinces on this subject, and from all points of the Empire, Bábís came on
pilgrimage. I had to answer all of these people that I did not know what this was all
about, that all that had been said was false, and the pilgrimages continued nevertheless.

"From the start, alarmed by these comings and goings that might awaken the attention
of the authorities, I referred to Bahá', informing him that some Isfáhánís had the
intention of buying the terrain on which the house was built in order to construct there
a befitting tomb.

"Finally, at the end of fourteen months, as I have already said, Hájí Sháh Muhammad,
surnamed Amín, came from 'Akká(62). He was the bearer of an order enjoining me to
deliver to him this deposit without asking him any questions about what he was going to
do with it. I gave it to him without asking him for any explanation.

"Hájí Sháh Muhammad, who later was killed at Tabríz in the insurrection of Shaykh
Obayd'u'llah(63), carried the body in great secrecy to an unknown place, probably the
house of one of his co-religionists.

"Things remained as such, and we were all ignorant of the place where the remains of
our Prophet were to be found, when, seventeen years ago, one named Áqá Mírzá
Assad'u'lláh Isfáhání(64) came from 'Akká to Jamál. He took charge of the deposit, but
nobody knew where he was going to take it and to whom he confided it. Finally, two
years ago(65), this same Assad'u'lláh returned and transported the relic to 'Akká.

It is said that the sepulcher is found at the foot of Mount Carmel(66).

(62)Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 274) indicates that Hájí Sháh Muhammad-i-Manshadi,
surnamed Amínu'l-Bayán, was commissioned by Bahá'u'lláh to receive the sacred remains from Mullá
'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, as is also stated by Nicolas. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that many
details are known regarding the life of this believer, including references to him in Tablets written by
Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá; in ZUHUR (volumes V and VI); and in Hájí Muhammad Tahir
Malmiri's "Táríkh-i-Yazdí".

(63)When Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí told his story to Nicolas, he was not apprized of the place in

which Hájí Sháh Muhammad-i-Manshadi concealed the casket, but Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By,"
pp. 274) indicates that he buried it beneath the floor of the shrine of Imám-Zádih Zayd.

(64)Mírzá Assadu'lláh-i-Isfáhání was informed by Bahá'u'lláh of the location of the trust, and was
instructed to transfer it elsewhere, which he did, first to his own home and later to other locations ("God
Passes By," p. 274).

(65)Nicolas indicates that Mírzá Assadu'lláh-i-Isfáhání returned to Tihrán from 'Akká to effect the transfer

of the sacred relic to the Holy Land, and this is confirmed by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By, p. 274).
Nicolas quotes Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí to the effect that this occurred "two years ago," and as the
year of this transfer is stated as 1899, this would date his telling of this story in the year 1901.

(66)The present location of the remains of the Báb and his fellow martyr, Anís, is a tomb whose site was

"blessed and selected by Bahá'u'lláh" ("God Passes By," p. 275); the construction of which was
supervised by 'Abdu'l-Bahá and completed on 28 Safar 1327 A.H., 21 March 1909; the superstructure,
A Prophet in Modern Times 177

Hence, it was only long after his death, that Siyyid 'Alí, the greatest figure of modern times, he
who, for love of his fellow men, took part in the most frightful adventure which could be dreamt
of, with a courage all the more marvelous because it was tranquil and consistent, and who in
certain fact is a hero whom no other hero will ever equal, finally rests in eternal peace. May the
earth be light upon him!

ornamentation and adjacent gardens of which were carried out with infinite care by Shoghi Effendi; and
the nineteen terraces and stairway of which were completed in summer 2001 under the supervision and
management of the Universal House of Justice. The centerpiece of the World Order of Bahá'u'lláh is the
shrine of the Báb on Mt. Carmel, in Haifa, Israel.
A Prophet in Modern Times 178

APPENDIX I: THE BÁB

Dearly-beloved friends! That the Báb, the inaugurator of the Bábí Dispensation, is fully entitled
to rank as one of the self-sufficient Manifestations of God, that He has been invested with
sovereign power and authority, and exercises all the rights and prerogatives of independent
Prophethood, is yet another fundamental verity which the Message of Bahá'u'lláh insistently
proclaims and which its followers must uncompromisingly uphold. That He is not to be
regarded merely as an inspired Precursor of the Bahá'í Revelation, that in His person, as He
Himself bears witness in the Persian Bayán, the object of all the Prophets gone before Him has
been fulfilled, is a truth which I feel it my duty to demonstrate and emphasize. We would
assuredly be failing in our duty to the Faith we profess and would be violating one of its basic
and sacred principles if in our words or by our conduct we hesitate to recognize the
implications of this root principle of Bahá'í belief, or refuse to uphold unreservedly its integrity
and demonstrate its truth. Indeed the chief motive actuating me to undertake the task of editing
and translating Nabíl's immortal Narrative has been to enable every follower of the Faith in the
West to better understand and more readily grasp the tremendous implications of His exalted
station and to more ardently admire and love Him.

There can be no doubt that the claim to the twofold station ordained for the Báb by the
Almighty, a claim which He Himself has so boldly advanced, which Bahá'u'lláh has repeatedly
affirmed, and to which the Will and Testament of `Abdu'l-Bahá has finally given the sanction of
its testimony, constitutes the most distinctive feature of the Bahá'í Dispensation. It is a further
evidence of its uniqueness, a tremendous accession to the strength, to the mysterious power and
authority with which this holy cycle has been invested. Indeed the greatness of the Báb consists
primarily, not in His being the divinely-appointed Forerunner of so transcendent a Revelation,
but rather in His having been invested with the powers inherent in the inaugurator of a
separate religious Dispensation, and in His wielding, to a degree unrivaled by the Messengers
gone before Him, the scepter of independent Prophethood.

The short duration of His Dispensation, the restricted range within which His laws and
ordinances have been made to operate, supply no criterion whatever wherewith to judge its
Divine origin and to evaluate the potency of its message. "That so brief a span," Bahá'u'lláh
Himself explains, "should have separated this most mighty and wondrous Revelation from
Mine own previous Manifestation, is a secret that no man can unravel and a mystery such as no
mind can fathom. Its duration had been foreordained, and no man shall ever discover its reason
unless and until he be informed of the contents of My Hidden Book." "Behold," Bahá'u'lláh
further explains in the Kitáb-i-Badí', one of His works refuting the arguments of the people of
the Bayán, "behold, how immediately upon the completion of the ninth year of this wondrous,
this most holy and merciful Dispensation, the requisite number of pure, of wholly consecrated
and sanctified souls had been most secretly consummated."

The marvelous happenings that have heralded the advent of the Founder of the Bábí
Dispensation, the dramatic circumstances of His own eventful life, the miraculous tragedy of
His martyrdom, the magic of His influence exerted on the most eminent and powerful among
His countrymen, to all of which every chapter of Nabíl's stirring narrative testifies, should in
themselves be regarded as sufficient evidence of the validity of His claim to so exalted a station
among the Prophets.
A Prophet in Modern Times 179

However graphic the record which the eminent chronicler of His life has transmitted to
posterity, so luminous a narrative must pale before the glowing tribute paid to the Báb by the
pen of Bahá'u'lláh. This tribute the Báb Himself has, by the clear assertion of His claim,
abundantly supported, while the written testimonies of `Abdu'l-Bahá have powerfully
reinforced its character and elucidated its meaning.

Where else if not in the Kitáb-i-Íqán can the student of the Bábí Dispensation seek to find those
affirmations that unmistakably attest the power and spirit which no man, except he be a
Manifestation of God, can manifest? "Could such a thing," exclaims Bahá'u'lláh, "be made
manifest except through the power of a Divine Revelation and the potency of God's invincible
Will? By the righteousness of God! Were any one to entertain so great a Revelation in his heart
the thought of such a declaration would alone confound him! Were the hearts of all men to be
crowded into his heart, he would still hesitate to venture upon so awful an enterprise." "No
eye," He in another passage affirms, "hath beheld so great an outpouring of bounty, nor hath
any ear heard of such a Revelation of loving-kindness... The Prophets `endowed with
constancy,' whose loftiness and glory shine as the sun, were each honored with a Book which all
have seen, and the verses of which have been duly ascertained. Whereas the verses which have
rained from this Cloud of divine mercy have been so abundant that none hath yet been able to
estimate their number... How can they belittle this Revelation? Hath any age witnessed such
momentous happenings?"

Commenting on the character and influence of those heroes and martyrs whom the spirit of the
Báb had so magically transformed Bahá'u'lláh reveals the following: "If these companions be
not the true strivers after God, who else could be called by this name?... If these companions,
with all their marvelous testimonies and wondrous works, be false, who then is worthy to claim
for himself the truth?... Has the world since the days of Adam witnessed such tumult, such
violent commotion?... Methinks, patience was revealed only by virtue of their fortitude, and
faithfulness itself was begotten only by their deeds."

Wishing to stress the sublimity of the Báb's exalted station as compared with that of the
Prophets of the past, Bahá'u'lláh in that same epistle asserts: "No understanding can grasp the
nature of His Revelation, nor can any knowledge comprehend the full measure of His Faith."
He then quotes, in confirmation of His argument, these prophetic words: "Knowledge is twenty
and seven letters. All that the Prophets have revealed are two letters thereof. No man thus far
hath known more than these two letters. But when the Qá'im shall arise, He will cause the
remaining twenty and five letters to be made manifest." "Behold," He adds, "how great and
lofty is His station! His rank excelleth that of all the Prophets and His Revelation transcendeth
the comprehension and understanding of all their chosen ones." "Of His Revelation," He
further adds, "the Prophets of God, His saints and chosen ones, have either not been informed,
or, in pursuance of God's inscrutable decree, they have not disclosed."

Of all the tributes which Bahá'u'lláh's unerring pen has chosen to pay to the memory of the
Báb, His "Best-Beloved," the most memorable and touching is this brief, yet eloquent passage
which so greatly enhances the value of the concluding passages of that same epistle. "Amidst
them all," He writes, referring to the afflictive trials and dangers besetting Him in the city of
Baghdád, "We stand life in hand wholly resigned to His Will, that perchance through God's
loving kindness and grace, this revealed and manifest Letter (Bahá'u'lláh) may lay down His life
as a sacrifice in the path of the Primal Point, the most exalted Word (the Báb). By Him, at
Whose bidding the Spirit hath spoken, but for this yearning of Our soul, We would not, for one
moment, have tarried any longer in this city."
A Prophet in Modern Times 180

Dearly-beloved friends! So resounding a praise, so bold an assertion issued by the pen of
Bahá'u'lláh in so weighty a work, are fully re-echoed in the language in which the Source of the
Bábí Revelation has chosen to clothe the claims He Himself has advanced. "I am the Mystic
Fane," the Báb thus proclaims His station in the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', "which the Hand of
Omnipotence hath reared. I am the Lamp which the Finger of God hath lit within its niche and
caused to shine with deathless splendor. I am the Flame of that supernal Light that glowed
upon Sinai in the gladsome Spot, and lay concealed in the midst of the Burning Bush." "O
Qurratu'l-`Ayn!" He, addressing Himself in that same commentary, exclaims, "I recognize in
Thee none other except the `Great Announcement' — the Announcement voiced by the
Concourse on high. By this name, I bear witness, they that circle the Throne of Glory have ever
known Thee." "With each and every Prophet, Whom We have sent down in the past," He
further adds, "We have established a separate Covenant concerning the `Remembrance of
God' and His Day. Manifest, in the realm of glory and through the power of truth, are the
`Remembrance of God' and His Day before the eyes of the angels that circle His mercy-seat."
"Should it be Our wish," He again affirms, "it is in Our power to compel, through the agency of
but one letter of Our Revelation, the world and all that is therein to recognize, in less than the
twinkling of an eye, the truth of Our Cause."

"I am the Primal Point," the Báb thus addresses Muhammad Sháh from the prison-fortress of
Máh-Kú, "from which have been generated all created things... I am the Countenance of God
Whose splendor can never be obscured, the light of God whose radiance can never fade... All
the keys of heaven God hath chosen to place on My right hand, and all the keys of hell on My
left... I am one of the sustaining pillars of the Primal Word of God. Whosoever hath recognized
Me, hath known all that is true and right, and hath attained all that is good and seemly... The
substance wherewith God hath created Me is not the clay out of which others have been
formed. He hath conferred upon Me that which the worldly-wise can never comprehend, nor
the faithful discover." "Should a tiny ant," the Báb, wishing to stress the limitless potentialities
latent in His Dispensation, characteristically affirms, "desire in this day to be possessed of such
power as to be able to unravel the abstrusest and most bewildering passages of the Qur'án, its
wish will no doubt be fulfilled, inasmuch as the mystery of eternal might vibrates within the
innermost being of all created things." "If so helpless a creature," is `Abdu'l-Bahá's comment on
so startling an affirmation, "can be endowed with so subtle a capacity, how much more
efficacious must be the power released through the liberal effusions of the grace of Bahá'u'lláh!"

To these authoritative assertions and solemn declarations made by Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb
must be added `Abdu'l-Bahá's own incontrovertible testimony. He, the appointed interpreter of
the utterances of both Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb, corroborates, not by implication but in clear
and categorical language, both in His Tablets and in His Testament, the truth of the statements
to which I have already referred.

In a Tablet addressed to a Bahá'í in Mázindarán, in which He unfolds the meaning of a
misinterpreted statement attributed to Him regarding the rise of the Sun of Truth in this
century, He sets forth, briefly but conclusively, what should remain for all time our true
conception of the relationship between the two Manifestations associated with the Bahá'í
Dispensation. "In making such a statement," He explains, "I had in mind no one else except the
Báb and Bahá'u'lláh, the character of whose Revelations it had been my purpose to elucidate.
The Revelation of the Báb may be likened to the sun, its station corresponding to the first sign
of the Zodiac — the sign Aries — which the sun enters at the Vernal Equinox. The station of
Bahá'u'lláh's Revelation, on the other hand, is represented by the sign Leo, the sun's mid-
A Prophet in Modern Times 181

summer and highest station. By this is meant that this holy Dispensation is illumined with the
light of the Sun of Truth shining from its most exalted station, and in the plenitude of its
resplendency, its heat and glory."

"The Báb, the Exalted One," `Abdu'l-Bahá more specifically affirms in another Tablet, "is the
Morn of Truth, the splendor of Whose light shineth throughout all regions. He is also the
Harbinger of the Most Great Light, the Abhá Luminary. The Blessed Beauty is the One
promised by the sacred books of the past, the revelation of the Source of light that shone upon
Mount Sinai, Whose fire glowed in the midst of the Burning Bush. We are, one and all, servants
of their threshold, and stand each as a lowly keeper at their door." "Every proof and prophecy,"
is His still more emphatic warning, "every manner of evidence, whether based on reason or on
the text of the scriptures and traditions, are to be regarded as centered in the persons of
Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb. In them is to be found their complete fulfillment."

And finally, in His Will and Testament, the repository of His last wishes and parting
instructions, He in the following passage, specifically designed to set forth the guiding principles
of Bahá'í belief, sets the seal of His testimony on the Báb's dual and exalted station: "The
foundation of the belief of the people of Bahá' (may my life be offered up for them) is this: His
holiness the exalted One (the Báb) is the Manifestation of the unity and oneness of God and the
Forerunner of the Ancient Beauty (Bahá'u'lláh). His holiness, the Abhá Beauty (Bahá'u'lláh)
(may my life be offered up as a sacrifice for His steadfast friends) is the supreme Manifestation
of God and the Day-Spring of His most divine Essence." "All others," He significantly adds,
"are servants unto Him and do His bidding."

(Shoghi Effendi, "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh," dated February 8, 1934, published in
"The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh", Section 38, pp. 119-128)
A Prophet in Modern Times 182

APPENDIX II:

THE WRITINGS OF THE BÁB

CHRONOLOGICALLY ORDERED BY DATE AND LOCATION

BÚSHIHR (1834-1840)

1)Commercial accounts, invoices, bills, 1834-1840; cited MacEoin:44

2)"Risála-yi fiqhiyya," composed 1254-55/1838-39 in Búshihr; cited Nicolas, SAMB:190,
MacEoin:43 (missing)

KARBILÁ (1840-1841)

1)"Risála fi'l-sulúk," refering to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí; cited MacEoin:44-45 (5 mss)

2)"Risála fi'l-tasdíd," found alongside "Risála fi'l-sulúk"; cited MacEoin:45,196 (6 mss)

SHÍRÁZ (1841-1843)

1)"Daftar-i hisáb-i khalá'iq," translated as "this is the reckoning book of mankind" (MacEoin
translation:44); mentioned by his wife Khadíjih Begum to Munírih Khánum (wife of 'Abdu'l-
Bahá), and noted in her memoirs, translated by Mírzá Ahmad Sohrab (Los Angeles:Persian-
American Publishing Company, 1924, p. 24) and by Sammireh Anwar Smith (Los
Angeles:Kalimat Press, 1986, p. 34); quoted Faydí, "Khándán-i Afnán," p. 163; cited MacEoin:44

2)"Ziyára jámi'a kabíra," n.d., n.p.; cited MacEoin:45-46 (5 mss); "Ziyárat Námih-yi Áhl-Alláh,"
same as above, cited in Amanat:138; confused with "Kitáb al-haramayn" by Nicolas in "Le Livre
des Sept Preuves", p. ii (MacEoin:45n)

3)"Tafsír Súrat al-Baqara," commentary on the second chapter of the Qur'án, listed in "Kitáb al-
fihrist," dated January-May 1844 (MacEoin:51); called "Kitáb al-Ahmadiyya" in "Risála-yi
dhahabiyya" (MacEoin:53); composed 1259-1260/1839-1844, Shiraz; cited Nicolas:44;
MacEoin:46-47,53,201 (15 mss)

SHÍRÁZ (May-August 1844)

1)"Qayyúmu'l-asmá'," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50); called "Tafsír Súrat Yúsuf,"
commentary on the twelfth chapter of the Qur'án; called "Kitáb al-Husayniyya" in "Risála-yi
dhahabiyya" (53); composed 1260/1844; cited Nicolas:23-28; MacEoin:50,53,55-57,195-196 (17
mss)

2)"Tafsír Hadíth al-járiyya," composed 1260/1844; cited MacEoin:57-58,199 (6 mss)

3)"Ziyáratnáma fí'l-Imám 'Alí," cited MacEoin:58 (2 mss)

4)"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," first letter, composed 1260/1844, cited MacEoin:58,192 (2 mss)
A Prophet in Modern Times 183

5)"Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," first letter, composed 1260/1844, cited MacEoin:58,192 (2 mss)

6)"Risála-yi Najíb Páshá," letter to the Valí of Baghdád, composed 1260/1844; cited by Shoghi
Effendi:24; MacEoin:58 (missing)

7)"Du'á-yi sahífa," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50); these prayers may have been written
before hajj (MacEoin:59); called "Sahífa-yi makhzúna" (MacEoin:55,198); called "Sahífa al-
Hujjatiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited Nicolas:29-33 (14 prayers listed);
MacEoin:50,55,59-60,198 (14 prayers listed: 7 mss)

HAJJ TO MECCA AND MEDINA (10 September 1844-July 1845)

Letter to an uncle in Shíráz, dated 30 June 1845, indicating imminent return to Shíráz; cited
Balyuzi:105n; MacEoin:48

"Kitáb al-fihrist," list of Báb's writings to date; listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); called "Sahífa al-
radawiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54-55); composed 15 Jumada II 1261/21 June 1845 in
Bushihr; cited Nicolas:37; cited MacEoin:51,188 (4 mss)

Letters listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); "Kitáb al-Hasaniyya" (?) described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya"
(53); cited as "Jadwal al-kutub" (33) in Nicolas:33-37 (22 letters listed); MacEoin:51 (22 letters
listed),53,190-192:

(i)five letters to Mullá Husayn Bushru'i (Nicolas, MacEoin)

(ii)three letters to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan (Nicolas, MacEoin); [this may be the same person as Siyyid
Hasan to whom the Báb wrote a letter enumerated (vi) in INBMC 67, cited MacEoin:190]

(iii)"Kutub al-'ulama" (Nicolas), "Kitáb al-'ulama" (MacEoin); one copy is entitled "Surat al-
'ulama" (74); cited MacEoin:74,189 (4 mss)

(iv)letter to Mulláh Hasan (Nicolas), Mullá Hasan Gawhar (MacEoin)

(v)"Kitáb-i Majid" (Nicolas), letter to Sultan 'Abd al-Majid (MacEoin)

(vi)six letters to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Báb's uncle (Nicolas, MacEoin)

(vii)two letters to Hájí Mullá Muhammad (Nicolas, MacEoin)

(viii)"Kitábayn bayt" (Nicolas), two letters to Khadija Begum, the Báb's wife (MacEoin) [may be
same as one of the letters listed in INBA 5014C(xxvi):330 as to his wife, and cited MacEoin:191 (1
ms)]

(ix)three letters (Nicolas), three letters to the Hanbali, Maghribi and Hanafi Imams (MacEoin)

(x)"Kitáb al-imam al-hanafi" (Nicolas); letter to Hájí Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmani
(MacEoin) [this may be the same as the letter found in INBA 5014C(xxvii):331 as to Karim Khan
Kirmani, cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)]
A Prophet in Modern Times 184

(xi)letter to Hájí Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmani (Nicolas); letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad
'Alí Barfurushi (MacEoin)

(xii)letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad (Nicolas); letter to Mírzá 'Abd al-Baqi Rashti (MacEoin)

(xiii)letter to Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Baqi Rashti (Nicolas); letter to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasani
(MacEoin) [MacEoin:190 refers to letter to Siyyid Hasan written on return from hajj;
MacEoin:191 refers to letter to Hájí Mírzá Hasan Khurasani: see undated letters]

(xiv)letter to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasani (Nicolas); letter to Shaykh Rafi' (MacEoin)

(xv)two letters to Mullá Sadiq Khurasani (Nicolas, MacEoin)

(xvi)letter to Muhammad Kazim Khan (Nicolas, MacEoin)

(xvii)letter to Shaykh Khalif (Nicolas), Shaykh Khalaf (MacEoin)

(xviii)letter to Shaykh Salman (Nicolas), Shaykh Sulayman (MacEoin); [this may be the same as
Mírzá Sulayman, to whom the Báb wrote answering six questions, cited MacEoin:190]

(xix)letter to Sharif Sulayman of Mecca (Nicolas, MacEoin); Browne:F.28 (item 7); cited
MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

(xx)letter to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani (Nicolas); letter to Siyyid Ibráhím [Mahallati] (MacEoin)
[MacEoin:191 identifies this with letter to Mahallati, pp. 308-311, INBA 5014C]

(xxi)letter to Sulayman Khan (Nicolas); letter to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani (MacEoin) [this may be the
same as the letter to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani, cited MacEoin:191]

(xxii)"Kitáb al-fihrist" (Nicolas); letter to Sulayman Khan (MacEoin) [this may be the same as the
letter to Hájí Sulayman Khan, written in Medina, cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms); this may be the same
as the letter to Hájí Sulayman Khan found in Browne,F.28(item7) and listed as (ii) to Hajj
Sulayman Khan, cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)]

"Sahífa a'mál al-sana," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); composed in Bushihr after hajj; called
"Sahífa al- fátimiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54); called "Kitáb a'mal al-sana" (64); mentioned
in "Sahífa-yi 'adliyya" (64); called "Sahífa fátimiyya" in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" (70); cited
Nicolas:37-40; MacEoin:51,64,70,197 (2 mss)

"Khutbas," sermons written on pilgrimage, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); cited as "Jadwal al-
khutib" (40) in Nicolas:40-41 (7 listed); MacEoin:51 (9 listed):

(i)"Khutbas," two at Abi Shahar, Bushihr (Nicolas), Bushihr (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (2 mss)

(ii)"Khutba," at Banghareh (Nicolas), Banakan (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (missing)

(iii)"Khutba," at Kingan (Nicolas), Kanakan (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (2 mss)

(iv)"Khutba," on 'Id al-Fitr "feast day" (Nicolas, MacEoin), written in Masqat (MacEoin:187); cited
MacEoin:187 (2 mss)
A Prophet in Modern Times 185

(v)"Khutba," at Jidda (Nicolas, MacEoin); giving account of pilgrimage (MacEoin:48): cited
MacEoin:187 (2 mss)

(vi)"Khutba," on the sufferings of Husayn (Nicolas, MacEoin), "Khutab fi'l-safina" (MacEoin:187);
cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)

(vii)"Khutbas," three on the road to Mecca (Nicolas, MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (missing)

(viii)"Khutba," for Mullá Husayn Bushru'i, written on ship (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (2 mss)

(ix)"Khutba," on "'ilm al-hurúf" (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (3 mss)

"Al-sahífa bayna'l-haramayn," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); composed for Mírzá Muhammad
Husayn Muhit-i Kirmani; possibly called "Sahífa al-Músáwiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54);
called "Jadwal al-sahifeh wa'l-sahifeh bayn al-haramayn" by Nicolas:42-43, and may be same as
"Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," Nicolas:51,454 (SOURCE); Amanat:441; MacEoin:51,54,197-198 (10
mss)

"Kitáb al-haramayn," cited Nicolas:Note A, B; not mentioned by MacEoin (see "Al-sahífa bayna'l-
haramayn")

"Tafsír al-bismala," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); called "Sahífa al-baqiriyya" in "Risála-yi
dhahabiyya" (54); called "Tafsír hurúf al-basmala" (63); cited Nicolas:44; MacEoin:51,54,63,200 (9
mss)

"Tafsír al-hamd," one ms has this "Tafsír" preceeding "Tafsír al-bismala," cited in
MacEoin:64,199 (3 mss)

"Kitáb al-rúh," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); said to number 900 verses in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (61);
called "Kitáb al-'Alawiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (53); called "Kitáb al-'adl" by Mazandarani,
"Asrár al-áthár" (61); called "Kitáb al-'adl" in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" (70); cited Nicolas:44;
MacEoin:52,53,61,70,189 (5 mss) called "Kitáb-i haftsad súra," by Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (53)

"Jawáb al-masá'il," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); cited in Nicolas:44; MacEoin:52 (missing)

"Du'á," collection of prayers listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); may be same as "Sahífa al-'alawiyya"
described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54); cited MacEoin:52,54 (nine prayers: missing)

"Jadwal ma saráqá al-sariq (l'anihu'lahu) fi tariq Makka," titles stolen on pilgrimage 1261/1845,
listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52-53); cited Nicolas:45-46 (9 titles); MacEoin:52-53 (9 titles: missing)

Prayers listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); some of which are cited by MacEoin:191:

(i) in reply to twenty questions; INBA 5014C(xviii):300-304; MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(ii)in reply to al-'Alawiyya

(iii)in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Khaliq Yazdi
A Prophet in Modern Times 186

(iv)in reply to Karbala'i 'Alí Asghar; INBA 5014C(xv):298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(v) on the sijdat al-shukr in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalil Urumi; INBA 5014C(xiii):294; cited
MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(vi)in reply to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Nahri; INBA 5014C(xxi):311-315; cited MacEoin:191 (ms)

(vii)in reply to Mullá Ahmad Khurasání [Mu'allim-i Hisari?], Di'bil, and the son of Mírzá 'Alí al-
Akhbari; INBA 5014C(xiv):295-298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(viii) in reply to Mírzá Hadi and Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní; INBA 5014C(xix):305-308; cited
MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(ix) in reply to Mullá Ibráhím Mahallati; INBA 3014C(xx):308-311; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

(x) in reply to Siyyid Ja'far Shubbar; INBA 5014C(v):216-218;(xxii):315-318; cited
MacEoin:190,191 (2 mss)

"Khasá'il-i-sab'a," composed 1260/1844; sent to Báb's uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí along with
letter (translated by Nicolas:214-218); described by Zarandí (DB:142-144); by Ishráq Khávarí,
"Muhadirat," volume 2, pp. 785-786; by Muhammad 'Alí Faydi, "Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Ula," pp. 53-
54,153; cited MacEoin:62 (1 mss presumed)

"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," second letter, written on return from hajj in Bushihr; cited in
Fayzi:148-153; MacEoin:64,193 (2 mss)

"Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," second letter, written on return from hajj in Bushihr (?); cited in
Fayzi:148-153; MacEoin:64,192 (1 ms)

"Khutba" written one stage from Medina; cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)

"Khutub," two written near the staging-post of al-Safra; cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)

SHÍRÁZ (June 1845-September 1846)

"Risála-yi dhahabiyya," contains list of Báb's writings between beginning of 1260 to beginning of
1262 (1844-1846); cited MacEoin:50,51,207 (1 ms)

"Risála furú' al-'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, n.p.; cited MacEoin:70,196 (3 mss)

"Ziyára jámi'a saghíra," first chapter in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" and one separate mss; cited
MacEoin:203 (4 mss)

"Sahífa al-ja'fariyya," on the "ghayba," with much historical content; described in "Risála-yi
dhahabiyya" (54); in "Sahífa-yi 'adliyya" (54); called "Sahífa-yi ja'fariyya" (198); cited MacEoin:66-
67,198 (3 mss)

"Ziyára jámi'a kabíra," assigned to this period by MacEoin (45); cited MacEoin:202 (5 mss)
A Prophet in Modern Times 187

"Sahífa al-jawádiyya," on "lahút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
(missing)

"Sahífa al-hádiyya," on "jabarút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
(missing)

"Sahífa al-'askariyya," on "malakút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
(missing)

"Du'á-yi alf," composed 1261-62/1845-46; cited by Mazandarani, "Asrár al-áthár," I:179-182;
MacEoin:67-68,185 (1 ms)

"Sahífa-yi 'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, probably in Shíráz (68); first Persian work (68-69); cited
MacEoin:68-69,197 (13 mss)

"Risála furú' al-'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, probably in Shíráz (68); first work of the Báb
translated, by Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harawí from Arabic into Persian (70); cited MacEoin:70-
71,196 (3 mss in Persian, 1 ms in Arabic)

"Kitáb al-tahára," in a ms of "Risála furú' al-'adliyya," which may not be the work of the Báb; cited
MacEoin:71,189 (1 ms)

"Tafsír súrat al-kawthar," commentary on Qur'án 108, written for Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí (Vahid),
in Shíráz; cited MacEoin:71,201-202 (12 mss)

"Khutba," written as preface to "Tafsír súrat al-kawthar"; cited MacEoin:71,187,201 (2 mss)

"Tafsír áyat al-núr," commentary on Qur'án 24:35; cited MacEoin:72,198 (7 mss)

"Tafsír súrat al-qadr," commentary on Qur'án 97; cited MacEoin:72,202 (3 mss)

"Tafsír súrat al-tawhíd," commentary on Qur'án 112, also known as "súrat al-ikhlás"; cited
MacEoin:72,202 (3 mss)

"Tafsír hadíth 'nahnu wajh Allah," cited MacEoin:72,200 (5 mss)

"Tafsír hadíth 'man 'arafa nafsahu fa-qad 'arafa rabbahu’," cited MacEoin:72,200 (7 mss)

"Tafsír al-há," two commentaries by this name of the letter "h", referred to in "Risála alghina" (80);
cited MacEoin:72,80,199 (6 mss)

"Tafsír hadíth al-haqíqa," commentary on tradition better known as "hadith-i Kumayl"; cited
MacEoin:72,199 (5 mss)

"Bayán 'illat-i tahrím al-maharím," cited Mazandarani, "Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:288);
MacEoin:72,184 (5 mss)

"Bayán jabr wa tafwíd," cited MacEoin:73,184 (3 mss)

"Bayán mas'ilat al-qadar," cited MacEoin:73,184 (4 mss)
A Prophet in Modern Times 188

"Bayán taqárub wa tabá'ud," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73,184 (7 mss)

"Bayán fi 'ilm al-jawámid wa'l-mushtáqát," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73,184 (4 mss)

"Bayán fi'l-nahw wa'l-sarf," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73 (missing)

"Sharh on statement of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí in his Tafsír khutba al-tutunjiyya of 'Alí," cited
MacEoin:73,198 (4 mss)

"Tafsír hadíth 'kullu yawm 'ashúrá," cited MacEoin:73,200 (4 mss)

"Tafsír súrat al-inshiráh," commentary on Qur'án 94; mentioned in Mullá Muhammad Zunúzí,
whose account was published in Mazandarani, "Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:31-32); cited MacEoin:73-74
(missing)

Letter to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, uncle of the Báb; translated by Nicolas:214-218; cited by
MacEoin:62

ISFÁHÁN (September 1846-March 1847)

"Tafsír súra wa'l-'asr," commentary on Qur'án 103, composed for Mir Siyyid Muhammad, Sultan
al-'ulama, Imam-Jum'a of Isfáhán; writing of which may have been timed by clock; cited
MacEoin:76,202 (10 mss)

"Tasbih-i Fatima," doxology preceeding "Tafsír súra wa'l-'asr" in two mss; MacEoin:202 (2 mss)

"Risála fi'l-nubuwwa al-khássa," on the specific prophethood of Muhammad, composed for
Manuchihr Khan, Mu'tamad al-Dawla, governor of Isfahan; cited MacEoin:76-77,196 (7 mss)

Letter to Manúchihr Khán; cited MacEoin:77-78,193 (4 mss)

Letter to the governor of Shúshtar; cited MacEoin:78,193 (5 mss)

Letter to Mírzá Sa'íd Ardistání or Mírzá Muhammad Sa'íd Zavára'í; cited MacEoin:78-79,193 (6
mss)

Letter to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí al-Mudhahhib; cited MacEoin:79,193-194 (4 mss)

Letter commenting on a hadíth of the Imám Ridá; cited MacEoin:79,194 (4 mss)

"Ishráq" written in style of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí at the request of Mullá 'Alí Tabrízí; cited
MacEoin:79,194 (2 mss)

"Tafsír" on Qur'án 50:16 and 112:4, for Mírzá Hasan Waqáyi'-nigár, possibly the court historian
of Manúchihr Khán (79); cited MacEoin:79,194 (4 mss)

Letter to a theological students on questions contained in the Qur'án; cited MacEoin:79-80, 194 (5
mss)
A Prophet in Modern Times 189

"Sharh kayfiyyat al-mi'ráj," letter to Mírzá Hasan Núrí; cited MacEoin:80,194 (5 mss)

"Risála fi’l-ghiná'," letter on singing; cited MacEoin:80,194 (4 mss)

"Risála-yi dhahabiyya," reply to criticisms of someone named Jawad, possibly Mullá Jawad Vilyání
Khu'ar or Siyyid Jawad al-Karbala'i (80); cited MacEoin:80-81,195 (2 mss)

Letter replying to three questions, one refering to Qurrat al-'Ayn; cited MacEoin:81,195 (1 ms)

Letter on the significance of the letters of the alphabet; cited MacEoin:81,195 (1 ms)

Letter to Mullá Husayn Dakhíl Marágha'í, undated; cited in "Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Báb" (see
Secondary:Bahá'í); cited in MacEoin:177

EN ROUTE: KULAYN, SIYÁH-DIHÁN, TABRÍZ (March-August 1847)

"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," third letter; mentioned as written in Kulayn by 'Abdu'l-Bahá,
TN:14,16; cited MacEoin:83 (missing)

"Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," written in Siyáh-Dihán according to "Táríkh-i Samandar" (99);
MacEoin:83 (presumed lost)

Letters to the 'ulamá of Qazvín, including: Hájí Mullá 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní (letter copied by
Shaykh Samandar Qazvíní), Hájí Mullá Muhammad Sálih Baraghání, Hajj Mullá Muhammad
Taqí, Hájí Siyyid Muhammad Taqí Qazvíní, transmitted by Mullá Ahmad Iqbal Marágha'í
(Letter of the Living); written in Siyáh-Dihán (83); cited in "Táríkh-i Samandar" (97-98); cited
MacEoin:83 (missing)

IN PRISON: MÁH-KÚ (August 1847-9 April 1848)

"Bayán-i farsi," begun at Máh-Kú (Zarandí:248); completed by Subh-i-Azal in "Mutammim-i
Bayán" according to Azalís (84) and by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" according to Shoghi Effendi
(GPB:138); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:83-84,181-184 (at least 49 mss)

"Bayán al-'arabí," written in Máh-Kú (85); published in French translation by Gobineau (1865)
and Nicolas (1905); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:85,181 (15 mss)

"Dalá'il-i sab'a," Persian treatise, written in Máh-Kú according to Subh-i-Azal (85) and E.G.
Browne (86); could have been completed at Chihríq (86); translated into French by Nicolas;
published along with Arabic treatise by Azalís; cited MacEoin:85-87,185 (13 mss)

"Dalá'il al-sab'a," Arabic treatise; almost certainly dates from same period as Persian treatise (88);
published along with Persian treatise by Azalís; cited MacEoin:88,185 (3 mss)

Tafsírs on the Qur'án, nine commentaries written at Máh-Kú according to Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí
(eye-witness), entrusted to Siyyid Ibráhím Khalíl Tabrízí (Zarandí:31); "Bayán-i fársí" (316) refers
to three commentaries on the Qur'án; Subh-i-Azal stated that two commentaries on the Qur'án
were taken from Írán to Baghdad (Browne, TN:II:335); cited MacEoin:88 (missing)
A Prophet in Modern Times 190

"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," third extant letter; published in "Muntakhabát" (13-18); cited
MacEoin:97,193 (1 ms)

TABRÍZ, CHIHRÍQ, TABRÍZ (May-August 1848, August 1848, August 1848-July
1850, July 1850)

"Tawba-nama," recantation at judicial examination in Tabríz, facsimile published in Browne,
MSBR:256-257; record of interrogation also in MSBR:248-255; may not be authentic
(Amanat:392); cited MacEoin:97-98 (unknown)

"Lawh-i hurúfát," composed at Chihríq for Mírzá Asad Alláh Khú'í Dayyán (Zarandí:304);
referred to in letter (Zarandí:304) of Bahá'u'lláh to Jináb-i-Muballigh, Mírzá Ibráhím Shirazí,
where it is called "Kitáb-i hayákil" and "Kitábi dar hayákil-i wáhid" (MacEoin:89); in a letter to
Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siraj Isfáhání (Ibid.); and another letter in "Ishráqát" (p. 47) as "Kitáb-i
haykal" (Ibid.); comprising the final five grades (sections) of "Kitáb-i panj sha'n" (Ibid.); referred to
by the Báb in "Dalá'il-i sab'a" as "Kitáb-i hayákil-i wáhid" (MacEoin:90); referred to by Mírzá
Yahyá as "Kitáb-i-hayákil" ("A Traveller's Narrative," volume II, p. 339; cited MacEoin:90n).
MacEoin (pp. 189-190) cites eleven extant manuscripts of this work. This book is not to be
confused with the Báb's "Kitáb-i hayákil" found in Haifa ms (Ibid.); nor with Bahá'u'lláh's "Súra-yi
haykal" (Ibid.); nor with Mírzá Yahyá's "Kitáb-i-hayákil" (Ibid.).

"Haykal al-dín," composed at Chihríq; published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:90-91,186 (3 mss)

"Tafsírs," two commentaries on the first and second wáhids of "Haykal al-dín" published by Azalís
along with this work and dated 22-23 June 1850; cited MacEoin:91 (unknown)

"Kitáb al-asmá'," also known as "Tafsír al-asmá'," "Kitáb asmá'-i kull-i shay'," and "Chahár sha'n"
(91); written during last days at Chihríq according to Mázandarání ("Asrár al-áthár," I:126); cited
MacEoin:91-92,188 (26 mss)

"Khutba-yi qahriyya," written for Hájí Mírzá Áqásí shortly after the Báb's return from judicial
examination in Tabríz; delivered to Áqásí by Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Zanjání according to
Bahá'u'lláh (Zarandí:323); cited MacEoin:92-93,186 (2 mss)

"Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," third letter; written in Chihríq and published in Mázandarání, "
Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:85-89); cited in "Táríkh-i Samandar" (99); MacEoin:92,192 (1 ms)

"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," fourth extant letter, published in "Muntakhabát" (5-8); cited
MacEoin:97,193 (1 ms)

"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," fifth extant letter, published in Mázandarání, "Zuhúr al-haqq"
(III:82-85); published in " Muntakhabát" (9-13); cited MacEoin:97,193 (2 mss)

"Khutab-i qahriyya," series of Arabic letters written in Chihríq, including those written to the Sháh
and Áqásí (Amanat:381); including two sermons quoted by Mu'in al-Saltana Tabrízí (see
Secondary:Bahá'í) and Fayzi:304-306; Mázandarání states that he included several of these in
unpublished volume of " Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:82); cited MacEoin:93 (missing)
A Prophet in Modern Times 191

"Kitáb-i panj sha'n," called "Shu'ún-i khamsa" (Munzawi, "Fihrist," II:2, p. 1736); one of Báb's last
works (Shoghi Effendi, GPB:51); one of works brought to Baghdad according to Subh-i-Azal
(Browne, TN:II:335); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:93-95,189-190 (11 mss)

"Tafsír du'á al-sabáh," commentary on the Shí'í morning prayer at the request of Áqá Siyyid
Abu'l-Hasan, son of Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí, according to Mázandarání (III:73); cited
MacEoin:98,199 (2 mss)

Letters to the 'ulamá of every city of Írán," according to Bahá'u'lláh, "Kitáb-i-Íqán" and Shoghi
Effendi (GPB:24); cited MacEoin:98 (unknown)

"Kitáb al-jazá'," listed in Nicolas catalogue (item 90); seven pages of this work sent to Browne by
Subh-i-Azal (Browne collection, folder1, item 25); described in 'Abdu'l-Bahá, TN:II,336-337;
another name for "Bayán al-'arabíyya" according to Mázandarání ("Asrár al-áthár," III:14).

Letter to Mullá Báqir Tabrízí; Mázandarání, "Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:20-22); cited MacEoin:95

Letter to Mullá Ahmad Ibdal [Maraghá'í]; Ibid.:53-54; Ibid.

Letter to Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harawí, on the "qá'imiyya"; Ibid.:70-72; Ibid.

Letter to the Bábís in general, instructing them to follow Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.:122-124;
Ibid.

Letter to an unnamed recipient, about Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.:140; Ibid.

Letter to Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí, proclaiming "qá'imiyya"; Ibid.:164-166; Ibid.

Letter to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, his uncle; Ibid.:223-225; MacEoin:96

Letter to an unnamed recipient, about Qurratu'l-'Ayn; Ibid.:332-333; Ibid.

Letter to Mullá Ahmad Mu'allim Hisarí; Ibid.:333; Ibid.

Letter to Áqá Siyyid Ahmad Yazdí, the father of Siyyid Husayn Yazdí; Ibid.:460-461; Ibid.

Letter to Subh-i-Azal, in which Báb instructs him to preserve Bayán; published by the Azalís in
"Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt-i Nuqta-yi Úlá wa Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i Kátib," p. 1; copy in Azal's
handwriting in Browne F.66, item 1; facsimile published in Hamadání, TJ, facing p. 426; facsimile
published in Browne, NK, facing p. xxxiv of the Persian preface; cited MacEoin:96

Letter to Mullá 'Abd al-Karím Qazvíní, tells him to send all of Báb’s writings to Subh-i-Azal; Ibid.,
p. 1; Ibid.

Letter to Subh-i-Azal, assures him of divine inspiration in interpreting Book of God; Ibid., p. 3-8;
Ibid.

Letter to 'Abd al-Karím Qazvíní, telling him to preserve Báb and his writings; Ibid., p. 9-10; Ibid.

Lettter to Mírzá Asad Allah Khú'í Dayyan, tells him to protect Subh-i-Azal; Ibid., p. 9-10; Ibid.
A Prophet in Modern Times 192

Letter to Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí, claims "qá'imiyya," letter referred to in "Nuqtatu'l-Káf" (p.
209); Ibid., p. 12-14; Ibid.

Letter written perhaps on 26 November 1848, testifies to truth of Muhammad and the Imáms;
Ibid., p. 15-16; Ibid.

Letter in which Báb lays claim to "qá'imiyya" and refers to Day of Resurrection come and return
of Muhammad and the Imáms; Ibid., p. 17-18; Ibid.

Letter addressed to "Him Whom God shall manifest" in which he suggests he wait nineteen years
before making appearance; Ibid., p. 20; Ibid.

Twenty-nine letters, received from Mírzá Mustafá, 3 June 1913; Browne Folder 4, item 10; cited
MacEoin:195

Thirty-seven letters and other works, transcribed by Ridván 'Alí in 1913; Browne F.25; cited
MacEoin:95,208-209

Six letters; Browne F.21:items 9,16,18,23,24,25; cited MacEoin:95

UNDATED MANUSCRIPTS

HAYÁKIL

"Hayákil," several received from Mírzá Mustafá, 3 June 1913; in Browne: Folder 4:Item 10; cited
MacEoin:186,195 (1 ms)

"Haykal," in the Báb's hand; Browne: Folder 3:Item 6; cited MacEoin:186

"Haykal," said to be in Báb's hand, presented by Claude Cobham; British Library: Or. 6887; cited
MacEoin:186

"Hayákil," dated 1851-1852, in hand of Áqá Siyyid Rahím Isfáhání; published by Azalís in
"Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt"; cited MacEoin:186

RISÁLAT

On the apostacy of Mullá Jawád Vilyání; INBMC 98(i):111-122; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

On the words "the essence of 'Alí is in contact with the Essence of God"; INBMC 67(i):100-104;
cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

On the alteration of the divine Will and the "preserved tablet"; INBMC 67(ii):172-176; cited
MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

On illness; INBMC 67(iii):176; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

On the hajj; INBMC 67(iv):176-177; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
A Prophet in Modern Times 193

On abjad (gematria) and kimiya (alchemy); INBMC 67(v):203-204; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

Letter to Siyyid Hasan, refers to trial of Bastámí; INBMC 67(vi):?; [may be letter listed in "Kitáb
al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50) as (ii) to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan or (xiii)to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasání];
cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to six questions from Mírzá Sulaymán; INBA 5014C(i):159-163); [may be letter
cited in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xviii) to Shaykh Sulaymán or (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán];
cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

Letter on the Imáms; Ibid.(ii):163-166; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

In reply to four questions; Ibid.(iii):170-171; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

In reply to a question, with a prayer; Ibid.(iv):173-188; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)

Letter to 'Abd al-Wahháb; Ibid.(vi):257-264; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

On "istiftáh" (explaining texts); Ibid.(vii):264-269; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Áqá Siyyid Jawád (Karbalá'í?); Ibid.(viii):269-270; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Mullá Mahdí Khú'í; Ibid.(ix):270-271; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Mullá Hasan Bajastání; Ibid.(x):271-275; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Mullá Ahmad Mu'allim Hisárí; Ibid.(xi):275-279; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to a question; Ibid.(xii):279-284; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Hájí Sulaymán Khán, written in Medina; Ibid.(xvii):no page cited; [may be same as letter
listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xviii) to Shaykh Sulaymán or (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán];
cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Prayer copied in the hand of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.(xxiii):319-321; cited MacEoin:191 (1
ms)

Letter to Hájí Mírzá Hasan Khurásání; Ibid.(xxiv):319-321; [may be the same as the letter in
"Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) listed as (xiii) to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurásání]; cited
MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to an unknown recipient; Ibid.(xxv):322-324; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to his wife, "li'l-bayt"; Ibid.(xxvi):330; [may be one of two letters listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist"
(MacEoin:51) as (viii) to his wife]; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Letter to Karím Khán Kirmání(?); Ibid.(xxvii):331; [may be the same as the letter in "Kitáb al-
fihrist" (MacEoin:51) listed as (x) to Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání]; cited MacEoin:191
(1 ms)
A Prophet in Modern Times 194

Letter in reply to two questions; INBA 5006C(i):347-348; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to seven questions raised by Mírzá Muhammad Yazdí; Ibid.(ii):363-365; cited
MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl; Ibid.(iii):365-367; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí; Ibid.(iv):365-371; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter replying to three questions; INBA 4011C(i):137-141; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to Mírzá Muhammad Yazdí; Ibid.(ii):149-156; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to 'Abd al-Jalíl; Ibid.(iii):156-159; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to "akh al-Jalíl"; Ibid.(iv):163-164; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to Habíb; Ibid.(v):164-165; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to 'Abd al-Jalíl, in reply to five questions; INBA 6004C(i):198-200; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to three questions; Ibid.(ii):200-204; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to an unknown recipient; Ibid.(iv):207-209; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter in reply to questions on abjad (gematria); Ibid.(v):213-215; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

Letter to Hájí Sulaymán Khán; Browne F.28 (Folder 7); [this letter may be the same as that listed
in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán]; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)

ZIYÁRAT-NÁMAS

"Ziyárat al-zahrá," for Fatima (MacEoin:99); cited MacEoin:203 (1 ms)

"Ziyárat-námas" for Friday and Thursday nights; INBA 6007C:(1):30-40; cited MacEoin:210 (1
ms)

"Ziyárat-náma" Ibid. for the ten letters; Ibid.:(2):40-41; Ibid.

Ibid. for the first to believe (Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í) on Thursday night; Ibid.:(3):46-52; Ibid.

"Ziyára jámi'a" for Thursday night; Ibid.(4):52-61; Ibid.

"Ziyárat-náma" for the first (to believe); Ibid.(5):61-65; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(6):65-71; Ibid.

Ibid., for the two hidden names; Ibid.:(7):71-72; Ibid.

Ibid., for the martyrs, on Thursday night; Ibid.:(8):72-79; Ibid.
A Prophet in Modern Times 195

Ibid., for the letters of the unity (Báb and eighteen Letters of the Living=19[vahid:unity]), on
Friday; Ibid.:(9):78-82; Ibid.

Ibid., for Friday; Ibid.:(10):97-101; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first and the last (to believe), on Friday; Ibid.:(11):106-113; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(12):114-118; Ibid.

Ibid., for the second to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(13):118-121; Ibid.

Ibid., for the third to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(14):121-123; Ibid.

Ibid., for the fourth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(15):123-126; Ibid.

Ibid., for the fifth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(16):126-128; Ibid.

Ibid., for the sixth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(17):128-131; Ibid.

Ibid., for the martyrs; Ibid.:(18):132-139; Ibid.

Ibid., for the letter "M"; Ibid.:(19):139-145; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first to believe, on the night of 'Id al-Fitr; Ibid.:(20):145-147; Ibid.

Ibid., for the middle of the night of the month of God; Ibid.: (21):160-164; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first (to believe) on the Day of 'Arafa; Ibid.:(22):164-175; Ibid.

Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(23):175-176; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(24):187a-189; Ibid.

Ibid., for the eight letters; Ibid.:(25):189-201; Ibid.

Ibid., for the Point (the Báb) and his Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(26):201-211; Ibid.

Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(27):255-262; Ibid.

Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(28):262-266; Ibid.

Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(29):266-268; Ibid.

Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(30):268-272; Ibid.

Ibid., for the twenty-nine letters; Ibid.:(31):541-547; Ibid.

MUNÁJÁT
A Prophet in Modern Times 196

Prayer in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl; INBA 5014C(xiii):294; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Prayer in reply to Mullá Ahmad Khurásání, Di'bil, and the son of Mírzá 'Alí al-Akhbárí;
Ibid.(xiv):295-298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)

Prayer written at the request of Karbalá'í 'Alí Asghar Khurásání; Ibid.(xv):298; cited MacEoin:191
(1 ms)

Prayer written in reply to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, in Medina; Ibid.(xvi):198-199; [may be same as
letter listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xxi) to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání] cited MacEoin:191 (1
ms)

"Min áthár al-bayán," prayers in Browne F.14; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)

"Min áthár al-bayán," prayers in Browne F.25; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)

"Áthár-i mutafarriqa-yi bayán," prayers in British Library: Or. 5629; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)

Twenty prayers, appended to "Kitáb al-asmá'"; British Library: Or. 6255; cited MacEion:195 (1
ms)

Prayers; INBA 6001C; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)

Prayers; INBA 6003C:173-227,294-319,324-330; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)

Prayers; INBA 6005C; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)

SALAWÁT

"The compilation INBMC 53 contains a large number of salawat addressed to the Prophet,
Fátima, and each of the Imáms (pp. 95-130)." (MacEoin:99)
A Prophet in Modern Times 197

FINAL NOTES
Peter Terry has translated the complete works of A.L.M. Nicolas on the Bábí religion, with
copious annotations. He is the author of several academic papers on topics related to Hají
Siyyid ‘Ali Muhammad Shírází, known to history as “the Báb”, including, The Language of the
Bab; The Persian Bayan of the Bab; The Seven Proofs of the Bab. He studied Judaism in Jerusalem,
Islám at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst and the University of Chicago, and the
Bábí and Bahá’í religions as an independent scholar on four continents.

If the reader wishes to contact the author with a kind word of encouragement, a question, or to
point out anything in this study that is inconsistently transliterated or translated, incorrectly
cited, ill-conceived, poorly explained, or awkwardly positioned in the sequence of events and
persons presented, the author may be reached at: babistudiesseries@yahoo.com

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