Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Ahang Rabbani, The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents, bahai-library.com.
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The Bábís of Nayriz
History and Documents

Ahang Rabbani

Volume 2
Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History
The Bábís of Nayríz
History and Documents

Ahang Rabbani

Volume 2
Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History
Copyright and Distribution
© 1999 and 2006, Ahang Rabbani

This book was prepared for print publication by Ahang
Rabbani. This electronic edition has been produced to
facilitate widespread distribution and use of this study. This
monograph may be freely redistributed in electronic form so
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work in printed formats.
2. If printed in book form, five copies must be submitted for
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Any other reproduction or redistribution in any format is
forbidden without the expressed written consent of Dr. Ahang
Rabbani or his designated heirs. For the latest version of this
study, visit: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/
Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History

The Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History series is a multi-volume ongoing project of Ahang Rabbani. A list of current projects and forthcoming
research monographs is available at: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/

Published Volumes
1 In the Land of Refuge: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Shiraz

2 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents

3 Eight Years Near ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Habíb Mu’ayyad

4 Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Recollections of Mírzá
Habíbu’lláh Afnán

5 Ponder Thou upon the Martyrdom of Hájí Muhammad-Ridá: Nineteen
Historical Accounts

6 Bahá’í Martyrdoms in Manshad in 1903: Three Historical Accounts

7 Memoirs of a Bahá’í in Rasht: 1889-1903

8 Witness to Shaykh Tabarsi: The Narrative of Hájí Nasír Qazvíní

9 A Lifetime with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Reminiscences of Khalíl Shahídí

10 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Year in Egypt: A Compilation of Eyewitness Accounts

11 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Mírzá ‘Isá Isfahání

12 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Diaries of Drs. Habíb Mu’ayyad and Zia Baghdadi

13 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Núru’lláh Hamadání

14 With Bahá’u’lláh: The Narrative of Áqá Husyan Áshchí

15 The Voice of the Heroes: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Khurasan
O son of man!
Ponder and reflect.
Is it thy wish to die upon thy bed,
or to shed thy life blood on the dust,
a martyr in My path,
and so become the manifestation of My command
and the revealer of My light in the highest paradise?
Judge thou aright O servant!
Bahá’u’lláh (The Hidden Words)
Dedication

For
Mírzá Asadu’lláh Fádil Mázandarání
Contents

Foreword ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 1

Vahíd Dárábí
1. The Shore of Certitude -------------------------------------------- 17
2. An Itinerant Teacher ----------------------------------------------- 42
3. The Events of Yazd ------------------------------------------------ 67
4. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz -------------------------------------- 93

Nayríz-I – History and Documents
5. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1 --------------- 105
6. Excerpts from the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf ------------------------ 139
7. Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím -------------------------------------- 152
8. Narrative of the Qájár Historians ------------------------------- 162
9. Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání ------------------------- 183
10. Companions of Vahíd ------------------------------------------- 208

Nayríz-II – History and Documents
11. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 2 ------------- 242
12. Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí ------------------------ 295
13. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: from General History ----------- 302
14. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: The Garden of the Merciful ---- 308
15. Transition from Bábí to Bahá’í Community ----------------- 320

Appendices
1. Bábí Martyrs of Nayriz-II ------------------------------------------ 341
2. The Family of Vahíd Dárabí --------------------------------------- 348
3. Writings of Vahíd Dárábí ------------------------------------------ 382
4. Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Visitation for Vahíd Dárábí ----------- 396

Bibliography ----------------------------------------------------------------- 398
Foreword

When thou seest in the path a severed head
which is rolling towards our field,
ask of it, ask of it our secrets,
for from it thou mayst hear our hidden mystery.
Rúmí (Diván Shams Tabríz)

The central features of the upheavals of Nayríz are known to those who
have read about the millenarian Bábí religious movement of nineteenthcentury Qajar Iran.1 Next to the incident of Zanján, where nearly two
thousand Bábís perished, the Bábís of Nayríz in 1850 lost more men,
women and children in the fiery ordeals that surrounded them than any
other Bábí community of that country. Moreover, unlike the other major
Bábí incidents, the conflicts in this town were not limited to the one
pogrom, but continued to unfold unabated for several more years and in
the process took the lives of many hundreds more of the Báb’s
followers.
The present volume is an attempt to tell the story of the leading
figure of that uprising, Vahíd Dárábí, and to bring a number of historical
documents pertaining to these episodes of Nayríz along with a brief
analysis to the attention of English-speaking readers.
By way of general background, it should be noted that the Bábís of
Nayríz suffered two distinct though related incidents of persecution: one
in 1850 and another in 1853. These will be referred to as Nayríz-I and
Nayríz-II, respectively.2 The first incident has already been told in such
moving accounts as Shoghi Effendi’s The Dawn-Breakers – an edited
translation of Nabíl’s Narrative – and Edward G. Browne’s Táríkh-i Jadíd
– a translation of a revised narrative by Siyyid Husayn Hamadání. In
1 For introductions to the Bábí movement and its early history, see Shoghi Effendi’s

The Dawn-Breakers; Balyuzi’s The Báb; or Amanat’s Resurrection and Renewal.
2 A third pogrom in the Spring of 1909 enveloped the descendants of the Bábís of

Nayríz, who by that time had become Bahá’ís. That incident will be referred to as
Nayríz-III and is outlined in Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge, chap 16.
2 The Bábís of Nayriz

addition, both of these sources provide a cursory glimpse into the 1853
persecution, namely, Nayríz-II. As moving and elegant as those two
sources are, neither of the authors were themselves participants in the
events, although much of their information comes from eyewitness
accounts. Those underlying primary source materials are the focus of the
present study.

Discussion of Sources
A deeper historical perspective about any incident or social development
can best be established after all or most of the documents about that
event have been assembled, critically analyzed, and correlated. As a step
towards a better understanding of what occurred in Nayríz during the
1850’s – as a microcosm of the beleaguered Bábí community of Iran in
that period – this monograph includes translations of many of the
relevant primary accounts. Fortunately, there is a considerable amount of
narrative data about the Bábí community of Nayríz and their siege from
various sources, which can be divided into several broad categories:

1. Contemporary Documents
Only a few contemporary narratives are available, one of these being the
important description written shortly after the events by Siyyid Ibráhím
Nayrízí, (see chapter 7). Since this interesting chronicle was inscribed on
a wall in a relatively obscure mosque and covered in dust until 1940, it
remained unnoticed and the information it contains was not reflected in
subsequent accounts. To my knowledge, this document represents the
only instance of a Muslim writing a detailed sympathetic eyewitness
account of a Bábí incident.
It is known that Vahíd Dárábí had ordered one of the besiegers
(who was his planned son-in-law), Muhammad-Ja‘far, to compose a jangnámih [war epic], telling of the daily events, but only one verse of this
jang-námih is extant. It is cited in chapter 15. Should the full epic ever be
located, it may be of capital importance.
Among Vahíd’s own writings, one important document is his
daughter’s marriage certificate, which is translated and discussed in

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The Bábís of Nayriz 3

Appendix 2. Since this document is dated, it helps in establishing the
time of the siege. It further establishes that the Bábís of Nayríz had
implemented at least some of the laws of the Bayán and were conducting
their daily lives in accordance with such ordinances. Other writings of
Vahíd that I have been able to gather are translated in Appendix 3.
These, for the most part, do not include much historical information as
they belong to the genre of proof-texts.

2. Bábí Eyewitness Sources
As would be expected, many Bahá’í sources discuss the events of Nayríz
and these can without exception be traced to earlier Bábí eyewitness
accounts. However, before discussing the Bábí documents, it should be
noted that the limitations of these sources reside in the totality of the
Bábí disaster: virtually every adult Bábí of the Nayríz community was
killed in the battles or the ensuing executions. Nevertheless, a few Bábí
youngsters survived the slaughters and two of them wrote what they had
witnessed in their youth.
The most detailed historical exposition is that of Mullá
Muhammad Shafí‘, a narrative more fully introduced in chapter 5. By
virtue of having witnessed both the 1850 and the 1853 insurrections and
having closely known and interviewed the survivors, Mullá Shafí‘ was
able to pen a moving and detailed chronicle. Though unscholarly by
modern standards, the author has succeeded in holding back his
sympathies and has produced an account unmarred by the bitter
denunciatory comments that disfigure much of the early Bábí and Bahá’í
narratives. What is more important, his account is free from the
anachronistic application of later Bahá’í attitudes toward the religious
warfare of the Bábís. In addition to Nabíl, who based his chapter on
Nayríz solely on this account, a copy must have been available to A.L.M.
Nicolas, as his entire chapter on Nayríz essentially mirrors this source.
Although it is not known when Mullá Shafí‘ composed his
narrative, it is possible to theorize that it was in approximately the same
period that Baha’u’llah called upon Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, Mírzá
Husayn Zanjání and Mír Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí to write accounts of the

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4 The Bábís of Nayriz

Bábí incidents in Nayríz, Zanján and Fort Tabarsí , respectively.3 And
since it is known that the Zanján narrative was penned in 1880, this gives
us an approximate date for Mullá Shafí‘’s account.4
The second account in this genre is by Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí,
which focuses mostly on 1853 events. Though it provides less detail than
Mullá Shafí‘, in some important ways it supplements the latter’s account.
This account is presented in chapter 12.
An early account of the 1850 siege is given in The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, a
history purportedly written by Hájí Mírzá Jání of Kashan (see chapter 6).
A brief discussion of some of controversies associated with this history
is given in that section and in the sources cited in the footnotes.

3. The Bahá’í Sources:
It is known that Mullá Shafí‘’s son, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, penned
an account of considerable length, but the present writer has been
unable to locate this source and cannot comment on its merits.5 Judging
from the information in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, volume 1, it seems likely
that this source would prove useful in gaining information on the
survivors of the 1853 holocaust, particularly as they endeavored to
rebuild their community and transformed their religious identity to that
of the Bahá’í Faith. Since Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí quotes from this
history6 it is almost certain that a copy must be extant either in Iran or
among families from Nayríz residing outside Iran.7

3 Shahmírzádí’s and other accounts of Fort Tabarsí are the topic of a forthcoming

volume by the present writer.
4 For a discussion of the Zanjan accounts see Walbridge, “Document and Narrative

Sources for the History of the Battle of Zanjan”.
5 Sources For Early Bábí Doctrine and History, p. 178, states, “This work contains

accounts of the first and second Nayríz upheavals, based on eyewitness reports by
the author’s father, Áqá Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí. It was composed in 1345
A.H./1927 and runs to about 255 pages.”
6 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 113, n.1, and pp. 116-117.
7 In their 12 February 1997 communication, the Baha’i World Centre informed the

present writer that neither Mullá Shafí‘’s nor Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s
narratives were available in Haifa. A copy of the account by Mullá Muhammad
Shafí‘ was immediately sent to the Bahá’í International Library for permanent

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The Bábís of Nayriz 5

Another early Bahá’í account of the event is given by Siyyid
Husayn Hamadání which for the incident of Nayríz relies on the
narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání with some later additions. This narrative is
more fully discussed in chapter 9. Although Prof. E.G. Browne
published a translation of a later revision of this narrative, this text is
sufficiently important to warrant inclusion in the present monograph.
Of the later Bahá’í sources, several accounts by Qábil Ábádi’í are
of considerable interest. Though these were written relatively late, his
sources of information were the older members of the community, who
had been contemporary with the incidents, such as Qábil’s own non-
Bahá’í father. As a whole, Qábil’s line of information seems to be
completely independent of the Nayrízí survivors. And while much of
what he writes certainly reflects the memories of direct participants who
had dispersed throughout the region, much of his account is more
valuable for understanding the sort of historical folklore that had
developed by the late nineteenth century among the Bahá’ís of Iran. Two
of these accounts are introduced in chapters 13 and 14.
‘Abdu’l-Husayn Ávárih (Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pages 53-57)
tells about the conversion of Vahíd Dárábí and pages 201-217 of the
same volume are devoted mainly to Nayríz-I and a little to Nayríz-II.
This source seems to be primarily based on the narrative of Siyyid
Husayn Hamadání, contains almost no new information, and is therefore
not included in this volume.
Muhammad Shafí‘ Rawhání, a grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, wrote the
two-volume Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the first volume of which deals with the
Bábí uprising of Nayríz. This source is based on Mullá Shafí‘’s and
Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s accounts, augmented by a few survivor’s
interviews.8 This source proved useful for the annotations of many
events and is frequently cited in the footnotes.
Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí’s Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, pages 267-270, is a

safekeeping.
8 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, notes that interviews of the survivors of Nayríz I and II, some

40 years earlier, included Khájíh Muhammad; Mashhadí Zaynu’l-‘Abidin; Karbalá’í
Muhammad Sálih; a daughter of ‘Alí Sardár, who was then married to Mullá Husayn;
Hájí Muhammad, son of Hájí Qásim; and the mother of the late Khájíh ‘Alí.

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6 The Bábís of Nayriz

brief account of Nayríz-I which is essentially a summary of The Dawn-
Breakers and provides little new information. However, the same author’s
Nayríz Mushkbíz, offers occasional nuggets.
All the later Bahá’í historians simply retell Nabíl’s account as
presented in The Dawn-Breakers.

4. Qajar Histories:
The most important of these is the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh [The Abrogator of
Histories], written by the Qajar court historian Sipihr. Included amid the
accounts of army movements, uprisings, border disputes, and the
appointments and firings of officials – mostly relatives of the Qajar
monarchs – is a detailed account of the Bábí movement as it was known
to the court. Sipihr’s account is useful as he relied heavily on official
reports and military dispatches. However, of all his Bábí subjects, his
information on the Nayríz events proved to be the least valuable.
Nevertheless all the later Qajar accounts derive from Násikhu’t-Tavárikh,
with the possible exception of the Fársnámih.
The Fársnámih Násirí is a massive two-volume encyclopedia of the
province of Fars and its information on Nayríz – the only aspect of the
Bábí Faith that it reports – seems to combine what is already available in
the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh with supplementary data available to its welllettered author.
The Qajar histories are more fully described in chapter 8.

5. European Sources
The battle of Nayríz in 1850 was of particular interest to European
diplomats and their network of informants, and their reports of the time
contain many references to the siege. Some of these dispatches represent
firsthand knowledge of the scene, while others rely on Iranian officials
for their information. However, a close study of them indicates that
considerable confusion persisted among the European correspondents
as to the chronology of the events. Many such dispatches are noted in
various sections of the present study or in the footnotes.
It is surprising that in Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie
Centrale, (1865), Gobineau makes no mention of Nayríz incident even

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The Bábís of Nayriz 7

though it was published two years after his return from Iran where he
must have certainly heard of it, particularly since he used the Násikhu’t-
Tavárikh to gain most of his historical data.
A later description of Nayríz is provided by Kazem-Beg (ii. pages
224-239), but is very harsh on his assessment of Vahíd Dárábí. Browne
has made a similar observation.9 As noted earlier, Nicolas’ account is a
retelling of Mullá Shafí‘’s.
Since these documents are available to Western readers, they have
not been included in the present monograph.

6. Nabil’s Narrative:
Mullá Yár-Muhammad Zarandí, surnamed Nabíl A‘zam by Bahá’u’lláh,
became a Bábí towards the latter part of the 1840’s and was closely
associated with Baha’u’llah from early on. He followed the latter into
Iraq and beyond and always sought his presence. He traveled extensively
and played an important role in converting the Bábí community of Iran
to the Bahá’í Faith. He settled in ‘Akká sometime after the release of
Baha’u’llah’s family from the prison of that city, and by the early 1880’s
had decided to compose a history of the Bábí and Bahá’í movements
based on his own observations, his extensive conversations with early
converts, which included almost every prominent Bahá’í (and many Bábí
survivors), and various narratives available to him in ‘Akká, some of
which were commissioned by Baha’u’llah. In regard to his process of
composition, Nabíl writes the following:

From the beginning of the composition of these pages it
was decided that whatever was penned must be presented to
His blessed Threshold [i.e. Baha’u’llah] so that after its
completion whatever should be the will of the Beloved of
the World regarding it should be carried out. Therefore,
over the course of eighteen Arabian [i.e. lunar] months these
sixty-three sections were gradually written. After completion
of each section, without making a copy or any other
considerations, it was sent to the Most Mighty and Exalted
9 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 39, n.1.

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8 The Bábís of Nayriz

presence so that after they were returned a finished copy
could be prepared with utmost care.
Ten complete months passed until, in these days of
the month of Rabi-I 1308 A.H.,10 some of those sections
have kindly been received so that I could carefully consider
and correct them, and send back [revisions] to the blessed
Threshold. In the last batch, the final three sections of the
book have been kindly returned [to me], and on this night of
26 Rabí‘-I11 their review has been completed.
Further I have noted that during these ten months [of
waiting] much has occurred that is worthy of mention, and
[additionally] certain of the rejuvenating events of the City
of Peace [Baghdad] have often been related by the Beloved
of the World to those in His presence which had not been
recorded in treating the events of that city. I have therefore
beseeched divine assistance to be able to briefly and in a few
pages write about these [and append them to the text], as it
may edify the wayward and aid seekers of certitude.12

It is clear from this description, as well as in another instance, that
Nabíl wrote his narrative progressively in 63 sections and gave these to
Mírzá Áqá Ján who would read them in the presence of Baha’u’llah.
Apparently, the last of his chapters were written and sent to Baha’u’llah
around February 1890. Ten months passed and he received no word.
Then relatively rapidly he began to receive his drafts with instructions to
edit and resubmit them to Baha’u’llah for further review. Having done
so, Nabíl added some 23 pages of supplementary materials covering the
preceding ten months, February-November 1890, and also some of the
new stories told by Baha’u’llah of his days in Baghdad.13
To write his section on Nayríz-I, it is clear that Nabíl solely relied

10 15 October – 13 November 1890.
11 9 November 1890.
12 Nabíl’s original manuscript, page 1007, copy in private hands.
13 See, Memories of the Báb, Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 2, for some of the

stories told by Baha’u’llah during this period.

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The Bábís of Nayriz 9

on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, a fact attested in The Dawn-
Breakers, page 644. The same can be readily verified through a
comparison of Mullá Shafí‘’s text as given in chapter 5 of the present
study with The Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. (A few passages of Mullá
Shafí‘ seems to be missing in The Dawn-Breakers and these have to do
with the militant character of the Nayrízí Bábís – see the corresponding
footnotes in chapter 5.)
Nabíl’s manuscript remained unpublished until the time of Shoghi
Effendi who produced an elegant translation of the first half, covering
the period up to 1853. Within the Bahá’í community, and with Shoghi
Effendi’s encouragement, this translation was immediately embraced as
the standard history of the Báb and the Bábís.14
In many ways, Nabíl’s history presents an excellent opportunity to
study early Bahá’í historiography. However, a serious barrier towards this
objective is the fact that the original Persian text is not available to
researchers. A Persian edition by ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Ishráq-Khávarí indeed
exists, but it is a Persian translation of an Arabic translation of Shoghi
Effendi’s English and therefore it is not useful for historical studies.15
To overcome the present problem of lack of access to Nabíl’s text,
I devised a method of studying Nabíl’s original narrative by proxy.16 That
is, to learn what Nabíl had written on Nayríz, Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh
Zuhúru’l-Haqq was used as a mirror document for Nabíl’s. Let me
elaborate:
In the early 1920’s, the renowned Iranian Bahá’í scholar, Mírzá
Asadu’lláh Fádil Mazandarání, commenced composition of a
monumental nine volume series on the history of the Bábí the Bahá’í

14 Messages to America (1932-46), 23 June 1932 cablegram refers to The Dawn-Breakers

as “unchallengeable textbook”.
15 Another serious problem with Ishráq-Khávarí’s edition is the fact that it lacks a

translation of the footnotes that Shoghi Effendi added to Nabíl’s edited text,
augmenting the latter’s information or presenting alternative accounts of the
incidents. Also George Townsend’s essay appearing at the beginning of The Dawn-
Breakers was left untranslated.
16 A manuscript containing some 250 pages of Nabíl’s narrative is available in

private hands. However, for the most part, the pages are not contiguous and
provide only a snippet of what Nabíl wrote.

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10 The Bábís of Nayriz

movements. Of these nine volumes, only one was published in his
lifetime (1944) and that was volume 3, which dealt with the Bábí
community and the life and activities of the principal Bábí disciples.17
Volume 8 was printed many years after the author’s death. The
remaining volumes were published electronically at: <http://www.hnet.org/~bahai/index/diglib/mazand1.htm>
In studying Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq series, I have come to the
conclusion that one of the main sources used by Fádil Mazandarání to
compose his history for volumes 2, 4 and much of 5, was Nabíl’s original
narrative. While a full discussion of sources used to compose Zuhúru’l-
Haqq and its relation to Nabíl’s narrative must await another occasion, it
may prove useful to briefly outline a few observations pertaining to the
relation of these two important histories insofar as the Nayríz incidents
is concerned:18

1. Mazandarání’s discussion of Vahíd Dárábí’s visit to Yazd
(Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 398-407) is identical to The
Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. As explained in chapter 3, the
primary source for this episode remains a mystery and in the
absence of such a primary source, it is only logical to deduce

17 On 11 April 1950, the National Spiritual Assembly of Iran requested that a
pamphlet be prepared over Fádil’s signature, in which he repudiated 37 points of his
Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, that differed in detail from Nabíl. It appears that this
concern with his history resulted in none of the other volumes being published to
date, with the sole exception of volume 8 which covered the life of prominent
Bahá’ís during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s minister and did not overlap with The Dawn-Breakers
or God Passes By.
18 The vast majority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, correlates closely with The

Dawn-Breakers, to the point that one could almost say, for many sections, that
Mazandarání seems to have lifted sections from Nabíl’s original. However, the
ultimate proof of this hypothesis must wait until Nabíl’s text is made accessible.
Also it should be noted that Zuhúru’l-Haqq, volumes 4 and 5, include many direct
and attributed quotations from Nabíl, indicating that the latter’s text was the central
source of Mazandarání’s information. This topic is the subject of a forthcoming
study by the present writer.

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that Mazandarání must have used Nabíl’s text.19 At any rate,
the two texts are essentially the same.

2. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 408-428 covers the Nayríz-I
episode. From page 408 to 426 it is essentially identical to The
Dawn-Breakers. In a few instances where Nabíl has misread
Mullá Shafí‘, the same errors appear in Zuhúru’l-Haqq. This
suggest that Mazandrání was not using the original text of
Mullá Shafí‘ (he probably did not have access to this
manuscript), and instead was using Nabíl’s account. While
documentation of these discrepancies is provided in the
footnotes to chapter 5 below, a few additional points can be
noted:

A. In listing the Nayrízí people who went out to welcome
Vahíd Dárábí in Rúniz, both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and
Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that Mírzá Husayn
Qutb was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter.
This fact is missing in the account of Mullá Shafí‘ and
implies that Mazandarání was using Nabíl’s narrative and
not Shafí‘’s.

B. In the same paragraph, The Dawn-Breakers associates
Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih Ayyúb with Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, a fact
not mentioned by Mullá Shafí‘. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2,
p. 408, makes an identical comment at the same point.

C. Both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p.
409, state that 20 new converts joined Vahíd Dárábí in
Rúniz. This fact is missing in Mullá Shafí‘’s account and
further strengthens the thesis that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol.
2, was based on Nabíl.

19 In chapter 3, the present writer has advanced a hypothesis that Nabíl’s source of

information on Yazd was the oral report of Mullá Ridá Manshádí.

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Perhaps even more interesting is that, despite the statement in The
Dawn-Breakers, page 644, suggesting that Nabíl did not include a
description of Nayríz-II, there are strong indications that a full account
was given by Nabíl in his narrative, almost certainly based on Mullá
Shafí‘’s text. Therefore the fact that Shoghi Effendi included only a very
brief summary of this event in The Dawn-Breakers, page 643, would
appear to be an editorial decision. As to my evidence for Nabíl providing
a full account of Nayríz-II, I shall once more employ Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
Haqq, volume 4, as my proxy. Much of my evidence is set out in the
footnotes in chapter 11 (and chapter 5), but a few additional clues can be
noted. In describing the appearance of the Nayríz-II captives before the
governor of the Fars, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, n.1, states,
“Nabíl Zarandí wrote, ‘The late Qavámu’l-Mulk had said that upon
seeing the illustrious captives, the scene of Karbala appeared before my
eyes and it profoundly agitated me.’” Again, this statement is missing in
Mullá Shafí‘’s account and represents a piece of information available to
Nabíl. Additional data of a similar character that seems to have been
given by Nabíl and not by Mullá Shafí‘ appears in the footnotes to
chapters 5 and 11.
In short, the likelihood is that Nabíl’s original work contained the
full text of Mullá Shafí‘’s description of Nayríz-II. However,
confirmation of this hypothesis must await the release of Nabíl’s original
narrative for study.
Lastly, It should be noted that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, page
23, line 9 to page 57, line 10, is nearly identical to the copy of Mullá
Shafí‘s text in my possession. Any differences between the two have
been documented in the footnotes. However, from page 57, line 11, to
page 59, line 5, there are some additional materials, which have been
translated in the present study and offered as footnotes in chapter 11. It
is interesting that at the end of his section, Fádil Mazandarání tells us
that his source of information for Nayríz-II was the narrative of Mullá
Muhammad Shafí‘, but I suspect he is echoing this comment from Nabíl
as well.

Comments on Translations

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As the narratives collected in this monograph represent important
primary historical source documents, much care was exerted in the
process of translation to remain faithful to the character of the originals
and to avoid any embellishments or modifications. The sole exceptions
are the addition of subheadings and clarifying comments inserted in square
brackets, both in texts and footnotes. In some instances when other
sources have provided important details, these have been included in the
footnotes.
Additionally, attention has been paid to certain historical clues,
which may aid future researchers. For example, when a narrator speaks
of someone who was deceased by the time of composition of the
document, the author typically refers to him as “the late,” and these
indications have been maintained in the translation.
The system of transliteration will be apparent to those who have
an interest in such matters.
Typically, any single Islamic year (noted as A.H.) overlaps with
two Christian years. Where only the year of the event is known, the first
equivalent Gregorian date is given.

Potential Further Research
As noted earlier, the present monograph on the Bábís of Nayríz is only
the first preliminary step towards such a study and much more remains
to be done. In this regard, it seems important to outline a few thoughts
on further research that could usefully be undertaken in this arena:

1. While there are indeed many useful studies of isolated topics
relating to the Bábí and Bahá’í histories and some that have
analyzed Bábí and Bahá’í teachings and scriptures, there are
few systematic academic studies that correlate the findings of
the historical studies. A broad synthesis of the history of the
Bábí and Bahá’í movements using modern scholarly and
academic methodology is yet to be undertaken. Several reasons
for this maybe suggested, among them, a tradition on the part
of Bábí and Bahá’í writers of speaking of these two religious

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14 The Bábís of Nayriz

phenomena as discrete events, the lack of critical editions of
many important texts, particularly those of the Bábí era, and
the deficient cultivation of historiographical techniques within
the modern Bahá’í tradition – the custodian and successor of
the Bábí movement. In addition, the present histories of the
two movements tend to be global in scope, with little effort to
study the religions within the confined space of a single local
community. Therefore it seems that studies of the emergence
of the Bahá’í community from the ethos of the Bábí faith,
particularly as focused on the development of a single caste of
actors, such as the Nayrízís, will shed light on the relationship
between the two religious communities. The present study is
of course an example, but it must be supplemented by further
transition studies of other local Bábí-Bahá’í communities.

2. The raw historical documents on the history of the Bábís and
early Bahá’ís of Nayríz must continue to be gathered,
translated and published. There is no doubt that many of the
Bahá’ís who trace their ancestry to the early days of the religion
in that city possess documents of prime importance, such as
letters, poems, pictures, narratives, tablets, travelogues, etc,
that must be culled for important historical clues and these will
no doubt enormously enhance our understanding of formative
events in that region.

3. In this study I have used volumes 2 and 4 of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
Haqq as a proxy for Nabíl’s original text. While this detective
work has yielded insights, scholarship would greatly benefit
from a proper scholarly edition of the full Persian text of
Nabíl’s narrative. And while the present study establishes that
Nabíl indeed did rely on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad
Shafí‘ for his Nayríz sections, the broader question of Nabíl’s
sources needs to be studied in detail. In particular, it is known
that at least some of his papers exist in the Bahá’í World
Centre Archives and these must be carefully analyzed in

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conjunction with any other sources known to have been used
by or accessible to Nabíl.

4. In time, the source materials of Bábí and early Bahá’í history in
other places must be studied, published, and translated. These
include the eyewitness accounts of Shaykh Tabarsí, the various
histories of the Bábí-Bahá’í communities in Iranian towns
(prepared at the instruction of Shoghi Effendi), the surviving
letters and documents of the early converts, and the
unpublished volumes of Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
Haqq, the most comprehensive history written thus far on the
Bábí and Bahá’í religions.

Acknowledgments
In the preparation of this monograph, I have received generous
assistance from a number of individuals and wish to hereby record my
immense debt of gratitude. Abú’l-Qásim Afnán was most gracious in
sharing a copy of the eyewitness account of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ and
offering constant encouragement. Susan Maneck kindly shared a copy of
Siyyid Husayn Hamadání’s history that she had located in India. The
Bahá’í World Centre kindly shared a few specimens of Vahíd Dárábí’s
handwritings that provided background information. My heartfelt
gratitude is owed to my late father, Dr. Iraj Rabbani, a man of immense
erudition who was most helpful with many suggestions and moral
support.

Ahang Rabbani
Houston, Texas
July 1998.

Note: Although this monograph was completed in July 1998, obstacles
outside my control delayed its publication. In the meantime, I have had a
chance to reconsider parts of the manuscript and also benefit from

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16 The Bábís of Nayriz

comments of Prof. Sholeh Quinn, Sen McGlinn, Prof. Peter Smith and
Ismael Velasco, who graciously read through all or parts of this
monograph and offered several valuable suggestions. All errors and
shortcomings, however, are mine.
The Review Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahá’ís of the United Kingdom has graciously granted permission for the
publication of this monograph.
A.R.
March 2007

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Chapter 1

The Shore of Certitude

Thus will thy Lord choose thee and teach thee the interpretation of
stories and events and perfect His favor to thee and to thy posterity.
Qur’án 12:6

Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd Akbar20 [the great peerless one] by
the Báb, was born of Siyyid Ja‘far’s Yazdí wife in Yazd21 around the year
1226 A.H./1811, and was the eldest son of his renowned father.22
Though little is known of his early days, it is recognized that he spent his
youth and young-adolescence mostly in Yazd and also partly in Burújird.
From an early age he attended the seminary school under the
tutelage of his own father where, like other students, he memorized the
whole of the Qur’án and many principal hadíth.23 For his generation, a
seminary education consisted of intensive study, almost all in Arabic, of
a set of standard scholastic texts on law, jurisprudential reasoning,
grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, and sometimes mathematics and
astronomy.24 While rote learning was an essential tool in this education,

20 Yahyá and Vahíd have the same numerical value, namely, 28, in the abjad system.
21 There is contradictory information regarding Vahíd’s birthplace: Táríkh Zuhúru’l-

Haqq, vol. 3, p. 473, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41 maintain that he was born in
Yazd, while Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233 and Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1,
p. 326, n.1, suggest Dáráb near Shíráz. The reason that Vahíd is known as Dárábí is
not because he lived there for any extended period of time, but rather due to his
ancestors’, particularly his grandfather’s association with this town; see Appendix 2.
22 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, p. 78, Hadrat Báb, p. 258, Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 314, and

Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, state that he was the eldest son, while Muhádirát, p.
761, states he was the seventh son.
23 The science of hadíth studies the collection of traditions and utterances of the

Prophet and the Imáms and their chains of transmission.
24 For a discussion of Islamic seminarian education, see Mottahedeh Mantle of the

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the real training consisted of minute dialectical examination of the
standard texts, with several iterations of each subject using increasingly
detailed commentaries. It was an education especially strong in the
analysis of language and the interpretation of texts, but not one that
particularly encouraged imagination, creativity, originality, or urbanity.
While it was a narrow education, it was very advanced and sophisticated,
developing an exact knowledge of the tools needed for the work of
religious interpretation and judgment, known as ijtihád. In the course of
his studies, Siyyid Yahyá excelled all the other sons of Siyyid Ja‘far, and
emerged as one of most learned men of the region.
One of Vahíd’s areas of expertise is known to have been the
science of hadíth and concerning his achievements in this field, ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá is reported to have said:

This remarkable man, this precious soul, had committed to
memory no less than thirty thousand traditions, and was
highly esteemed and admired by all classes of people. He
had achieved universal renown in Persia, and his authority
and erudition were widely and fully recognized.25

In addition to being recognized for his scholarly achievements and
his eloquence, he was famed for his amazing strength and courage.26
Fádil Mázandarání cites sources that report that Vahíd would often bend
iron bars with his bare hands and that he had mastered the art of fencing
and swordsmanship – skills that later served him well as the commander
of the beleaguered Bábís of Nayríz.27
Vahíd established his home in Yazd, married in the 1830s and had
four children. During this period, he traveled extensively to many parts

Prophet.
25 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171, n.2, from a “manuscript relating to martyrdoms in

Persia.” Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41, n.1, confirms that during the author’s visit to
Haifa in 1921, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated that Vahíd had memorized 30,000 hadíth, and
given that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá at a young age had met Vahíd in Tihrán, this represents
primary source information.
26 Guft va Shunúd Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb bá Rúhániyun Tabríz, p. 180.
27 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 464.

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of Iran, including Tihrán, Nayríz, Istahbánát, Burújird and other towns
in Fárs. Of all the cities, he had a particular affinity toward Nayríz, and
established another home there next to a large mosque known as the
Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, constructed along traditional architectural lines. Until
recently, this building has been among the finest homes and important
historical sites of Nayríz.28 Around 1840 he took a second wife, a woman
by the name of Sughrá, daughter of the renowned Nayrízí divine and
scholar, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, and from her had a son named Siyyid
Ismá‘íl. Since his father-in-law was the leading clerical figure of Nayríz,
this union further solidified Vahíd’s ties with the notables and ruling
class of that city, establishing important political alliances. In particular,
during this period he instituted close relations with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán, the governor of Nayríz.

In 1844, Vahíd moved to Tihrán and established his residence in
the house of his brother Siyyid Isháq, in the neighborhood of the Imam-
Zádih Yahyá.29 It was known among the religious scholars and men of
letters of the capital that Vahíd’s father had been one of the two leading

28 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42, n.1. See the picture on the title page.
29 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42.

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clerics who had written extensively and convincingly about Qájár
political legitimacy, particularly their claim to the throne. Through his
groundbreaking works, Siyyid Ja‘far reasoned that the new dynasty,
though it could not claim descent from the Prophet, like the Safavids,
was nevertheless acting as the rightful “shadow of God” and could rule
unhindered.30 Vahíd enjoyed basking in his father’s fame as the leading
political theorist for the Qájárs, and expanded his own popularity and
influence in Tihrán. It is reported that he became the regular guest of
Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, grandson of Fath-‘Alí
Shah through his father Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá, and often stayed in that
house for some time.31 Nabíl describes his fame during this period:

He occupied a position of such pre-eminence among the
leading figures in Persia that at whatever meeting he
happened to be present, no matter how great the number of
the ecclesiastical leaders who attended it, he was invariably
its chief speaker. None would dare to assert his views in his
presence. They all reverently observed silence before him; all
testified to his sagacity, his unsurpassed knowledge and
mature wisdom.32

The royal court and particularly the Prime Minister, Hájí Mírzá
Áqásí, considered him an important ally among the clerics and frequently
and openly paid homage to his learning and his loyalty. He was consulted
regularly on difficult matters pertaining to religious doctrine and was
often asked to marshal the support of other mujtahids. It is said that he
wielded unusual influence with the monarch himself, mostly through the
exposition of his father’s political writings. In this regard, Mírzá
Habibu’lláh Afnán notes: “The late Muhammad Shah was extremely
devoted to him and trusted his judgment explicitly, to such degree that
without his leave and fatwa33 he would not undertake any acts nor show

30 See Appendix 2 and The Shadow of God, chapter 12.
31 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233.
32 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171.
33 Religious ruling issued by a mujtahid.

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forth any initiatives.”34

The Mission
In March of 1845, the Báb returned from his pilgrimage journey, and a
number of his disciples came to see him. However their presence
attracted excessive public attention, bringing with it waves of repression.
Eventually, the Báb dismissed them all, instructing most of them to
proceed to Isfahán, retaining only Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím, to whom he
assigned the duty of transcribing his writings. This prudent plan served
to relieve him of the immediate danger of violence from the people of
Shíráz, “enabling the captive Youth to celebrate the Naw-Rúz of that
and the succeeding year in an atmosphere of relative tranquility in the
company of His mother, His wife, and His uncle,”35 and it also lent a
fresh impetus to the propagation of his movement beyond the
immediate environs of that city.
Meanwhile, the reform fever that had seized his followers, and
particularly his appointed Letters of the Living who had spread
throughout the country proclaiming to the multitudes the news of the
new-born religion, was communicating itself to the members of the
clergy and to the merchant classes and was also penetrating the higher
circles of society: “Indeed, a wave of passionate inquiry had swept the
whole country, and unnumbered congregations were listening with
wonder to the testimonies eloquently and fearlessly related by the Báb’s
itinerant messengers.”36 The fame of the young prophet was exciting the
entire nation and amazement and interest seized those who heard from
the tongues of his chief propagators the tales of those signs that had
heralded the birth of his manifestation. In this regard, Nicolas writes:

While these events were taking place in the north of Persia,
the central and southern provinces were deeply roused by

34 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5.
35 God Passes By, p. 11. The uncle referred to is Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the second

uncle of the Báb.
36 God Passes By, p. 11.

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the fiery eloquence of the missionaries of the new doctrine.
The people, flighty, credulous, ignorant, superstitious in the
extreme, were struck dumb by the incessant miracles which
they heard related every moment; the anxious priests, feeling
their flock quivering with impatience and ready to escape
their control, redoubled their slanders and infamous
imputations; the grossest lies, the most bloody fictions were
spread among the bewildered populace, torn between horror
and admiration.37

The remarkable news of messianic fulfillment was spreading with
such rapidity and penetrating all strata with such force that even the
monarch, Muhammad Shah, a man of mystical inclinations and Sufi
proclivities and uninterested in the jurisprudential aspects of religion,
was excited by it and wished to ascertain its truth. A number of officials
in the court informed him that the Báb claimed a direct revelation from
God and possessed hidden knowledge of Qur’ánic mysteries. Others
professed much enthusiasm about the events, all of which served to fuel
the imagination of Muhammad Shah.38 Coupled to these anecdotal
reports were the writings of the Báb, first reportedly brought by Mullá
Husayn to the capital, and later sent directly by the Báb from Búshihr,
which greatly attracted the attention of the sovereign. Additionally, the
continual stream of letters from Husayn Khán, the governor-general of
Fárs, complaining about the Báb and people’s excitement, was a cause of
concern to the court and required immediate investigation and
response.39 In particular, Husayn Khán brought to the attention of the
Shah the incident of the Báb’s proclamation in the Masjid Vakíl.40
In order to gain detailed information and receive a first-hand
37 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 387. The presenter translator benefited from

Peter Terry’s earlier translation.
38 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, claims that many in the royal circle and
government were either Bábí or attracted to the movement.
39 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 52, notes that the Shah was not interested in state

interference in affairs of religion and therefore delayed making a decision for as long
as he could. Eventually he had to give in to the pressure of the powerful clerics.
40 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233.

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unbiased report, through his Prime Minister, Muhammad Shah decided
to entrust this mission to Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, “one of the most erudite,
eloquent, and influential of his subjects,”41 to interview the Báb and to
report to him the results of his investigations. The following is noted by
Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán:

After the spread of this Cause, the news of it reached the
Shah who called Áqá Siyyid Yahyá into his presence stating,
‘According to reports reaching the throne, a certain Person
in Shíráz has advanced claims to the Qá’imiyyat and to the
Bábiyyat, and as we have faith in your judgment, you must
proceed to Fárs and after careful investigation, inform us of
the truth or falsehood of this matter, so that we may be
informed of our religious duties. You must leave at once and
are to report to us at your earliest opportunity.’ The
sovereign then provided him with travel expenses and a
steed and sent him off to Shíráz.42

‘Abdu’l-Bahá, a keen admirer of Vahíd and closely informed of the
relevant events, further states:

By reason of the ‘ulamá’s lack of experience and skill in
administrative affairs, and the continual succession of their
decisions, comment was rife; and their interference with the
Báb cast a clamor throughout Iran, causing increased ardor
in friends and the coming forward of the hesitating. For by
reason of these occurrences men’s interest increased, and in
all parts of Iran some [of God’s] servants inclined toward
Him, until the matter acquired such importance that the late
monarch, Muhammad Shah, delegated a certain Siyyid
Yahyá of Dáráb, who was one of the best known ‘ulamá and
Siyyids as well as the object of veneration and trust, giving
him a horse and money for the journey so that he might

41 God Passes By, p. 11.
42 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5.

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proceed to Shíráz and personally investigate this matter.43

Nicolas has suggested that Vahíd was commissioned to make
contact with the Báb and to inform the central authority, as exactly as
possible, of the political consequences which would result from the
reforms proposed by the Báb. These seemed likely to unsettle the heart
of the country.44 Whatever the motives, it is clear that Muhammad Shah
had implicit confidence in Vahíd’s impartiality, competence, and
profound knowledge, and therefore delegated this task to the erudite
cleric. Further, it was evident to the Shah, who tended to remain neutral
on matters of a religious character, that because of Vahíd’s outstanding
reputation among the ‘ulamá, his report and judgment would be
acceptable to the other clergy and to the ruling class. The fact that Vahíd
had come from a family whose loyalty to the throne remained
unquestioned, must surely have influenced the Shah in selecting Vahíd as
his trusted emissary.
Nabíl reports that the Shah confidentially signaled through Mírzá
Lutf-‘Alí his desire that Siyyid Yahyá should proceed to Shíráz and
investigate the matter in person. “Tell him from us,” commanded the
sovereign, “that inasmuch as we repose the utmost confidence in his
integrity, and admire his moral and intellectual standards, and regard him
as the most suitable among the divines of our realm, we expect him to
proceed to Shíráz, to inquire thoroughly into the episode of the Siyyid-i
Báb, and to inform us of the results of his investigations; We shall then
know what measures it behooves us to take.”45 The Shah reportedly
provided him with a horse, a sword and a travel allowance totaling one
hundred tumáns for this important mission.46
It is very likely that Vahíd himself desired to make this journey and
meet with the claimant of so august an office, the Báb.47 After all, some

43 A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 7-8. Slight modification of E.G. Browne’s translation.
44 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 387-388.
45 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
46 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53.
47Násikhu’t-Tawáríkh, vol. 3, pp. 337-338, Rawdatu’s-Safá, vol. 10, p. 311, and
Núzdah-Nutq, p. 39, suggest Vahíd had attended the meeting between the Báb and

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months earlier, Vahíd’s father, Siyyid Ja‘far, having heard about the Báb’s
claims and being unable to meet with him in Shíráz, had gone in his
search to Mecca where he was able to converse with the Báb. It is highly
probable that upon his return, Siyyid Ja’far had acquainted his son with
his observations and urged him to proceed to Shíráz for a meeting with
the Báb.
Nabíl notes: “In those days Siyyid Yahyá was residing in Tihrán in
the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Master of Ceremonies to the Shah, as
the honored guest of his Imperial Majesty.”48 However, since Vahíd was
actually living with his brother, it seems more plausible that he was a
frequent visitor of the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí (as opposed to living
there). At least two historians have suggested that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí had
become a Bábí at that time, possibly through seeing the correspondence
and writings of the Báb that Mullá Husayn had brought with him from
Shíráz.49 Given the close association and the friendship of Mírzá Lutf-
‘Alí with Vahíd, the latter must have become intrigued by the messianic
claim. Therefore, it is possible that Vahíd’s departure for Shíráz was only
partly influenced by the Shah’s command and was mostly due to his own
desires, excited by his father and friends. In relation to this, Nabíl further
writes, “Siyyid Yahyá had been himself desirous of obtaining first-hand
knowledge of the claims of the Báb, but had been unable, owing to
adverse circumstances, to undertake the journey to Fars. The message of
Muhammad Shah decided him to carry out his long-cherished intention.
Assuring his sovereign of his readiness to comply with his wish, he

the governor, Husayn Khán, on 21 Ramadán 1261 A.H. (23 September 1845) where
the merchant-prophet was rebuked and struck in the face, and on that occasion
Vahíd had become deeply attracted to the purity of the Báb. However this
information seems to contradict Vahíd’s own text (see Appendix 3) where he gives
the date of his meeting with the Báb as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26
May 1846. Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, theorizes that Vahíd initiated his
journey to Shíráz and learning of his intentions, the Sháh and the Prime Minister
supported his objective.
48 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
49 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, Hadrat Nuqtih Ula, p. 174 and Nayríz Mushkbíz,

p. 8.

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immediately set out for Shíráz.”50

Journey to Shíráz
It is not clear whether it was at the instruction of the Shah or at the
request of Vahíd that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was to accompany him on this
journey, but they set out together. As Vahíd was born and raised in
Yazd, and his first wife and four children resided there, he decided to
stop in that city on the way to his destination.51 Hájí Muhammad-Táhir
Málmírí gives the following description of Vahíd’s arrival in Yazd:

The Sultan of Iran, Muhammad Shah, sent him [Vahíd] to
Shíráz to investigate the truth of this Cause and to report his
findings in writing. He left Tihrán and on the way [to Shíráz]
arrived at Yazd, carrying a sword and mounted on a horse,
and was met by several of the high ranking local ecclesiastics
who accompanied him to the Musallá Safdar-Khán.52
Excited by the news of his arrival, several thousand of the
town’s inhabitants had gathered to hear him speak. ‘O
people of Yazd!’, Vahíd cried out, ‘An illustrious Siyyid in
Shíráz has declared himself to be the Promised Qá’im and I
am charged to proceed there and meet with him. If in my
judgment I find him to be an impostor, with this sword shall
I deal with him; and if I judge him to be of the truthful, in
his path I shall wage jihád.53 Whosoever wishes may join me
in this journey.’ People spontaneously responded that they
50 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
51 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 326, states “... where his wife and four sons were

living.” However Vahíd had a daughter and three sons with his his Yazdí wife. His
fourth son was living in Nayríz with his mother Sughrá, Vahíd’s second wife.
52 Though less common than an ordinary mosque, the musallá is a place of worship

where the faithful gather on special occasions.
53 Holy War, as a means of spreading a religion, was later abrogated for Bahá’ís by

Bahá’u’lláh during the Ridván festivities in 1863. At the time that Vahíd spoke, it
was a common Islamic expectation that the Qá’im would launch a massive jihád to
rid the earth of unbelievers.

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would abide with whatever Vahíd determined and signified
their reliance in him by saying, ‘All of us in this assemblage,
whether learned or illiterate, noble or commoner, rich or
poor, consent for you to be our representative in this matter.
Your decision is ours; and we will abide by your views and
determination. Your knowledge and wisdom, as well as your
piety, faith and discernment are well known to us and we
hold your decision as our very own proof.”54

Mírzá Qábil, in his unpublished general history of the Bábí and
Bahá’í Faiths, has noted:

When the illustrious Vahíd arrived in the Dárau’l-‘Ibádih55
of Yazd, the divines and the nobles came to visit him and
invited him to the mosque. The honored Vahíd came to the
Masjid Rík and led a congregation numbering two thousands
worshipers in offering their obligatory prayers. Afterward he
announced, ‘On behalf of His Majesty the King, I am
entrusted with a mighty mission and must proceed to Shíráz
at this instant.’ With this, he came out from the mosque and
mounted his waiting horse. Some of the ‘ulamá inquired into
the nature of his charge that required such a hasty departure.
He replied, ‘I am instructed to proceed at once to Shíráz and
investigate the claim of the Siyyid Báb. If I find His claim to
be unfounded, I will behead Him with this very sword.’
Then he left quickly.56

54 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 5. A summary appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp.

88-89. A slightly different translation appears in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp.
326-327. It should be noted that it is fairly unlikely that these precise words were
spoken on that occasion. Attributing such quotations is a literary device used in
traditional Iranian histories. For instance, Nabíl’s narrative (party translated as The
Dawn-breakers) is filled with quotations attributed to the participants when it is
unlikely that Nabíl would have known the exact words spoken by the actors.
55 Because of its many religious schools, Yazd was known during the Qájár time as

Dárau’l-‘Ibádih [the land of the worshippers]; see, Yádigárháy Yazd, vol. 1, p. 12.
56 Táríkh ‘Umumí Amr, p. 51.

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From these two accounts it is evident that Vahíd enjoyed
widespread support in Yazd, to the point that his very arrival attracted
the attention of many citizens, representing a substantial percentage of
the population. This trust and popularity, as we shall see in the course of
the subsequent events of 1850, served him well in launching a farreaching campaign in the promotion of the Bábí movement.
Upon his arrival at Shíráz, he went directly to the mansion of
Husayn Khán, bearing the royal edict and accompanied by Mírzá Lutf-
‘Alí. Husayn Khán, known as the Sáhib-Ikhtiyár, was the governorgeneral of the province of Fárs, and Vahíd took up his residence in the
Governor’s home as his special guest. As an emissary of the Sháh, and a
man of renowned reputation, he was shown considerable respect.
Husayn Khán inquired as to the nature of his mission, and Vahíd
acquainted him with what had transpired and the court’s interest in this
affair. On hearing of Vahíd’s desire to visit the Báb in his residence,
Husayn Khán replied, “What need is there for you to trouble yourself
further by going to his abode? I will send my men to bring him to your
presence.” “This person claims a great office,” replied Vahíd, “and as yet
I have not ascertained the veracity and accuracy of this assertion. I have
come in search of Truth. If indeed his assertions are of God, then it
behooves the entire world to prostrate themselves at his threshold;
otherwise I shall deal with him.”57
Upon further inquiry about the Báb, Vahíd was informed that a
plot was under way to slay him. Though all but a handful of the new
converts had left Shíráz, and those who had remained there lived in
obscurity, nevertheless the ecclesiastics were deeply concerned that the
Báb’s message was being spread widely and that their own position and
influence was in jeopardy. Three of them, namely, Shaykh Muhammad-
‘Alí Mahallátí, Shaykh Husayn Zálim [the tyrant], the Názimu’sh-
Shar‘yih, and Shaykh Mihdí Kájvarí had conspired to kill the Báb. They
had prepared and issued a fatwá stating that because of his claims, it was
warranted and indeed necessary for him to be eliminated. However, this

57 A.Q. Afnán, unpublished study on the history of the Bábís, vol. 2 (manuscript in

private hands).

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edict was not implemented, so they had to design other means to achieve
their objective. In fact, it was known among the people that Shaykh
Husayn had been asked, “What if, out of respect for his holy lineage, no
executioner could be found to slay this Siyyid. Who then will perform
this act?” To which he had replied, “I will do so with my own hand using
my own penknife.”58
It was against this backdrop that Vahíd began his inquiry. A few
days after his arrival, while passing through the bazaar, he met some of
his old colleagues, including Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí Turshizí, surnamed
‘Azím, with whom he had been intimately associated while in Mashhad,
and asked him whether he was satisfied with the Báb’s claim. “You
should meet Him,” ‘Azím replied, “and seek independently to acquaint
yourself with His Mission. As a friend, I would advise you to exercise the
utmost consideration in your conversations with Him, lest you, too, in
the end should be obliged to deplore any act of discourtesy towards
Him.”59 Shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í,
Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí and Shaykh Sultán ‘Arab had also come from
‘Iraq to Shíráz seeking an audience with the Báb.60

Meeting the Báb
Through ‘Azím’s intervention, Vahíd was able to attain the presence of
the Báb in the house of his uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí.61 In a treatise
quoted in Appendix 3, Vahíd gives the date of his meeting with the Báb
as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26 May 1846. The following
account gives us a glimpse of the manner in which the Báb’s followers
visited him during those days:

Because the governor-general had prohibited gatherings in

58 See A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 442, for details pertaining to the eventual

dreadful fate of the enemies of the Báb.
59 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
60 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87.
61 The Báb, p. 90, suggests that this meeting was arranged by Hájí Siyyid Javád

Karbalá’í.

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the presence of the Báb, His Holiness had arranged through
His uncle, the martyred Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí, for a few of the
trusted believers to meet nightly with Him at the latter’s
residence. The Báb would come through a small door
connecting the two houses.62 Every night we attained His
presence and after having supper together, which according
to Iranian custom was served some three or four hours into
the night, He would retire to His own residence. Some of
the friends used to spend the night at Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí’s,
while others would return home if conditions permitted. It
went thus until the illustrious Vahíd, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
Dárábí, upon him be the divine favors, arrived in Shíráz. He
too met the Báb in the house of the martyred uncle63 in a
similar manner.64

Nabíl’s report of the meetings between the Báb and the
questioning cleric is very detailed though he does not identify the source
of his information, nor is there any further documentary evidence to
support some of the specifics offered by him. Nevertheless, since in
broad terms his outline is in agreement with other accounts that we will
examine later in this chapter, and in many ways is more specific than
those, it would be useful to consider it next. Nabíl notes that Vahíd, in
his attitude towards the Báb, practiced the etiquette which ‘Azím had
counseled him to observe:

For about two hours he directed the attention of the Báb to
the most abstruse and bewildering themes in the
metaphysical teachings of Islam, to the obscurest passages
62 The House of the Báb was in the Shamshírgarhá Street and is different from the

residence mentioned in this passage which belonged to Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí, an uncle of
the Báb’s mother and the father of Khadíjih Bagum, the Báb’s wife. This house was
connected to the house of the Báb’s uncle, Hájí Siyyid ‘Ali, through a connecting
tunnel. For details see, In the Land of Refuge, Appendix 1.
63 The second uncle of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, was martyred with six other

Bábís in Tihrán on 7 March 1850; see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458.
64 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 77-78.

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of the Qur’án, and to the mysterious traditions and
prophecies of the imams of the Faith. The Báb at first
listened to his learned references to the law and prophecies
of Islam, noted all his questions, and began to give to each a
brief but persuasive reply. The conciseness and lucidity of
His answers excited the wonder and admiration of Siyyid
Yahyá. He was overpowered by a sense of humiliation at his
own presumptuousness and pride. His sense of superiority
completely vanished. As he arose to depart, he addressed the
Báb in these words: ‘Please God, I shall, in the course of my
next audience with You, submit the rest of my questions and
with them shall conclude my inquiry.’ As soon as he retired,
he joined Azím, to whom he related the account of his
interview. ‘I have in His presence,’ he told him, ‘expatiated
unduly upon my own learning. He was able in a few words
to answer my questions and to resolve my perplexities. I felt
so abased before Him that I hurriedly begged leave to retire.’
‘Azím reminded him of his counsel, and begged him not to
forget this time the advice he had given him.
In the course of his second interview, Siyyid Yahyá, to
his amazement, discovered that all the questions which he
had intended to submit to the Báb had vanished from his
memory. He contented himself with matters that seemed
irrelevant to the object of his enquiry. He soon found, to his
still greater surprise that the Báb was answering, with the
same lucidity and conciseness that had characterized His
previous replies, those same questions which he had
momentarily forgotten. ‘I seemed to have fallen fast asleep,’
he later observed. ‘His words, His answers to questions
which I had forgotten to ask, reawakened me. A voice still
kept whispering in my ear: ‘Might not this, after all, have
been an accidental coincidence?’ I was too agitated to collect
my thoughts. I again begged leave to retire.’
‘Azím, whom I subsequently met, received me with
cold indifference, and sternly remarked: ‘Would that schools

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had been utterly abolished, and that neither of us had
entered one! Through our little-mindedness and conceit, we
are withholding from ourselves the redeeming grace of God,
and are causing pain to Him who is the Fountain thereof.
Will you not this time beseech God to grant that you may be
enabled to attain His presence with becoming humility and
detachment, that perchance He may graciously relieve you
from the oppression of uncertainty and doubt?’
I resolved that in my third interview with the Báb I
would in my inmost heart request Him to reveal for me a
commentary on the Surih of Kawthar.65 I determined not to
breathe that request in His presence. Should he, unasked by
me, reveal this commentary in a manner that would
immediately distinguish it in my eyes from the prevailing
standards current among the commentators on the Qur’án, I
then would be convinced of the Divine character of His
Mission, and would readily embrace His Cause. If not, I
would refuse to acknowledge Him. As soon as I was
ushered into His presence, a sense of fear, for which I could
not account, suddenly seized me. My limbs quivered as I
beheld His face. I, who on repeated occasions had been
introduced into the presence of the Shah and had never
discovered the slightest trace of timidity in myself, was now
so awed and shaken that I could not remain standing on my
feet. The Báb, beholding my plight, arose from His seat,
advanced towards me, and, taking hold of my hand seated
me beside Him. ‘Seek from Me,’ He said, ‘whatever is your
heart’s desire. I will readily reveal it to you.’ I was speechless
with wonder. Like a babe that can neither understand nor
speak, I felt powerless to respond. He smiled as He gazed at
me and said: ‘Were I to reveal for you the commentary on

65 Qur’án 108 reads: “Surih of Kawthar (Chapter of Abundance). In the name of

God, most gracious, most merciful. To thee have we granted the Fount (of
Abundance). Therefore, to thy Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice. For he who hateth
thee – he will be cut off (from Future Hope).”

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the Surih of Kawthar, would you acknowledge that My
words are born of the Spirit of God? Would you recognize
that My utterance can in no wise be associated with sorcery
or magic?’ Tears flowed from my eyes as I heard Him speak
these words. All I was able to utter was this verse of the
Qur’án: ‘O our Lord, with ourselves have we dealt unjustly:
if Thou forgive us not and have not pity on us, we shall
surely be of those who perish.’66
It was still early in the afternoon when the Báb
requested Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí to bring His pen-case and
some paper. He then started to reveal His commentary on
the Surih of Kawthar. How am I to describe this scene of
inexpressible majesty? Verses streamed from His pen with a
rapidity that was truly astounding67. The incredible swiftness
of His writing, the soft and gentle murmur of His voice, and
the stupendous force of His style, amazed and bewildered
me. He continued in this manner until the approach of
sunset. He did not pause until the entire commentary of the
Surih was completed. He then laid down His pen and asked
for tea. Soon after, He began to read it aloud in my
presence. My heart leaped madly as I heard Him pour out, in
accents of unutterable sweetness, those treasures enshrined

66 Qur’án 7:23.
67 The extreme rapidity with which both the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh composed verses is

often offered by the Bábí and Bahá’í apologists as one of the signs of their divine
origin and on a number of occasions both have commented on this theme. For
example, among other places, the Báb mentions this fact in the Persian Bayán
(translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176): “God had given Him such power and
such fluency of expression that, if a scribe wrote with the most extreme rapidity
during two days and two nights without interruption, He would reveal, out of this
mine of eloquence, the equivalent of the Qur’án.” And also in the Persian Bayán
(translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176) we find: “Within five hours’ time He
revealed two thousand verses, that is He spoke as fast as the scribe could write. One
can judge thereby that, if He had been left free, how many of His works from the
beginning of His Manifestation until today would have been spread abroad among
men.”

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in that sublime commentary. I was so entranced by its
beauty that three times over I was on the verge of fainting.
He sought to revive my failing strength with a few drops of
rose-water which He caused to be sprinkled on my face.
This restored my vigor and enabled me to follow His
reading to the end.
When He had completed His recital, the Báb arose to
depart. He entrusted me, as He left, to the care of His
maternal uncle. ‘He is to be your guest,’ He told him, ‘until
the time when he, in collaboration with Mullá
‘Abdu’l-Karím68, shall have finished transcribing this newly
revealed commentary, and shall have verified the correctness
of the transcribed copy.’ Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím and I devoted
three days and three nights to this work. We would in turn
read aloud to each other a portion of the commentary until
the whole of it had been transcribed. We verified all the
traditions in the text and found them to be entirely accurate.
Such was the state of certitude to which I had attained that
if all the powers of the earth were to be leagued against me
they would be powerless to shake my confidence in the
greatness of His Cause.69

Summing up Nabíl’s description of this conversion, Shoghi
Effendi notes: “Broad-minded, highly imaginative, zealous by nature,
intimately associated with the court, he, in the course of three interviews,
was completely won over by the arguments and personality of the
Báb.”70
Certainly the fact of writing a new commentary on a surih whose
meaning is so obscure, should have deeply astonished Siyyid Yahyá, but
it is reported that what surprised him even more was to find in this
commentary the explanation that he himself had found in his meditation

68 In the Bábí literature, he is commonly referred to as Mírzá Ahmad Kátib [the

scribe].
69 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 173-176.
70 God Passes By, p. 12.

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on these three verses. Thus he found himself in agreement with the
reformer in the interpretation that he had believed himself to be the only
one to have reached and that he had not made known to anyone.71
In an account provided by Fádil Mázandarání, it is recorded that
Vahíd described his visit to the Báb as follows:

During my first audience, I found His Holiness [the Báb] to
be a pious, spiritual Youth, but devoid of scholarly
proclivities, and as such considered myself superior in
knowledge. After the second meeting, I concluded that the
Báb was my equal. And in the third interview, after He
revealed the commentary on the Surih of Kawthar, I
recognized my own spiritual poverty and Him as the
possessor of all divine and innate knowledge.72

Mullá ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Qazvíní states that in the course of his first
visit to the Báb, Vahíd asked for the demonstration of the secret of
alchemy as a sign of his greatness.73 The Báb at first ignored his request.
This grieved Vahíd and he thought that if indeed the Báb was the bearer
of a true mission from God, he must therefore of necessity possess all
knowledge, and as such, if he failed to produce evidence of alchemy,
then his claim could under no circumstances be considered true. These
thoughts were on his mind when, during the course of the second
interview, another visitor, who had brought as gift some fresh grapes for
the Báb, entered the room. At the Báb’s bidding, the grapes were placed
on a tray and set in the middle of the room. The young claimant invited
his guest to partake of the grapes, and after Vahíd had done so, the Báb
instructed him to rub a grapevine against the copper tray where the
71 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 89.
72 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 43.
73 The Báb, p. 90 states:

He [Vahíd] told Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbilá’í that if only the Báb would
show forth a miracle, his lingering doubts would vanish, to which
Hájí Siyyid Javád replied that to demand the performance of a
miracle, when faced with the brilliance of the Sun of Truth, was
tantamount to seeking light from a flickering candle.

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grapes were placed. To Vahíd’s utter astonishment, upon being touched
by the vines, the tray turned into purest gold. The Báb then remarked,
“The purpose of God is not to turn copper into gold, but rather through
the divine elixir and knowledge to turn the hearts of men to gold.”74
While the source of Nabíl’s description of Vahíd’s meeting with
the Báb remains unknown, and therefore its accuracy is indeterminate, a
reliable account of Vahíd’s conversion is given in the description of
Mírzá Abu’l-Fadl Gulpáygání in Kashfu’l-Ghatá,75 based on his first-hand
recollections of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í’s account:

“Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was the eldest son of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far
Kashfí and was known for his knowledge and achievements.
The late Muhammad Shah and Hájí Mírzá Aqasi, the Prime
Minister, were especially disposed toward him. Once the call
of the Manifestation of the Primal Point was raised and
great multitudes among the learned, the merchants and the
common men accepted Him, the late Áqá Siyyid Yahyá,
hearing various accounts, decided to proceed to Shíráz and
to attain His presence for the purpose of investigating the

74 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 466.
75 After the publication of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf by E.G. Browne, who believed it

to be the long-lost narrative of Mírzá Jání Káshí, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, at ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá’s behest, commenced a refutation known as the Kashfu’l-Ghatá [removal of
veils]. He was particularly commissioned for the task, as he had seen the original of
Mírzá Jání’s manuscript in Tihrán when he served as a secretary to Mánikjí Sáhib
and assisted Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in gathering information for his narrative,
published by Browne as Táríkh-i Jadíd. At an advanced age and in poor health, Mírzá
Abú’l-Fadl had penned the first 132 pages of this book when he passed away.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá then instructed the Hands of the Cause in Iran and Mírzá Na‘ím of
Sidih to assist a cousin of Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, the renowned Siyyid Mihdí Gulpáyigání
in ‘Ishqábád, to complete the text of the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, thereby proving that the
Nuqtatu’l-Káf had been interpolated. However, the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, did not meet with
‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s approval, presumably due to its harsh and frequently overzealous
attack on Browne. Since Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl during the period 1293-99 A.H./1876-81
had been a close associate of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í in Tihrán, these
recollections represent important source material. For further details see, The Bahá’í
Faith and E.G. Browne.

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matter on his own. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Prime Minister,
learned about this decision and informed the monarch, who
in turn, through Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, asked the
Siyyid to exert himself in this regard and upon a satisfactory
study, to inform the Royal Court of his determinations.
“Once Áqá Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shíráz,” Hájí
Siyyid Javád continued, “on several occasions he attained the
presence of the Báb and asked of Him his questions,
receiving full written and verbal replies. After each meeting,
his humility and devotion increased, but as yet he had not
attained certitude. It seemed as if he expected the disclosure
of something specific, but because of his Host’s kindness
that had penetrated deep into his heart and enveloped his
whole being, he would not divulge his request. Finally,
because of our close friendship, he asked if it was possible
for me to petition a special favor on his behalf. In reply, I
said: ‘Your case is like a person present at a magnificent
banquet where every manner of delicious food and superb
drink is to be found, yet he would satisfy himself with trifles.
Indeed, I am unable to ask Him [such a request] on your
behalf. Therefore, next time you attain His presence, you
must ask your heart’s desire.’
“A few nights later,” Hájí Siyyid Javád told me, “when
we were to attain the presence of His Holiness, Vahíd came
bearing a treatise which he had penned on many complex
and abstruse questions and asked that I present it to the Báb
so that, should He so wish, it might be favored with a
written reply. That night, after various discussions and after
we had partaken of supper, the Báb left us to retire to His
own House. As His servant, Mubárak, was leaving, I handed
him the treatise of Siyyid Yahyá and asked him to present it
to his Master. I emphasized that these were the questions of
Siyyid Yahyá and not just anyone, and should be promptly
presented to His Holiness.” The hájí’s intent with this
comment was to prompt a quick reply.

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Hájí Siyyid Javád continued: “It was early dawn when,
as is customary, I rose and was preparing for my morning
prayers, when Mubárak arrived bearing a treatise in the hand
of the Báb revealed in reply to the questions of Vahíd. On
seeing this, Vahíd was overcome with deep joy. He took the
treatise and with the aid of a candle read some of its
passages. A wonderful expression of delight enveloped him.
Though he was always the very essence of seriousness and
sobriety, he began to dance and circle round the room. I
asked him, ‘What has overcome you that you show such
rapture?’ ‘Siyyid Javád, it is nearly a week,’ he replied, ‘that I
have been composing the questions I submitted unto Him.
His Holiness was here with us this past evening until nearly
midnight, and doubtless after leaving us had to rest for four
or five hours too. However, behold this treatise, indeed this
mighty book, which was revealed and penned in only a very
short interval!’”
“After that, in complete certitude, Vahíd returned to
Burújird and Tihrán, and after proclaiming the new Faith to
his father, Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far, known as Kashfí, and his
acceptance, wrote a report of his efforts and investigations
to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, to present the same to
Muhammad Shah. Shortly after that, the incident of the brief
imprisonment of the Báb at the House of ‘Abdu’llah Khán
occurred which resulted in the scattering of all His loved
ones.”
This is the substance of the arrival and acceptance of
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, known by the name of Vahíd,
which on numerous occasions I myself heard from Hájí
Siyyid Javád and have now committed to paper.76

Another description of Vahíd’s visit with some notable differences
to the above quoted reports is provided by Mírzá Qábil in his Táríkh

76 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 78-81. Also quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 462-464,

n.1, and with slight variations also in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 53-56.

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‘Umúmí Amr. In this account, however, once more we are confronted
with deficiencies in the chain of transmission of the information and are
therefore unable to verify the accuracy of the account. As will be
discussed later, the narratives of Qábil Ábádi’í are useful sources of
information as his descriptions are based on the oral traditions of the
Bábís and early Bahá’ís of Yazd and its vicinity, who were closely aware
of the history, at least in its folk dimension. Qábil writes:

When Vahíd arrived in Shíráz, he took up residence in a
caravansary and rested for a while. Then he asked the
innkeeper who knew the city well to come and show him
the House of the Báb. Accompanied by him, Vahíd found
the Blessed House and the innkeeper returned. The
illustrious Vahíd knocked on the door and the maidservant
inside inquired who it was. Before he could respond, the
Báb commanded, “It is the honored Vahíd.77 Open the door
and invite him within.” On hearing this exchange between
the Báb and the maidservant, Vahíd was astonished as to
how the Báb knew it was him at the door. He thought that
perchance one of the Báb’s acquaintances had seen him
arrive in the city and had informed Him of Vahíd’s visit. The
maidservant opened the door and allowed him to go within.
On seeing the Báb, he greeted Him and was welcomed. The
Báb then came forward and warmly embraced him, kissing
Vahíd on both cheeks, and they both sat to converse.
The Báb inquired of the conditions of Yazd and
Tihrán. After having two cups of tea, Vahíd commenced
presenting his questions and raised certain complex and
abstruse issues in diverse fields. For each of his inquiries, the
Báb would provide a brief but sufficient response and He
spoke with such manifest majesty and might that Vahíd was
overwhelmed with wonder and astonishment.
Mustering courage, Vahíd inquired of the nature of
the Báb’s claim. In response, he was told, “I am the Most
77 The title Vahíd was given later by the Báb, perhaps in 1850 in his Kitáb Panj Shá’n.

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Mighty Gate of God!” By this assertion, He meant that He
was an intermediary for an exalted Personage that was as yet
concealed behind a myriad veils of glory and power.78 In
response, Vahíd asked, “The Author of such a stupendous
claim must of necessity be the possessor of unrivaled
knowledge and be able to present new Qur’án commentaries
and reveal new verses. Therefore, I beg of You, as proof for
Your august claim, to reveal a commentary on the Surih of
Kawthar.” The Báb smiled and lifted His pen to write.
Without the least hesitation or pause, as He was melodically
murmuring the verses, He revealed a page filled with the
most eloquent Arabic prose and gave the same to Vahíd
saying, “Ponder these verses.” He then went inside the
private quarters of the residence.
For a while and with absolute astonishment and
bewilderment, Vahíd considered those verses and discerned
that they represented a wondrous exposition on the Surih of
Kawthar. He recalled that the Immaculate Imam had said,
“None will be able to produce a commentary on the
Kawthar, except the promised Author of the Revelation.”
He therefore concluded immediately that, in the light of this
proof, the Báb must be the Promised One. He therefore
prostrated himself over that very page of revealed verses.
When the Báb returned to the room, Vahíd threw
himself on His blessed feet and cried out in joy. He then
rose and walked to the entrance of the room and as a lowly
servant stood at attention with both hands folded reverently
over his chest. The Báb showered him with many
expressions of kindness and told him to be seated and
continued to utter words that enthralled Vahíd with new
vistas of understanding and delight.
After the supper was served, the Báb retired to rest.
Vahíd remained with his Master for several days and then

78 Inclusion of this type of interpretive assertions suggests the lesser quality of the

source and its late nature.

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received instructions to travel throughout the land to
propagate the new Message.79

The Bahá’í historian Siyyid Husayn Hamadání reports that, during
this sojourn in Shíráz, Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím also met with
Shaykh ‘Abid, who was a teacher of the Báb in his childhood. From him
they heard an astonishing story that he noticed one day that his new
pupil, the Báb, had been writing certain things, without ever having
received instruction in writing. On a closer examination, he discovered
them to be “a dissertation on the mystery and knowledge of the Divine
Unity, written in the purest and most eloquent style, and so profound
that the keenest intellect would fail to penetrate its whole meaning.”
Upon relaying this account, Shaykh ‘Abid went on to produce the tracts.
Both Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Azím “declared that they contained
nearly four thousand verses, which differed in no respect from what was
revealed after the Declaration of His Mission.”80
According to Fádil Mázandarání, Nabíl Zarandí has written in the
unpublished section of his narrative that the Báb revealed these
sentiments: “The faith of any believer may be subject to badá’ [change]
except the declarations of the faith made by Vahíd Akbar and Siyyid
Javád Karbalá’í, which remain impervious to badá’.”81

79 Táríkh ‘Umúmí Amr, p. 52-53.
80 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 264.
81 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 242-243.

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42 The Bábís of Nayriz

Chapter 2

An Itinerant Teacher

Those who leave their homes in the cause of God, and are then slain or
die – on them will God bestow verily a goodly Provision: truly God is
He Who bestows the best of Provisions.
Qur’án 22:58

The three months of May to July 1846 that Vahíd spent in Shíráz were a
time of relative tranquillity for the Báb, as both the governor-general and
the clergy were anticipating a harsh pronouncement from Vahíd against
the Báb. In this interval, they had ceased to plot and agitate against the
prophet-merchant, expecting that upon the royal court’s receipt of
Vahíd’s report, the order for the execution of the Báb would be issued
and their desire would thereby be fulfilled. Regarding Vahíd’s role in the
events, Nabíl states:

As I [i.e. Vahíd] had, since my arrival at Shíráz, been living in
the home of Husayn Khán, the governor of Fars, I felt that
my prolonged absence from his house might excite his
suspicion and inflame his anger. I therefore determined to
take leave of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím
and to regain the residence of the governor. On my arrival I
found that Husayn Khán, who in the meantime had been
searching for me, was eager to know whether I had fallen a
victim to the Báb’s magic influence. ‘No one but God,’ I
replied, ‘who alone can change the hearts of men, is able to
captivate the heart of Siyyid Yahyá. Whoso can ensnare his
heart is of God and His word unquestionably the voice of
Truth.’ My answer silenced the governor. In his
conversation with others, I subsequently learned he had

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expressed the view that I too had fallen a hopeless victim to
the charm of that Youth. He had even written to
Muhammad Shah and complained that during my stay in
Shíráz I had refused all manner of intercourse with the
‘ulamá of the city. ‘Though nominally my guest,’ he wrote to
his sovereign, ‘he frequently absents himself for a number of
consecutive days and nights from my house. That he has
become a Bábí, that he has been heart and soul enslaved by
the will of the Siyyid-i-Báb, I have ceased to entertain any
doubt.’
Muhammad Shah himself, at one of the state
functions in his capital, was reported to have addressed
these words to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí: ‘We have been lately
informed that Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí has become a Bábí. If
this be true, it behooves us to cease belittling the cause of
that Siyyid.’ Husayn Khán, on his part, received the
following imperial command: ‘It is strictly forbidden to any
one of our subjects to utter such words as would tend to
detract from the exalted rank of Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí. He
is of noble lineage, a man of great learning, of perfect and
consummate virtue. He will under no circumstances incline
his ear to any cause unless he believes it to be conducive to
the advancement of the best interests of our realm and to
the well-being of the Faith of Islam.’
Upon the receipt of this imperial injunction, Husayn
Khán, unable to resist me openly, strove privately to
undermine my authority. His face betrayed an implacable
enmity and hate. He failed, however, in view of the marked
favors bestowed upon me by the Shah, either to harm my
person or to discredit my name.82

Related to Muhammad Shah’s reaction to the news of the
conversion of Siyyid Yahyá, the French historian Gilbert has noted:

82 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 176-177.

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Upon hearing the news of the Manifestation of the Báb,
Muhammad Shah dispatched to Shíráz a trusted divine by
the name of Dárábí to investigate the matter... However the
Shah was deeply bewildered to hear that his special emissary,
who was sent to reduce the Báb, had instead become one of
His selfless devotees.83

Apparently by this time Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the influential Bábí friend
of Vahíd, had departed for Tihrán, for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that among
the people that Vahíd chose to inform about his conversion was Mírzá
Lutf-‘Alí.84 Some time after these events, at the instigation of the Prime
Minister, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the trusted Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was dismissed
from office and preferred self-exile in his native town, the ancient city of
Salmás. This act proved providential, for later he was able to assist and
serve the pilgrims who passed through that town on their way to visit the
Báb at Chihríq. He would prepare lunch and dinner for the Báb on a
daily basis and send it to the Fort and was always ready to render any
service required of him. On one occasion, when the Báb was being
escorted to Tabriz by the regiment of Sulaymán Khán Sháhsún, he
arrived at the residence of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí. The latter organized a
splendid feast in honor of the Báb and looked after Sulaymán Khán and
his men. Despite having many servants in his household, he insisted to
wait upon the Báb himself and poured water for him to wash away the
dust of the journey. In every manner possible, on that occasion and later
on, he showed his fidelity to the Báb.85
‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that immediately after Vahíd’s conversion,
“although he was wise and prudent and was wont to have regard to the
requirements of the time, he wrote without fear or care a detailed

83 M.T. Gilbert, Sur les sectes dans le Kurdistan, Journal Asiatique, 1873, 7th series, vol.

2, pp. 393-395. Quoted in ‘Aqáyd Ba‘zí az Dánishmandán, p. 39, and Nayríz Mushkbíz,
p. 38.
84 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8. Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí’s stay in Shíráz, if in fact he had ever

come to Shíráz, must have been of very short duration as none of the eyewitness
accounts mention him in that city.
85 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 23-24, n.1, (a summary).

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account of his observations to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, in order
that the latter might submit it to the notice of the late king, while he
himself journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in every town and station
summoned the people from the pulpit-tops in such wise that other
learned doctors decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case
of bewitchment.”86

Spreading the News of the Báb
While in Shíráz, in fulfillment of his earlier promise, Vahíd wrote to the
prominent ‘ulamá of Yazd. His letter opened with this verse where the
story of Moses is invoked:

From afar, I see a glow, O friends,
A Burning Bush, I sense its warmth.
Methinks, the flame flares openly,
revealing His Divinity.87

From the beginning of his movement, for security considerations,
the Báb had issued specific instructions that his identity was only to be
gradually disclosed. In particular, during the early phase of his ministry
the Letters of the Living were not permitted to mention his name as they
proclaimed the message of his appearance throughout the realm.
Therefore, at this time when Vahíd wrote to the clergy in Nayríz –
including his own father-in-law, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí – and shared
with them the news of his conversion to the faith of the Promised Qá’im
and forwarded some of the Báb’s compositions, he refrained from
disclosing the identity of their author.88 However, he did inform the

86 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8.
87 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 6. On an earlier page, Málmírí indicates that in his letter,

Vahíd stated that each of his three audiences with the Báb lasted one hour.
88 As an example, two pieces of such writings of the Báb in the hand of Vahíd have

survived (copies shared by the Bahá’í World Centre with the present writer).
Though of different style, both are in fact the same tablet which sets forth the Báb’s
claim to the Qá’imiyyat.

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Nayrízís that the Báb’s identity would soon be unveiled. Those
proclamations proved sufficient for many in Nayríz to embrace the new
religion as they fully trusted Vahíd and considered his recommendation
binding.
After a stay of some three months in Shíráz, which he mostly
devoted to transcribing the writings of the Báb, Vahíd was subsequently
commanded to journey to Burújird in the province of Luristán and there
to acquaint his father, Siyyid Ja‘far, with the new message. The Báb
urged Vahíd to exercise the utmost forbearance and consideration
towards him. Though the reason for this mission is not known with
precision, it can be conjectured that the Báb had hoped that the
conversion of such an eminent figure as Siyyid Ja‘far would further
entice Muhammad Sháh to heed his reforms and perhaps even to
embrace the movement.

Effect of Vahíd’s Departure
Prior to Vahíd’s arrival, the clergy had hoped that through his fatwá, the
path to a quick execution of the Báb would be smoothed. However, by
his conversion and subsequent close association with the Báb, and using
his influential connections in Tihrán, he had stayed the combined forces
of the governor and the ‘ulamá. But now, with his departure from Shíráz,
the temporary protection that his visit had brought was withdrawn. Once
again, the clergy began to agitate against the Báb and as before directed
their complains to the governor-general, urging him to seize and
eliminate the reformer. In their appeal, they presented the possibility that
Vahíd could soon convert the entire royal court to the new religion, and
as such Islam would be lost forever in Iran, and both the clergy and the
governor would be in disrepute. These appeals found ready sympathy in
the ears of Husayn Khán, whose hostility was further fueled by the
knowledge that, in total disregard of his command, sheltered and secure,
the Báb was allowed to pursue the course of his activities and that he
continued to enjoy the benefits of unrestrained fellowship with his
family and kindred.
Comte de Gobineau, a close observer of the situation in Iran and

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the Bábís, has left the following insightful comment:

Extremely irritated, discontented and worried, the Mullás of
Fars, unable to foresee the heights that popular indignation
against them might reach, were not the only ones to be
perplexed. The authorities of the town and of the province
understood only too well that the people, who were under
their care but never very much under their control, were
now quite independent of it. The men of Shíráz, superficial,
mockers, noisome, quarrelsome, rebellious, insolent in the
extreme, perfectly indifferent toward the Qájár dynasty,
were never easy to govern and their administrators often
passed wearisome days. What then would be the position of
these administrators if the real chief of the city and of the
country, the arbiter of their thoughts, their idol, were to be a
young man who, undaunted, with no ties whatsoever, and
no love of personal gain, made a pedestal of his
independence and took advantage of it by impudently and
publicly attacking every day all that which, until now, had
been considered as strong and respected in the city?
In truth, the court, the government and its policies
had not as yet been the object of any of the violent
denunciations of the Innovator, but, in view of the fact that
he was so rigid in his habits, so unrelenting against
intellectual dishonesty and the plundering practices of the
clergy, it was unlikely that he would approve the same
rapaciousness so flagrant in the public officials. One could
well believe that the day when they would fall under his
scrutiny, he would not fail to see and violently condemn
their abuses, which could no longer be concealed.89

Further, the French diplomat, A.L.M. Nicolas, has written the
following description:

89 Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, pp. 122-123.

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By the aid of his agents and spies, Husayn Khán, the
Názamu’d-Dawlih, succeeded in obtaining accurate
information regarding the Báb’s movements and gauged the
degree of following which He had aroused, and scrutinized
the motives, the conduct, and the number of those who had
embraced His Cause. However, the intensity of the situation
soon increased considerably with the arrival of a letter from
Hájí Mírzá Áqásí who, greatly dismayed at Vahíd’s
conversion and annoyed with the continual uproar about the
Báb’s Message, now instructed the governor to be done with
the Reformer and have Him slain immediately and secretly.90

On receipt of this confidential communication, the governorgeneral summoned ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the chief constable of the city.
“Proceed immediately,” he commanded him, “to the house of Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí. Quietly and unobserved, scale the wall and ascend to
the roof, and from there suddenly enter his home. Arrest the Siyyid Báb
immediately, and conduct him to this place together with any of the
visitors who may be present with him at that time. Confiscate whatever
books and documents you are able to find in that house. As to Hájí
Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, it is my intention to impose upon him, the following
day, the penalty for having failed to redeem his promise. I swear by the
imperial diadem of Muhammad Shah that this very night I shall have the
Siyyid Báb executed together with his wretched companions. Their
ignominious death will quench the flame they have kindled, and will
awaken every would-be follower of that creed to the danger that awaits
every disturber of the peace of this realm. By this act I shall have
extirpated a heresy the continuance of which constitutes the gravest
menace to the interests of the State.”91
In his narrative, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán provides the text of a
letter written on the same day by Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, a brother-inlaw of the Báb, which states that ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán proceeded to
execute his task and together with his men, entered the Báb’s residence

90 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 235.
91 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195.

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on the night of 21 Ramadan 1262 A.H./12 September 1846.92 This night
was selected because of the sacredness associated with it and anticipation
that the people would be preoccupied with religious duties, hence traffic
on the streets would be minimal, which would in turn reduce the
chances of any resistance by the Báb or a clash with his followers. He
immediately arrested the Báb, collected whatever documents he could
find, ordered Khadíjih Bagum and the Báb’s mother to remain in the
residence, and conducted the Báb to the government house. The Báb,
undaunted and self-possessed, was heard to repeat this verse of the
Qur’án: “That with which they are threatened is for the morning. Is not
the morning near?”93
No sooner had this party reached the marketplace than they
discovered to their amazement, that the people of the city were fleeing in
consternation, due to a sudden outbreak of cholera. ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd
Khán was struck with horror when he witnessed the long train of coffins
being hurriedly transported through the streets, each followed by a
procession of men and women loudly uttering shrieks of agony and pain.
Upon inquiry, he learned that in the space of only a few hours, hundreds
of people had already died, and that alarm and despair reigned in every
house. The people were abandoning their homes, and in their plight
were invoking the aid of the Almighty. Some Bábís considered this event
as the first sign of divine chastisement for an unrepenting people. The
Báb refers to this incident in the Dalá’il Sab‘ih [the Seven Proofs] in the
following terms:

Recall the first days of the Manifestation, how many people
died of cholera! That was one of the wonders of the
Manifestation yet no one understood it. During four years
the scourge raged among the Shi‘i Muslims without anyone
grasping its true significance.94

‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, terrified by this dreadful news, went quickly

92 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195, incorrectly gives this date as 23 September.
93 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195.
94 Dalá’il Sab‘ih, p. 17.

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to the mansion of Husayn Khán where he was told of the governor’s
hasty departure from Shíráz, and of the ravages of the cholera which had
devastated the governor’s home and afflicted the members of his
household. As such, he decided to conduct the Báb to his own home
and keep him in his custody, pending instructions from his master. As he
was approaching his house, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán was struck by the
sound of the weeping and wailing of the members of his own household.
His two sons had been attacked by the deadly virus and were hovering
on the brink of death. In his despair, he threw himself at the feet of the
Báb and tearfully implored him to save his sons. He begged him to
forgive his past transgressions and misdeeds and solemnly pledged his
word that never again would he accept such a position. The Báb gave
him a pomegranate and directed him to feed the same to his sons. This
he said would save their lives. No sooner had ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán
witnessed the signs of the recovery of his sons than he wrote a letter to
the governor in which he acquainted him with the situation and begged
him to cease his attacks on the Báb.95 On receiving this letter, “Husayn
Khán released the Báb on condition of his quitting the city.”96

An Untiring Teacher
Armed with the Báb’s command to travel the length and the breath of
the realm and spread the new teachings, Vahíd left Shíráz in the closing
days of Rajab 1262 A.H./25 June – 24-July 1846 for Burújird to visit his
father, Siyyid Ja‘far. He arrived in that city on the opening days of
Sha‘bán (late July), and according to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih Tabrízí,
Vahíd spoke thus:97

95 In the Land of Refuge, chapter 4, (a summary).
96 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 11.
97 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 45-46, notes that Siyyid Ja‘far wrote of these
happenings to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih. However, the two did not overlap in time and
it is unclear how Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih came upon such information. Furthermore, a
close study of the text reveals that a segment contains many similarities with a
treatise of Vahíd; see Appendix 3.

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O distinguished father! As instructed by the government, I
went to investigate the claim of the newly appeared Person,
known as the Báb, and those divines and the learned that
have gathered around Him. The Sháh bestowed a sum
toward the expense of such a journey as well as a horse and
other gifts.
Upon arrival at Shíráz and attaining His presence, I
perceived Him to be a Youth aged twenty-five, with a
brilliant and heavenly visage, much the same as has been
mentioned in the traditions and holy texts about the
promised Qá’im. He possesses extremely pleasing features, a
well-proportioned face, and a small birthmark, exactly as
anticipated in the traditions.
Though He is a commoner [as opposed to ranking
among the `ulamá] and has never studied, yet He reveals
verses, commentaries, books, treatises, prayers, homilies and
scientific expositions of such quality as has not been seen or
heard of since the days of Adam.
Our illustrious Ancestor, the Seal of the Prophets [i.e.
Muhammad], though numbered among the learned and
well-lettered men of Arabia, yet revealed the Qur’án, piece
by piece, over the space of twenty-three years. Siyyid-i Báb,
although He is Persian and is born to that language,
nevertheless is able, should He so wish, to reveal [Arabic]
texts equaling the Qur’án in matter of only a week.
Similarly, the homilies and prayers that the Báb reveals
are quite distinct from those previously revealed by the
Imáms, and in many ways, more elegant and developed. His
expressions and words are not like those gone before Him,
and in some important ways the treatises and expositions of
the Báb, as well as His other qualities, are different from
those of all the `ulamá, both of past and present times:
1. His Holiness is a commoner and has never had
schooling.
2. In the course of His elucidation on all topics, in the space

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of a few words, He discloses the essence of the truth.
3. His words and phrases are not similar to those of the
divines and His expressions are original, innovative and
unprecedented stemming from His innate knowledge and
not the work of others. If He had indeed acquired His
knowledge of others He would, of necessity, use their
expressions, but this has never been observed.
4. When explaining a question, no matter how small the
available paper, He will immediately provide a sufficient
exposition on that piece of paper that will unravel the
mystery. Other divines must however pen lengthy
treatises in reply to similar questions.
5. His handwriting is the essence of beauty and elegance,
despite the fact that He writes extremely fast.98
6. Of greatest importance is His bearing and conduct,
which is the very essence of refinement. He sits on His
heels, with arms extended beyond the hem of His ‘abá,
placing the right hand over the left.
7. His eating and drinking habits are unique and extremely
frugal. For lunch, He consumes three bites and for
dinner seven bites. In total, His daily food equals that of
two mouthfuls in a normal person. He drinks tea
however with great delicacy.
8. His Holiness never considers the books and writings of
others, though He frequently quotes from them through
His innate knowledge. When writing, the pen never
pauses or stops and He never forgets a matter.
9. The manner of His communion and worship is
altogether peerless and recalls the lengthy prayer sessions
of the Imams ‘Alí and Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.99

98 As noted earlier, a requirement of fine penmanship in Persian and Arabic is to

write slowly, and yet the Báb (and later Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá) repeatedly
demonstrated his ability to write with extreme speed of rare quality of hand and
unmatched eloquence of composition.
99 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, p. 128; a shorter version appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-

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O kind father, such qualities, characteristics and signs
cannot be found in ordinary men, and are limited to the
Prophets and Chosen Ones of God. What has been seen in
Him is beyond anything any man is capable of manifesting.
One day when I was in His presence, I inquired, “May
my life be a sacrifice unto You! I know not the science of
the elixir, and I beseech You to please inform me of it.” He
responded, “My cherished hope was for you to become
celestial. The science of gold-making is for the earthbound.” “Were I to behold,” I said, “and then leave it
behind, it would be better still.” He condescended to me
and commanded me to arrange for the necessary materials.
When I had them readied, he instructed, “Go into the
garden in the courtyard and bring with you some of the
vegetables.” I went into the garden and noticed that some
beets were planted and, therefore, I gathered some of their
leaves. The Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] instructed me to boil
the leaves and I did. Then He said, place the copper into the
furnace and melt it, which I also did. Afterwards He
instructed, “Pour some of the water from the boiled leaves
over the melted copper,” and when I did as bidden, the
copper turned into gold. When I saw this, I threw myself at
His feet and cried, “O Exalted One! The boiled leaves are
bereft of such power to produce elixir, and only through
Your might and sovereignty could such a miracle come to
pass.”100

In the course of these discussions, Vahíd concluded that although
his father was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Báb’s revelation, he
preferred to be left alone and be allowed to pursue his own way during
the remaining days of his life.101 Therefore, after staying in Burújird for a

Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 465-466, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 44-45. ‘Alí and Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín were the first and the fourth Shi‘i Imáms, respectively.
100 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, pp. 88-91.
101 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 57, states that after Vahíd’s conversion, in a

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while, Vahíd proceeded to other cities of Luristán and with some caution
spread the message. From there, he traveled to Isfahán, visiting his
brothers Siyyid Síná, a teacher at the well-known Madrisih Kásihgarán102,
and Siyyid ‘Isá, a textile merchant, and taught them his newfound faith.
He then proceeded to Ardistán and taught his sister, and from there
went to Yazd to visit his family and teach his brothers Siyyid ‘Alí, the
prayer-reciter, Siyyid Hasan and a number of others. During this period,
and especially in Yazd, Vahíd took care to speak about the Báb with the
utmost wisdom and not to divulge too great a measure of his
teachings.103
In accordance with the Báb’s instructions, he journeyed from Yazd
to Tihrán and en route visited Hájí Mírzá Jání in Káshan, who inquired
about his experiences in Shíráz. The guest’s description made a deep
impression on the merchant-historian.104 Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on
Tuesday, 1 Safar 1263 A.H./19 January 1847105, taught his brother Siyyid
Isháq, and acquainted a number of divine and learned figures of that city
with the Báb’s claim. Of those who in those days embraced the Bábí
faith through Vahíd was Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí Astarábádí, the chief of the
Ni‘matu’lláhiyyih Sufi Order in Northern and Western Iran.106 Upon his
conversion, this influential mystic hastened to Kulain to meet the Báb. It
is reported that in 1850 while he was planning to join Vahíd in Yazd, he

gathering of the divines, one of them said to Siyyid Ja‘far, “It is reported that your
son, Siyyid Yahyá, has lost his faculties.” “Yes, he has gone mad,” Kashfí responded
in his son’s defense, “however, this madness is not of the loss of rational faculty but
an inheritance from his illustrious ancestor, the Prophet [Muhammad].”
102 This school, presently a religious seminary, is located in the historic section of

the city and its inception dates back to the Safavid era. Its founder was the
Hakímu’l-Mulk, one of the divines and learned men of the period of Shah Sulaymán
and Sháh Sultán Husayn Safavi.
103 For a reference to Vahíd in Yazd see the letter of Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím cited

in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 167.
104 See Chapter 6.
105 Vahíd gives this date in a treatise; see Appendix 3.
106 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 225, states that previously Mullá Husayn Bushrú’í

had spoken to Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí, but it was Vahíd who confirmed his faith. It
seems that Vahíd’s background in mysticism allowed him to convey the teachings of
the Báb to various practicing Sufis.

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was caught in the Tihrán upheaval and numbered among the Seven
Martyrs of that city.107
In the early days of 1847, heeding the call of the Báb for the entire
company of the believers to “Hasten to the Land of Khá,” Vahíd went
to Khurásán. However, cognizant that his presence in Mashhad might
bring undue attention to Quddús and Mullá Husayn, he remained in
Burújird and traveled extensively to other parts of the province of
Khurásán. Nabíl comments:

He had resolved to win the majority of the inhabitants of
those regions to the Faith of the Báb, and had intended to
proceed from thence to Fárs and there continue his labors.
As soon as he had learned of Mullá Husayn’s departure for
Mázandarán, he hastened to the capital and undertook the
necessary preparations for his journey to the fort of Tabarsí.
He was preparing to leave [in the early days of the fall of
1848], when Bahá’u’lláh arrived from Mázandarán and
informed him of the impossibility of joining his brethren
[because of the siege of the Fort by the Shah’s army and His
own troubles in Ámul and elsewhere]. He was greatly
saddened at this news, and his only consolation in those
days was to visit Bahá’u’lláh frequently and to obtain the
benefit of His wise and priceless counsels.108

During this period, he also met Bahá’u’lláh’s younger half-brother,
Mírzá Yahyá Azal, who later penned the following description: “The
virtue and perfection of His Excellency Áqá Siyyid Yahyá were beyond
all limits and bounds... Most of the people of Persia admitted his virtue
and perfection. I myself in the days of my youth met him several times at
night in my own house and elsewhere, and witnessed the perfection of
his virtues and endowments.”109

107 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 225-226.
108 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 399-400. For a

story of Bahá’u’lláh involving Vahíd see Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 173.
109 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255.

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On hearing the news of the Báb’s captivity in the fortress of Máh-
Ku, Vahíd wished to be nearby in Qazvín so that in the event of any
instructions from the Báb he could be quickly informed and respond
readily. Therefore he proceeded to Qazvín, visiting his sister and the
Bábís of that city. In his narrative, Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní has recorded that
Vahíd visited Qazvín a total of five times.110 From these visits we gain a
glimpse into the manner in which Vahíd’s intellectual outlook changed
and developed over time, and the influence of the Báb’s revelation on his
110 Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní wrote a detailed account of the history of the Bábí
Dispensation in his own hand, which according to Shaykh Kázim Samandar (Táríkh
Samandar, p. 446) was mostly destroyed, except for a small portion which the latter
was able to include in his historical survey, Táríkh Samandar, pp. 447-498. For some
unexplained reason, this section and the one narrating the history of the martyred
Hájí Nasír Qazvíní were removed in subsequent printings of this book, but
reference to them was kept in the book’s “Introduction.” Mullá Ja‘far’s history is in
five sections and since this important document is not presently available in English
(though both Qazvíní’s and Mullá Ja‘far’s accounts have been translated and
annotated by the present writer), a brief outline follows of the section that appeared
in the original printing of Táríkh Samandar.
Chapter 1: an autobiography, including a childhood dream about
Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í; arrival of Shaykh Ahmad, meeting with him
and the story of a miracle attributed to him; travels of Shaykh Ahmad
and his passing; meeting Siyyid Kázim in fulfillment of an earlier
dream; a prophetic dream about meeting the anticipated Qá’im;
prophetic signs related to the Qá’im’s appearance and recollections of
Mullá Husayn of the Báb’s arrival at Siyyid Kázim’s class. Chapter 2:
several dreams about the appearance of the Báb and events in Qazvín
prior to the Báb’s announcement in 1844. Chapter 3: the passing of
Siyyid Kázim and preparation of his students to search after the
Promised One; discovery of the Báb by Mullá Husayn and mission of
Mullá ‘Alí Bastámí to Karbalá; first arrival of the Báb’s writings to
Qazvín; travels of Vahíd Dárábí and his utterances; Báb’s journey to
Isfahán and his eventual exile to Máh-Ku; author’s meeting with the
Báb and the offer of rescue rejected by the Báb; attempt on the life of
Násiri’d-Dín Sháh and the resulting persecution of the Bábís; events
in Qazvín. Chapter 4: life of Mullá Husayn and his travels; events of
Fort Tabarsí; station of Quddús and his martyrdom; events in Qazvín
during the siege of Fort Tabarsí. Chapter 5: On the arrival of the
Báb’s writings in Qazvín and their effect on the believers.

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proclivities. Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní notes:

Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Vahíd journeyed to Qazvín five times. In
his first visit111, he ascended the pulpit at Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
Vahhab’s mosque112 and in the course of his sermon
repudiated Shaykh Ahmad [Ahsá’í] and spoke in support of
the mystics. In his second visit, he confirmed the sayings of
both the Shaykhís and the mystics. During the third visit, he
established the validity of the Shaykhí school and rejected
the school of thought of Shaykh Muhyi’d-Dín Ibn ‘Arabí
and Mullá Muhsin Fayd. On the fourth visit, at a gathering
in the house of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Tabrízí113, he spoke
of the signs of the appearance of the Promised Mihdí. In
particular, on this occasion he spoke of the circumstances
leading to the revelation of the commentary on the Surih of
Kawthar by the Báb.
In the course of Vahíd’s fifth visit, together with some
other notables, including Mullá Qanbar and Hájí Mírzá
Bazzáz, I attained his presence at the house of [Hájí
Muhammad-Rahím] Tabrízí and asked him about his
meetings with the Báb. Vahíd spoke openly of Him and in
response to Mullá Abú’l-Husayn’s query, said: “After
hearing the news of His Call, I journeyed to Shíráz and sat
before the Truth [i.e. the Báb] and asked Him to adduce
proofs and verses and [in response] He offered many
expositions. I asked Him for an elucidation on the Surih of
Kawthar, the shortest chapter in the Qur’án, and He
inquired: ‘verbally or in writing?’ I begged, ‘In writing.’ He
took up pen and paper and consequently gems of
inestimable value appeared on those pages. He would reveal

111 The first visit was prior to the declaration of the Báb in Shíráz in May 1844.
112 Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab was among the great Shaykhí scholars and when

Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í was in Qazvín, the latter would visit the same mosque for the
performance of his prayers, offering sermons and conducting his classes.
113 A brother-in-law of Vahíd.

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them with such rapidity that it is impossible to describe it.
Without the least pause or hesitation, He penned in excess
of two thousand verses on that occasion and handed the
papers to me. In beholding them, I recognized that it was
beyond mere human ability to write with such speed and
facility, and at that moment I arrived at the shore of
certitude. Thereupon, the Báb declared: ‘Henceforth, thou
art Our helper and promoter.’ I said, ‘I do not own a sword.’
Thereupon, He gave me a sharp, exquisitely jeweled saber.”
This fifth visit was when the Exalted Countenance
[the Báb] was imprisoned in Máh-Ku and Vahíd went to
visit Him, at which time there transpired what I have
related.114

During this time, one of the affluent Bábís of Qazvín, a certain
Hájí Asadu’lláh, had set up a sword-making shop in the basement of his
home, supervised by Áqá Muhammad-Hádí. His aim was to produce a
sufficient amount of weapons so that an uprising in support of the Báb
could be organized.115 Many of the Bábís in that city were armed with
sabers and kept a quantity of arms in reserve. Being very strong and
robust, we are told that Vahíd would often join his co-religionists and
practice with these swords by halving trees in single strokes.116
In this interval, as bidden by the Báb, Vahíd served as the focus of
the Bábí communication network, sending messages and information to
the Báb, receiving letters and instructions from him in return, and
ensuring that they reached their intended destinations. Another
important service he provided was relaying news between the Báb and
his family in Shíráz.

114 Táríkh Samandar, pp. 475-476 first printing. Quoted also in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,

vol. 3, pp. 469-470, and summarized in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, and
Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 47-48.
115 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, p. 180, suggests these swords were intended for the

fort of Shaykh Tabarsí.
116 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 373-374.

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Meeting the Báb in Máh-Kú
Having stayed a while in Qazvín, however, Vahíd could no longer hold
back his longing, and therefore he proceeded on foot to the
mountainous citadel to behold once again his heart’s desire. This journey
took place in the middle of winter and one can only imagine the joy and
tranquility that such a visit brought to the heart and mind of Vahíd, and
the excitement that stirred in the depths of his soul. Though we remain
scantily informed of this arduous journey or of what transpired between
Vahíd and the young prophet, we must note that it was the satisfaction
engendered in this final visit that caused Vahíd to rededicate himself to
the promotion of the faith and propelled him forward towards the next
and final phase of his life.
It was still at the height of winter when, through much ice and
snow, he returned to Tihrán and was able to once more attend the
presence of Bahá’u’lláh, who showered upon him much kindness and
provided him with lodging. During this period, Bahá’u’lláh had devised a
plan for the rescue of Tahirih in Qazvín. The following record is left by
one of the Bábís of that city, Áqá Muhammad-Javád Farhádí. He briefly
explains Tahirih’s rescue and Vahíd’s role in the affair:

The daughter of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí [Vahíd’s father]
was a wife of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Amíní [of Tabríz].
For this reason Hájí Siyyid Yahyá came to Qazvín and
established his residence in their house. Hájí Muhammad-
Hasan, a brother of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím, argued with
Siyyid Yahyá over a particular subject and the latter called
him an infidel and transferred his residence to the home of
Hájí Asadu’lláh, where he stayed for four months and gave
sermons in the Masjid Sháh.
Upon his return to Tihrán, the call of the Báb had
been raised throughout the land and Muhammad Sháh sent
him forth to Shíráz to investigate the matter. After his
recognition [of the Báb], he went to Yazd. Afterwards he
came [to Qazvín and came] to my office and spoke with Áqá

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Karbalá’í, my brother. Upon his departure he said to me,
“Your brother will never accept [this faith] and as such I will
no longer frequent your office. You are to come and visit
me in my home.”... I accompanied him from Káshan to
Yazd. The people of Ardakán came out to welcome Vahíd
and in Shamábád they celebrated his arrival for a day and a
night. Afterwards, the honored Vahíd proceeded to Ardakán
and I went to Yazd.
After some time Vahíd came to Yazd and from there
went to Tihrán. On hearing the news of the passing of Hájí
Asadu’lláh, he returned once more to Yazd. He gave a
memorial service for the Hájí in the Masjid Rík, and then
returned to Tihrán. During this sojourn he met the honored
Áqá Hádí, and took him into the presence of the Ancient
Beauty. Bahá’u’lláh instructed Áqá Hádí to come to Qazvín
and to conduct the honored Tahirih to Tihrán.117

In the course of this stay in Tihrán, Vahíd was able to associate
closely with a number of leading figures of the Bábí community,
including Tahirih who had come and was staying at the house of
Bahá’u’lláh in northern Tihrán. In those days a steady stream of visitors
would come to visit her and, seated behind a curtain, she would converse
with them. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá relates that one-day “the great Siyyid Yahyá,
surnamed Vahíd, was present there [at the house of Bahá’u’lláh]. As he
sat without, Tahirih listened to him from behind the veil. I was then a
child, and was sitting on her lap. With eloquence and fervor, Vahíd was
discoursing on the signs and verses that bore witness to the advent of
the new Manifestation. She suddenly interrupted him and, raising her
voice, vehemently declared: ‘O Yahyá! Let deeds, not words, testify to
thy faith, if thou art a man of true learning. Cease idly repeating the
traditions of the past, for the day of service, of steadfast action, is come.
Now is the time to show forth the true signs of God, to rend asunder

117 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 468, n.1. See also Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p.

191, and Táríkh Samandar, pp. 362-366, translated in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2,
pp. 175-178.

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the veils of idle fancy, to promote the Word of God, and to sacrifice
ourselves in His path. Let deeds, not words, be our adorning!’”118 It is
unfortunate that Vahíd’s response to this outburst has not been
preserved.
In the course of his various visits to Tihrán, Vahíd continued to
cultivate the old friendships he had with high ranking officials and the
royal court, and to plead the case of the Báb to all whom he met. In so
doing, he enjoyed the total confidence of the Báb, as testified by his
remark to Muhammad Sháh that whatever information the sovereign
wished to know about him or to ascertain regarding his Cause, he might
receive authoritatively and confidently from Vahíd:

Since in this world God hath ordained two witnesses for
every cause, mystics and clerics among the friends are many
too.119 Call to thy presence those whom thou knowest, such
as Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Kháliq and inquire
of them the proofs of this Cause. They will present verses
and writings and tell all that hath transpired ... These two,
one before the Manifestation and the other after, have
recognized Me and know of My Person and disposition, and
as such authorized to speak on My behalf.120

Further Travels
Not long thereafter, in the Spring of 1849, the news of the fall of Fort
Tabarsí and the massacre of its defenders reached the Bábís in Tihrán
and profoundly saddened and grieved the faithful. Long indeed had the
entire Bábí community been praying for the deliverance of the
incomparable Quddús, who because of the Báb’s confinement in the

118 Memorials of the Faith, p. 200.
119 Qur’án 2:282 enjoins that for every important matter two witnesses are required

and the Báb is upholding this injunction.
120 The full text of the Báb’s communication to Muhammad Shah is in INBMC

64:103-150 and the quoted passage appears on page 123. The same passage is
quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 37.

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remote mountains of Adharbayján, had served as the de facto leader of
the Bábí community during this entire period. Quddús, Mullá Husayn,
eight other Letters of the Living and several hundred of the ablest Bábís
had fallen as martyrs. In many ways, this event sealed the fate of the
Báb’s religion and was the beginning of the end.
One day an unkempt dervish, wild in appearance, arrived at the
house of Bahá’u’lláh. This was Mullá ‘Alí ‘Adí-Guzal of Marághih, better
known as Mullá ‘Alí Sayyáh. Some six decades later, on September 30,
1912, when ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was en route from Salt Lake City to San
Francisco during the course of His historic journey to North America,
he recalled that day when, as a young boy, he had sat next to Vahíd and
observed what transpired. On hearing that Sayyáh was coming from the
presence of the Báb, “Vahíd arose immediately and threw himself at the
feet of Sayyáh, and with tears streaming down his face he rubbed his
beard on Sayyáh’s feet saying, ‘He has come from the court of the
Beloved.’ Although Vahíd was a renowned and illustrious person, still he
was humble before the servants of the Threshold of God.”121 This
incident must have made a deep impression on the observers. Mírzá Áqá
Kalím, Bahá’u’lláh’s faithful brother, reported it to Nabíl in this manner:

“It was the depth of winter when Sayyáh, returning from his
pilgrimage, came to visit Bahá’u’lláh. Despite the cold and
snow of a rigorous winter, he appeared attired in the garb of
a dervish, poorly clad, barefoot, and disheveled. His heart
was set afire with the flame that pilgrimage had kindled. No
sooner had Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd, who
was then a guest in the home of Bahá’u’lláh, been informed
of the return of Sayyáh from the fort of Tabarsí, than he,
oblivious of the pomp and circumstance to which a man of
his position had been accustomed, rushed forward and flung
himself at the feet of the pilgrim. Holding his legs, which

121 Mahmud’s Diary, p. 298. See also, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Centre of the Covenant of
Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 284-285 and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 39-40. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
49, n.1, states that the author was present in Haifa circa July 1921 when this story
was related by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.

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had been covered with mud to the knees, in his arms, he
kissed them devoutly. I was amazed that day at the many
evidences of loving solicitude which Bahá’u’lláh evinced
towards Vahíd. He showed him such favors as I had never
seen Him extend to anyone. The manner of His
conversation left no doubt in me that this same Vahíd
would ere long distinguish himself by deeds no less
remarkable than those which had immortalized the
defenders of the fort of Tabarsí.”122
Sayyáh tarried a few days in that home. He was,
however, unable to perceive, as did Vahíd, the nature of that
power which lay latent in his Host. Though himself the
recipient of the utmost favor from Bahá’u’lláh, he failed to
apprehend the significance of the blessings that were being
showered upon him. I have heard him recount his
experiences, during his sojourn in Famagusta: “Bahá’u’lláh
overwhelmed me with His kindness. As to Vahíd,
notwithstanding the eminence of his position, he invariably
gave me preference over himself whenever in the presence
of his Host. On the day of my arrival from Mazindarán, he
went so far as to kiss my feet. I was amazed at the reception
accorded me in that home. Though immersed in an ocean of
bounty, I failed, in those days, to appreciate the position
then occupied by Bahá’u’lláh, nor was I able to suspect,
however dimly, the nature of the Mission He was destined
to perform.”123

122 As noted earlier, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had said that Sayyáh was on his way back from

visiting the Báb, while The Dawn-Breakers, p. 432, has placed this visit after 23
January 1850, when Sayyáh had returned from pilgrimage to the fort of Tabarsí.
However, there are compelling reasons to believe that by January 1850 Vahíd had
already gone to Yazd (see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 107-108). The
Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 108-109, has argued that a more likely
scenario is that Sayyáh had returned from Máh-Ku and was on his way to fort
Tabarsí. This would place this meeting in December 1849, giving sufficient time for
Vahíd to reach Yazd.
123 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 432-433.

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When the news of Shaykh Tabarsí’s fall reached Tihrán, Vahíd
realized that at long last the time for sacrifice had come. In late 1849,
Vahíd decided to leave Tihrán in search of his own Karbalá, and he
proceeded to Qazvín. “From there he left for Qum and Káshan, where
he met his fellow-disciples and was able to stimulate their enthusiasm
and reinforce their efforts.”124

Central Iran

One of the Bábís who has left impressions of meeting Vahíd in
those days is the martyred Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. “[T]hat illustrious
personage [Vahíd] was instructed by His Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim
the Word of Truth, and on the way to Yazd, I had the honor of meeting
him.125 I observed in his august countenance the signs of a glory and

124 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465.
125 There is some confusion as to where this meeting took place. Browne’s edition

of Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However,
both manuscripts of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in the possession of the present
writer place the meeting in Yazd. But from the text of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf,

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power that I had not noticed during my earlier meetings with him, and I
knew of a certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his
departure from this world.126 I heard him say several times in the course
of various conversations, ‘This is my last journey, and hereafter you will
see me no more.’ Often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to
the same thought. In one conversation he remarked, ‘God and His nearones are able to foretell coming events, and I swear by that beloved True
One in Whose mighty grasp my soul lies that I know and could tell
where and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how
glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the
uplifting of the Word of Truth!’”127
Vahíd continued to Isfahán and then to Ardistán. Upon arrival at
each of these cities he would immediately enter the central mosque and
from the pulpit-top proclaim, with zeal and fearlessness, the fundamental
teachings of the Báb. These efforts succeeded in winning a considerable
number of able supporters to the reform cause. His sister resided in
Ardistán and there he stayed for a while, and with the assistance of
Zaynab Bagum and Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí Ardistání, was able to achieve
great success.
From Ardistán he proceeded to Ardakán in close proximity to his
own city of Yazd.128 In that city, Hájí Mullá Báqir Ardakání, who ranked
among the eminent ‘ulamá of that region, met Vahíd and through him
was able to recognize the true character of the Báb’s mission. At Vahíd’s
bidding, he continued with his former occupation, but from then on
would occasionally include some of the expositions of the Báb in his
sermons. Because of this, as well as the remarkable transformation that
had overtaken him, in a few years it was known throughout the town
that he had become a Bábí, and the other jurists and divines arose to

though ambiguous, one could surmise that this meeting was en route to Yazd and
may have taken place in Káshan.
126 The text states inqita‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood to

express Vahíd’s desire for martyrdom.
127 Nuqtatu’l-Káf, p. 203. Quoted in The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, n.1.
128 Vahíd’s sequence of travels after his departure from Bahá’u’lláh’s presence is

given in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.

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severely oppose him and to complain to Yazd. However, the governor
of that city, Amírzádih, was the eight-year-old son of Kirmán’s
governor-general, Khán Bábá Khán Sardár, and most ineffectual. As
such, the clergy prepared a long petition, signed by many of their
accomplices, and sent it directly to the Sardár in Kirmán. On seeing this
missive, Khán Bábá Khán ordered Hájí Mullá Báqir arrested and brought
forth to Kirmán in chains. Upon his arrival on 17 November 1853, he
was conducted into the presence of the governor, where a number of
other high-ranking officials were present as well. Hájí Mullá Báqir, a man
of rare eloquence and wisdom, possessing a cheerful countenance and
evident piety, spoke in such wise that the governor was enchanted with
his utterance.129 Khán Bábá Khán was completely won over, and as a
token of apology, ordered a large sum to be given to the Hájí in
compensation and in the utmost comfort he was allowed to return
home. After a short stay in Ardakán, Hájí Mullá Báqir proceeded to the
‘Atabát, where he busied himself for the next two years with studies, and
subsequently with great ceremony was welcomed back in Yazd. From
then on, he was the leading cleric of the city and years later, Vahíd’s son,
Siyyid Ahmad, would work in his office. In order to protect the Bábí-
Bahá’í community of that realm, he kept his faith to himself, but he
would always strive to shelter and guard the believers.130

129 Vaqáyyih ‘Itifáqiyyih, no. 146, reprinted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p 480

(opposite).
130 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 481-482.

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Chapter 3

The Events of Yazd

Men said to them: “A great army is gathering against you” and
frightened them; but it only increased their faith. They said: “For us
God sufficeth, and He is the best disposer of affairs.”
Qur’án 3:173

Before proceeding to outline the story of Vahíd in Yazd, it is first
necessary to briefly consider the historiography of this watershed event.
It is something of an anomaly that unlike the subsequent Nayríz or other
major Bábí incidents, no substantial primary source documents have
thus far come to light for what occurred in Yazd in 1850. The only
detailed description is the one offered by Nabíl Zarandí, and his sources
remain unknown, though the present writer infers that Nabíl gained his
information through personal contacts with Mullá Muhammad-Ridá
Manshádí while both were resident in Baghdad. If indeed there are clues
in Nabíl’s text that would enable us to determine his source of
information, this must await the time when his original Persian text is
made available to the researchers. What can be offered at this stage is a
glimpse into Nabíl’s text through Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq as a proxy.131 As
explained in the Foreword, there are reasons to believe that Mázandarání
relied primarily on the original narrative of Nabíl and a close comparison
between Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq and The Dawn-Breakers reveals that no
significant details pertaining to the events of Yazd were left untranslated
by Shoghi Effendi.132 Later Bahá’í published histories essentially echoed
Nabíl’s outline of the events as given in The Dawn-Breakers and only
rarely provided additional details. If there are personal memoirs or
131 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 400-407.
132 An exception to this is noted in a later paragraph in this chapter regarding a

section of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404.

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eyewitness accounts of this incident among the Yazdí families, they
remain unpublished. Early Qájár histories are generally silent or provide
very little concrete information on the Bábí uprising in Yazd. Nicolas
gives a brief summary.133

Province of Yazd

The dating of this event is also problematic. Nabíl, and by
extension, Fádil Mázandarání, suggests that Vahíd arrived in Yazd on 15
March 1850, and departed on 10 May.134 However, Balyuzi, and later
Momen, have cast considerable doubt on the accuracy of these dates
given by Nabíl and Momen has presented documentation that concludes,
with near certainty, that the incidents of Yazd actually took place in
January-February of 1850.135 Moreover, it should be noted that Táríkh
Zuhúru’l-Haqq has placed the commencement of Vahíd’s activities after
the incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán and two months prior to the
events of Zanján.136 John Piggot states that the events of Yazd took

133 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 388-390.
134 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466, and p. 474 and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400 and

p. 407.
135 The Báb, p. 178, placed the events of Yazd in “the early weeks of 1850.” See also,

The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-109.
136 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399. According to The Dawn-Breakers, p. 443, the

incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán took place on 7 March 1850. The Bábí and

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place in May 1850.137 Browne also states that Vahíd was in Yazd in May
1850, and in all likelihood, Browne relied on Muhammad Qazvíni, a
trusted collaborator and the editor of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, for this
information.138 With these important qualifications in mind, an outline
the events of Yazd follows.
According to Nabíl, when Vahíd arrived in Yazd, he was warmly
welcomed by his brothers, who resided in Yazd and “expressed their joy
at his arrival and were greatly encouraged by his presence among them.
Being a man of renowned influence, Vahíd possessed, in addition to his
house in Yazd, where his wife and four sons139 resided, a home in Dáráb,
which was the abode of his ancestors, and another one in Nayríz, which
was superbly furnished”140 and was occupied by his other wife and son.
From his arrival, day and night, a stream of visitors frequented his
house to greet him and pay their respects.141

Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. xxviii, gives the date of this event as 19 or 20 February
1850; see also The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 100-105.
137 Persia: Ancient and Modern, p. 104.
138 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255.
139 Vahíd’s children in Yazd consisted of a daughter and three sons; see Appendix 2

for details.
140 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
141 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 217, informs that Vahíd’s home was in the Sh‘ar-

báf quarter and was still standing into the twentieth century; a picture appears on
the title page.

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Dating back to the years of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í’s stay in Yazd,
1806-1813, that city had become a Shaykhí stronghold, and many of its
leading clerics identified their intellectual proclivities with that school of
thought.142 Vahíd’s scholastic career, however had been completely
outside of this Shi‘i innovation and had remained orthodox, and publicly
he was not known to be supportive of Shaykhí doctrines. Nevertheless
all of the learned men of town showed him great respect and
consideration. Therefore, in order to re-establish his ties with the
community, according to Nabíl, Vahíd organized a splendid feast at his
house and invited all the leading ‘ulamá and notables of the city, as well
as some from the nearby towns, to that joyous event. All readily attended
and abundant sweets and food were in circulation.143
One of the Shaykhí ‘ulamá present on that occasion was Navváb
Radaví144, who deeply, but surreptitiously, distrusted any non-Shaykhí
mujtahid. From the time of Vahíd’s first visit to Yazd after his
conversion in Shíráz, the Navváb outwardly pretended to be a
companion of Vahíd and professed devotion to the Báb. He had even
gone to such lengths as to name his son ‘Alí-Muhammad, after the Báb,
and in private he constantly urged Vahíd to proclaim more vigorously
the newly inaugurated movement. However, these were all deceptions,
for he harbored profound resentment towards Vahíd and was waiting for
an occasion to show his deep-rooted animosity.145
On the occasion of that feast, Navváb Radaví thought it
propitious to commence rebellion and maliciously hinted at the
extravagance of that reception. “The Sháh’s imperial banquet,” he
remarked, “can scarcely hope to rival the sumptuous repast you have
spread before us. I suspect that in addition to this national festival which

142 Sharh Ahvál, p. 27.
143 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 8.
144 Some sources give his name as Navváb Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Hay, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l-

Haqq, vol. 6, p. 726, has clarified that these were two separate individuals though
both known as Navváb.
145 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, chapter 8.

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today we are celebrating, you commemorate another one beside it.”146
Vahíd’s boldly retorted by reciting this verse of poetry:

For the lover each moment is two feasts,
but for the spider, a fly sufficeth.

This answer provoked the laughter of those who were present.
“All applauded, in view of the avarice and wickedness of the Navváb, the
appropriateness of Vahíd’s remark. The Navváb, who had never
encountered the ridicule of so large and distinguished a company, was
stung by that answer, [and quickly left the house and took his complaint
to the authorities]. The smoldering fire that he nourished in his heart
against his opponent now blazed forth with added intensity, impelling
him to satisfy his thirst for revenge.”147
On that occasion, Vahíd seized the opportunity to proclaim,
initially indirectly and through allusions, then openly and without
reserve, the principles of the new faith, and to demonstrate their validity.
Through the letters and copies of the Báb’s treatises which over the
years he had already sent them, the majority of those present were
partially acquainted with the central doctrines of the cause, but were
ignorant of its full implications: the termination of the Islamic
Dispensation and Islamic jurisprudence, and the end of temporal power
of the clergy. Certain individuals, either based on previous
correspondence or upon hearing Vahíd, were irresistibly attracted and
readily embraced the message of the Báb. The rest, according to Nabíl,
unable to repudiate its claims and remaining totally silent, denounced it
in their hearts and vowed to extinguish its light by every means in their
power. “His eloquence and fearless exposition of the Truth inflamed
their hostility and strengthened their determination to seek, without
delay, the overthrow of his influence.”148 According to Mázandarání, that
very day became the Judgment Day for all who heard the words of God
and witnessed the polarization of the people and their separation into

146 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
147 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
148 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467.

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camps of friends and foes.149
Years later, A.L.M. Nicolas received information on this festivity
and subsequent events and wrote: “Carried away by his zeal and
overflowing with the love of God, he was eager to reveal to Persia the
glory and joy of the one eternal Truth. ‘To love and to conceal one’s
secret is impossible,’ says the poet; so our Siyyid began to preach openly
in the Mosques, in the streets, in the bazaars, on the public squares, in a
word, wherever he could find listeners. Such enthusiasm yielded fruit
and the conversions were numerous and sincere. The Mullás, deeply
troubled, violently denounced the sacrilege to the governor of the
city.”150 In this regard, Nabíl writes:

To destroy Vahíd became the central object of their activity.
They spread the news that, on the day of Naw-Rúz, in the
midst of the assembled dignitaries of the city, Siyyid
Yahyáy-i-Dárábí had had the temerity unveil the challenging
features of the Faith of the Báb and had adduced proofs and
evidences gleaned both from the Qur’án and the Hadíth.
‘Though his listeners,’ they urged, ‘ranked among the most
illustrious of the mujtahids of the city, no one could be
found in that assemblage to venture a protest against his
vehement assertions of the claims of his creed. The silence
kept by those who heard him has been responsible for the
wave of enthusiasm which has swept over the city in his
favour, and has brought no less than half of its inhabitants
to his feet, while the remainder are being fast attracted.’151

Such reports spread quickly throughout Yazd and the neighboring
regions. It is recorded that subsequently and courageously Vahíd raised
the banner of the faith and spoke of its challenging features before an
immense audience at the city’s renowned Masjid Sar Rík. The immediate
effect of this proclamation, however, resulted in a massive uproar by the

149 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.
150 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 390.
151 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 467-468.

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clerics.152 “It kindled on the one hand, the flame of bitter hatred, and, on
the other, was instrumental in adding considerable numbers to those
who had already identified themselves with that Faith.”153 From Taft,
Ardakán and Manshád, as well as from the more distant towns and
villages, rank upon rank of people, “eager to hear of the new Message
flocked to the house of Vahíd. ‘What are we to do?’ they asked him. ‘In
what manner do you advise us to show forth the sincerity of our faith
and the intensity of our devotion?’ From morning till night, Vahíd was
absorbed in resolving their perplexities and in directing their steps in the
path of service.”154
Nabíl states that for forty days this feverish activity persisted on
the part of Vahíd’s zealous supporters, and his house became the focal
point for an innumerable host of devotees. The news of such activities
were constantly shared with the nearby towns, particularly Ardakán and
Manshád, and many among their inhabitants joined the ranks of Vahíd’s
companions.155
Since the summer of 1844 when the Letters of the Living were
instructed to disperse throughout the realm to teach the new reform,
some had visited Yazd and spoke about the new teachings, though very
few, if any, had actually enrolled as Bábís. On this occasion, however,
many people from all walks of life readily gave their allegiance. Among
those enrolled under Vahíd’s banner during this time were such eminent
personalities as the following:156

• Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, surnamed Rada’r-Rúh by
Bahá’u’lláh, and his three brothers who were later martyred
in Manshád: Áqá Ghulam-Husayn; Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar; and
Mullá Áqá Bábá’í.157 These were the sons of the renowned

152 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 202.
153 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467.
154 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468.
155 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.
156 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 50-51 and Khátirát Málmírí, p. 23, n.1.
157 On the martyrdom of the brothers, see Sharh Shahadát Shuhadáy Manshád,
translation in “The Martyrs of Manshád”.

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cleric, Hájí Muhammad, the Mujtahid Manshádí, and each
was learned in Islamic sciences in his own right, though
Mullá Muhammad-Ridá had surpassed his brethren. On
hearing that these brothers had joined Vahíd, the rest of the
family followed suit, including their elderly father, who later
endured much hardship in the path of the new religion.
• Hájí Mullá Mihdí ‘Atrí [perfume-maker], the father of the
martyred Varqá, together with his entire family.158
• Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá Tabíb Yazdí, a physician who years
later was the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Lawh-i Tibb (Tablet to
a Physician).159
• Shaykh ‘Alí Gumnám.
• Sháttir Ridá Ardakání.
• Mullá Hasan Musalay’í.
• Hájí Mullá Husayn Baidkí Mahrízí.
• Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí Mahrízí.
• Siyyid Husayn Manshádí, son of Siyyid Ridá Manshádí.
• Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir Mahrízí, renowned for his piety,
learning and spiritual insights, who had won the widespread
affinity of the people. Occasionally various miracles were
attributed to him.160 He also brought with him his son,
Siyyid Husayn, the carpet-weaver, and his brother, Hájí
Siyyid Husayn, the prayer-reciter.
• Mírzá Ja‘far Vajhí, known as Yazdí, a seminary student who
later accompanied Bahá’u’lláh from Baghdad to ‘Akká.
• Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, the prayer-reciter.
• Mírzá Muhammad, known as Mulk.
• Muhammad-Zamán Násir, a merchant of note from Shíráz.
158 For biography see Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 39-45. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p.

726, notes that his son, Mírzá Husayn, visited Bahá’u’lláh in Baghdad and with him
brought the first copy of the Hidden Words to Yazd and gave tidings of his near
declaration and the counter-claim of Mírzá Yahyá Azal.
159 See Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 3, p. 359, and Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 58-59.
160 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19.

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• ‘Alí-Akbar Hakkák [the engraver].161
• Hájí ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Shamá’í.
• Áqá Muhammad-Sádiq Suf-Báf.
• Mírzá Hasan Áqá Fádil.
• Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a noted cleric of the Malámír quarter of
Yazd, who accompanied Vahíd to Nayríz.162
• Hájí Abdu’l-Ghafur and his brother Muhammad-‘Alí.163
• Hájí Bábá Sáhib.164
• Bíbí Fatimih, known as Mahd-‘Ulyá.

These and many others, through the teachings of Vahíd, his recital
of the writings of the Báb and his exposition of the central doctrines of
the new dispensation, were aided to make the transition from the Shi‘i to
the Bábí belief and undertook to dedicate themselves to the new cause
and, for the rest of their days, to stand fast and firm in their resolve.
Toward the latter part of Muhammad Sháh’s reign, Yazd had
fallen into revolt and Násiri’d-Dín Sháh had appointed Hájí Bízhan
Khán Gurjí as its governor. However, Gurjí was ineffectual in the face of
various upheavals and was soon replaced in 1265 A.H./1849 with
Muhammad-Hasan Khán, titled Sardár Irvání, and known generally as
Khán Bábá Khán.165 The latter, however, was loath to leave the capital
because of his financial and political interests and thus he appointed one
of his relatives, Áqá Khán Irvání, as his deputy.166 The success of Vahíd
in converting multitudes and the commotion that ensued consequently
provided Navváb Radaví with a pretext for enlisting the support of Áqá
Khán, the deputy-governor of Yazd, who was young and inexperienced
in the affairs of government, in his efforts against his adversary. Nabíl
161 For an account of his martyrdom on 15 July 1852, see Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol.

2, pp. 46-51, and cited sources.
162 He was the husband of the paternal aunt of Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí and

the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih-i Nush.
163 The father and uncle of Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí; see, Khátirát Málmírí, p. 18.
164 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19, gives her name as Hájí Bíbí Sáhib.
165 For a short biography see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 513-514.
166 Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, vol. 3, p. 101.

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emphasizes that Navváb had succeeded in winning the support of the
deputy-governor who “fell a victim to the intrigues and machinations of
that evil plotter.”167 The Navváb succeeded “in inducing him to dispatch
a force of armed men to besiege the house of Vahíd. While a regiment of
the army was proceeding to that spot, a mob composed of the degraded
elements of the city were, at the instigation of the Navváb, directing their
steps towards that same place, determined by their threats and
imprecations to”168 assault Vahíd and his companions.
On their approach to his house, but some distance away, the
irregulars and armed men were confronted by a large group of Vahíd’s
followers who easily overpowered them, though, according to Nabíl,
they refrained from causing any serious injuries. Defeated and powerless,
the governor’s men retreated to his headquarters and this time he
ordered reinforcements and dispatched a regiment of the army for the
same purpose, who were, once again, strengthened by rowdy
constituents of the town.
On hearing the news that the second wave of attack was
imminent, the companions of Vahíd added extra protective pillars to his
house, fortified their defenses and prepared themselves for battle. In this
regard, Nabíl notes:

Though hemmed in by hostile forces on every side, Vahíd
continued, from the window of the upper floor of his house,
to animate the zeal of his supporters and to clarify whatever
remained obscure in their minds. At the sight of a whole
regiment, reinforced by an infuriated mob, preparing to
attack them, they turned to Vahíd in their distress and
begged him to direct their steps. ‘This very sword that lies
before me,’ was his answer, as he remained seated beside the
window, ‘was given me by the Qá’im Himself. God knows,
had I been authorized by Him to wage holy warfare against
this people, I would, alone and unaided, have annihilated
their forces. I am, however, commanded to refrain from

167 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468
168 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469.

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such an act.’ ‘This very steed,’ he added, as his eyes fell upon
the horse which his servant Hasan had saddled and brought
to the front of his house, ‘the late Muhammad Sháh gave
me, that with it I might undertake the mission with which he
entrusted me, of conducting an impartial investigation into
the nature of the Faith proclaimed by the Siyyid-i-Báb. He
asked me to report personally to him the results of my
inquiry, inasmuch as I was the only one among the
ecclesiastical leaders of Tihrán in whom he could repose
implicit confidence. I undertook that mission with the firm
resolution of confuting the arguments of that Siyyid, of
inducing Him to abandon His ideas and to acknowledge my
leadership, and of conducting Him with me to Tihrán as a
witness to the triumph I was to achieve. When I came into
His presence, however, and heard His words, the opposite
of that which I had imagined took place. In the course of
my first audience with Him, I was utterly abashed and
confounded; by the end of the second, I felt as helpless and
ignorant as a child; the third found me as lowly as the dust
beneath His feet. He had indeed ceased to be the
contemptible Siyyid I had previously imagined. To me, He
was the manifestation of God Himself, the living
embodiment of the Divine Spirit. Ever since that day, I have
yearned to lay down my life for His sake. I rejoice that the
day I have longed to witness is fast approaching.’
Seeing the agitation that had seized his friends, he
exhorted them to calm and patience, and to rest assured that
the omnipotent Avenger would ere long inflict, with His
own invisible hand, a crushing defeat upon the forces
arrayed against His loved ones. No sooner had he uttered
these words than the news arrived that Muhammad-
‘Abdu’lláh169, whom no one suspected of being still alive,

169 The Dawn-Breakers gives his name as Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh. However, Táríkh

Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, has clarified that it should be Muhammad, son of
‘Abdu’lláh.

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had suddenly emerged with a number of his comrades, who
had likewise disappeared from sight, and, raising the cry of
“Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!” had flung themselves upon their
assailants and dispersed their forces. He displayed such
courage that the whole detachment, abandoning their arms,
had sought refuge, together with the [deputy-]governor, in
the fort of Nárín.170

170 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 469-470.

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The soldiers and the regulars were thus instructed to begin
erecting barracks and reinforce the fortifications of the fort of Nárín.171

171 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes that Prince Dolgorukov

briefly reported on Yazd troubles in the same 24 February 1850 dispatch in which
he recorded the episode of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán:
A number of Bábís under the leadership of Siyyid Yahyá, who calls
himself a disciple of the Báb, together with a crowd of the ruffians of
Yazd, produced a serious disturbance in the town of Yazd. These
Bábís assailed the residence of the Governor and killed 8 of the
soldiers, wounding a further 26. The deputy governor has fled [the

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Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, formerly custodian of a caravansary,
had a long and checkered history of revolt against the government. He
had defied various governors, and led groups of town desperados in
battles with military forces sent to subdue him, and was in hiding in
those days.172 Some time earlier, he had joined in support of Hájí
Muhammad Karím Khán, who had claimed leadership of the Shaykhí
faction in Kirmán, and after a period of troubles had left that city in
favor of Yazd. Upon his arrival, the deputy-governor executed one of his
men in a show of force, but this rash and ill-conceived act produced the
opposite effect and caused Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah to rebel and to
gather a considerable number of the insurgent elements around him.173

town] and sent his resignation to the Government.
The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes, “Áqá Khán-i Irvání having
tended his resignation, Khán Bábá Khán appointed his nephew, Shaykh Alí Khán,
to be Deputy-Governor.”
172 Táríkh Naw, p. 343.
173 Keith Abott, the British Consul who as part of his tour of south Iran visited

Yazd from 19 November 1849 to 7 December 1849, reports cited in The Bábí and
Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-107:
The Political state of the Province at the time of my visit, may be
described in a few words. The City had, only a few months before,
recovered from a state of rebellion and confusion subsequent to the
death of Mahomed Shah, when the recently appointed Governor,
Aghá Khán, a man of firmness, but a very unpopular character found
himself besieged by a portion of the Inhabitants, headed by some
notorious Characters, and obliged, after attempting to defend his
residence to retreat into the Citadel. There he and his attendants
found themselves almost destitute of provisions, but with four pieces
of Ordnance, they contrived for some days not only to hold out, but
seriously to annoy the townspeople. Finally, however, driven by want
to negotiate, it was agreed they should be allowed provisions and
beasts of burden, to enable them to quit the place. As soon as these
were produced and admitted within the Citadel, the Governor (as he
related to me himself) closed the gate, and refused to abide by the
Conditions. The Camels and Asses, which had been provided, were
then slaughtered, and served the Garrison for food, but they
discovered that the bread they had received from the townspeople
had been poisoned. Keeping up a frequent fire on the town, the

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This tumult continued for several days, until the merchants and the
nobles of Yazd, seeing their business interests threatened by prolonged
unrest, rose against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh declaring that he wished
to ruin their economy and expose them to the wrath of the central
authorities. Noting that his base of support was evaporating rapidly,
Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men were forced to flee to Dihshír,
where Áqá Khán sent a regiment in pursuit. Some of the insurgents were
taken prisoner and some were killed, while Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh
and a small number fled secretly and went into hiding back in Yazd.174

A View of Yazd

Having emerged from hiding that evening, Muhammad Ibn
‘Abdu’lláh asked for an audience with Vahíd. Nabíl states that he assured
Vahíd of his devotion in the new found cause, “and acquainted him with
the plans he had conceived for rushing the fort Nárín and subjugating”
Inhabitants, being without Artillery, could not return, terms of
accommodation were a second time, agreed to, and some troops
arriving to the succour of the Governor, he was presently enabled to
quit his Stronghold and again appear in the town. Some of the rebels
were secured but it was not until after my departure that the Chief
Leader, by name Mahomed Abdoollah, was taken and slain.
174 Bahadur, p. 464.

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the governor and his men. Vahíd sensed that his visitor and his renegade
comrades could only cause further intensification of troubles and that
their profession of faith was simply a ploy to give their aggression against
the authorities a cover of respectability under the guise of religious
dissent. Therefore, Vahíd responded to him: “Although your
intervention has to-day averted from this house the danger of an
unforeseen calamity, yet you must recognize that until now our contest
with these people was limited to an argument centering round the
Revelation of the Sáhibu’z-Zamán. The Navváb, however, will
henceforth be induced to instigate the people against us, and will
contend that I have arisen to establish my undisputed sovereignty over
the entire province and intend to extend it over the whole of Persia.”175
Vahíd, wishing to dissociate himself from Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh
and his mutinous gang, advised him to leave the city immediately. “Not
until our appointed time arrives,” he assured him, “will the enemy be
able to inflict upon us the slightest injury.”176
The rebellious Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, however, was unwilling
to abandon this opportunity and preferred to ignore the advice of Vahíd.
Nabíl notes his departing words: “It would be cowardly of me to
abandon my friends to the mercy of an irate and murderous adversary.
What, then, would be the difference between me and those who forsook
the Siyyidu’sh-Shuhadá177 on the day of Áshúrá178, and left him
companionless on the field of Karbilá? A merciful God will, I trust, be
indulgent towards me and will forgive my action.”179
Finding it unlikely that Vahíd would ally his forces with him, on
the following day Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh commanded his men to
proceed to the Nárín Fort. By surrounding the castle, they compelled the
governor and his forces to retreat within its walls and to temporarily
cease hostilities. Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh kept watch, ready to
intercept whatever reinforcements might seek to reach the opponents.

175 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.
176 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.
177 “The Prince of Martyrs”, refers to Imám Husayn.
178 The tenth of Muharram, the day on which the Imam Husayn was martyred.
179 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.

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With the departure of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, the
house of Vahíd seemed without adequate defenses. Seeing this, a day
later, Navváb moved quickly in raising a general revolt in which
multitudes of the city’s inhabitants participated. “They were preparing to
attack the house of Vahíd when he summoned Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím-i-
Khú’í, better known as the Siyyid-i-Khál-Dár, who had participated for a
few days in the defense of the fort of Tabarsí180 and whose dignity of
bearing attracted widespread attention, and bade him mount his own
steed and address publicly, through the streets and bazaars, an appeal on
his behalf to the entire populace, urging them to embrace the Cause of
the Sáhibu’z-Zamán.”181 Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím leaped upon the steed and,
escorted by four of his companions, rode out through the market and
called out, in a loud and resonant voice, the warning he had been
commissioned to proclaim:

O people of Yazd! Know one and all we disclaim any
intention of waging holy warfare against you, nor do we
intend a revolt against the Sháh or the nation. Our Cause is
the religion of Sáhibu’z-Zamán, for Whose early appearance
each of you prays fervently, and Who has been promised in
all the past Scriptures, traditions and the Qur’án. This
illustrious Siyyid [Vahíd], whom everyone recognizes as
unrivaled in piety and to whose knowledge and high

180 A native of Adharbáyján, Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím had demonstrated considerable

valor in the course of the events at Fort Tabarsí. When the Fort had fallen and
Quddús and his companions were seized, each was subject to torments of the
victorious gunmen and in the midst of these Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was told to spit
on the countenance of Quddús. He appeared ready to do so, but as he approached
Quddús, instead he turned and spat into the face of the military commander,
‘Abbás-Qulí Khán, who in a fit of rage unsheathed his saber to slay him while crying
to his men to rend asunder this Bábí! However the Tabrizí gunners, unprepared to
see one of their native sons killed, came to his aid and aimed their artillery at
‘Abbás-Qulí Khán’s men. Sensing trouble, the Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, quickly
stepped forward and defused the situation. Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was spared on that
occasion. (Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 36, n.1, on authority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2.)
181 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 471-472.

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attainments both learned or unlettered testify, now,
detached from all save God and not wishing to proclaim a
jihad or cause bloodshed, has risen to guide you to the right
path and true salvation. Why do you then believe the
ungodly, and attack a descendant of the Prophet, and
unsheathe your swords upon him and his companions?
Be forewarned, however, that if you persist in
besieging the house of this Siyyid and continue your attacks
upon him, we shall be constrained, as a measure of
self-defense, to resist and disperse you all. If you choose to
reject this counsel and yield to the whisperings of the crafty
Navváb, seven of our companions will repulse your forces
and crush your hopes.
Beware if you despise our plea. My lifted voice, I warn
you, will prove sufficient to cause the very walls of your fort
to tremble, and the strength of my arm will be capable of
breaking down the resistance of its gates!182

Seeing the determination which Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím and his four
companions manifested, and hearing his stern call, the crowd quickly
dispersed. When he saw that the inhabitants refused to fight against
Vahíd and his companions, the Navváb induced them to direct their
attack against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, who had
surrounded the Nárín Castle in Meybod district of Yazd and was
engaged in sporadic battles with the governor’s battalion.183 With the
arrival of the irregulars gathered by the Navváb, the first battle ensued
between them and the forces of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah, and this

182 With slight modifications from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472 and Nayríz Mushkbíz,

pp. 46-47. The version in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404, has much
embellishment and in absence of Nabíl’s original text it cannot be determined if the
embellishments are additions of Mázandarání or were left out of the translation by
Shoghi Effendi.
183 Some believe that the Nárín castles are descendants of ancient Persian fire-

temples; some of the castles in Meybod are also called nareng castles (orange castles),
possibly by folk etymology. Most of these castles are decaying and have not fared
well over the years.

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clash provided an opportunity for the deputy-governor to emerge from
hiding and instruct his besieged regiment to join hands with the
Navváb’s men in fighting the renegades. “Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh was in
midst of dispersing the untrained and unequipped mob that had rushed
forth from the city against him, when he was suddenly assailed by the
fire which the troops opened upon him by order of the governor.”184 In
the process, a number of his comrades were wounded and a few killed.
He himself sustained a bullet injury to his foot that caused him to cease
hostilities and “his brother hurriedly got him away to a place of safety,
and from thence carried him, at his request, to the house of Vahíd.”185
His men dispersed quickly into the countryside.186
The mob raised by the Navváb, and the governor’s armed men,
spotted his retreat and followed him to that house, fully resolved to seize
and slay him. Nabíl states:

The clamor of the people that had massed around his house
[and were constantly discharging their guns and otherwise
preparing to rush within,] compelled Vahíd to order Mullá
Muhammad-Ridáy-i-Manshádí, one of the most enlightened
‘ulamás of Manshád, who had discarded his turban and
offered himself as his gatekeeper, to sally forth and, with the
aid of six companions, whom he would choose, to scatter
their forces. ‘Let each one of you raise his voice,’ he
commanded them, ‘and repeat seven times the words
‘Alláh-u-Akbar,’ and on your seventh invocation spring
forward at one and the same moment into the midst of your
assailants.’
Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, whom Bahá’u’lláh had
named Rada’r-Rúh, sprang to his feet and, with his

184 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472.
185 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473.
186 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, notes that two of Muhammad Ibn

‘Abdu’lláh’s companions, that is, his brother, Karbalá’í Husayn, and Áqá ‘Alí
Isfahání, were later confined with Bahá’u’lláh in the Siyah-Chál of Tihrán and
converted on that occasion.

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companions, straightway proceeded to fulfil the instructions
he had received. Those who accompanied him, though frail
of form, [badly under-equipped] and inexperienced in the art
of swordsmanship, were fired with a faith that made them
the terror of their adversaries. Seven of the most
redoubtable among the enemy perished that day.187

Years later Mullá Muhammad-Ridá related the details of these
events to Nabíl in Baghdad, and noted that a score of other foes were
injured and the crazed mob was dispersed while none of the seven Bábí
defenders sustained any harm. He added: “No sooner had we routed the
enemy and returned to the house of Vahíd, than we found Muhammad
Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh lying wounded before us. He was carried to our leader,
and partook of the food with which the latter had been served.
Afterwards he was borne to a hiding place, where he remained concealed
until he recovered from his wound. Eventually he was seized and slain
by the enemy.”188
In a dispatch from Tihrán, the British diplomat Justin Sheil reports
to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign Office:

I have the honor to inform Your Lordship that a serious
outbreak lately took place at Yezd, which however the
Governor of that city with the assistance of the priesthood
succeeded in quelling.
The exciters of the insurrection were the partisans of
the new Sect called Babee, who assembled in such numbers
as to force the Governor to take refuge in the citadel, to
which they laid siege. The Moollas conscious that the
progress of Babeeism is the decay of their own supremacy
determined to rescue the Governor, and summoning the
populace in the name of religion to attack this new Sect of
infidels, the Babees were overthrown and forced to take

187 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473.
188 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473. It was the next deputy governor of Yazd, Shaykh ‘Alí

Khán, who succeeded in defeating and killing of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh.

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flight to the adjoining province of Kerman. I have seen a
letter from the Governor of Yezd to one of the his friends
in Tehran in which he earnestly calls for assistance and
represents the state of disorganization within his
government in strong terms; he has since resigned his
appointment, and quitted Yezd without even waiting for
permission to retire.189

In these three nights and days of fighting, a total of thirty from the
opposition camp were killed, as well as a score of the defenders who
gave their life in the path of the Báb’s faith. Some of them were captured
by the armed men and blown away from the mouth of cannons.190
Mázandarání reports that a total of twenty-two of Vahíd’s supporters
were killed in the battle of Yazd.191 In this regard, the case of Hájí Siyyid
‘Alí Mihríjirdí, one of the affluent landlords of the city should be noted.
After the situation had calmed down, one of the officials, Hájí Rasul
Mihríjirdí, sent his men to arrest this important supporter of Vahíd. This
remarkable man refused to recant his faith despite the confiscation of all
his property and possessions. On several occasions he was so severely
beaten that each time he became unconscious, and had to be revived for
further punishment. Eventually, he was allowed to be taken away by his
kinsmen and after six months he recovered to some degree. In time he

189 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 107, and a more complete version

appears in The Báb, pp. 204-205. Since this report is dated 12 February 1850, it
suggests with near certainty that Nabíl’s placement of this event in early May 1850 is
incorrect.
190 Jahangír Mírzá, son of ‘Abbás Mírzá, the Náyibu’s-Saltanih, records the following

summary in Táríkh Naw, p. 343:
During these months [1850], Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí styled himself a
Bábí in the region of Yazd and caused mischief. Upon the killing of
Muhammad Dálánbar [an innkeeper], he was unable to remain there
and took flight to Fárs. And from what has been heard, in one of the
districts of Fárs, he caused mischief and a crowd on behalf of the
governor of the district went forth and killed him and 300 of his
disciples.
191 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 480.

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opened a modest store and passed away in Yazd at the age of 108.192

Vahíd’s Departure from Yazd
Faced with such a stalemate and with his own young career at stake, the
governor increased the number of his armed men considerably and had
them surround Vahíd’s house. The Navváb also instigated the
population to join the governor’s gunmen and to assault the believers –
an appeal that some readily accepted. This frightened and disturbed
some of the defenders, and on that night, Vahíd decided to ask his
companions to disperse. He instructed them to exercise the utmost
vigilance in securing a place of safety. Furthermore, he advised his wife
to take two of their children193, Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin, to the home of
her father and to leave behind the two older sons as well as all their
possessions.194 According to Nabíl, Vahíd spoke the following words to
his wife on that occasion:

192 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 482-483.
193 There is some confusion as to which children were left behind: The Dawn-
Breakers, p. 474, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, state that Siyyid Ismá‘íl and Siyyid ‘Alí-
Muhammad were dispatched with their mother. This must be an error as Siyyid
Ismá‘íl was Vahíd’s son through his Nayrízí wife and living not in Yazd but in
Nayríz. The other son was known as Siyyid Muhammad. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
52, n.1, states that Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin were sent with their mother. The Dawn-
Breakers, p. 474, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399 and p. 406, and Hadrat Báb, p.
507, suggest that Vahíd’s two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Mihdí, accompanied
him. However, no record exists that Vahíd had a son named Siyyid Mihdí. Khátirát
Málmírí, p. 23, states that Vahíd was accompanied by his wife and daughter along
with Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and his 3 children (2 sons and one daughter). However, it is
unlikely that Vahíd would have taken his wife and daughter on such a perilous
journey and further, Túbá’s marriage certificate (Appendix 2) indicates that she was
in Yazd, at least by the final days of the Nayríz battles.
194 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473, reports that Vahíd instructed “his wife to remove ... all

their belongings ... and to leave behind whatever was his personal property.”
However, this appears to contradict the words of Vahíd quoted in the same
paragraph. Also logistically, it seems nearly impossible to move furniture and
household goods in the middle of night while surrounded by vigilant soldiers and
irregulars.

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This palatial residence, I have built with the sole intention
that it should be eventually demolished in the path of the
Cause, and the stately furnishings with which I have adorned
it have been purchased in the hope that one day I shall be
able to sacrifice them for the sake of my Beloved. Then will
friend and foe alike realize that he who owned this house
was endowed with so great and priceless a heritage that an
earthly mansion, however sumptuously adorned and
magnificently equipped, had no worth in his eyes; that it had
sunk, in his estimation, to the state of a heap of bones to
which only the dogs of the earth could feel attracted. Would
that such compelling evidence of the spirit of renunciation
were able to open the eyes of this perverse people, and to
stir in them the desire to follow in the steps of him who
showed that spirit!195

Nabíl further states that: “In the mid-watches of that same night,
Vahíd arose and, collecting the writings of the Báb that were in his
possession, as well as the copies of various treatises that he himself had
composed, entrusted them to his servant Hasan, and ordered him to
convey them [by way of an uncommon road] to a place outside the gate
of the city where the road branches off to [the village of] Mihríz.196 He
bade him to await his arrival, and warned him that, were he to disregard
his instructions, he would never again be able to meet him.”197
Hasan mounted his horse and prepared to leave secretly in
accordance with the instructions given him. However, after traveling
only a short distance, the cries of the governor’s sentinels, who kept
watch over Vahíd’s mansion, and other people who had joined them,
alarmed him deeply. Fearing capture and seizure of the precious
manuscripts in his possession, he decided to follow a different route

195 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 473-474, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 405.
196 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 405-406, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, suggest

that a second person was to accompany Hasan.
197 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474.

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from the one outlined by Vahíd. As he was passing through the streets,
the gunmen recognized him, shot his horse, and captured him.
On the same night, Vahíd decided to depart from Yazd. He left
accompanied by his two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Muhammad,
together with three of his companions who were all residents of Yazd
and had asked permission to accompany him on his journey:
Ghulám-Ridá Buzurg, a man of exceptional courage; Ghulám-Ridá
Kuchik, who had distinguished himself in the art of marksmanship; and
a third, identified only as “a learned believer”198. He chose the same
route that he had advised Hasan to take. Arriving safely at the appointed
spot, he was surprised to find that his servant was missing. Vahíd sensed
immediately that he had disregarded his instructions and had been
captured by the enemy. He deplored his fate, and was reminded of the
action of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, who had similarly acted against his
will and had in consequence suffered injury and misfortune.199
During the course of the next day’s events, Hasan was executed by
being blown from the mouth of a cannon. It is reported that “when they
would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he said: ‘Bind me,
I pray you, with my face towards the gun that I may see it fired.’ The
gunners and those who stood by looking on were all astonished at his
composure and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in
such a plight must needs have great faith and fortitude.”200
An hour later, a certain Mírzá Hasan, who previously had been the
Imám Jum‘ih of one of the quarters of Yazd and who was a man of
renowned piety, had also been captured and subjected to the same fate
on the charge of being a Bábí.

198 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 50. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 52, n.1, suggests that this third

believer was a brother of Vahíd who joined them en route. The Dawn-Breakers, p.
474, states that in addition to his two sons, two others accompanied Vahíd, both
named Ghulám-Ridá.
199 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474.
200 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 117, and Nayriz Mushkbíz, p. 50.

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When Vahíd departed from Yazd, his opponents rose to fresh
exertions. They rushed into his house and plundered his possessions.
A.L.M. Nicolas has noted: “When [the governor] Áqá Khán had verified
the disappearance of the rebel, he gave a sigh of relief. Besides, he felt
that to pursue the fugitives would involve some peril and that, therefore,
it would be infinitely more practical, more beneficial, more profitable
and less dangerous to torture the Bábís, or those presumed to be Bábís –
provided that they were wealthy – who had remained in the city. He
sought out the most prosperous, ordered their execution, and
confiscated their possessions, avenging thus his outraged religion, a
matter perhaps of little concern to him, and filling his coffers, which
pleased him immensely.”201

201 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 391.

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Chapter 4

Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz

And recite and teach what has been revealed to thee of the Book of thy
Lord: none can change His Words, and none wilt thou find as a refuge
other than Him.
Qur’án 18:27

The night of his departure from Yazd, with great haste and much
difficulty, Vahíd, according to Nabíl, covered a distance of 42 kilometers
on foot, while his companions carried his sons part of the way. During
the next day, they concealed themselves within a cave in a neighboring
mountain.202 As soon as his brother, who resided in that vicinity and had
a deep affection for him, was informed of his arrival, he secretly
dispatched to him the necessary provisions. On the same day, a regiment
of the governor’s cavalry, who had set out in pursuit of Vahíd, arrived at
that village. They searched the house of his brother, where they
suspected that he was concealed, and appropriated a large amount of his
possessions. Unable to find Vahíd, they returned to Yazd.
Meanwhile, Vahíd made his way through the mountains until he
reached the district of Bávanát in the province of Fárs. This area had
been particularly friendly toward Vahíd’s ancestors and most of its
inhabitants counted themselves among his admirers. A large gathering
was quickly organized in the central mosque and Vahíd spoke
passionately about the appearance of the Báb and his reform-cause. Led
by the well-known Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát, a
large number of the inhabitants readily accepted the Báb’s message as a
result of Vahíd’s urging and their unimpeachable trust in him and his
202 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 475. In order to travel such a distance during a dark
evening, it is logical to infer that either Vahíd and his companions were using horses
or they traveled the reported distance in course of several days.

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family.

Shiraz-Nayriz Region

In the company of a number of the believers from that town,
Vahíd then proceeded from Bávanát to Shíráz. Nabíl explains:

All along his route, wherever he tarried, Vahíd’s first
thought, as soon as he had dismounted, was to seek the
neighboring masjid, wherein he would summon the people
to hear him announce the tidings of the New Day. Utterly
oblivious of the fatigues of his journey, he would promptly
ascend the pulpit and fearlessly proclaim to his congregation
the character of the Faith he had risen to champion. He
would spend only one night in that place if he had
succeeded in winning to the Cause souls upon whom he
could rely to propagate it after his departure. Otherwise he
would straightway resume his march and refuse further to
associate with them. ‘Through whichever village I pass,’ he
often remarked, ‘and fail to inhale from its inhabitants the

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fragrance of belief, its food and its drink are both distasteful
to me.’”203

Vahíd stayed in Shíráz for only a short time, and then decided to
direct his steps to Nayríz. En route, thinking that possibly the people of
Fasá would welcome the new teachings, Vahíd took a detour there, but
to his astonishment found its inhabitants refusing to respond to the
movement he invited them to follow.
Arriving at Rúníz, in the district of Fasá, Vahíd decided to stay for
two days, in the course of which a large number in this village embraced
the new faith.
While there, Vahíd wrote to his father-in-law, Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí,
and informed him of his near arrival in Nayríz. As soon as the news of
his approach reached Nayríz, the entire population of the
Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, having known Vahíd for many years and greatly
admiring his qualities, hastened to the village of Rúníz, a distance of
some thirty-three kilometers, to meet him. People from other quarters
likewise decided to join them. Altogether, a crowd in excess of three
hundred had gathered for that welcome.
Soon, Vahíd left Rúníz for the shrine of Pír-Murád, situated about
a kilometer outside the village of Istahbánát204, in the country of his
ancestors. There, he wrote to its leading ‘ulamá that he intended to tarry
at that shrine for a day or two. He then proceeded to Istahbánát. Despite
the interdiction pronounced by the ‘ulamá of that village against his
entry, no less than twenty-three of them embraced the new faith and
twenty-one of its inhabitants joined his procession to Nayríz.
According to Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, there was such excitement
in the air as they made their way to Nayríz, many were dancing and even
Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the pious old man, was running along and
cheering.205

203 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476.
204 Located 36 kilometers southwest of Nayríz.
205 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 109, has noted that Nabíl’s assertion

that Vahíd’s journey from Yazd to Nayríz, with all the stops in between, took only
17 days, that is, from 10 May to 27 May 1850, is rather improbable.

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The Governor
It must be noted that fearing lest Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the
governor of Nayríz, should object to their welcoming Vahíd, the
majority of Nayrízís had left stealthily at night. To understand the
people’s apprehension and the general turbulent conditions under which
Vahíd arrived on the scene, one must look further into the past and
examine the history of the governor and the manner in which he
assumed his office and some of his policies.
Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was a son of Muhammad-Husayn
Khán Ibn Mírzá Hisámu’d-Dín ‘Arab, of the Shaybání-Uzbak tribe of
Fárs. In the later years of the reign of Karím Khán Zand (d. 1779), this
tribe which by then had adopted strong Arab Bedouin influence, was
exiled to Nayríz and its surrounding region, particularly the Qutriyih
village which is situated some forty kilometers to the east of Nayríz. At
that time, the governorship of Nayríz was in the hands of Hájí ‘Alí-
Sultán, son of Akbar-Sultán Nayrízí. As a gesture of kindness and as
means to win him over, for seven consecutive years, the Qájár monarch
exempted Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán from paying taxes for the Nayríz region. This
generosity enabled him to amass extravagant wealth, to such a degree
that he often proudly jested: “Should God wish to reckon my wealth, it
will take Him seven years.” But during an unusually severe rainy season,
he lost his entire herd of cattle and sheep and his many farms and was
thoroughly bankrupted.206
Muhammad-Husayn Khán took advantage of the situation to
extend his sphere of influence to Nayríz, and was able to win over many
of its inhabitants. He then transferred his residence there and took one
of Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán’s daughters as a wife, thereby cementing his
relationship with the ruling circle. Soon thereafter, a weakened governor
relinquished power in favor of his new son-in-law, who moved quickly
to consolidate his own position. During his governorship, as a result of
heavy taxes that he levied against the people, Muhammad-Husayn Khán

206 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 6, (a summary).

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gathered a considerable fortune. When he died in the early 1830s, he was
survived by his three sons: Muhammad-Báqir Khán, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán
and Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán.207 By both tribal and religious laws, the
eldest of the brothers seemed destined to take office. However, the
youngest brother, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had designs of his own,
and through deceit and feuding with his brother, was able to win the
government for himself. In order to consolidate his position, he ordered
the assassination of Muhammad-Báqir Khán in his private residence.
Having removed from the scene the main rival to the office, Hájí
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín turned his attention to the children of his murdered
brother and ordered them eliminated to ensure that no future rivalry
could undermine his ambitions.208 He instructed that all five sons of
Muhammad-Báqir Khán, namely, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, Mírzá
Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn Khán, Ismá‘íl Khán,
and Akbar Khán, be locked in a room and every entrance sealed so they
might starve and suffocate. However, one of his gardeners, who was
privately loyal to the family of Muhammad-Báqir Khán, had pity on
these children, and secretly managed to carve a small hole in the walls,
through which he sent water and food to the captives, thus allowing
them to survive. It is reported that this act was masterminded by a group
of dissidents led by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár and Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, the
latter known to the sons of Muhammad-Báqir Khán as “Barádar
Buzurg” [the elder brother]. Some days later, thinking that the young
men had perished, the governor ordered the entrance opened, and found
them still alive. Considering this an omen, he allowed them to live, but
only on the condition that they leave that district. They readily accepted
it and situated themselves in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.
Simultaneously with these events, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had
increased taxes to an exorbitant level – a move that made him extremely
unpopular with the citizens. Very shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, the news
of the governor’s heinous effort to eliminate the children of

207 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 263, proposes existence of a fourth brother, Áqá
Muhammad-Ridá Khán, but no collaborative evidence is known for this assertion.
208 It should be noted that the practice of eliminating the family of the rivals had

earlier roots in Iranian and Ottoman history.

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Muhammad-Báqir Khán became widely known. As a result of this and
the general dissatisfaction with his taxation policies, widespread unrest
and uproar ensued. Therefore, in addition to having a base of believers
which he had cultivated since his own conversion, a home in Nayríz and
familiarity with its people, another key reason that Vahíd decided to
proceed in that direction was the knowledge that the atmosphere of
Nayríz was so intensely charged with tension and turmoil. All that was
needed was a spark and a massive social explosion was assured: Vahíd
and the new Faith were that spark.
On previous visits to Nayríz, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had acted as a
friend and admirer of Vahíd, and in many instances had publicly testified
to his learning and piety. However, because of the adverse circumstances
in the region, his own unstable condition and the news of troubles in
Yazd, he decided that he could no longer afford to be known as an
associate of Vahíd and, indeed, recognized in him a potential adversary
of great might. Furthermore, he was cognizant that if he failed to deal
with Vahíd effectively, the new governor-general for the province of
Fárs would take steps to remove him from office.
With this explosive situation at hand, a number of Nayrízís took
advantage of the situation and rallied around the wretched children of
Muhammad-Báqir Khán who had become the symbols of dissent and
the foci of social unrest. One of these children was Muhammad-Ja‘far
Khán, the eldest son, who immediately proclaimed his allegiance to
Vahíd and became one of his close companions.209 In fact, in order to
further accentuate his differences with the governor, at a later date Vahíd
accepted Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán as his son-in-law – a marriage that
never took place.210
Before proceeding to examine the events of Nayríz through some
early historical documents, let us pause to outline some general
background on the history and geography of this city.

209 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 260, states that Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far went as far as

Rúníz to welcome Vahíd.
210 See Appendix 2.

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Nayríz
Though a relatively obscure township in the modern Iranian landscape,
Nayríz has become well known to Bahá’ís because of the genesis of the
Bábí movement in that region which subsequently gave rise to an
important Bahá’í base. Nayríz is the name of a district in the province of
Fárs, which commands a region of 132 by 108 kilometers. The
surrounding region was known by various names and one particular
district was Ma‘ádín (plural of Ma‘dan) and each Ma‘dan was a county of
its own. In total there were twelve Ma‘dans, or counties.211 Within the
heart of this district is situated the historic city of Nayríz, some 238
kilometers to the east of Shíráz, in the vicinity of Lake Bakhtigán, at an
elevation of 1590 meters above sea level. For many centuries this
strategically important town has enjoyed rural roads to such places of
commerce as Shíráz, Fasá, Dáráb, Istahbánát and Sírján. On the north
and east, Nayríz is flanked by a mountain range and therefore benefits
from a cool climate.
This city traces its history to the time of the Achaemenian Empire
in the sixth century B.C.E. and the Sassáníán Dynasty in the third
century Christian Era. Excavations made in the region have revealed that
at the time of the Achaemenid Dynasty, Nayriz was a major producer of
weapons due to manufacture of steel from iron ore brought from Parpa,
40 miles to the east. During that time it was one of a cluster of cities
around Persepolis, which were organized in a supply network to provide
the capital with produce.
Since then, Nayríz has enjoyed a system of underground and
aboveground aqueducts (qanát), known as Áb-i Zartusht (water of
Zoroaster), which enabled it to irrigate many orchards and gardens,
making its fruits and greens famous throughout the region.212 The local
soil is particularly suitable for agriculture and the region’s warm climate

211 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 309, n.1. Other sources suggest that at one time there

were 24 villages in this county.
212 The aqueducts were an engineering marvel. Starting as underground water
systems, they run out above ground as aqueducts which get higher as the ground
drops. The water ends in a vertical tower which continues underground into a pit,
turning a water-wheel at the bottom.

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made it ideal for many tribal factions to settle there.213 At one time
Nayríz also possessed a heavy metals industry, and to this day remnants
of that era are visible.214 Over time great many men of letters and
accomplishment lived and worked in Nayríz.215

Nayriz and Surrounding Villages

The decline of the city commenced with the Arab conquest of Iran
in the latter part of the seventh century. Never being able to rescue
herself from the clutches of fanaticism, Nayríz was to suffer over a long
period of time at the hands of incompetent local tribal chieftains, whose
allegiance was to their immediate tribe and ever-changing political
landscape. Over centuries, this remarkable base of civilization was
reduced to a shadow of its former self, with ruins and decay visible on all
sides.

213 Mostofi, A., H. Nasr and A. Zaryab (eds), Historical Atlas of Iran, Tihrán
University, 1971.
214 In pre-Islamic days, the present Bázár quarter was called Sahad-khánih in light of

its steel industry, which manufactured most of the swords and armor for the empire.
215 For lists and biographical data see Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, pp. 1567-1572,

Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 31-38, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 201-203.

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In 1846, when the Bábí community of Nayríz was established, the
city had a population of ten thousand216 and was divided into four
quarters separated by orchards. Within each quarter, streets and alleys
further subdivided the neighborhoods. The four quarters were: Áb-i
Zartusht; Bázár; Chinár-Súkhtih (referred to in the ancient times as
Chinár-Sháhí)217; and Sádát, otherwise known as Kuchih Bálá. Major B.
Lovett of the Royal Engineers visited Nayríz in 1872 and described the
town as follows:

This town, which is situated about 12 miles east of the
shores of the ‘Deria Numuk,’ [Daryá Namak, salt sea] is of
considerable commercial importance. Its exports are chiefly
almonds and figs, which are shipped in great quantities viá
Bunder Abbas for Bombay. The population is said to be
about 3500, and the revenue paid to the Government of
Fárs about 12,000 tomans. It is a large town with many

216 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291.
217 Known among the people as the Bábí quarter, prior to the Islamic Revolution, it

was named the Pahlavi quarter.

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orchards, vineyards, [and] gardens interspersed between
houses built of sun-dried bricks. It is divided into three
parishes or ‘mahalehs’; that is to the south, termed the
‘Mahaleh Bala’, is well known to be peopled almost entirely
by Babis, who, though they do not openly profess their faith
in the teachings of Syed Ali Mahomed, the Bab, still practice
the principles of communism he inculcated. It is certain,
moreover, that the tolerance which was one of the chief
percepts inculcated by the Bab is here observed, for not only
was I invited to make use of public hammam [bath], if I
required it, but quarters also were assigned to me in the
‘Madresseh.’218

The fact that Lovett reports three instead of four quarters for the
city is perhaps due to Sádát and Bázár quarters often not having a clear
demarcation between them.
Nayríz also enjoyed such schools as: Madrisih Ghiyáthiyih,
constructed in 1100 A.H./1688; and Madrisih Khán, raised in 1230
A.H./1814 by Muhammad-Husayn Khán, then governor of Nayríz.
Prior to the Arab conquest, the people of Nayríz were Zoroastrian, and
to this day remains of their large temples are present.
One such temple, located in what later became known as the
Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, was converted in 362 A.H./972 into the largest
of the city’s mosques, Masjid Jámi‘219 Kabír. This mosque was further
expanded and repaired in 560-563 A.H./1164-67 and a 30 meter minaret
was added, and an impressive dome over it was built during the Safavid
era. It also enjoyed a well in its courtyard that provided water to the
surrounding grounds and to the worshipers.220 The mosque itself is an
218 Major B. Lovett, ‘Survey on the Road from Shíráz to Bam’, p. 203; quoted in The

Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 151.
219 Jami‘ or Jam‘ih, means Friday.
220 For details see A. Godard, Le Masdjid-e djum’a Níríz, Athár-e Iran (i) 1936, pp. 163-

172. He reports this large Sassanid style mosque, with a large ayván, was standing in
the 1930s. From his plans and photographs its clear that covered halls flanked the
ayván on both sides. (Gratefully, the present writer acknowledges his debt to Sen
McGlinn for this reference.)

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interesting survival of an indigenous Iranian iván-type with simple bricks
forming patterns on the upper section.

This structure served as the Bábí stronghold during the uprising of
the 1850s, when Vahíd gave sermons from a wooden pulpit known as
Mihráb Imám Hasan.221

The Mihrab
221 Years later, this pulpit was burnt in an accident.

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A smaller mosque is located in the Bázár quarter and is known as
Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír.222 Other historic buildings in Nayríz include the
Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh Qutb, commonly known as the
Shrine of the Siyyid. Vahíd was buried beneath a wall of this building.223
For the Bábí and Bahá’ís, other places of particular importance
include the house of Vahíd in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and the fort of
Khájih which was burnt in 1850, though its main structure remained
intact. Several hundred of the Bábí martyrs of 1850 were buried in a
marked spot in front of this fort. The Bábí fortifications raised in the
mountains of Nayríz in 1853 are a short distance from the city and the
majority of them stand to the present day. It was in these mountains that
many hundreds of Bábís were slaughtered, with some remains being
buried while others were simply left exposed in the wild.

222 An important historical document inscribed on the wall of this mosque is
discussed in chapter 7.
223 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291, n.1, indicates that this Shrine is on a circle

outside Saray Sarvary.

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Chapter 5

Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1

And say not of those who are slain in the way of God: “They are
dead.” Nay, they are living, though ye perceive it not.
Qur’án 2:154

Introduction
Among the fascinating eyewitness accounts of the Bábí revolution is a
document written at Bahá’u’lláh’s behest by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘,
outlining the events of Nayríz during the years 1850-53 – events which
resulted in many-hundreds of the Báb’s followers yielding life and
possessions in the path of their belief.

Composition Date: Although the exact time that Bahá’u’lláh instructed
Mullá Shafí‘ to write his recollections is not known, it seems likely that
this may have occurred around 1880. At the very latest, this narrative
must have been composed no later than 1887 when the famous
historian-poet Nabíl Zarandí employed a copy – presumably given to
him by Bahá’u’lláh – and incorporated the entire text, almost verbatim,
in his history.224

The Original Manuscript: To compose his narrative, Nabíl Zarandí
had gathered a number of early accounts, including Mullá Shafí‘’s history
in the hand of its author, but it is not known what happened to this
treasure-house of manuscripts after Nabíl’s suicide. Fortunately, it

224 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 580-581. In his edited translation of Nabíl’s history,

Shoghi Effendi translated the first third of the narrative of Mullá Shafi‘ - sections
pertaining to Nayríz-I. Shoghi Effendi included a brief outline of Nayríz-II as well;
see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 642-644.

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appears that Mullá Shafí‘ had kept a second copy, which his son, Shaykh
Muhammad-Hasan, later used as the basis of a history of his own on the
Bábí and Bahá’í community of Nayríz. A grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, Mírzá
Shafí‘ Rawhání-Nayrízí, states that the original manuscript of Mullá
Shafí‘ was destroyed during the pogrom of Nayríz-III in March 1909.225
However, according to Rawhání, some time later Mírzá Muhammad-Sálih
Khán Rafsinjání located another copy of this manuscript, but in his private
communications with Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, Rawhání noted that after the
publication of his Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the Rafsinjání copy went astray.
Fortunately, Tarázu’lláh Samandarí had seen to it that a copy was
prepared for the private library of the Afnán family in Shiraz, which was
serving as the nucleus of an archives associated with the House of the
Báb in that city. When Hasan Balyuzi – a member of the Afnán family –
commenced his research and writings on Bábí history, this copy was
loaned to him by his cousin Abú’l-Qásim Afnán.
In the summer of 1995, Abú’l-Qásim Afnán commissioned the
present writer to prepare a readable copy of the original manuscript in
Persian and also to produce an English translation for publication. Once
the Persian transcription was prepared, Mr. Afnán included it in the
second volume of his planned trilogy on the history of the Bábís, which
remains unpublished to this date.
The following is recorded on the margin of the opening page of
this manuscript:

This copy is in the hand of Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Mítháqí
and the late Mírzá Ahmad, upon him rest the mercy of God.
It was copied from the original of Áqá Mullá Muhammad
Shafí‘, upon him be God’s Grace. Apparently, the original
text was sent to the Holy Land.

Page numbers of the original manuscript are noted in the present
translation by angel brackets, such as, <p1>. A few passages that were
unreadable are marked with ellipses.

225 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 179, n.1

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An Early Translation: An analysis of the Nayríz episode presented by
the French historian A.L.M. Nicolas indicates that his chapter on Nayríz
is mostly a translation of the account of Mullá Shafí‘, with some slight
modifications. However, it is not known how the French diplomat came
upon this narrative – perhaps given to him by his Bábí or Azalí contacts.

Distinguishing Features: As the reader will note, the narrative of
Mullá Shafí‘ is rich in detailed descriptions of events. Only a young boy
at the time of the occurrences, the author later augmented his knowledge
with the recollections of other survivors and, therefore, provides many
particulars related to the organization of the believers, the identity of the
defenders, tasks assigned to individuals during the upheavals, and many
other details.

Narrative of
Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí
<p.1> In accordance with the instruction of the Abiding One226
this has been written.
After the proclamation of the Cause of His Holiness the Exalted
One – may the spirit of all except His be a sacrifice unto Him – and

the arrival of the honored Vahíd – upon him rest the Glory of God – in
the Dáru’l-‘Ilm228 of Shiraz, and his acceptance [of the Báb’s Cause], he
wrote a treatise for the people of Nayríz, testifying to the truth of the
Cause of His Holiness and informing them of the nearness of His
Manifestation. “Soon will the Dawn appear,” he declared, “and the Sun
of Truth will shine forth and be made manifest over the horizon of the
East.”229
226 Bahá’u’lláh
227 The Báb
228 Dáru’l-‘Ilm, lit. the City of Knowledge, is a traditional name for Shiraz since

many important literary figures of Iran came from that city.
229 Vahíd Dárábí must have written this communication at a time when the Báb did

not wish his name to be known among the generality of people.

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[1. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz]
Thereupon, the illustrious Vahíd proceeded to the Dáru’l-‘Ibadih of
Yazd and proclaimed the Words of Truth230 to the inhabitants of that
land, where some denied and a number embraced his Call. After the
incident of Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh,231 he did not deem it wise to
tarry any longer [in Yazd] and in the company of few others proceeded
to Bávanát, in the vicinity of Shiraz, where a large number of its
inhabitants, and a group of others, representing all segments of the
population, including, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of
Bávanát, accepted [the new Faith]. In the company of some, he [Valid]
proceeded towards Fasá where none among its nobles, wealthy or ‘ulamá
recognized [the new Message]. Subsequently, they left for the village of
Rúníz, in the surrounding neighborhood of Fasá, and there tarried for
two days.
[As soon as the news of his approach reached Nayríz,] the entire
population of <p.2> the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, from the downtrodden
to the upper class, and a few from the other neighborhoods, came to
Rúníz to hear [Vahíd] and to attain unto his presence. Fearing Hájí
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who was from Nayríz232 and was its governor,
many made their way at night. In their midst were: some one hundred of
the seminary-students of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter led by their chief,
the late Hájí Shaykh ‘Abd[u’l]-‘Alí, the father-in-law of the illustrious
Vahíd, whose ancestors for several generations had occupied the
position of religious leader; the late Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn233, a
divine of renowned achievements, learning, piety and detachment; the
late Akhúnd Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih of that quarter; Mullá ‘Alí
Kátib [the scribe]; another Mullá ‘Alí and his four brothers; and some

230 “Kalamát Haqq”, referring to the teachings of the Báb.
231 For details see Chapter 3.
232 His father was originally from the village of Qutriyih.
233 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 55, suggest he was eighty

years old while Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 10 and p. 161, state he was seventy years
old.

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others whose names I do not recall. In addition, a number of chieftains,
elders and other citizens from every tribe joined in. And from the Bázár
quarter, came: the late Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn234, entitled Qutb, whose
details will be related in the course of the second episode235, together
with his entire family and relations; the late Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim who was
among the nobles and a maternal cousin236 of [Hájí] Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán, [the governor]; the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, surnamed Ayyúb
[Job]; and his son-in-law Mírzá Husayn. And from the Sádát quarter:
<p.3> the son of Mírzá Nawrá; Mírzá ‘Alí-Ridá, a son of Mírzá Husayn;
Áqá, a son of Hájí ‘Alí; and a number of others. Some stealthily and
some fearlessly, some at daytime while others in the night season came
forth from Nayríz and attained the presence of that illustrious personage
[Vahíd] at Rúníz, and one and all embraced his call and command.
On hearing this news, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was perturbed and
sent a messenger announcing that whoever journeyed from Nayríz and
aligned himself with the Cause of that honored personage [Valid], would
be persecuted, his house destroyed, his life put in peril and his wife taken
from him. On seeing that the more he agitated, the fervor of people’s
love for Vahíd grew fiercer and the more openly they defied his orders,
he decided to escape from Nayríz and take residence in the village of
Qutrih [Qutriyih], some eight farsangs237 distance from the city. The
aforementioned Khán238 was originally from the village of Qutrih, owned
much cattle and sheep and commanded a multitude of gunmen [in that
vicinity].
The illustrious Vahíd also came forth from Rúníz and for a day or
two stayed at the village of Istahbánát, at a shrine outside the village
which was commonly known as Pír-Murád.239 The ‘ulamá of the village

234 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that he

was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter.
235 Reference to the 1853 Bábí uprising.
236 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 393, has read him as a nephew.
237 Farsang is equivalent to six kilometers.
238 The author uses “the Khán” as shorthand for the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín

Khán.
239 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.1, states that the Shrine of Pír-Murád is located

one mile southwest of Istahbánát. That city had been an ancestral home of Vahíd

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had issued instructions that no one should render assistance to the Siyyid
[i.e. Vahíd]; however a few of the believers from that town provided him
with aid and comfort.240

[2. Vahíd’s Arrival at Nayríz]
Leaving that village in company of some twenty companions, at three
hours into the day, [Vahíd] arrived at the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter [of
Nayríz] and before going home proceeded directly to Masjid Jami‘
[Kabír].241 Still wearing the same clothes he had worn on the journey, he
ascended the pulpit <p.4> and to either side of him stood one of his
companions with a ready sword.242
After offering praise and glorification to His Holiness the
Appointed One [the Báb], he shared the Words of Truth.243 From that
quarter a crowd nearly one thousand strong, as well as a half to a third of
the inhabitants of other neighborhoods had gathered on that occasion
and all accepted his Call.244

and he enjoyed considerable support among its people.
240 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.2, states that in Istahbánát twenty-three people

converted to the Bábí faith, of which twenty accompanied Vahíd on the subsequent
journey.
241 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, give the date of

Vahíd’s arrival as 15 Rajab/27 May 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409,
suggests 5 Rajab, but most likely this is a copyist error.
242 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, mentions the presence of two armed

bodyguards, but this is missing in The Dawn-Breakers.
243 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 57-58, explains that on the first day Vahíd told the

congregation that he was bearer of a mighty message but as the assemblage was not
large enough, he would speak of it on the following day. The second day he stated
the same, but on the subsequent day, when the masjid was overflowing with people,
he spoke of the appearance of the Báb.
244 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 54, estimates the congregation at 2,500 people. However,

given the size of the mosque, this estimate seems inflated, unless many stood in the
courtyards or neighboring homes and streets.

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“The purpose of my visit,” that illustrious person [Vahíd]
informed them, “was to share the Words of Truth with you, and my stay
will no longer outwardly profit you. If I were to remain here, your
governor, out of enmity towards you, will seek assistance from Shiraz,
and bearing decisive force, guns and soldiers, will exert every effort to
eliminate you. You will be killed, your possessions plundered and taken
as spoil, your wives taken captive, your houses burnt, and your heads
carried away from town to town. You will be deprived of food and water
to the degree that you will be desperate even for the vegetation of the

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wild and even that will be denied of you.”245
In response to these stern warnings, the crowd [as a mark of
willingness for self-sacrifice] spontaneously placed burial garbs over their
shoulders, unsheathed their swords and readied their guns. In addition to
the men, the womenfolk, moved to hysteria, circled him, crying: “We are
eager to sacrifice our homes, our possessions, our children, our honor
and all in the path of Truth. Should they even slay everyone present, we
will not let you leave us.”246
245 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 395, reports a different version of the same

speech (Translation of the French Footnotes of the Dawn-Breakers, p. 54):
He ascended the pulpit and cried out: ‘Am I not he whom you have
always considered your shepherd and your guide? Have you not
always depended on my teaching for the direction of your conscience
in the path of salvation? Am I not he whose words of counsel you
have always obeyed? What has happened that you should treat me as
though I were your enemy and the enemy of your religion? What
lawful deeds have I forbidden? What illicit action have I permitted?
With what impiety can you charge me? Have I ever led you into
error? And behold! That because I have told you the truth, because I
have loyally sought to instruct you, I am oppressed and persecuted!
My heart burns with love for you and you persecute me! Remember!
Remember well, whosoever saddens me, saddens my ancestor
Muhammad, the glorious Prophet, and whosoever helps me, helps
Him also. In the name of all that is sacred to you let all those who
love the Prophet follow me!’
246 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 410, states:

With his arrival at Nayríz, great signs of commotion became apparent.
Some of the people remained perplexed and undecided while a large
group rejected his call and rose in opposition and enmity. The
governor of Nayríz, Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, grew apprehensive
of Tihrán’s reaction and feared for his own rule. Therefore, he sent a
message [to Vahíd] urging him to immediately quit the city, as further
stay would be imprudent. ‘Since I have been traveling for some time,’
responded that honored personage, ‘and have remained far from my
family and friends, now they would not consent to my departure. If
the governor does not wish to arise in my support and succor, then,
in consideration of our past association, at least he should desist from
forcing me to leave the city and my home.’ On hearing this response,
the governor was overtaken by rage and spite and with great fervor

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They wailed and pleaded so much that Vahíd consented to stay for
nearly ten days, and each day, from the pulpit he would share the Words
of Truth, <p.5> which caused the multitude to grow by the hour.247
Meanwhile, the aforementioned Khán had gathered a force of
nearly a thousand gunmen from such diverse tribes as Turks and Tájiks,
consisting of both cavalry and infantry. Once this news was shared with
his holiness [Vahíd], he commissioned the same twenty believers who
had accompanied him from Istahbánát, led by Áqá Shaykh Hádí, son of

moved to provoke the people [of the Bázár quarter] against him, and
urged hindrance and destruction of that honored person. His purpose
was that through a great rebellion, the citizens would rush and force
him from town. Alarmed by the situation, Vahíd went to the Masjid
[Jami‘ Kabír] and ascended the pulpit. Before a vast multitude that
had gathered, he spoke eloquently and forcefully of the wrongs that
he had endured and the Truth that he so manifestly had brought for
them. He evoked the moving example of Imam Husayn and the
manner in which he was invited to Kufih and the treachery and
enmity of the governor. The entire congregation was deeply stirred to
tears over what had taken place and a large number rose from their
seat to give him their allegiance. They assured him of their devotion
and readiness to withstand any trial and to sacrifice life, possession
and all in the path of the Beloved.
Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 204-205, provides essentially similar information,
though it seems to be based on the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadaní. Táríkh
Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 410-411, continues relating that it was then that the
governor left Nayríz for Qutriyih to assemble an armed force for confrontation with
Vahíd. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, reports that a series of minor scrimmages
took place at that time.
247 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, informs that by the end of the first week,

some four hundred people had converted to the Bábí movement. The Dawn-Breakers,
p. 477, notes, “Although the Báb had revealed a general Tablet addressed specially
to those who had newly embraced His Cause in Nayríz, yet its recipients remained
ignorant of its significance and fundamental principles. It was given to Vahíd to
enlighten them regarding its true purpose and set forth its distinguishing features.”
In presenting the same information, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, states that
these believers were converted at an earlier date and the Báb’s tablet was received
sometime prior to these events. Therefore, this confirms that Nayríz was already
enjoying a nascent Bábí community prior to 1850.

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Karbalá’í248 Muhsin, to occupy a fort known as Khájíh in the vicinity of
Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.249 The residents of the quarter also strengthened
the gates, fortified the towers, and erected defensive walls.

[3. Beginning of the Battles]
In the middle of night250, the aforementioned Khán and his gunmen
entered Nayríz and took position at the governor’s mansion in the Bázár
quarter, a fortified stronghold with towers and turrets overlooking the
other dwellings, and began to reinforce the walls. In addition, they
occupied the house of Áqá Siyyid Abu-Tálib, the chieftain of the quarter,
situated immediately outside the neighborhood’s gate. The ruthless
gunmen, under the command of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, who was
married to the governor’s sister-in-law, took position there and began

248 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, gives “Shaykhí” as the title, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,

vol. 2, p. 411, refers to him as Karbalá’í. When Nabíl’s original text is made
available, it should be checked to see if “Shaykhí” is an error of transcription
introduced by him.
249 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, states that initially Vahíd and seven others

took position in the fort. It should be noted that at that time the fort was about one
kilometer southeast of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and remained in the possession of
the Bahá’í community until the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran. When they came
under military pressure and other avenues were closed to them, the Bábís always
retreated to a castle as a means of protection – they did so in Mázandarán, Yazd,
Nayríz and Zanján. It is noteworthy that the Ismá‘íliyih sect, who starting in the
eleventh century established themselves in strategically located castles constructed
on the mountaintops. From such elevations they could monitor the coming and
goings of the foes for great distances and when needed, emerge from the heights to
attack them. The Bábís, on the other hand, generally miscalculated by taking
positions in poorly situated forts (often not of their own choosing, but dictated
upon them by circumstances). For instance, Shaykh Tabarsí was surrounded with
thickly wooded jungles that afforded the enemy the advantage of hiding behind the
trees. In both Nayríz and Zanjan, the forts were in close proximity of the
population centers and on the same plane as the enemy’s forces allowing the latter
to easily fire artillery shells into the Bábí fort.
250 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, gives the date of this event as 18 Rajab 1266

A.H./30 May 1850.

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firing [upon their adversaries] for the first time.

The previously-mentioned Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, who
had ascended the rooftop, was struck in the right foot during the course
of the first volley by the wayward gunmen, and his was the first blood
spilled on that land.251 When this news was brought to the illustrious
Vahíd, he wrote him: “Rejoice that your Excellency was the first to be
honored with this great blessing and exult in that your station has been
exalted.”

251 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, notes he “was offering his prayer on the roof of his

house” at the time. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57, suggests he was in the fort of Khájih
when injured. Such minor differences between The Dawn-Breakers and Nayríz
Mushkbíz may stem from the fact the former relied on the narrative of Mullá
Muhammad Shafí‘, while Nayríz Mushkbíz gleaned its information from an account
written by one of the sons of Shafí‘, namely, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn. Since
Shafí‘ was present in the events and his son was not, it seems reasonable to settle all
such differences in favor of Shafí‘ and by extension, The Dawn-Breakers.

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[4. The First Battle]
Gradually there was agitation in God’s Army252, and that night, fearing
the Khán, a few lukewarm believers broke ranks and joined his forces.253
<p.6> In light of this occurrence, the illustrious Vahíd, together with
several of his chief lieutenants, rode at the hour of dawn towards the fort
of Khájih and encamped there.
The aforementioned Khán and his older brother, ‘Alí-Asghar
Khán, and about one thousand of their Turk and Tájik men surrounded
the Fort where that illustrious personage [Vahíd] and some seventy254 of
his companions had taken position against them. That day a fierce battle
occurred and those that fell as martyrs were: the late Táju’d-Dín, a
farmer whose business was manufacturing woolen hats and who was
renowned for his bravery and fearlessness; Zaynal, son of Iskandar, a
farmer; and Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, who [initially] sustained injuries and
after a few days passed away.255
After this event, having previously appealed to the authorities in

252 Jundu’llah (lit. the Army of God) is a Bábí term signifying the body of the believers.
253 The governor had ordered his men to bombard the Bábí homes and to cause as

much damage as possible. Not satisfied with that, he issued warnings to all new
converts that they and their families were in grave peril and moreover began to
circulate misinformation about the severe casualties sustained by the Bábí forces. It
seems that the combined effect of these efforts resulted in a few Bábís breaking
ranks with Vahíd’s camp.
254 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 482, has elected to report this figure as 72 – the same

number of faithful who stood with Imam Husayn at the plain of Karbalá. Táríkh
Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, gives the figure as 70 which may suggest that Nabíl had
reported the same figure as Mullá Shafí‘, but in translation of The Dawn-Breakers it
was rounded to 72. Later Bahá’í histories (e.g. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, and
Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57) continued to echo the same figure as The Dawn-Breakers.
255 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, reports,

Of the three men, the first two were emissaries of Vahíd to the
governor, bearing an urgent communication imploring an end to
hostilities as the defenders made no claim to the government and only
sought to promote belief in the appearance of the Qá’im. However,
on leaving the fort for the camp of the governor, both were captured
and after much torture, unceremoniously killed, without ever being
able to deliver their message.

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Shiraz and having received instructions to thoroughly eliminate Vahíd
and his companions, the Khán sent one of Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih’s
attendants as a messenger to Vahíd.256 On attaining the presence of that
venerable personage [Vahíd], the courier conveyed the communication
of the Khán: “Now that the situation has reached such a state, should
you consider it prudent, it would be best for you to escape.” “My two
sons and two companions are all the company I have with me,” replied
Vahíd, “and if my departure will benefit you, I have no quarrel with
doing so. However as you have cut off access to water for the People of
Truth [i.e. the Bábís], if you immediately relinquish control [over the
flow], then all would be well. Otherwise, be warned, that this very night I
will see to it that water flows freely.” [In reply,] the Khán sent a second
messenger, <p.7> stating, “If you are the Prince of Martyrs, then I am
no less than Shimr. I will not allow you or your companions a drop of
water.”257

[5. The Second Battle]
That very night [Vahíd] instructed two groups of seven men each – some
of whom had reached the age of maturity and some who had not, and
256 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 412, states,

During that time, the new governor-general of Fárs, Fírúz Mírzá, the
Nusratu’d-Dawlih, an uncle of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was proceeding for
his post from Tihrán and Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín informed him of the
details through Mírzá Fadlu’lláh Khán, the Nasíru’l-Mulk, who served
as the deputy governor-general. Fírúz Mírzá advised that it was best
to deal with Vahíd wisely and calmly. However, Mírzá Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán ordered the fort completely surrounded and blockaded
water supplies to the besieged.
257 A reference to the events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Husayn in Karbalá

on 10 October 680 AD; see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28-33. Refusing water to
the defenders was the way that Imam Husayn was treated at Karbalá. Therefore by
telling and emphasizing this aspect of events, Mullá Shafí‘ is evoking a parallel between
the two incidents. This parallel and its symbolism is further accentuated by equating
Vahíd with Imam Husayn and the governor with Shimr, the Imam’s chief adversary.
Bábí and early Bahá’í histories generally attempted to portray the events as a return or
reenactment of early Islamic happenings.

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none of their names do I recall now – to attack from either side the
enemy’s camp and to surprise them. In the course of the ensuing bitter
battle, water was presently made available once again, the enemy
sustained a decisive defeat and was dislodged from their camp.
‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, was killed258 and his
sons captured, and the believers triumphantly brought back the tents, the
furniture and other items from the enemy’s camp.

The Khán and the remainder of his men retreated once more to
the village of Qutrih and for the second time he petitioned the Prince
Nusratu’d-Dawlih, requesting artillery and infantry reinforcement.

[6. The Organization of the Bábís]
The illustrious personage [Vahíd], for his part, gave orders that the Fort’s

258 He was slain by his nephew, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, who had joined Vahíd; for

details on this nephew’s planned marriage to the daughter of Vahíd see, Appendix 2.

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turrets be strengthened, that a water-well259 be dug within its enclosure,
and that the tents they had carried away from the enemy’s camp be
pitched outside its gates. That day he also appointed Karbalá’í Mírzá
Muhammad as the gatekeeper; the late Shaykh Yúsuf as the custodian of
the funds; Karbalá’í Muhammad, son of Shamsu’d-Dín, as the
commander-in-charge of the gardens adjoining the fort and its
barricades; Mírzá Ahmad, the uncle of ‘Alí Sardar (whose details will be
given in the second episode), was appointed the officer in charge of the
mill-tower known by the name of Chinár, situated in the vicinity of the
fort; and Shaykha260 was appointed the executioner. <p.8> A paternal
cousin of the Khán and one of the believers, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-
Ja‘far, had composed a jang-namih261 for this occasion and Vahíd
appointed Akhúnd Mullá Fadlu’lláh as the reciter of this poem.
Mashhadí Taqí Baqqál [grocer] was named the jail-keeper; the late Hájí
Muhammad-Taqí, was made the registrar, whose duty was to secure a
written testimony from those wishing to join the God’s Army of their
willingness to forfeit life, property and family [in the path of God] and
joining the fort was conditioned upon signing such a statement. The
overall command was entrusted to Áqá Ghulam-Ridá Yazdí, who had
accompanied Vahíd from Yazd.
He [i.e. Vahíd] barred many brave and able persons from joining
[the defenders in] the fort and instead assigned each to a specific duty in
town: one was placed in command of the [forces on the] roof of Masjid
Jami‘ [Kabír] which reckoned among the strongholds of the Chinár-
Súkhtih quarter; and another was appointed the gatekeeper of [an area
where] nearly five hundred people lived.
None were permitted entrance [to the fort of Khájíh] despite their
willingness to sacrifice life, except the original seventy who had
accompanied [Vahíd] during the first night, which included some
inhabitants of Istahnabat, the Bázár quarter and some of his own

259 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 413, have read the

original as water-cistern.
260 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, gives his name as Shaykh-i-Shivih-Kash; Táríkh

Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, gives Shivih-Kash.
261 A metrical description of the events, typically of great wars.

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relatives. Through the intercession of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far [Yazdí]262,
who ranked among the ‘ulamá, and the late Shaykh ‘Abd-‘Alí, Vahíd’s
father-in-law, and after much imploring and supplication on their part,
several more were <p.9> admitted into the fort.263
The influence of his holiness [Vahíd] was unrivaled among the
general population and particularly the believers. One by one each of the
non-believers who had committed a transgression since [Vahíd’s] arrival
was captured and every day he would order the execution of two or
three of them, which a certain Shaykhá would carry out through
decapitation.264 Of the power and authority of his holiness the following
example should suffice: One of the non-believers had brought an
exquisite rifle as a present to his holiness [Vahíd]. The latter took the gun
and surveyed it and then turned to his treasurer, the late Shaykh Yúsuf,
saying, “Take this rifle,” but before he could finish the sentence, the
owner, Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh, thinking that Vahíd had ordered something else
[perhaps his execution], had a convulsion and instantly dropped dead.

262 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, reports,

Vahíd was soon joined by a group of distinguished citizens of Nayríz,
led by Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a well-known divine of Bazár quarter with
great influence among the authorities and owner of the choicest
properties in that region. Upon entering the fort, the entire
membership of this group expressed their devotion to Vahíd and
took their place among the defenders. Their arrival greatly cheered
Vahíd and encouraged him in this struggle. At his bidding, Siyyid
Ja‘far returned to the Masjid Jum‘ih and continued to deliver sermons
deepening the knowledge of the friends on the details of the new
Dispensation, strengthening their fortitude and propagating the new
Message with the aim of winning new converts. He was particularly
suitable for this duty as he was a man of great influence in the
community, and possessed profound knowledge and eloquent speech.
After completing this mission, he returned to the fort and was at a
later time captured as one of the prisoners.
263 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, notes that by that time 400 believers stood

with Vahíd either in the fort or in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol.
1, p. 63, places this number at 600 men.
264 This comment needs to be understood in the context of the justice system in the

mid nineteenth century Iran where local chieftains had complete judicial authority.

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They tied his body to the back of a mule and brought him to the city to
his home so that the customary burial rituals, including washing and
shrouding of the body, could be carried out. However his neighbor, a
certain affluent Siyyid Mutlab, on hearing what had transpired and seeing
this scene, also had a seizure and died instantly as well.265

[7. Governor’s Appeal to Shiraz]
Eventually, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán prepared [yet another] lengthy appeal
to the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih requesting cannons, cavalry and soldiers,
and enclosed a sum of five thousand tumans as a gift, and entrusted this
letter to one of his most intimate attendants, Mullá Báqir, known for his
eloquence of speech, powers of persuasion, and his intrepidity and
bravery, and instructed him to deliver it in person to the Prince and to
acquaint him with the details of occurrences.266 <p.10> Mullá Báqir took
a route unfrequented by travelers.
Meanwhile, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát,
had obtained leave from his holiness [Vahíd] and was on his way to
Bávanát, and after a day’s journey reached a place called Dahú-
Dashtak267 village where various tribes roamed the country and their
sheep grazed the land.268 He dismounted near the pitched tents to

265 This paragraph is missing in The Dawn-Breakers and except for the first sentence

and a half it is also missing in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2. What is described in this
paragraph is a common motif in Islamic literature, as a way of showing an extreme
degree of respect; see, for example, many examples in Al-Ghazali’s On Death where
holy people are so full of the fear and veneration of God that they think of it and
suddenly drop dead from awe. See also Rudolf Otto’s explanation of “holy dread”
as a response to the “numinous” the awe inspiring qualities of the holy.
266 Mullá Báqir was one of the close associates of the governor and resided in the

Sádát quarter of Nayríz. His descendants have adopted the surname Shahídí
[martyred] and some still reside in Nayríz. This Mullá Báqir is not to be confused
with Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih, who together with his children were among the
believers and companions of Vahíd.
267 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 484, has read the village name as, Hudashtak.
268 According to Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 1045, the main tribes of the region are

Ghaz-fayuj and Ghurbatiha.

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refresh and have some food when he saw a strapping horse tethered to
the ropes, and, knowing that the natives could not afford such a horse,
inquired as to its owner. Being informed that it belonged to one of the
attendants of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán Nayrízí, he paused a bit and then
sprinted to his feet, approached the horse and mounted it. Mullá Báqir
was unaware of these occurrences and was sitting in a tent engaged in
conversation with its owner. Unsheathing his sword, the Shaykh [Hájí
Siyyid Ismá‘íl] sternly spoke these words to the owner of the tent with
whom Mullá Báqir was still conversing: “Arrest this man, who has fled
from the sword of the Commander of the Cause, whom I serve and one
of Whose companions I am.” Affrighted by the words and the manner
of the Siyyid [Ismá‘íl], the villagers gathered and immediately bound
Mullá Báqir’s arms and delivered the rope with which they had tied him
to him [Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl], who compelled his captive to follow him
with occasional whippings. At a distance of two <p.11> farsangs from
Nayríz, he reached the village of Rastáq and delivered his captive into the
hands of its headsman whose name was Hájí Akbar269, telling him that
this man had escaped from Vahíd’s camp, and urged him to conduct
Mullá Báqir into the presence of Vahíd, which was done instantly.
[When brought before Vahíd,] the latter inquired as to the purpose
of his journey and the nature of his mission, to which Mullá Báqir gave a
frank and detailed reply. His holiness confronted him and instructed him
to repudiate his deeds and to accept the truth of the new Manifestation,
to which [Mullá Báqir] responded negatively. [Vahíd] therefore
immediately ordered his execution, which was carried out by
decapitation.270

269 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, gives his name as Hájí ‘Alí-Akbar.
270 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, states that Vahíd was willing to forgive Mullá Báqir,

but nevertheless his companions killed the messenger. The version in Táríkh
Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, is consistent with the narrative of Mullá Shafí‘. Nayríz
Mushkbíz, p. 61, presumably based on the narrative of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn,
offers the theory, “Vahíd instructed his companions to leave him alone as the divine
Avenger would deal with him justly. The Bábís thus let him leave and immediately
after his departure, he was captured by the governor’s men in that vicinity and on
the assumption that he had traitorously dealt with the governor and had joined
Vahíd and was now leaving on a mission on behalf of the latter, killed him

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The news of this event greatly increased the enmity of the Khán
who dispatched several of his men, loaded with gifts and carrying a
detailed written entreaty to the Prince. He also addressed several appeals
to the leading ‘ulamá, the siyyids and other dignitaries [of Shiraz]. The
Prince readily instructed the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk271, and the commanders of
the Hamadání and Silakhurí regiments, together with a force of cavalry
and artillery to set out at once [for Nayríz].272 He, moreover, instructed
men from the districts of Nayríz, including four parishes of Istahbánát,
and the villages of Iraj, Panj-Ma‘dan, Qutrih [Qutriyih], Bashnih,
instantly.”
271 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, gives his name as ‘Abdu’lláh Khán and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-

Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, gives it as Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí. Later Bahá’í histories, such as,
The Báb, p. 240, n. 19, give Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He was a son of Shukru’lláh Khán Núrí
and a nephew of Mírzá Áqá Khán Núrí, the Prime Minister. The following is
recorded in Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 977,
Hájí Mihr-‘Alí Khán was born in 1232 A.H. [1816] in Shiraz and from
youth until his passing was always appointed to prominent posts. For
a while he was a colonel in the Shírází regiment and then became
governor of the Kuh-Giluiyih and Bihbahán region [in 1851], where
he managed to establish order and after a few years was named
commander of the armed forces in Fárs [leading the Iranian forces in
the Anglo-Persian War of 1856-57], in charge of the treasury of the
province. He died in 1287 A.H. [1870] in Tihrán.
272 The governor-general further provided three field cannons and artillery officers

led by general Mustafa-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlu, the I‘timadu’s-Saltanih. Kawakibu’d-
Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 206, reports the other commander was Muhammad-‘Alí Khán
Dúnbagí, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán Yúzí. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944,
pp. 109-10, reports, “The British Agent in Shiraz, Mírzá Mahmúd, referred to the
commencement of the upheaval in his report for the period 24 May to 5 June 1850:
Syed Yahyáh, a disciple of Báb, who was some time ago in Istahbanat,
has, it is said, assembled 1500 men, and proceeded to Nereez where
Zeynool Abedeen Khán wishes to seize him. Outside the Town he
has erected a Fort, and is engaged in skirmishes. According to what is
reported the Khán has had 80 men killed. When this news reached
Shiraz, the Nuseer-ool Mulk ordered a Regiment of Sirbaz [soldiers]
with two Guns to proceed to Nereez for the purpose of seizing Syed
Yahyáh.’ In the same report, Mírzá Mahmúd records: ‘On the 3rd June
Mehr Ally Khán by order of the Nuseer-ool Mulk, with one Regiment
and two Guns proceeded to Nereez to seize Syed Yahyáh.”

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Dih-Chah, Mushkan, and Rastáq (which is one of villages of Nayríz), in
addition to the members of the desert tribe of Vaysbagluyih273 and nonbelievers of Nayríz, to join [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s] army.

[8. The Third Battle]
In the space of a single day, an innumerable host suddenly securely
surrounded the fort [of Khájíh], and began to dig trenches around it and
to construct barricades.274 On the same day, they opened fire with all
their cannons and guns. <p.12> A cannon-shell struck a horse, while
another penetrated the turret above the gate. At that time, one of the
men of God’s Army, uttering the name of the Lord, fatally shot the
officer in charge of the artillery, as a result of which the cannons and
guns were immediately silenced, and the assailants took cover within the
trenches. That night his holiness [Vahíd] left them alone.
The second night, however, Vahíd appointed Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí
the leader of two groups of seven men each, consisting mostly of men of
advanced age – one being a ninety-year old shoemaker – and the rest
being young lads who had not reached the age of maturity. They were
ordered to launch a nocturnal surprise attack. As instructed,
simultaneously raising the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar” they attacked the
enemy’s strongholds from both sides first with their guns and then with
unsheathed swords.
The entire opposing camp also began to fire their guns and
cannons in such wise that the darkness of the night turned bright as a
day. For nearly eight hours the Army of God was engaged in battle with
the men of Satan.275 A large contingent from the host of Truth came to
the aid of their companions, of which some sixty fell as martyrs and a
large number were injured. Though I do not recall all the names, some

273 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, has read the tribe’s name as, Visbaklariyyih, which may

well be a more accurate reading.
274 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, places the number of soldiers and irregulars

at 5,000 strong.
275 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 72, reports by that time Vahíd’s support in the fort

stood at 1,000 men strong.

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thirty of the [martyrs] come to mind: a certain Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí276 and
his brother; ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Khayru’lláh; <p.13> Khájih Husayn
Qannád, son of Khájíh Ghaní; Asghar, son of [Mullá] Mihdí, whose
occupation was tile making; Karbalá’í ‘Abdu’l-Karím; Husayn, son of
Mashhadí Muhammad; Zaynal277, son of Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh; Mullá
Ja‘far Mudhahhib; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of [Mullá] Músá; Muhammad, [son of]
Mashhadí Rajab [Haddád]; Karbalá’í Hasan, [son of] Karbalá’í
Shamsu’d-Dín Malikí-Duz [sandal-maker]; Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad
Zári‘ [farmer]; Karbalá’í Báqir Kaffásh [shoemaker]; Mírzá Ahmad, [son
of] Mírzá Husayn Kashí-Sáz [tilemaker]; Akhúnd Mullá Hasan, son of
Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh; Mihdí278 Hájí Muhammad; Abú-Tálib, son of Mírzá
Ahmad Nukhúd-Biríz; Akbar, [son of] ‘Ashur279; Taqí Yazdí; Mullá ‘Alí,
[son of] Mullá Ja‘far; Karbalá’í Mírzá Husayn Mu’adhdhan Madrisih;
Husayn Khán, [son of] Sharíf; Karbalá’í Qurbán; Khájih Kázim, son of
Khájih ‘Alí; Áqá ‘Alí; Áqá, son of Hájí ‘Alí, one of the region’s
noblemen; and Mírzá Nawrá, son of Mírzá Mu‘iná, one of the region’s
wealthy notables.
Except for Mashhadí Ismá‘íl Malikí-Dúz, who suffered five
wounds from cannon shrapnel and is presently living under the shadow
of the Cause, and a certain Mullá Muhammad, I do not recall the names
of those who sustained injuries. A number of these men were later
martyred in Tihrán – an event that will be described later in this
narrative.
Despite the fact that many fell as martyrs, a decisive defeat was
delivered to the opposing army. In truth the reason for the enemy’s
defeat was the exulting cheers of the [Bábí] womenfolk who had rushed
to the rooftops of the city and raising cries of exhilaration, encouraged
their men to fire and to fight on, to the point that it utterly demoralized
276 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 417, states his name was Kuchak [small] and he

had accompanied Vahíd from Yazd.
277 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, have read him

as Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.
278 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, refer to him as

Mashhadí, which may be a more accurate reading.
279 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, give his name

as, Akbar, son of Muhammad-‘Ashur.

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the opponents and assured their complete defeat, and the Army of God
returned triumphant and victorious.

[9. The Deceit]
After their complete failure, the opposing camp recognized that no
earthly power or force could subdue or compel to submission the men
of the fort, so they devised a scheme to achieve their objective through
the standard of peace after they had gained the confidence of the People
of Truth [i.e. Bábís].280
<p.14> For several days they remained quiet, after which they sent
a messenger to the illustrious Vahíd stating: “Hitherto, we were ignorant
of your true purpose and have behaved most contemptuously and
indecently towards your honored person. Now there is no mistake that
you are a descendant of the Messenger of God, our example and a son
of our religious exemplar, our master and a son of our guide, and we are
now remorseful and repentant of our previous conduct. We will obey

280 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 403, states: “Although the losses were almost

even this time, the imperial troops were nonetheless frightened; things were
dragging on and might moreover end in the general confusion of the Mussulmans,
so they resolved to resort to deceit.” Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, notes that
at this time the opposing forces were augmented with fresh Silakhurí soldiers led by
Valí Khán Silakhurí. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 488, states,
As was the case with the army of Prince Mihdi-Qulí Mírzá, who [in
Mázandarán] had miserably failed to subdue his opponents fairly in
the field, treachery and fraud proved eventually the sole weapons with
which a cowardly people could conquer an invincible enemy. By the
devices to which Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and his staff eventually
resorted, they betrayed their powerlessness, despite the vast resources
at their disposal and the moral support which the governor of Fárs
and the inhabitants of the whole province had extended to them, to
vanquish what to outward appearance seemed but a handful of
untrained and contemptible people. In their hearts, they were
convinced that behind the walls of that fort were clustered a band of
volunteers which no force at their command could face and defeat.
By raising the cry of peace, they sought, through such base cunning,
to beguile those pure and noble hearts.

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your command and follow your guidance if we can be certain of the
truth of your cause and the validity of your claim. Therefore, should you
consider it prudent, with a few of your companions, come forth at your
earliest for us to meet one another. Since that honored person fears not
the presence of soldiers and guns, and the companions do not wish to
leave the fort, then you must come forth and assure us [of the character
of your belief]. Then, our men, cavalry and the entire camp will submit
unto your command and in whatever direction you wish we will proceed
and with whomsoever you command we will wage battle in your
favor.”281
They affixed their seal on the Qur’án, made promises, and sent the
Holy Book to his holiness [Vahíd], who on receiving it uttered: “‘I am of
God, and unto Him I return.’ The promise of our Lord is now
fulfilled.”282 With these words he rose from his seat and announced,
“Now is the time for departure for the camp,” and, accompanied by five
attendants, among whom were Mullá ‘Alí Mudhahhib283 and the
treacherous Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid (whose details will be narrated in the
course of the second event), set out for the enemy’s camp.284 He left
behind everyone else, whether commander or fighter, and adjured them
to continue to discharge their duties, and ordered them to suspend all
manner of hostilities until further notice <p.15> was received from
him.285 He bade his companions farewell and departed.
281 The version given in The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 488-489, is considerably lengthier.

Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 207-208, gives a summary of a letter from Mustafa-
Qulí Khán to Vahíd.
282 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 208-209, notes an elaborate speech by Vahíd at

the moment of his departure from the fort.
283 It is reported that he was one of the finest artists in the region, whose paintings

were greatly admired by all. His son, Mullá Muhammad-Hasan, excelled in the same
field and was one of the defenders in the fort. He survived the ordeal and served the
Bábí and Bahá’í communities with distinction for many years. His own son, Mullá
‘Alí, named after his gifted grandfather, served the Bahá’í faith through the arts as
well.
284 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 209, reports that Vahíd left with only one

companion.
285 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 79, n.1, reports,

The companions were, however, greatly perturbed by the turn of

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Some distance from the camp, the commander, soldiers, cavalry,
and the Khán accompanied by the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk came out to welcome
him, and with utmost respect and honor, ceremoniously conducted him
to the camp and then to a furnished tent where he was housed. He
seated himself upon a chair, while the rest of the company stood before
him as he motioned the commander, the Khán and the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk to
be seated.286
For three days it went on thus and the people were eager to hear
his utterances and obey his wishes.287 Though outwardly they paid him
events and deeply concerned for what lay ahead for Vahíd. His
words, intimating that the final chapter of his eventful and glorious
life was about to unfold, had profoundly touched his followers and
many sobbed, as they feared that they would never see their master in
this world. Though they heard him recognize that the governor’s
offer was an elaborate trap for his elimination, yet they felt powerless
to change his mind. On departing the fort, when Vahíd had taken
some four-hundred steps towards the enemy’s camp and had reached
a large maple tree under which he often pitched his tent and which
stands to this day, he paused and once again addressed his
companions who had all gathered on the walls and outside of the fort
to see him go forth. With warm words of consolation, he tried to ease
their pain and uplift their spirit. Once more he bade them farewell
and warned them not to fall victim to any attempt of trickery or
treachery. His final words were a verse of the Qur’án which he always
uttered at the moment of making important decisions.
286 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 490, states,

The words in which he addressed them were such that even a stonehearted man could not fail to feel their power. Bahá’u’lláh
immortalized that noble appeal, in the ‘Suriy-Sabr,’ and revealed the
full measure of its significance. ‘I am come to you,’ Vahíd declared,
‘armed with the testimony with which my Lord has entrusted me. Am
I not a descendant of the Prophet of God? Wherefore should you
have risen to slay me? For what reason have you pronounced my
death-sentence, and refused to recognize the undoubted rights with
which my lineage has invested me?’ The majesty of his bearing,
combined with his penetrating eloquence, confounded his hearers.
287 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 209-210, reports that after the first day Vahíd was

placed in confinement in his tent. His companion escaped and urged the defenders
at the fort to attack. During the ensuing battle the army sustained great losses when

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respect, yet secretly they plotted to cause him harm and trouble. In their
[private] consultations they recognized that, were they to inflict upon
him the least injury while his companions remained in the fort, they
would be exposing themselves to a peril still greater than the one they
had already been compelled to face. They also knew that until that
illustrious person [Vahíd] issued orders, the defenders would not vacate
their position.288
Therefore, they decided to compose a message in the hand of
Vahíd addressed to his companions still in the fort, announcing, “A
complete peace had been effected, and anyone seeking my good pleasure
should leave the fort and its barracks, towers and ramparts behind and
return home.”289 And as is reported, they asked his holiness to prepare

Mustafa-Qulí Khán came to Vahíd and implored him to order the cessation of
hostilities. Vahíd signaled his men to desist from fighting and to return to their
positions in the fort.
288 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 490-491, states:

They trembled at the fury and vengeance of their women no less than
at the bravery and skill of their men. They realized that all the
resources of the army had been powerless to subdue a handful of
immature lads and decrepit old men. Nothing short of a bold and
well-conceived stratagem could ensure their ultimate victory. The fear
that filled their hearts was to a great extent inspired by the words of
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who, with unrelaxing determination, sought to
maintain undiminished the hatred with which he had inflamed their
souls. Vahíd’s repeated exhortations had aroused his apprehensions
lest he should succeed, by the magic of his words, in inducing them to
transfer their allegiance to so eloquent an opponent.
289 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp 62-63, states that after passage of three days, the

companions in the fort grew weary and thought possibly Vahíd had been slain or
otherwise neutralized. As such, they decided to launch an attack that would serve in
part as a rescue mission, should he still be alive. Their attack, however, was not well
organized and failed in its purpose. Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán complained to Vahíd
about this act of aggression, to which Vahíd replied that naturally his comrades had
grown concerned over his prolonged absence and had decided to intervene. Seeing
the restlessness of the defenders assembled in the fort and the increased tension, the
governor and his officers quickly agreed to a mutual disarmament and requested
Vahíd to address, in his own hand, a message to his companions who were still
within the fort, to inform them that an amicable settlement of their differences had

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such a message, to which he consented. However, confidentially he
wrote a second letter to the effect that the first missive was at the request
of camp’s commanders and was [part of] an elaborate scheme and
warned them not to fall victim to the evil designs of the enemy, and
further instructed them to send forth several of the ablest and best
skilled men <p.16> in the middle of the night to ambush the camp. He
entrusted this private letter to Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid – upon him be what
befits his kind – who numbered among his companions and had
accompanied him to the camp, instructing him to deliver it to the
defenders and the men of Truth.
That wretched man [Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid] treacherously showed that
letter to the Khán who was thrilled at the betrayal and sought to induce
his further cooperation with the promise of a property in the village of
Ray. The first letter was given to this messenger for delivery to the fort
whose occupants were eager to receive direction from their master.
Further, that messenger, Siyyid ‘Abid290, informed them orally that peace
had been firmly established. Though extremely bewildered, the
companions had no choice but to be resigned to the wishes of Vahíd, as
they considered his command the final authority. Obediently, in the
middle of the night, they left the fort and its barracks, some discarding
their arms, and entered the city.

[10. Martyrdom of Vahíd and Massacre of the Bábís]
Anticipating all along that the [fort’s] militia would immediately obey the
instructions of his holiness, [the governor] had dispatched a large
number of his soldiers [on a mission] to intercept their path [into town].
He was confident and the infidels eager. The wronged-ones [Bábís] were
soon encompassed by a multitude of armed assailants who were
continually reinforced from the army’s camp, while only God was on the
side of the defenders. The cry of “Allah-u-Akbar” rose from every
tongue and with the aid of swords, rifles, rocks and pieces of wood, they

been effected, and to urge them to either join him at the camp or return home.
290 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 83, n.1, explains that during Nayríz-II he was

kidnapped by the Bábís who as a measure of revenge killed him after much torture.

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rushed the infidels like ferocious lions and delivered a decisive defeat,
sending some to hell, while also sustaining a number of martyrs <p.17>
or injured on their own side. The rest [of the Bábís], notwithstanding
considerable losses, succeeded in gaining shelter at the Masjid Jámi‘,
which had strong walls and fortifications.291
Meanwhile several of the Khán’s gunmen, led by Mullá Hasan,
[son of] Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, who was most brutal, succeeded in
reaching and concealing themselves in one of the minarets of that Masjid
before the arrival of the Army of God and from there opened fire on the
believers. A certain brave man of Truth [Bábí] by the name of Mullá
Husayn scaled the minaret and with his rifle shot Mullá Hasan, and
hurled him to the ground. The latter was carried away and later, when
the Khán gained control of the situation, was able to receive medical
help through the governor’s doctor, resulting in his recovery, and
allowing him to live on to cause the believers many injuries and atrocities
[during Nayríz-II]. In short, the men of God were compelled to hide in
whatever place of safety, such as orchards, homes or other places they
could muster.292
In the camp, too, they began to act disrespectfully towards the
honored personage [Vahíd]. When they decided to slay him, the
commander293 of the cavalry force rudely stated, “While you have taken a
solemn oath not to harm this Siyyid, I have made no such promise as I
am charged by the government to severely punish those deemed guilty.”
Of course this had all along been their secret design. He immediately
called upon all whose kinsmen had perished to exact revenge and to
execute the death-sentence pronounced against Vahíd. The first to

291 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 86, n.1, reports that 400 Bábís were massacred on that

day.
292 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that on 25 June 1850 Justin

Sheil reported the end of the Nayríz episode to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign
Office:
His [the Báb’s] followers in Fárs have received a severe check. Syed
Yaheeha who fled from Yezd to that province with a large force of
Babees has been defeated and captured having however previously
twice repulsed the Shah’s troops.
293 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, gives his name as ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán.

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present himself was Mullá Ridá, son of Mashhadí Muhammad, whose
brother Mullá Báqir, had been executed on the orders of his holiness.
Mullá Rida snatched the turban from the head of Vahíd and wound it
around his neck. The next was a certain Safar, whose brother <p.18>
Sha‘ban had perished in the course of events. The third was Áqá Ján294,
whose father, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, had
suffered the same fate.
Then they committed such unnumbered indignities as no pen dare
describe nor any tongue recount, until at last they martyred him in the
most inhumane manner.295 “The wrath of God be upon the
oppressor.”296 A rope was tied to his blessed feet <p.19-20>297 and the

294 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 406, has also read him as Áqá Ján, but The Dawn-

Breakers, p. 494, has him as Áqá Khán.
295 Not surprisingly, there is a fair amount of disagreement over the date of Vahíd’s

assassination. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 499, notes: “The day of Vahíd’s martyrdom was
the eighteenth of the month of Sha‘bán, in the year 1266 A.H. Ten days later, the
Báb was shot in Tabríz.” This date corresponds to 29 June 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
Haqq, vol. 2, p. 422, states that Vahíd was kept alive for one day after the massacre
of the Bábís. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 428, gives the same date for Vahíd’s
slaying as The Dawn-Breakers. Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 7, gives Sunday, 26 Sha‘bán [7
July] as the date of Vahíd’s martyrdom, and Muhammad Qazvíní in his article,
“Vafiyat A‘yán”, (Yadgár journal, Year 3, No 10, section discussing the life of
Vahíd’s brother Siyyid Rayhánu’lláh, p. 32), gives 28 Sha‘ban [9 July] as the date of
his martyrdom. Browne (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 45, n.1) states that Vahíd’s
assassination occurred on the same day as the Báb’s martyrdom and attributes this
information to a “reliable tradition.” The same author (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 253)
gives the date as 28 Sha‘bán 1266 A.H. (9 July 1850). Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 411 clarifies
that Browne’s informant was Mírzá Yahyá Azal who in giving the date of this event
as 28 Sha‘bán indicates that it was “one day after the martyrdom of the Lord.”
Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 573, gives 26 Sha‘bán and states 400 of his disciples
were killed on the same occasion. Echoing Nabíl’s translation, Nayríz Mushkbíz, p.
75, suggests 18 Sha‘bán as the day that Vahid was slain.
296 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, states:

The indignities that were heaped upon him reminded those who
witnessed that awful spectacle of the tragic end of the Imam Husayn,
whose body was abandoned to the mercy of an infuriated enemy, and
upon which a multitude of horsemen pitilessly trampled.
297 Page 19 was left blank in the original manuscript.

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other end bound to a horse, and in company of a large mob of rogue
and despicable spectators they dragged him to the city and threw his
remains in front of the gate of Masjid Nazar-Biykí in the Bázár quarter.
The infidels gathered in multitudes, shouting exultation while rank upon
rank beat his sacred remains with rocks and sticks.298 [Throughout this
spectacle,] the women of the Sádát quarter were stirred to the highest
pitch of excitement.299

298 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 494-495, states:

[The women of the Sádát quarter] pressed from every side around the
corpse, and, to the accompaniment of drums and cymbals, gave free
vent to their feelings of unrestrained fanaticism.
They danced merrily around it, scornful of the words which
Vahíd, in the midst of his agony, had spoken, words which the Imam
Husayn, in a former age and in similar circumstances, had uttered:
‘Thou knowest, O my Beloved, that I have abandoned the world for
Thy sake, and have placed my trust in Thee alone. I am impatient to
hasten to Thee, for the beauty of Thy countenance has been unveiled
to my eyes. Thou dost witness the evil designs which my wicked
persecutor has cherished against me. Nay, never will I submit to his
wishes or pledge my allegiance to him.’
Thus was brought to an end a noble and heroic life. Such an
eventful and brilliant career, distinguished by such vast learning, such
dauntless courage, and so rare a spirit of self-sacrifice, surely required
for crown a death as glorious as that which completed his martyrdom.
299 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, chapter 7, reports (in summary):

With Vahid’s decapitated body remaining motionless in the streets, a
ravaging turmoil was taking place all around him. Men and women of
the Bázár quarter were shouting out exultation, and, taking the
severed head, they tore off the skin, stuffed the skin with straw and
sent it as a trophy and a sign of victory, along with the heads of other
Bábí martyrs, to a feasting Prince in Shiraz. The bloodthirsty crowd
tied a rope to Vahíd’s feet and tied the other end to a horse
compelled to roam the streets and alleys. Once the horse dragging
behind it the remains of Vahíd reached the Masjid Nazar-Baykí, the
wild mob, having no sense of shame or decency, set upon it once
again, and while hundreds cheered on, infuriated and crazed men and
women beat the remains with sticks and rocks, and cursed it all they
could and did not refrain from any manner of mistreatment.
Unsatisfied with that, some attempted to tear it apart limb by limb,

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but by then so many stones had accumulated upon it that it was
inaccessible, so they ceased and moved on to the house of Vahíd to
plunder all his possessions.
Next day, once the crowd had gone on to murder other Bábís,
a few, out of respect for Vahíd’s lineage, gathered his corpse and
buried it unceremoniously and unwrapped at a location known as
Buq‘ih Siyyid (Shrine of the Siyyid), which had served as the Shrine of
Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh, known as the Siyyid. The body was
buried beneath the eastern wall. For many centuries this particular
Shrine, situated in the heart of the Bázár quarter, in front of the Marví
caravansary, had been a site of visitation for the Muslims and enjoyed
deep respect in the eyes of the inhabitants. Since then it has also been
the site of pilgrimage for Bahá’ís and some years ago was repaired by
one of the descendants of Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín.
It is reported that upon hearing the news of the decapitation
of Vahíd, a kind-hearted woman of that quarter, known as Bí-Bí
Khánum, the mother of Áqá Mírzá Sádiq Khaza’í, who was among
the affluent persons of the region, instructed her servant to locate and
retrieve Vahíd’s severed head. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 71, n.1] The
servant searched the fields where Vahíd was martyred and found the
severed head, with the skin having been removed, (as it had been
filled with straw and sent to Shiraz), and brought it to her. That very
night she placed it in a special case and hid it from all eyes. A few
days later, after most of the commotion had subsided to some degree,
she removed the head, washed it from all dust and debris, wrapped it
in a silk cloth and buried it next to Vahíd’s body, beneath the wall of
Buq‘ih Siyyid, where it has remained to this day. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp.
199-200.] The case that for a few days contained the severed head
remains to this day with the family of that woman as an article
endowed with special potency and an object of remembrance of the
venerated Vahíd.

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[11. Aftermath and Captives]
It was then that the company of believers took to flight and sought
shelter in the [surrounding] mountains and wilderness and some
concealed themselves in various homes. The soldiers, the cavalry and the
foot-men were commissioned to capture the believers and seize their
property. Suddenly, about three or four thousand of the assailants,
perhaps a little fewer or more, commenced this villainous task.300
Wherever the male believers were located, they were seized, chained and

300 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 495, gives this figure as “no less than five thousand.”

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conducted away. Their women were captured as well and taken from
place to place.301 The entire [Chinár-Súkhtih] neighborhood fell into the
301 Mírzá Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí has recorded the following in his unpublished

eyewitness account:
In the year eighty [1280 A.H./1863], I saw a man from ‘Iraq, (in the
ancient geography of Iran, the regions of Hamadán, Káshán and
Sultán-Ábád, to the border of Isfahán, were called ‘Iraq ‘Ajam). This
man lived in the utmost poverty and misery in a small room in
Madrisih Qadariyyih. He always appeared deeply despondent and
desolate and would utter, “May God have mercy on me and may He
accept the repentance of my misdeeds for I was young and foolish!”
Once I asked him, “What act did you commit in your youth that you
are so remorseful now and are always sorrowful?” He then told me of
his days in Nayríz.
He said, “Immediately prior to the commencement of the
battles, my father died and though very young, I inherited his position
in the military and was appointed one of the commanders in the
regiments fighting the Bábís. I wielded considerable authority. When
the commanders realized that they would never be victorious in the
battlefield, they invoked the Qur’án and swore on it that if the Bábís
were to emerge from the fort they would remain unmolested. The
honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá [Vahíd] came to our camp and in his tent
even the commanders stood behind him in performing their prayers.
They said to him, ‘You are a descendent of the Prophet and both
yourself and your father rank among the most illustrious figures of
this age. Our humble supplication is that you forgive our
transgressions.’ He responded, ‘May God forgive you, but I know
that you will not honor your promise.’ ‘We have taken solemn oath
on the Qur’án,’ they said. He responded, ‘Nevertheless you will slay
us all and now you are waiting for the warrant of our death-sentence
to arrive from Shiraz.’ He would say things such as this.
Soon, we saw that several mounted men came from Shiraz
bearing a fatwa from the ‘ulamá stating, ‘Kill all the men and leave
none standing. Seize the women and bring them to Shiraz.’ When this
fatwa was received, they removed the carpets in the tent and placed a
large bowl in the middle of the room and cut his head in the vessel.
Then they went out and martyred his companions, while the rest [of
the Bábís] were seized and together with women and children sent to
Shiraz. May God’s curse be upon the ones that ordered the murder of
that illustrious personage – the ones that showed no shame before the

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hands of the nonbelievers who confiscated all properties, destroyed all
homes to the point that even the lumber from the rooftops was taken
away and the fort of Khájih was burned to the ground.302
Of the captive believers, whoever was wealthy or owned
properties was thrown into prison, and the less fortunate were bound
and sent to Shiraz in the company of soldiers and gunmen. Soon the
camp was disassembled and moved from Nayríz.303
In Nayríz, the Khán entrusted the captives to the hand of his
myrmidons, who would parade them through the streets <p.21> and the
bazaars of Nayríz while beating them with sticks as they went, and
compelled each to withstand all manner of ghastly mistreatment. Such
tortures included, crucifixion with four nails, insertion of sticks under
[prisoners’] nails, tying barbed wires around the skull, branding with hot
irons, depriving the victims of bread and water and forbidding the
people from offering the captives any aid or food, and incisions made in
the noses of such esteemed personages [Bábís] through which a rope
was driven. In such a wretched and piteous state each of these illustrious
souls was dragged through the streets.
Among [the captives] was the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
who [previously] numbered as one of the ‘ulamá.304 But now his turban
was burnt and himself taken from door to door [as he was forced to beg]
for money. In the depth of winter, the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqi305,
Prophet of God!”
302 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 423, states:

They wrote a report of their triumph and sent it forthwith to Fírúz
Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the governor-general of Fárs. In this
communication, the date of arrival of the captives to Shiraz was fixed.
They skinned the severed head of Vahíd and filled it with straw. The
other martyrs were also decapitated.
303 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 130, notes that 5,000 soldiers and irregulars continued

for a month to ransack Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and hunt and kill the Bábís.
304 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states,

So great was the respect they owed him that Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
gave him precedence over himself and treated him with extreme
deference and courtesy.
305 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states:

Another victim of their tyranny was Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, who had

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surnamed Ayyub, was thrown into a pond and lashed bitterly. Each day,
the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, the esteemed Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí,
together with the illustrious Ayyúb and the venerable Áqá Siyyid Husayn,
all of whom ranked among the nobles, the affluent and the ‘ulamá, were
doomed to sit while people were ordered to spit on their faces and
beards in return for a pound of corn or millet for daily consumption.
Only those who possessed a trace of decency or shame would endure
hunger rather than perpetrate such an abominable act.
The aforementioned Áqá Siyyid Abú-Tálib, the chieftain of the
quarter, who was among the affluent and wealthy citizens and was wellknown to all and even to the royal monarch, was bound in chains and
sent in secret by the governor to [the village of] Ma‘dan, in the vicinity of
Nayríz. The authorities in Fárs inquired of him, but the Khán replied
that he was killed, as he did not wish to see this man perish [in the hands
of the central authorities]. Eventually the seditious and evil-minded Hájí
Mírzá Nasru’llah, the soothsayer, who in former days had ordered His
Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] – may all spirits be a sacrifice unto
Him – to kiss the hand of Shaykh <p.22> Abú-Turáb306 before the
assemblage of the ‘ulamá, now insisted that Siyyid Abu-Talib was an
infidel and the very source of all the troubles, and secured a fatwa
ordering his death, which was carried out through poisoning in Ma‘dan.

enjoyed, in days past, such a reputation for honesty and justice that
his opinion was invariably regarded by the judges of the court as the
determining word in their judgment.
306 He was the Imam Jum‘ih of Isfahán.

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Chapter 6

Excerpts from The Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf
Based on the Narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání

And if ye are slain, or die, in the way of God, forgiveness and mercy
from God are far better than all they could amass. And if ye die, or are
slain, Lo! It is unto God that ye are brought together.
Qur’án 3:157-8

Introduction
Among the earliest historical descriptions of the events associated with
the life of Vahíd Dárábí, and of the episodes of Yazd and Nayríz which
led to his martyrdom and that of his companions, is the one provided by
the Bábí merchant-historian, Hájí Mírzá Jání, in the Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf.
Much has been written on the question of the authorship of the
Nuqtatu’l-Káf and it is beyond the scope of the present study to enter into
that debate.307 Hájí Mírzá Jání embraced the Bábí faith through Mullá

307 It is known that Hájí Mírzá Jání had penned a short history of the Bábí movement

until the time of his own martyrdom. For a more detailed discussion of the merits of
this history see, Kashfu’l-Ghatá; E. G. Browne and the Bahá’í Faith, pp. 62-88; Resurrection
and Renewal, pp. 423-424; and Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History, pp. 134-152. In
1910, Prof. E. G. Browne published a narrative titled Kítáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Káf that he
claimed was the long lost narrative of Mírzá Jání, and he also included two long
introductions, one in Persian and another in English. Later it became known that
Muhammad Qazvíni had penned the Persian Introductions and extensively “edited”
the historical narrative (see Ahang Rabbani, “‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Meeting with Two
Prominent Iranians”). Subsequent to this publication, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá issued
instructions for Mírzá Na‘ím of Sadih and the Hands of the Cause in Tihrán to
search and locate the original of Mírzá Jání’s history. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had hoped that
thereby it could be established beyond question that the published Nuqtatu’l-Kaf had
been extensively tampered with and interpolated by the Azalís, particularly

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Husayn’s visit to Káshan and later when the guardsmen were escorting
the Báb to the prison-fortress of Máh-Ku, Hájí Mírzá Jání had been
greatly honored and thrilled to receive him in his own home in Káshan.
A devout and zealous believer, he eventually fell victim to the pogrom of
the summer of 1852.
Nuqtatu’l-Káf contains two sections that are purported to be Mírzá
Jání’s recollections of meeting Vahíd, and the present translator has no
reason to believe that these passages were penned by anyone other than
Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. In fact, from the nature of the details
disclosed it is quite evident that only he could have written these
descriptions, and if other passages of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf have indeed been
subject to interpolation by foreign hands, these two sections reveal no
such corruption.
The first section is from the top of page 120 to line 11 of page 122
of the printed text, while the second part begins on line 7 of page 223
and concludes on the top line of the page 230.
It should be noted that both of these sections appear in the
narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání, who must have had access to a
manuscript of Hájí Mírzá Jání because he quoted from it - a fact also
confirmed by his intimate associate, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, in Kashfu’l-Ghatá.
However, a close comparison of the two narratives indicates that
Hamadání considerably embellished the text, and in fact one section that
he attributed to Hájí Mírzá Jání does not appear in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf at
all. I should be clear that this, however, does not necessarily mean that
the Hamadání’s text was not Mírzá Jání’s original, as it is quite certain

Muhammad Qazvíní. This effort, however, remained unsuccessful. Iraj Ayman has
brought to my attention that the original of Mírzá Jání’s text was a small book of
about 80 pages in possession of a well-known non-Bahá’í in Tihrán. Because of the
owner’s deep regards for Fádil Mázandarání, he allowed the latter to read the text,
but not to make a copy. To the present day, this valuable text remains in the
possession of the same family. (Private communication, September 1997.) Recent
research in Princeton University’s Archives (presumably among Jalal Azal’s papers)
has confirmed the early dating of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf (see, William McCants and
Kavian Milani, “The History and Provenance of an Early Manuscript of the Nuqtat
al-Kaf dated 1268 (1851-52)”). When this manuscript is made available to
researchers, it may change some of inferences in this chapter.

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that not all of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf is Jání’s so at this time is hard to establish
in the absence of an original, which secondary text edited the original.
Since this book as a whole remains untranslated, it seemed prudent
to include a translation of these two sections in order to complete the
sources. To the extent possible, the present translation has been modeled
after E.G. Browne’s rendering of Hamadání’s narrative to facilitate the
comparison of the two texts.

The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 120-122
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was in Yazd when His Holiness [i.e. the Báb]
instructed him to proceed to Tihrán, and it was during this journey that I
had the honor of meeting him.308 This was at a time when snow had
covered the earth and the air was bitterly cold, beyond all description.
Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility as though the snow of the
plains were a satin bed for him. I inquired of him what had been the
means of his conversion and how he had come to believe in His
Holiness, and he answered:

After the report of the claim of that illustrious One had
been noised abroad, men would ask of me, “What say you
of Him [i.e. the Báb]?” to which I was forced to reply,
“Presently, I am silent about His Cause, but once I have
beheld Him, and ascertained somewhat more about Him,
then I shall be able to impart to you that which I have
understood.” After a while I set out for Shíráz. In my first
interview with His Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of
divines, in a somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous
questions. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being
still covered with a veil of egotism, his words found no
favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to feel disappointed that I
had troubled myself to no purpose. However, His Holiness
smiled much upon me and treated me very graciously. On
308 This meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of 1847 as Vahíd

arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3.

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returning to my lodging, I said to some of His disciples who
were deeply versed in knowledge, “You are more learned
and far wiser than this Personage; for what reason do you
acknowledge the truth of His claim?” “If you will but be
patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you too will
understand.” I had decided to return to my home when my
illustrious companions prevented me, saying, “You too will
be fully convinced.” I inquired on what grounds they based
their belief. They replied, “Experience has taught us that
anyone to whom His Holiness shows affection, is in the end
invariably persuaded, even though initially he be filled with
antagonism; while, on the other hand, anyone on whom His
Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even though at
first he may incline to believe.”
To be brief, one night His Holiness summoned me,
and very graciously said, “What dost thou desire of Me?” I
replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily
bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou
grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of
Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand, and henceforth I shall
bow to Thy command.” “Write down your questions,” said
He, “that I may answer them in writing.”
I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote
down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen,
and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen
could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took
another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question that
you have in your heart is this, and this is its answer.” [When
I had considered these answers,] I was bewildered with
excitement and then took place that about which you have
heard. Indeed, I yielded so entirely to the mighty influence
He exerts, that, at a mere hint on His part I am thrilled to
undertake a journey in this cold winter weather.
Consider the fact that [prior to meeting Him,] I was
not a man without rank and standing, or knowledge and

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achievements. I swear by the One Exalted Lord, I would be
ashamed even to make mention of the learning and merits
of many other divines of my time. My father, Áqá Siyyid
Ja‘far Dárábí, known to all as Kashfí, was well acquainted
with all the sciences and philosophies, renowned throughout
the land of Iran and known to every possessor of knowledge
and virtue. I have served him [and studied with him], and he
did declare that I was second only [in learning] to him. In
fact, I had my own pulpit and classes, and many students
and disciples both in my own town and in other regions, and
was known and admired by the court of the Shah and his
household. Yet I am bewildered as to how the love of this
Shírází Youth [i.e. the Báb] has penetrated my being so that
I have set aside all material considerations, and I have so
willingly placed upon my neck the yoke of servitude and
obedience unto Him, that at a mere hint on His part, I travel
so in this bitter winter in the utmost joy and happiness. My
only hope is that He will, of His grace and favor, accept me
as the servant of His servants, and that I may be permitted
to shed even a drop of my blood in the furtherance of His
cause.’

In truth, that scion of the wilderness of sincerity and devotion
exerted himself until he fell a sacrifice to the love of the King of the
lovers. Whomsoever is informed of his acts in Yazd and Nayríz, will
assuredly grasp the truth of the claims of that Lord of the realm of
adoration, and were this ephemeral soul to describe them, the result
would be a boundless book.
In short, I asked of him: “O peerless one of the age! What did
thine illustrious father say regarding the Truth proclaimed by that
Essence of Reality [the Báb]?” “He is silent and ambiguous,” he replied,
and went on to say, “I swear by the One true God, that should my
father, with his dignity of bearing and exalted station, deny the
Manifestation of the All-Glorious, most certainly, I shall slay him with
my own hands in the path of the divine Beloved, and this even though

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the eye of creation hath rarely seen a father such as him or a son such as
I.”
At any rate, shortly thereafter, that unique pearl of the ocean of
knowledge, in accordance with His instructions, proceeded to Tihrán.

The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 223-230
The events associated with Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd and Nayríz occurred
after the episode of the slaying of the Seven Martyrs [of Tihrán]309, but
to describe that event would make this narrative much too long.
However, in brief, that illustrious personage was instructed by His
Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim the Word of Truth, and on the way to
Yazd, I had the honor of meeting him.310 I observed in his august
countenance the signs of a glory and power that I had not noticed during
my earlier meetings with him, and I knew of a certainty that these signs
portended the near approach of his departure from the world.311 I heard
him say several times in the course of various conversations, ‘This is my
last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and often, explicitly
or by implication, he gave utterance to the same thought. In one
conversation he remarked, ‘God and His near-ones are able to foretell
coming events, and I swear by my Beloved, the True One, in the grasp
of Whose hand lies my soul, that I know and could tell where and how I
shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how glorious and
blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the proclamation
of the Word of Truth!’
Sanctified be God! I know not what wonder this be, that such an
illustrious man of learning, achievement and piety, could thus foretell his
own death and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm, hasten to the abode

309 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458. The martyrdom of these seven Bábís took

place on 7 March 1850.
310 There is considerable confusion among sources as to where this meeting took

place; see, Chapters 2 and 9.
311 The text simply says inqitá‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood

to express Mírzá Jani’s understanding of Vahíd’s desire for departure from the
world.

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of sacrifice. Indeed,

Whoso hath recognized Thee, what else should he do with life,
Of what worth possessions, children and wife?

In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá set out for Yazd. Upon arrival, in the
utmost wisdom he would speak of the Cause of Truth in various
gatherings and gradually began to openly proclaim the truth and convert
a great multitude. At length, the governor [of Yazd] was informed of
what was taking place and, fearing for himself, he sent a body of men to
arrest Siyyid Yahyá and his companions. A trifling collision occurred
between the two parties, and thereupon the governor prepared [for
battle], and in response, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired [with a number of his
followers and friends] into the citadel of Yazd. Soon the citadel was
surrounded and the matter came to actual warfare, in the course of
which some thirty or more of the governor’s men were killed, while
seven of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers were also slain, and the rest were
besieged for some time, till his followers manifested their lack of faith
and dispersed. Siyyid Yahyá too escaped from the citadel and together
with another left for Shiraz and thereafter proceeded to Nayríz.
Meanwhile the governor [of Yazd] soon overcame [Siyyid Yahyá’s]
followers. Several of them tasted the sweetness of martyrdom, while
from the rest, after they had suffered divers torments, fines of money
were exacted. Among the martyrs was one named Hasan, from Yazd,
who had for years waited in attendance upon Siyyid Yahyá, and had
displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion. When
Siyyid Yahyá had decided to leave the citadel, he said, “If one of you
could manage to lead out my horse, that would be good.” Hasan had
responded, “With your permission, I will lead out the horse.” “They will
capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid Yahyá. “In the path of your
affection,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to bear. I have no ambition
beyond it.” So Siyyid Yahyá allowed him to go, and [the soldiers] took
the youth captive outside the citadel and brought him before the
governor, who ordered him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon.
When they would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he

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pleaded, “Bind me, with my face towards the gun.” And when they
inquired of the reason behind this request, he said, “That I may see it
fired.” all the people were astonished at his steadfastness and
cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must
needs have great faith and fortitude.
In short, the illustrious Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shiraz where, due
to his many visits, he was well known, and there he also proclaimed the
Cause of Truth [i.e. the Bábí faith]. It was then that Áqá Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-
‘Azím Marághi’í returned from a visit to the Báb bearing a very large
Haykal [i.e. talisman] and a Tablet for Siyyid Yahyá. After becoming
exceedingly renowned in that town, he proceeded for Nayríz.
Now when Siyyid Yahyá had come to Nayríz, which was the
abode of his family and where he had many friends, he declared the
Cause of Truth, resulting in some becoming believers, others deniers and
yet others remaining undecided. The governor of that district, though he
had formerly professed the most devoted attachment and humility
before him, no sooner perceived a deterioration in his government and
its passing out of his hands, that, being accountable to the monarch and
generally fearing that his world would fall into turmoil, he sent word to
Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider it expedient that you continue
any longer in this province and you should depart to some other place.”
To this Siyyid Yahyá, made reply, “What leads you to order me thus to
quit my own abode? I do not expect you to arise to champion my cause,
but why insult me thus? It is, therefore, most evident that all those
expressions of devotion that you afforded me in past days were solely in
order to secure worldly influence, and now that you are convinced
otherwise, you have turned your back on the Truth, express enmity, and
fear not God, nor have you shame before His apostle.”
When that accursed-one [i.e. the governor] heard such truthful
declarations, he was filled with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a
tumult, inciting such men among every class and kind as were most
wicked and mischievous to make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid
Yahyá, who, perceiving the strength and resolve of the enemies and the
fewness of his friends, repaired to the mosque, and ascended the pulpit
formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather. After speaking a homily

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in the utmost eloquence and of rare composition, and having given
praise and salutation to the Almighty Lord, His illustrious Prophet, and
the Holy Family, he said:

O people! I am a descendant of the Prophet of God and I
stand amongst you wronged. I suffer in the clutches of
tyrants and beseech you to assist me. No harm have I done
beyond speaking words of truth, and today my situation is
even as that of my illustrious forefather, the martyred Imam
Husayn. Whosoever hears the plea of this oppressed one
and does not arise to his aid, has forfeited the intercessions
of my illustrious Ancestor.

He spoke to this effect and some wept bitterly and a few gave him
their allegiance, saying, “O son of the Prophet of God! May our fathers
and mothers be a sacrifice for thy pure spirit! We will abide by
whatsoever thou doest command and offer possessions, family and life
in the path of thy devotion.”
Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque and alighted in a
ruined castle in the vicinity, those friends who bore him company being
not more than seventeen in number.
On hearing of his quitting the city, his enemies in a great multitude
came forth and surrounded the castle in the hope of capturing them all.
Then Siyyid Yahyá commanded seven of his men to go out and defend
him against hostilities, and gave them instructions as to the ordering of
the battle, adding that whoever should rush from a certain direction
would drink of the cup of martyrdom through a wound in the breast,
and whosoever out of his love and own free-will wished to be the first
among the martyrs should now announce it. Then a young man with a
heart yearning to behold the Countenance of the Beloved, sprang to his
feet announcing, “My master! I desire to be the pioneer of this muchwronged band.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and
breathed a prayer for him. Then the defenders uttered a prayer and
sallied swiftly forth, attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere
long scattered them like helpless flies, slaying a number of them. That

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youth, as he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom and
faithfulness. But the rest of the friends of Truth returned victorious to
the castle, having learned the meaning of “verily we belong to God, and
unto Him do we return.”
At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz
Mírzá came to assume the government of Shiraz. On being informed

of what had taken place, he sent an army to Nayríz. A considerable force
surrounded the castle, determined to kill all the harried defenders.
Several encounters took place that resulted in sound defeats for the army
and the capture of goodly spoils by the companions of Siyyid Yahyá.
And all this while the companions observed the many prodigies which
Siyyid Yahyá wrought, and grew stronger in their devotion, faith, and
love for him. Siyyid Yahyá repeatedly reminded his companions of the
approaching time for his and their martyrdom, emphasizing the
ephemeral nature of this world and the glory and exaltation of the world
beyond.
After the forces of the enemy had failed to prevail over them in
these battles, and despairing of the final issue, they resorted to the
treachery which is so characteristic of them, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá
expressing curiosity about his mission, making excuses for their past
deeds, declaring themselves to be desirous of inquiring into the matter,
and begging for instruction. They further pledged, with oaths sealed on
the Qur’án, that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they
would accept whatever terms he might propose.
So Siyyid Yahyá prepared to go forth, but his followers
surrounded him, saying, “Our master, we are fearful about your going
out, for this host is more faithless than the men of Kufa313. No reliance
can be placed on their oaths and promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied,
“By God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, as well as my illustrious
Ancestor314 knew the faithlessness of the men of Kufa. But what else am

312 The text states Prince Farhád Mírzá, which is an obvious error.
313 The people of Kufa, by their promises of support, induced the Imam Husayn to

take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. See An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp.
28-33.
314 A reference to Imam Husayn, from whom Vahíd was descended.

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I to do with what they have written, as it is incumbent on me to go and
complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written
instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his
companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do
we return.” And his followers wept bitterly.
So Siyyid Yahyá came to the enemy camp, and at first they treated
him with all respect and deference, such respect as Ma‘mún ibn al-Rashíd
observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí ibn Musá-Ridá315, upon Him be
peace, while inwardly bent on His death. In short, they spent that night
in conversing on various topics, and agreed to postpone all discussion of
terms till the morrow. But when morning was come, the sun of sedition
appeared over the horizon of calamity, and the Cherubim316 in the
Concourse on High, bewildered by what had transpired, uttered, “Ah, a
thousand times alas! The morn of the family of the Prophet has turned
dark, and the night of the evil-doers is brightened.” As Siyyid Yahyá
wished to go forth from his tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It
is not permitted.”
No sooner had tidings of this reached the faithful followers than,
unable to restrain themselves, like brilliant flames rising above the firetemple of love, they emerged from their castle, and with unsheathed
sabers hurled themselves upon the infidels. The senior officers, seeing
this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, grabbing the garment of his
compassion, saying, “O master! Was it not agreed between us last night
that for peace’s sake we would abide by your wishes?” “Aye,” said he,
“but how do explain your conduct this morning?” “It was done without
our knowledge,” answered they, “that some of our men, who have lost
kinsmen in the warfare, offered you this insult without our sanction.
You, who are merciful and generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”,
he replied, “would you have me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men
of yours, bidding them evacuate the castle and return to their own

315 The Eighth Imam, ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818 AD); see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp.

41-42.
316 A traditional hierarchy of angels, known as the celestial hierarchy, ranked from

lowest to highest into the following nine orders: angels, archangels, principalities,
powers, virtues, dominions, thrones, cherubim, and seraphim.

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homes, that the minds of our soldiers and the people may be reassured
in you and we will then arrange matters.”
Siyyid Yahyá accepting this, wrote, “O my companions! You
should gather up your own gear, leaving the spoils you have won, and
return to your own homes.” And the companions obeyed his behest. But
the following day their foes attacked their houses, captured some, carried
off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them as
prisoners to the camp.
There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had
served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, and in the path of the
Truth, out of sincerity and devotion, had closed his eyes to all earthly
concerns. And when word was brought that the executioner was on his
way from the city charged with decapitating that illustrious personage
[i.e. Siyyid Yahyá] and his Yazdí companion, the master said, “It is thee,
not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay me will arrive
tomorrow.” When the morrow was come, after he had completed the
Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is now come.”
About an hour after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out Siyyid
Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner administered
to the youth the draught of martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on
Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle
and will not lift my hand to slay His offspring,” neither would he
consent to do their bidding. Then one whose two brothers were
consigned to hell on the orders of the Siyyid, and therefore cherished a
deep resentment, said, “I will kill him.” And he loosed the shawl
wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast it round his neck, and drew it tight.
And other evildoers beat his holy body with sticks and stones, dragging it
hither and thither over the plain, till his soul soared falcon-like from the
cage of body to the branches of paradise. Then the executioner severed
his glorious head from his body, skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and
sent it, with other heads, along with the captives and accompanied by
minstrels and musicians to Shiraz.
And the people came out from the town in large numbers and
each commented according to his own understanding. Some of the
captives were martyred, while others were imprisoned for a while and

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then released at a later time. The night before, when the raid had been
made on the houses of the Siyyid’s companions, twelve of them had
escaped. These, however, were subsequently captured in the
neighborhood of Isfahán and brought to Shiraz, where they suffered
martyrdom.
Sanctified be God, above the cruelty of the oppressors and the cry
of the meekly! I take refuge in His holiness as He sends down His
calamity and His wrath upon the people. Yet they observe all these
conflicts and are not awakened; consider their own life worthy but
others as insignificant. They call crazed such glorious figures as are
indeed the finest among the people of Islam and the like of whom, in
nobility and learning, are scarce to be found. And they consider their
own mind, which is consumed with base thoughts and desires, as the
standard for reason. It is a thing to marvel at, that ere the believers in
this sublime Faith had embraced the new doctrine, all men readily
admitted their virtue, sincerity, and integrity. To wit, Siyyid Yahyá ranked
unquestionably among the most eminent divines of Islam. Whenever he
entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met and honored by
all the divines and nobles of the district. But upon embracing this Cause,
he was subjected to such bitter sufferings and was martyred, his holy
head stuffed with straw as though it had been the head of a Turkman or
Baluch, and borne from town to town. Not one of the Muslims asked,
“What has this illustrious Siyyid wrought, other than to spread the
teachings of the descendants of Muhammad?” May God, as a mercy
upon those who attained His presence, guide the meek and lowly, and
rigorously punish the guilty.

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Chapter 7

Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím

But those who are slain in the way of God, He will never let their deeds
be lost.
Qur’án 47:4

Introduction
Another account of Nayríz-I and subsequent events was written by a
citizen of that city in 1270 A.H. [1853] and inscribed on the inner wall of
the Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír317 (The Smaller Friday Mosque) of the same
town. In the colophon of this important historical document, the author
introduces himself as Siyyid Ibráhím, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn Nayrízí,
and the present writer knows no other biographical information about
him. Muhammad-‘Ali Faydí reports that Shu‘lih318 in the introduction of
his poetry collection, known as Khusraw va Shírín, has noted, “...
Eventually the government provided support to the local forces and, as
is written on the wall of the Masjid Jami‘ Saghír by the hand of the late
Siyyid Taqí Khúshnivís Nayrízí and is reflected with some minor
differences and errors in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, Siyyid Yahyá was
slain...”319
This particular mosque was located in the Bázár quarter of Nayríz
and had always been in the possession of non-Bábís. The fact that such a
history was preserved on its walls indicates the deep impression that this
event made on the consciousness of the people of Nayríz. Although
written in a seemingly neutral language, this document does not fail to
317 This mosque is not to be confused with a larger mosque by the same name in the

Chinár-Súkhtih quarter that served as a Bábí stronghold.
318 Shu‘lih [the flame] was the sobriquet of Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, a
nephew of the governor of Nayríz.
319 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 91-92.

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convey the depth of admiration and respect for the Bábís that the
incidents of Nayríz had evoked in the heart of the writer. Clearly the
writer, who resided in the quarter whose inhabitants had battled the
Bábís and had been himself an observer, or perhaps even a participant in
the events, had developed such admiration towards the besieged party
that he took the not inconsiderable risk of penning this sympathetic
narrative in a public place.320
For many years this singularly important narrative remained
unnoticed and protected under a cover of dust and dirt and only in 1940
did it come to light, when an archaeologist examining historic buildings
discovered its existence. The dust and debris was carefully removed from
this inscription until finally the actual text became fully visible. This
archaeologist, who according to Rawhání was friendly towards the
Bahá’ís, provided the Spiritual Assembly of that city with a copy of the
inscription.321 The full text is reproduced in Nayríz Mushkbíz and
Lam‘átu’l-Anvár322, and while some minor differences exist between
them, both sources have been utilized in this translation.323
In terms of style, this document was composed in the customary

320 The Báb, p. 182, notes about Siyyid Ibráhím:

Although he had to write with circumspection to avoid being
denounced, he composed his narrative in such a way that one can,
without difficulty, read more of it between the lines. His account
bears out the fact that Vahíd was given solemn assurances, that he
was received with great esteem and reverence, that those who had
pledged their word broke their pledges, that the quarter of Chinár-
Súkhtih, which was then a stronghold of the Bábís of Nayríz, and the
quarter of Bazar were sacked, that houses were demolished, huge
sums of money extorted, and Nayríz was reduced to a state of
desolation.
321 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 306, n.1. The same source indicates that the Bahá’í

community was unaware of the existence of this document as no Bahá’í was
permitted entrance into this mosque, situated in a quarter that was historically
antagonistic towards the Bábís and Bahá’ís.
322 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 92-102; and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 306-318.
323 Abú’l-Qásim Afnán has brought to the notice of the present writer that Dr. Iraj

Afshar has published a picture of the original text in one of his books, however I
was unable to locate this source.

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Qájár mode, which included a generous use of abstruse language,
excessive ambiguities and many laudatory titles. To the degree possible,
these have been retained in the translation to ensure authenticity and a
taste of this style of composition.

Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím
He is God, the Exalted.
Of the events of this transient and seditious world and of the
occurrences of this unfaithful plane, one that came to pass at the end of
the heavenly reign of Muhammad Shah, the sovereign Qájár king and the
light of God in His dominion, and at the beginning of the reign of the
pivot of the world, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was the appearance of certain
beliefs and utterances by Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad, the Báb, in the year
1263 A.H., in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm324 of Shiraz. This led to uprising and
sedition among the people in the civilized nation of Iran, particularly in
Zanján, the province of Mázandarán, and even in ‘Iraq and Fárs in the
year 1266 A.H. [1849-50].
An effulgence of that blazing and insurgent fire reached the hearts
of some inhabitants of this realm and in the whirlwind of events, it
destroyed the foundations of many lives and washed away many others
in the water of annihilation.
An evidence of but one of the flames of that fire is Áqá Siyyid
Yahyá, who numbered among those enamored [of the Báb] and desirous
of freedom, who for sundry reasons was associated with the people of
this region over a period of some years, and had ties of friendship and
camaraderie with many citizens. As such he was able to plant the seeds
of revolt in many hearts.
The above-mentioned Siyyid, having come upon this path [i.e. the
Bábí faith] in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm of Shíráz, had gone to the Daru’l-‘Ibád [i.e.
Yazd] and had lit the fire of Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’lláh’s sedition. A
district in that city that admired him had come to follow him.

324 Lit. the City of Knowledge, a title of Shíráz.

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Consequently, by order of the governor of that region, the possessions
and the families in that district perished. After this incident, and being
taken with fright, the Siyyid escaped to Bávanát, on the border of this
region. He selected this location as he had many enthralled followers,
predisposed and ready for his Faith. Wherever he went, he spoke of his
beliefs and wrote many treatises until he arrived at the Shrine of Khájih
Ahmad Ansárí325. His honor Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, out of
consideration for the monarch and the well-being of his people, did not
consider it prudent for the Siyyid to enter [into Nayríz], and forbade him
from doing so. The Siyyid therefore moved to the village of Istahbánát
where he tarried for a while, and many joined him in his belief. From
thence he proceeded to the town of Fasá, where [its governor] Áqá
Mírzá Muhammad, a confidant of the monarch, discerned the Siyyid as a
[potential] cause of commotion, and with gentleness dislodged him from
that town. Therefore, once more he set out for the village of Istahbánát
where he paused for a few days. From that base, he was able to rally a
number in his support and, united in his cause, immediately decided to
proceed thence towards Nayríz.
Upon arrival he went directly to the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, in the
Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, where his followers had gathered from all
corners, preparing for battle. The congregation numbered nine hundred
men armed with guns and swords as he ascended the pulpit with his
ready saber. He spoke to the assembled people and prepared them for
combat, and in that quarter raised the standard of revolt.
At the time of the arrival of the Siyyid and the conversion and
alliance of people, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, mentioned
earlier, had gone to the Qurtiyih district. When he was apprised of the
situation, he rose in defense and gathered fifteen hundred of the tribal
men of Ma‘ádin and other regions and arrived at his home [in Nayríz],
which was a fortified stronghold.
For four days before the fighting commenced, many of the nobles
and respected inhabitants of this town and the divines of Istahbánát
exerted much time and effort to counsel them, but it was to no avail and

325 A shrine for one of the companions of Prophet Muhammad, located seven

kilometers to the west of Nayríz.

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their hearts remained unmoved. Therefore the matter came to battle and
resulted in the separation of the Chinár [Súkhtih] quarter. Many took
refuge with the governor and thereby outwardly protected themselves
from this inconvenience. As the state of the people came to this, at
nighttime, the above-named Siyyid together with one hundred and eighty
or perhaps two hundred of his followers managed to reach the fort of
Khájih and establish his stronghold therein.
On the morrow, when the Khán was apprised of this escape, being
confident in the number of his men and their support, he sent about five
hundred gunmen and cavalry to the vicinity of the fort. From the fort,
the Siyyid sent out his gunmen who killed all the governor’s soldiers. His
efforts proving vain once more, the Khán sent forth more of his men,
who were reduced as well.
When the state of affairs reached this point and the matter of
revolt had come to such a pitch, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín

Khán himself, and his older327 brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, who had ruled
this town for fourteen years328, along with all their relatives and men,
arrived with utmost confidence and surrounded the fort. They pitched
their tents on the eastern side of the fort, where they passed the first
night.
On the following eve, a great host from the fort suddenly attacked
them and killed or injured forty of the relatives and gunmen of the
Khán, while many of the rest took to flight. The following night saw
many more fall victims to the same fate, that is, many were killed or
taken hostage and the rest escaped. None were left unmolested. The
honored ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, older brother of the aforementioned Khán,
whose qualities were previously described and who ruled the region, was
slashed into pieces and slain. Together with a few of his servants, the
Khán took refuge at his home, which he had built strong and greatly
protected. He passed the day there and once the dark night fell, he had

326 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “revolt” as “proof of God,” which most

likely is a misreading.
327 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “older” as “martyred.”
328 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, n. 1, informs that ‘Alí-Asghar Khán was the

governor of the surrounding districts.

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ridden with great haste to the fort at the village of Qutriyih.
In this manner, the Siyyid and his followers established their rule,
and through the control of the fort were able to live unhindered. After
shedding so much blood, he instructed his executioner, a certain Shaykh,
to behead twelve more men.329 Untold fright and utmost trepidation
overcame the hearts of the men, to the point that they renounced their
worldly goods, their wives and children. The descendants of the Prophet,
who were the cornerstones of the community and the upholders of
virtue, for fear of their lives fled to the village of Bábak, where for fifty
days the noblemen of that town were able to enjoy their company and
profit from their accomplishments. Many were frightened and agitated to
such an extent that they collapsed and passed away.
When the illustrious governor of Fárs, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was
appraised of these events and was told that this revolt had passed all
bounds, he appointed Mihr-‘Alí Khán, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, and Mustafa-
Qulí Khán Qarihguzlu as commanders of cavalry and soldiers, and
together with some other officials, instructed them to hasten to the fort
and rectify the matter. The regiments came and camped across the fort.
The Khán also joined them from his safe hiding place, armed with the
necessary guns, powder and cannons.330
Confident in his forces and his own strength, the Siyyid decided
on a nighttime surprise attack, and arranged that from one side his men
from the town, and from another direction, his men in the vicinity of the
fort, would attack the camp and destroy it thoroughly. This they
proceeded to do with much bravery and courage. Like the moth circling
the flame, they attacked the hellish fire of the cannons and sacrificed all
they had. At the conclusion of this first night attack, forty warriors from
the fort were found to have lost their lives. In the course of the second
night, some others also gave their lives in the encounter.

329 No collaborative evidence is known for this assertion. It should be noted that it

is common for Muslim historians of the Qajar era (and later periods) to make
unsubstantiated, and often false, accusations against the Bábís, including murder and
other aggressions.
330 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 312, n. 1, indicates that the governor was in hiding at

this village of Qutriyih for these 50 days.

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Since the killing by the opposing sides lasted for some time and
the battle raged unabated, the army camp planed a plot of deception and
perfidy. In short, they offered gifts331 and supplications to the chosen
disciples of the Siyyid and presented declarations of submissiveness to
the Siyyid himself, which contained promises of allegiance, trust and
devotion to his cause. They wrote him, “We are all deeply devoted to
you and consider obedience to you our greatest privilege. Should you
decide to emerge from the fort and enter our camp, then rest assured
that we would consider the dust beneath your feet as the kohl of our
eyes.” With such sweet words and colorful expressions, conveyed
through letters or messengers, they induced and robbed the Siyyid of his
deductive powers and rational thoughts.332 Straightway he mounted his
horse and, accompanied by a few chosen disciples, arrived at their camp
where he was greeted by all the soldiers, to the sound of the military
band playing and the generals welcoming him warmly. With utmost
majesty, he was received in a special tent and was seated with
resplendent glory. From every direction they offered him compliments
and congratulatory expressions. However, when the time came for him
to leave, by a myriad obstinate and roguish means, the Yúz-Báshí [the
captain] detained the Siyyid saying “Orders have just been received from
the honored Navváb to detain you and your commanders, and this
renders your departure impossible.” Guards were therefore placed
around his tent. The soldiers then seized the fort and its defenses and
killed all his companions.
In four days time, in accordance with the instructions of the
Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the executioner arrived at the camp of
Mustafa-Qulí Khán and conveyed the order that Siyyid Yahyá was to be
delivered to the honored Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán as a ransom for the
blood of his brother and some other fallen men. So, by order of the
Prince, the Siyyid was delivered into the hand of the Khán and a receipt

331 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 313, n. 1, states that it was Siyyid ‘Abid who
traitorously bartered his allegiance in promise of favors and properties.
332 It appears that in order to appease orthodoxy, the writer has made no mention

that, on the back of a Qur’án, the opposing camp penned a promise that Siyyid
Yahyá would not be harmed, and sent this sealed assurance to the fort.

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obtained. When this occurred, all the soldiers, those that had lost
kinsmen and some others, attacked him with sticks, stones, bayonets and
guns and killed him forthwith. The next day, they buried his remains
under the southern333 wall of the Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’llláh, known as the Siyyid, in the Bázár quarter.
This astonishing and bewildering event took place in the month of
Rajab of the year 1266 A.H.334
After the capture of the Siyyid and his followers, colonel ‘Alí
Khán335 arrived at the camp, leading a regiment of Sílákhúrí soldiers.
Upon arrival, he proceeded directly to the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and
accompanied by the sound of music, his soldiers plundered that whole
district. They remained in that quarter for twenty days or perhaps a
month, and ransacked the whole neighborhood and stole whatever
treasures were hidden beneath the earth or within the walls. No one
recalls such pillage having occurred ever before! Had they plundered any
other major city, they could not have amassed such great wealth and
possessions! Some of the streets and neighborhoods associated with the
Bázár quarter were also pillaged.336 Beyond this, by the decree of the
exalted Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, five thousand tumáns were obtained
from the citizens and given to the Khán and whatever land, orchards,
aqueducts, homes and possessions were owned by the residents of the
Bázár were confiscated with extreme brutality and excruciating tortures.
Indeed, in this regard, what transpired in Bázár quarter did not come to
pass in the [Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter.
Verily, such intense fear and fright overcame this region that no
tongue can recount one thousandth fraction of its black incidents. What
oceans of blood were spilled and how many bodies were scattered to
dust in the wilderness!

333 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 315, n. 1, states that Vahíd was buried under the

northeastern wall.
334 13 May - 11 June 1850.
335 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, gives his name as Valí Khán.
336 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 316, n. 1, indicates that some of the affluent Bábís,

such as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and Hájí Muhammad-Taqí were residents of Bázár
quarter.

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During these conflicts close to one thousand lives were lost on
both sides.337 The account of the ensuing massive pillage remains beyond
any imagination, conception or description. Whichever of the men of the
[Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter were not killed, had to take flight to other
regions and towns.

This is but a brief account of the events of Nayríz, of Siyyid Yahyá
and the followers of His Holiness the Báb. “Such is the bounty of God,
which He bestows on whom He will; and God is the Lord of the highest
bounty.”338
After these happenings day by day the sufferings inflicted on the
followers of this sect increased in intensity, and by way of retaliation and
337 Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, p. 311, informs that the Nayríz upheaval was for a period of

one month and three days. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 292, states that this event
lasted four months.
338 Qur’án 62:4.

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revenge, the Khán carried out to the fullest extent the decree of the
government.
Gradually, after three years from the inception of this event,
renewed animosity emerged which led to another strange and wondrous
event. That is, five days after the Naw-Rúz of 1269 A.H.339, when
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was in the public bath one hour after sunrise,
Karbalá’í Muhammad with his three sons and Qásim, the brick layer,
who had hidden themselves in that place, emerged and attacked his
naked body, grabbing his head and shoulders and stabbing him with
knives and razors. They cut off his arms that were as strong as any
man’s. Even though about fifty of his kinsmen were present in that bath,
as the Almighty God would have it, not one of them came to his aid.
The Khán, wounded with some sixty cuts on his chest and body, was
brought from the bath alive. Late that night, however, he left this plane
of suffering. Indeed he was a worthy, wise and distinguished man. He
ruled with prudence and was a knowledgeable statesman. There are
many signs of his generosity and goodwill evident in this town, including
many buildings. His servants put his slayers to death in that very place.
Written in the year 1270 A.H. [1853] by the least of the servants,
[Siyyid] Ibrahim Nayrízi, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn.

339 26 March 1853.

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Chapter 8

Narratives of the Qájár Historians

They are the ones that say, of their brethren slain, while they themselves
sit at ease: “If only they had listened to us, they would not have been
slain.” Say: “Avert death from your own selves, if ye speak the truth.”
Qur’án 3:168

Introduction
Continuing the earlier traditions of Iranian historiography, the historians
of the Qájár era were essentially chroniclers. They described year by year,
either briefly or in great detail, the activities of the monarch, gave
dramatic, though at times unreliable, accounts of battles and traced the
intricacies of court intrigue. Their philosophy was fairly simple. Victories
in war, prosperity, security, and order were attributed to the will of God
and the wisdom of sovereign – His shadow on earth – while defeat,
famine, enemy invasion, and natural disasters were blamed on evil
fortune or some magical force. The historians of the Qájár period
commanded a readable and often eloquent style, because for them
historical writing was considered a branch of literature. If the story read
well, was instructive, and, most important of all, pleased the King, the
author could be justly proud of his efforts – particularly since most of
these histories were commissioned by the royal court. The idea of
identifying source materials, or of making reference to military and
diplomatic dispatches and eyewitness accounts to substantiate historical
details, was completely unknown to most of them. Where a personal
account or experience is shared, it is accidental and designed to further
advance the writer’s agenda.
As a rule, the Qájár historian used to depend on imitating, often
word for word, earlier writers, when they dealt with periods before their
own. The only original part of their writings was that in which they dealt

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with their own age. Very few among them tried to criticize, analyze, or
compare. Fewer still had the courage to give their own opinion in their
writing, mostly because of their continued employment depended on
pleasing their patrons. Since they often utilized the form of annals for
their histories, the facts that formed the material of their books are
particularly disjointed and lack unity and continuity.
The best known of these are the two official chronicles of the
mid-nineteenth century, the Násiku’t-Taváríkh and the Raudatu’s-Safá
Násirí, which both pay considerable attention to the rise of the Bábí
religion. Both of these accounts discuss the Bábí uprising in Nayríz. In
addition, the Fársnámih Násirí has devoted several pages to this event and
that text will be considered in this section as well.

1. Extract from the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh by Mírzá Taqí
Mustawfí, the Lisánu’l-Mulk [the Tongue of the Kingdom], often known
by his poetical nom de plume of Sipihr.
As the book’s title implies, this ambitious history was intended to
supersede all preceding works of a similar style. It consists of a series of
large volumes, each of which deals with a particular period in the Islamic
history. The last volume is entirely devoted the Qájár dynasty and is
divided into three parts: (1) the origin and the rise of the Qájárs and the
reigns of Áqá Muhammad and Fath-‘Alí Sháh; (2) the reign of
Muhammad Sháh; and (3) the reign of Násiri’d-Dín Shah up to the time
of the composition of this history in 1267 A.H./1850. A further
supplement was published separately extending the narrative to the year
1273 A.H./1856.
In general the wealth of information on the Bábí movement in
parts 2 and 3 of volume 3 makes this book one of the important sources
for the study of this religion. In addition to his firsthand knowledge of
events, Siphir, unlike other Qájár historians, seems to have had access to
a wide variety of military dispatches, field reports and other military
intelligence that enabled him to provide very detailed descriptions of
battles (including troop movements, dates of battles, appointments of
officials and officers, and so on) between the Bábís and the government

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forces, particularly for the fort Tabarsí incident.340
However, despite its useful data, deep-rooted bias and cynicism
grossly mar this history, which is loaded with exaggeration and
accusations to discredit the movement and please the authorities. For
this reason, most of Bahá’í authors have ignored this valuable chronicle,
their position perhaps best informed by the following expression by
Bahá’u’lláh:

Each year, Hájí Muhammad-Karím Khán Kirmání wrote a
book of refutation, as did other ignorant people known as
possessors of knowledge. The author of Násikhu’t-Taváríkh
hath written of the Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] that which no
infidel dared to pen. We beseech God to enable His servants
to consider with justice and fairness that which hath been
revealed and sent down by God.341

The following is a translation of a section of the Násikhu’t-
Taváríkh, vol. 3, pages 121-124, which deals with Nayríz-I events:342

The Description of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí’s insurrection
in Nayríz and his propagation of the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí-
Muhammad, the Báb.
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was a son of Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far
Dárábí, titled Kashfí. Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far ranked foremost
among the ‘ulamá and his interests lay outside the
philosophy of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í and the doctrines of
[Mullá] Sadru’d-Dín Shírází. In Qur’ánic interpretation and
esoteric exposition of the hadith, he differed from other

340 Later Iranian historians all seem to have copied Siphir and ignored Raudatu’s-Safá.

It should be noted that Sipihr’s account was rewritten by the I‘tidádu’s-Saltanih, a
literary Qájár Prince, and was published under the title of Fitnih Báb. It has all the
same information without Siphir’s pompous style, along with additional details.
341 Iqtidárát, p. 16.
342 See A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 173-188, for an outline of all the Bábí related

entries in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh.

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contemporary jurists and often was heard to say, “On a
certain journey, I was with Khidr and discovered seventy
inner meanings of the Qur’án.” His contemporaries did not
take issue with such utterances, as he possessed unrivaled
learning, perfect piety and many goodly qualities. The other
learned men considered his books and treatises most
authoritative.
However, his son, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, was unequipped
in the field of learning, but ambitious in securing an exalted
position and wealth. After living with his father, he left for
Tihrán and spent some days in association with the
governmental authorities, proving however unsuccessful in
his goal. Therefore, he hastened to Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad
Báb and became one of his disciples, and once more
returned to Tihrán where he remained ineffectual. Fearing
that his affiliation would be discovered, he left that city for
Yazd. In the latter place, as noted previously, he unveiled his
intentions and began to summon people [to the new Cause].
For a while, he fought with Áqá Khán, the deputy-governor,
but this sedition and rebellion too proved fruitless.
Therefore he left Fárs, and first arrived at Fasá where
he invited the people to the religion of the Báb. This event
took place at a time when the Prince Bahrám Mírzá had
been dismissed as the governor-general of Fárs and was
residing in Tihrán, and his brother, Fírúz Mírzá, the
Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was appointed in his place but had not
yet arrived. In consequence, the affairs of the province were
left in the capable hands of the vizier, Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the
Násiru’l-Mulk, to whom the nobles of Fasá wrote,
complaining that Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was untiring in deceiving
people [i.e. in converting them to the Bábí faith]. Therefore,
the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote him, “A man such as you should
not engage in such activities. Leave these thoughts behind
and come forth into our presence, so that we may spend
some days together in joy and felicity.” “Such accusations

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[against me] are nothing but exaggeration and lies,” Áqá
Siyyid Yahyá wrote in response, “Why do you heed such
slanders and write to a friend such as me in this manner?
Soon I will leave this place and journey to you.” Receiving
this assurance, the Násiru’l-Mulk was satisfied. After a while,
though, news was received from Fasá that, “five hundred
devotees have circled round Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and soon a
mighty upheaval may occur.” On hearing this intelligence,
the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote once more and sent an emissary,
but when he arrived, together with his disciples, Siyyid
Yahyá had already left Fasá in haste for Nayríz and was half
way to his destination. In such wise, the messenger was not
able to deliver his charge and returned forthwith.
It so happened that during this time the people of
Nayríz had risen against the governor of that land, Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán, and considered the arrival of Siyyid Yahyá a
great omen. Some of the people became enamored of his
beliefs [in the Báb] and bowed their heads in obedience to
him. Some others, in order to force Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán
from office, also placed their trust in the newcomer. In
short, Siyyid Yahyá and three hundred of his disciples took
position in one of the decayed castles of Nayríz and began
to strengthen its walls and turrets. The people of Nayríz also
rose in his support.
When he discerned the nature of the situation,
Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán gathered two thousand Nayrízis on
his own side and wrote an account of the occurrences to the
Násiru’l-Mulk. The latter wrote Siyyid Yahyá, “Before this
fire that you have kindled, for sundry reasons grows and
consumes the world, it is best for you to reduce its fury and
hasten to me.” When the directive of the Násiru’l-Mulk was
received by him, he replied, “At this time a crowd has
gathered around me determined to rebel against the
government. It is conceivable that should I leave them and
proceed thither, they may injure me on the way. If you are

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able, send a force to rescue me from this trouble and
conduct me unmolested to Shiraz.” With this message, he
sent back the emissary.
That very night Siyyid Yahyá prepared for battle, and
when darkness had enveloped the land, his disciples, crying
their battle cry, surprised Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and rushed
the city putting to the sword both men and women. The
older brother of the governor, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán343, together
with a number of his relations and some other nobles of the
city were slain. The three sons of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán were
seized and brought back to the fort. With great difficulty,
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán escaped from that battle and
withdrew twelve farsangs. From there he prepared some
gifts, which, together with a report of the occurrences, he
sent to the Násiru’l-Mulk.
Meanwhile, after this victory, the people of Nayríz
came in unison to Siyyid Yahyá and embraced his beliefs.
The properties and possessions of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán and
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán were taken as battle spoil by his
disciples. By such means, Siyyid Yahyá gained much strength
and arrayed a force in excess of two thousand ready men.
At that time, proceeding from the Capital to Fárs,
Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was four days journey
from Shiraz when he learned of the situation. The Prince
wrote a command and entrusted the same to a messenger to
deliver it in haste to Shiraz. Therein it was written that, with
the consent of the Násiru’l-Mulk, Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí, the
Díván-Baykí of Fárs, who was titled the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk,
together with General Mustafá-Qulí Khán, should lead two
regiments of men, one a new formation and the other an
existing battalion, and proceed to reduce Siyyid Yahyá.
Upon receipt of this command, the Násiru’l-Mulk sent forth
Mihr-‘Alí Khán with one hundred men and wrote to
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán to assemble as many men from the
343 Other sources have given his name as ‘Alí-Asghar Khán.

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region and the mountain [tribes] as he could, and to join
Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He further sent Mustafa-Qulí Khán
Qaraguzlú with soldiers, two cannons, and artillery forces in
the same direction. These three forces came together en
route and proceeded towards Nayríz.
One day, Siyyid Yahyá was by a tent that had
previously been taken in battle and was now pitched by the
castle, and his men stood in front of him with their ready
swords and listened most attentively to his sermon. Siyyid
Yahyá said to them, “Never fear guns and cannons, nor
dread any army. Because if I so will it, the cannons will not
fire and the enemy’s bullets will return and strike the very
shooter.” He was saying such things when the dust of the
enemy’s army was discerned over the horizon and Mihr-’Alí
Khán, Mustafa-Qulí Khán and his artillery forces arrived.
From a distance they fired their cannon and it struck the
pillar of the tent, while the mounted men standing on the
other side allowed the tent to collapse over Siyyid Yahyá. It
then became obvious that cannonballs did not follow the
commands of Siyyid Yahyá.
Upon their arrival, the army decided not to wage
battle and instead engaged in raising breastworks.
Discerning the cannonballs to have a will of their own,
Siyyid Yahyá went within the castle and ordered the walls
and turrets fortified. For five days, the two armies
contemplated their next move. During these days, Mustafa-
Qulí Khán greatly exerted himself so that this unrest and
rebellion might be subdued peacefully, but he was
unsuccessful. On the sixth night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote certain
words on scraps of paper and asked his men to wear these
amulets around their necks and said to them, “These prayers
will protect you from all harm on the ground and in the
air.”344 Thereupon three hundred of his men emerged for a

344 It was common for the Bábí men to wear talismans in the form of a five-pointed

star as protective prayers. The women wore circular talismans.

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surprise attack, some with unsheathed swords and some
carrying wooden maces, and crying loudly they attacked the
enemy’s camp. The battle lasted from the middle of the
night to dawn-tide. They came so close within the trenches
that Mustafa-Qulí Khán was struck severely by the clubs. In
that battle one hundred and fifty of [the Bábís] were killed.
In the morning they carried their dead with them to the fort,
realizing that the scraps of paper would not protect against
cannonballs and bullets. With all this bravery, they had killed
only four soldiers and injured five more.
In short, Siyyid Yahyá gave instructions for the dead
to be buried that very night behind the wall of the fort, so
that the enemy would not know the number of the fallen.
However, one by one or two by two, the people of Nayríz,
recognizing the spurious nature of Siyyid Yahyá’s claim,
began to leave him and return home.
After three days, once more his disciples launched a
surprise attack and advanced on the army. However, Mihr-
‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán fought bravely and
ordered the cannons and guns to rain fire upon them. Soon
the attackers were unable to endure and retreated to the fort.
When Prince Fírúz Mírzá arrived in Shíráz, he
instructed Valí Khán Sílakhúrí to lead the regiment under his
command to reinforce the army in Nayríz. However, before
their arrival, recognizing the gravity of the situation and the
depletion of his men, Siyyid Yahyá commenced peace
negotiations. Mustafá-Qulá Khán welcomed these efforts
and provided further incentives. Pleased with his offers,
Siyyid Yahyá dispersed his few remaining companions, and
with ease of mind proceeded towards Mustafá-Qulí Khán.
The latter welcomed him at his camp and even once stood
behind him in prayer. Then he said unto the Siyyid, “Since
you own a residence in Nayríz, it is best for you to spend the
night in your own dwelling in peace so that people would
recognize the cessation of hostilities and this trouble be

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subdued.” Siyyid Yahyá found this suggestion agreeable, and
that night in company of an attendant proceeded towards
his own residence. On the way, though, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán’s
sons and some others who had been released from the fort,
attacked him and killed him with knives and swords.
After his death, Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafa-Qulí
Khán, seized Siyyid Yahyá’s two sons and thirty other
companions, and in chains and fetters brought them to
Shiraz. In consideration of their holy lineage, the Nusratu’d-
Dawlih spared [Vahíd’s] sons, but dealt with the
companions as they deserved and cleansed the world of
their presence.

2. Outline of the Raudatu’s-Safá Násirí, vol. 10, by Ridá-Qulí
Khán Hidáyat. The final volume of this series, penned by the talented
historian known commonly as Lali-Báshí, contains essentially the same
information as the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh. For this reason, instead of a full
translation of the section dealing with Nayríz insurrection, we present an
outline of its content (vol. 10, pages 456-458):

- The uprising of Nayríz took place when the governorgeneral of Fárs, Bahrám Mírzá, was summoned to Tihrán
and Fírúz Mírzá was appointed in his place, though he
had not arrived.
- Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí was deeply learned, but his son,
Siyyid Yahyá was unlettered and ambitious.
- After Yazd, he went to Nayríz and converted some to the
Babi Movement.
- His arrival coincided with a general uprising in Nayríz
where the inhabitants had forced their governor, Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán, son of Muhammad-Husayn Khán, to quit
the city.
- Siyyid Yahyá took advantage of the ongoing rebellion,
and ordered the elimination of the governor’s brother,

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‘Alí-Asghar Khán, and some others among his kinsmen,
which was carried out immediately.
- At a distance of four days from Shiraz, Fírúz Mírzá
ordered Mustafá-Qulí Khán to lead two regiments of
Hamadání soldiers against the Nayrízís and these were
augmented by Mihr-‘Alí Khán and his men.
- On the first night of their arrival, Siyyid Yahyá’s men
attacked them, but suffered many casualties and
prisoners taken.
- Siyyid Yahyá requested aid from the surrounding villages
and several more sorties took place, but eventually the
besiegers were reduced.
- Siyyid Yahyá and some of his men were captured and
brought to Shiraz where they were executed.
- Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán regained his post but was
murdered some time later in a public bath.
- Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán were rewarded
by the governor-general and given other important
assignments.

The same source (page 560) gives a very brief account of Nayríz-
II, which reads, “During this period the remnant of Siyyid Yahyá’s
followers in Nayríz rose in opposition. Several of them were anticipating
an opportunity and found the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
alone in the public path and because of the past conflicts, injured him
fatally. These assailants were captured and punished. Then a large
number of them went into the mountains and planned revolt. By order
of the governor of Fárs, Mírzá Muhammad-Na‘ím Núrí, the son of
Muhammad-Zakí Khán, led a large army against them and reduced the
insurgents. Most of the rebels were brought to Shiraz and were punished
accordingly.”

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3. Outline of Táríkh Burújird by Ghulám-Ridá Mawlaná.345 The
account of Siyyid Yahyá is based for the most part on the Raudatu’s-Safá,
though it provides a few additional pieces of information, (Táríkh
Burújird, vol. 2, pp. 306-313). The following is an outline:

- Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí was the eldest of Siyyid Ja‘far’s sons,
but the least educated.
- Quotes Tara‘iq (vol. 3, p. 456), where (allegedly) Siyyid
Ja‘far had predicted the trouble-filled future of his son.
- Siyyid Yahyá was born in 1226 A.H. [1811] and killed at
the age of 40 in 1267 A.H. [1850] in Nayríz.
- Because of constant bickering with his father, Siyyid
Yahyá left for Tihrán where he heard about the Báb’s
claim and on meeting Him converted in order to advance
his own ambitions.
- He returned to Tihrán in order to teach the Báb’s
doctrines.
- He went to Yazd, Burújird, Shiraz and Fasá, where (at
the last location), two thousand were converted to his
movement, and he trained them in the art of war.
- Fírúz Mírzá charged the Násiru’l-Mulk, Valí Khán, Mihr-
‘Alí Khán and Mustafá [-Qulí] Khán to battle him.
- After a series of sorties, Siyyid Yahyá and 354 of his
companions were killed and the troubles ended.
- Thirty more of the Bábís and Vahíd’s two sons were sent
to Shíráz, where the Bábís were killed and the sons sent
home.
- This occurred in 1267 A.H. [= Nov 1850 - Oct 1851].

4. Extracts from Fársnámih Násirí by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Fasá’í:
One of the most useful sources for the history, people, culture,

345 The present writer is grateful to Prof. Sholeh Quinn for sharing a copy of this

reference.

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geography and architecture of the province of Fars, the well-regarded
Fársnámih Násirí contains almost nothing about the Bábí movement,
even though it had its origin in Shíráz and many of its early events took
place in that region.346 Despite this glaring omission, a brief outline of
the first episode of Nayríz is presented in Fársnámih (vol. 1, pages 792-
794) and because of its overall importance, a translation is recorded
below:347

The Naw-Rúz celebration fell on the evening of 6 Jamádu’l-
Avval of the year 1266 A.H.348 At the beginning of that year,
the Prince Bahrám Mírzá, the Mu’azzu’d-Dawlih, proceeded
from Shiraz to Tihrán and the governorship of Fárs was
conferred upon the Prince Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-
Dawlih.
In the early part of Muharram of that year [1266
A.H.] , Siyyid Yahyá, son of the celebrated renowned

scholar, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Dárábí, known as Istahbánátí,
would invite people to embrace the newly invented religion
in the name of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb. Due to his
having a father [as famed] as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, he was
welcomed with great honor at each locality he arrived at. At
the end of the previous year, he had come from Yazd to

346 The only reference to the Báb is on pages 784-785 where the author notes:

That year [1262 A.H./1846], the disturbance of the Bábís took place.
They considered themselves followers of the merchant Mírzá ‘Alí-
Muhammad, son of the shopkeeper Mírzá Ridá Shírází. As the
chronicles and journals are full of descriptions of this occurrence, we
have avoided it in the Fársnámih. May the Almighty God grant
strength and power to the Faith of Islam and the Muslim Monarch
and humiliate and reject the heretics and mischief-makers!
347 It should be noted that the present rendering has benefited from an earlier

translation of the first section of the Fársnámih dealing with the history of that
province and published by Heribert Busse: History of Persia under Qájár Rule; 1972,
Columbia University Press.
348 20 March 1850.
349 Muharram 1266 A.H. corresponded to 17 November to 16 December 1849.

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Fasá, ostensibly to preach, teach, and expatiate on the
ordinances pertaining to forbidden and lawful aspects of the
religion of the Lord of the World of Being, the illustrious
Seal of the Prophets, Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’llah, but
actually to spread the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb.
The governor of Fasa, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad, welcomed
him with honors and assigned him suitable lodging. He tried
in various ways to win sympathy [for his beliefs], and spent
the nights in discussion350 and the days preaching, and
eventually a number accepted his teachings. Then he
propagated his teachings openly. When Áqá Mírzá
Muhammad was informed of the latter’s faith, he
summoned him and said, “The inhabitants of this district are
firm in their profession of the true Religion of Islam and are
immovable in their faith. Should they gain knowledge of
your profession, it might happen that they would stain their
hands with your blood. The best thing you can do is to leave
this town and proceed to another place.”
And he sent a report of this occurrence to Shiraz.
Because the Prince Mu’azz’d-Dawlih had left Shiraz and the
Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih had not yet arrived, the
responsibility lay with Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the Násiru’l-Mulk,
and Áqá Mírzá Muhammad was given no clear reply. At his
wit’s end, he sent Siyyid Yahyá a large sum of money as a
gift351 and ordered a group of people to proceed in the
middle of the night to the latter’s house and to threaten him
with death.
At the end of Safar of the year 1266 A.H.352, Siyyid
Yayhá went from Fasá to Istahbánát. The inhabitants of this
town, too, were not willing to have anything to do with him,
and since he did not know what to do, he chose as his abode

350 Original “musahirát” implies keeping night vigils.
351 The original “Niyáz” suggests a gift given to mystic orders.
352 Last day of Safar corresponded with 17 January 1850.

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the town of Nayríz, where the evildoers353 had risen in
rebellion against their governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán.
Siyyid Yahyá won over the evildoers as his friends, and
made his intentions public without reserve. All the evildoers,
about five hundred in number, accepted his teachings. He
abrogated the injunctions of the Islamic religion, and his
reputation increased every day.
Then he chose a ruined fortress outside Nayríz as his
abode and repaired its defense works. He moved to that
fortress and decided to wage a religious war [jang madhhabí]
with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. Every day his followers brought
the people of the bazaar forcibly before him, and he would
demand a sum of money before releasing them. After some
time, anyone who had been brought before him and was not
willing to enter into a covenant with him354, had either to
pay a large sum of money as a ransom or to prepare to be
executed. This procedure was applied to several people. One
day a man was brought before him; when he crossed the
courtyard and saw Siyyid Yahyá, he fell down and died on
the spot
When Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán saw things going on
in this manner, he gathered an army and prepared for battle
with Siyyid Yahyá. Siyyid Yahyá’s men, however, anticipated
the attack and at midnight, sword in hand, threw themselves
upon Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s host and killed close to
150 people, sparing neither men nor women. Among those
killed was ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the eldest brother of Hájí
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. His body was brought to the fortress
and thrown into a water conduit.355 Three of the governor’s

353 Busse in History of Persia under Qájár Rule has pointed out that the original term,

“Ashrár”, refers to different kinds of opponents of the Qájár rule, without
distinguishing their political aims.
354 Meaning, had not become a Bábí.
355 Since the fort was old, there might have been dry, abandoned conduits that lay

open. Otherwise, it is not likely that corpses were placed near running water, as it

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sons were taken prisoner and brought to the fortress in
chains. Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, with great effort, mounted an
unsaddled horse and hastened to the village of Qatru, nine
farsangs east of Nayríz, and informed Nasiru’l-Mulk in
writing of the occurrence.
Upon this victory, the inhabitants of Nayríz and the
surrounding villages had no choice but to join Siyyid Yahyá
and accept his teachings. The houses of Hájí Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán and ‘Ali-Asghar Khán and their followers
were plundered and the booty was distributed among the
companions of Siyyid Yahyá. The inhabitants were so afraid
of the Bábís that they delivered everything they were asked
for without delay. The people [i.e. Bábís] were firmly
convinced that they would subdue Fárs and even beyond
within a short space of time and that they would destroy the
religion and the state. The power of the Bábí community
was increasing every day; the unflinching warriors numbered
more than three thousand men.
The honored Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih was informed
of this before his arrival at Shiraz. Four stations from Shiraz,
he wrote to Násiru’l-Mulk saying that Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí,
the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, commander of the Shírází horsemen,
was to march with great haste, together with General
Mustafá-Qulí Khán Garaguzlú, the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih, and
two detachments of Qaraguzlú soldiers, and to attack Siyyid
Yahyá. Accordingly, the Násiru’l-Mulk supervised the
preparations of these troops and made them march off with
two pieces of artillery.
Upon his arrival at the village of Qatru, Hájí Zaynu’l-
‘Abibín Khán summoned the aldermen of the mountains
and the districts around Nayríz, and about two thousand
men came to his support. Near Rustáq, three farsangs from
Nayríz, he joined the troops of the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk and the
I‘timádu’s-Saltinih; together they marched to Nayríz and

would severely contaminate the downstream flow.

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encamped opposite the fortress of Siyyid Yahyá.
Five days elapsed without any fighting. On the sixth
night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote a few words on scraps of paper
and fixed them to the belts of his men and said: “This scrap
of paper will protect you from the fire of muskets and
guns.” Then he selected three hundred of them for a night
attack on the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s camp. He gave each of
them a scimitar, and at midnight they came out of the
fortress, hurried to the camp with great clamor, and invaded
the breastworks without fear. They killed several people and
caused I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk much trouble.
They fought in the camp until sunrise. The spears and
muskets of the soldiers killed several Bábís. The rest of them
returned to the fortress. Then it became known that one
hundred and fifty of the Bábís and three hundred men of
the camp had been killed during the night.
The Bábís realized that the paper scraps were of no
use, and their faith dwindled; groups of five or ten people
deserted from Siyyid Yahyá’s camp, at first in secret, then
quite openly, and his army was diminished.
Three days after this event, Siyyid Yahyá made new
preparations and selected three hundred men for another
night attack, and they assaulted the camp making a lot of
noise. The people of the camp leveled their guns at them,
and cannon and musket fire killed about fifty Bábís.
However, the rest of them invaded the breastworks with
great bravery, and about one hundred men of the camp were
killed. The I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk fought
back courageously and threw the Bábís out of the camp.
During the battle another group of Siyyid Yahyá’s
followers deserted him and went its way. When he saw that
his army was diminishing, he began peace negotiations.
After the exchange of messengers and letters, Siyyid Yahyá,
five days later, came out of the fortress with twelve of his
adherents, entered the camp with all honors, and was put in

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I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s tent. After spending one night with
honors, he and his adherents were arrested and killed the
next day by the heirs of ‘Alí-Asghar Khán; two of Siyyid
Yahyá’s sons and thirty of his followers were put in fetters
and sent to Shiraz. The thirty followers were executed and
the two sons of Siyyid Yahyá, who were not yet grown up,
were sent to Burújird and surrendered to their learned
grandfather, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far.

5. Outline of Fatsafih Níkú by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Níkú Burújirdí,
vol. 3, pages 119-120:

- Together with Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, Vahíd was
commissioned to investigate the Báb and was given a
horse and 100 tumáns;
- He met the Báb at the house of His uncle through the
intervention of Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í;
- In response to his questions, Tafsír Kawthar was
revealed;
- A series of travels was undertaken until eventually he
joined forces with Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh.

6. Outline of Vápasín Junbish Qurún Vustá’í dar Dúrán
Fiúdálí [The Last Medival [social] Movement in the Feudal Period] by
Muhammad-Ridá Fisháhí: Though a relatively recent study, pages 126-
128 offers innovative analysis of the undercurrents of social
dissatisfaction of Nayrízís which led to the Bábí rebellion.

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Qájár Records Pertaining to Nayríz-II
7. Notice of Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s Assassination
The following notice was posted in Rúznámah Waqáyi’í Ittifáqiyya356, no.
117, Thursday, 19 Rajab 1269 A.H./28 April 1853:

News of Fárs: According to the reports in the Fárs
newspapers, on 15 Jamádíu’th-Thání357, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán Nayrízí had gone to the public bath where several
malefactors had beforehand taken position and at an
opportune moment had rushed and murdered him. After he
had entered the bathhouse, they had emerged from hiding
and caused him injuries on the left side and as apparently no
one was with him, people heard the commotion and
informed his attendants who came quickly and dealt with
the four assassins accordingly.358

8. Outline of Haqayiqu’l-Akhbar Násirí on Nayríz-II
Some of the underlying causes for the second Nayríz uprising are noted
in this source, which are not mentioned elsewhere:359

- The Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih,
was appointed governor-general of Fárs in 1269 A.H.360
- Though a competent governor, he was hamstrung by the
Prime Minister who was the brother-in-law of Mírzá
Na‘ím Núrí.

356 Journal of Current Events, first established on 7 February 1851, by Mírzá Taqí

Khán Amír-Kabír, the Prime Minister, as a weekly organ of national news. For further
information, consult E.G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, pp. 98-99.
357 26 March 1853
358 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 90, n. 1.
359 Quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 27, n. 1.
360 October 1852 to October 1853.

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- The governor was unable to prevent the injustices and
oppressions of Mírzá Na‘ím in the administration of
Nayríz, the intrigues of Mihr-‘Alí Khán and the wretched
and impoverished Bábís in Nayríz and Dáráb.
- Tahmásb Mírzá remained unresponsive to the complaints
of the Bábís of Nayríz.
- Frustrated with the status quo, the remnant of the Bábís
emerged from hiding and rose in opposition against the
deputy governor.
- Mírzá Na‘ím misrepresented the situation to the
governor-general, who sent him to Nayríz in company of
an army and two cannons.
- Mírzá Na‘ím arrived during the last ten days of
Muharram361.
- The battle started on 1 Safar362.
- A large number of the Bábís were massacred and the
remaining were brought to Shiraz as prisoners of war.
- The Prince interrogated the Bábís, killed the
insurrectionists and sent the remaining number to
Tihrán.

9. Nayríz-II uprising in the Government Newspaper
The following is recorded in the Rúznámah Waqáyi’i Ittifáqiyya, no. 148,
Thursday, 29 Sifr 1270 A.H./1 December 1853:

News of Fárs - According to the newspapers of that region,
once again, Bábís have insurrected and about five or six
hundred of them gathered with their wives in a mountain
near Nayríz, constructed a large number of fortifications and
caused mischief and trouble. The illustrious Prince,
Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, the governorgeneral of Fárs, together with the honored Mírzá Na‘ím, the
361 23 October – 2 November 1853.
362 3 November 1853.

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Lashkar-Nivís363, and the governor of Nayríz, and General
Luft-‘Alí Khán, in the company of a Qashqá’í regiment and
another regiment maintained in Fárs and several heavy
artillery pieces and cavalry, were sent to reduce the
insurgents. A fierce battle took place between this misguided
band and the all-powerful regiments at the end of Muharram
and beginning of Safr364. Our forces were eventually
victorious and captured two or three of their fortifications in
the mountain, killing in battle about one hundred of their
number and raising their heads upon spears. The rest were
captured along with their wives and children and sent to
Shiraz.
Praise be to God that because of the unceasing divine
confirmations surrounding the person of the monarch, the
said group [i.e. the Bábís] were thoroughly routed and not
one among them remained, as all were either killed or
captured. Also according to these reports, the mountain
where the battles took place was extremely difficult to pass,
and only after intense battle was the army able to secure it.
Several soldiers and royal attendants were injured in these
events.365

10. Muntazam Násirí
Fádil Mázandarání quotes the following passage from this source,
“About five or six hundred of the Bábís gathered in Nayríz and raised
fortifications in the nearby mountains. The Prince Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih,
the governor of Fárs, instructed Mírzá Na‘ím Lashkar-Nivís, governor of
Nayríz and General Lutf-‘Alí Khán to proceed with a division of
Qashqá’í and other soldiers and several cannons to reduce and eliminate
them. After a fierce battle, their fortifications were conquered and some
one hundred of them slaughtered by swords, while the remaining

363 Chief registrar or the secretary of an army
364 3 November 1853.
365 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 118-119.

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number were captured as prisoners.”366

366 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 39, n.1.

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Chapter 9

Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání

And their Lord hath accepted of them, and answered them: “Never
will I suffer to be lost the work of any of you, be he male or female: ye
are members, one of another; those who have left their homes, or been
driven out therefrom, or suffered harm in My cause, or fought or been
slain, verily, I will bolt out from them their inequities, and admit them
into gardens with rivers flowing beneath; a reward from the presence of
God, and from His presence is the best of rewards.
Qur’án 3:195

Introduction
A Bábí and Bahá’í of many years, Siyyid Husayn Hamadání had held civil
service posts in the government, and had once been a member of the
Sháh’s retinue when the monarch visited Europe in 1873. Some time
later, Mírzá Husayn was imprisoned because of his religious affiliations
and afterwards accepted a position in the Tihrán office of Manekjí Sábih,
who had come to Iran seeking royal exemption on payment of religious
taxes (jaz’iyh) for the Zoroastrian community – an effort that took him
to Baghdad and led to a meeting with Bahá’u’lláh, probably in 1861. In
addition to Siyyid Husayn, Manekjí employed the celebrated Mírzá
Abú’l-Fadl as a secretary and according to the latter, Manekjí was an avid
book collector and always encouraged and persuaded talented people to
write and compose for him. Being fascinated with the rise of the Bahá’í
faith and its relation to the Bábí religion, Manekjí commissioned Siyyid
Husayn to prepare a detailed history of the Bábí movement. In
consultation with Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl and with his encouragement, Siyyid
Husayn readily undertook this charge and produced a remarkably
moving account which relied substantially on the narrative of Mírzá Jání

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and the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh.367
However, after the completion of this task, it was not known what
became of Mírzá Husayn’s original manuscript. Manekjí, despite of his
weak grasp of the Persian language, had the habit of editing such texts
and it is evident that he attempted to “improve” Siyyid Husayn’s
composition. This revised text did survive and should be labeled as
“Manekjí’s text.” A copy of this was acquired by the London Museum
and was later labeled “Codex L” by Prof. E.G. Browne. Also, the
renowned Bahá’í scholar-teacher, Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní, surnamed
Nabíl Akbar, decided to further edit Manekjí’s text and produced was is
presently known as Táríkh Badí‘ Bayání. This later text is more than 90%
the same history prepared by Siyyid Husayn. It is the view of the present
writer that Browne acquired a copy of this text, which he labeled “Codex
C” for the Cambridge manuscripts, and mistakenly thought it was the
original of Siyyid Husayn.368 Despite its limitations, Browne’s translation
of Siyyid Husayn’s revised narrative, published under the title of Táríkh-i
Jadíd, remains one of the most important and moving accounts of the
rise and struggles of the Bábí community.
Fortunately, after the passage of these years, Susan Maneck was
able to locate the original text of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative, which
includes some of Manekjí’s interpolations, and I am grateful to her for
kindly sharing a copy with me. In her cover letter she states, “...
Although Manekjí’s library had been reported as destroyed by white ants
(his grandson told me this) I in fact found that at least part of it was
housed in the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute in Bombay. There were cards
written in Persian identifying each manuscript. Besides photocopying
each Bahá’í manuscript I copied those notes. Unfortunately I could not
locate them as I was getting ready to mail you this manuscript. They will
367 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. xxxii, gives the date of this composition as 1297-8 A.H. (1880).
368 For instance, in Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 131, n.1, Browne concludes that this section had

been a subsequent addition to the original text, which seems a reasonable inference.
However, Browne identifies Nabíl as Mírzá Muhammad Zarandí and refers to the
translation of A Traveler’s Narrative for details concerning him. As noted earlier, the
evidence suggests that by Nabíl is meant Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní. Concerning Nabíl
Akbar see Eminent Bahá’ís in the time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 112-115, and Memorials of the
Faithful, pp. 1-5.

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turn up eventually and I will send you the entire list. The notes identified
the texts, the authors, the types and quality of calligraphy and the
calligrapher. Hamadání was listed as the calligrapher and the author.”
This aged text stands at a total of 261 densely written pages and will be
referred to as “Hamadání’s manuscript.” It is the earliest text of
Hamadání’s Tarikh-i Jadid known to the present writer.
In addition to the newly found manuscript of Siyyid Husayn’s text,
I am in possession of a later revision scribed by a certain Hájí
Muhammad-Sádiq, son of the martyred Muhammad-‘Alí, who completed
his copying on 10 Ramadán 1317 A.H.369. This text is in 327 pages and
will be referred as “Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript.”
Hamadání’s manuscript accords very closely to Browne’s Codex L,
but there are some notable differences. For instance, on page 120, n.1, of
Táríkh-i Jadíd, Browne notes that both his manuscripts refer to Prince
Farhád Mírzá. However, both manuscripts in my possession have Prince
Fírúz Mírzá (Hamadání, p. 81, line 18; and Muhammad-Sádiq, p 166, line
8). Another example is in the next line, where Browne refers to Mihr-‘Alí
Khán, but the manuscripts in my possession name him as Muhammad-
‘Alí Khán, and leave out his title, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk. There are many
other minor differences that are beyond our present purposes to
describe and hopefully will be documented in a separate study.
Yet a third version of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative pertaining to
Vahíd and the Nayríz struggles appears in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár.370 It is
apparent that Rawhání was not familiar with the complicated history of
Siyyid Husayn’s narrative and in error thought that it was penned by Hájí
Mírzá Jání, whom he thought a Bahá’í.371 For the most part, the text used
by Rawhání follows Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript, but towards the
end begins to diverge completely and also shows a number of other
corruption. Therefore, it was decided not to use this version and to limit
the study to the original of Siyyid Husayn and the revised Muhammad-
Sádiq’s. It should be noted that Muhammad-Sádiq’s version is utilized
primarily to illustrate how such texts change through transcriptions and

369 12 January 1900.
370 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 319-336.
371 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 319.

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revisions. To facilitate a comparison of the present translation with
Táríkh-i Jadíd, to the extent possible, Browne’s actual words have been
used, though they been modified as demanded by the two cited
manuscripts.

Notations:

[] comments added to enhance clarity
{} appears only in Hamadání Manuscript
<> appears only in Muhammad-Sádiq Manuscript

Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání
{Yet more bewildering than the Mazandaran episode is that which befell
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí}372, son of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí. He
was eminent amongst mujtahids373 and the learned, [divinely] gifted with
supernatural faculties and high spiritual attainments, notable for his
sanctity, and unrivalled in discourse and revelation, austerity of life and
piety. When he heard the tidings of the Manifestation, he went to Shiraz
expressly to inquire into the matter. There he met with a certain eminent
and illustrious mujtahid truly learned in divine knowledge and wise in the
wisdom of the Eternal, one whose being is an ever-stirring sea harboring
pearls and jewels of understanding. But men know him not by this name
[of Babi], for the All-Wise hath till now kept him under the shadow of
His protection for the edification and perfection of His servants, the
guidance of such as wander in the valley of search into the straight path
of recognition, and the deliverance from darkness of such as seek after
truth.374 With this illustrious personage and several other learned and
pious believers did this thirsty pilgrim in the path of inquiry [i.e. Vahíd]
meet on his arrival at Shiraz. He was eager to obtain forthwith an

372 <The amazing episode of Áqá Siyyid Yahyáy-i Dárábí in Yazd and Nayríz occurred

in the year 1266 A.H. He was>
373 Those certified to issue rulings on matters of Islamic religious laws.
374 Presumably a reference Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í.

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interview with the Bab, the object of his search, but permission was for
sundry reasons deferred, and [Siyyid Yahyá] spent this interval in
examining some of the revealed verses. {Finding in them no ground for
objection or denial,}375 he said in confidence to the illustrious divine and
exalted Siyyid already referred to [i.e. Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í], “These
luminous words bear witness to the truth of this claim, and leave no
room for doubt; yet were it permitted to me to behold some miracle or
sign beyond this, I should gain a fuller measure of certitude and
assurance.” To this the illustrious Siyyid answered, “For such as have,
like us, beheld a thousand marvels stranger than the fabled cleaving of
the moon, to demand a miracle or sign from that Perfect Truth would be
as though we should seek light from a candle <or be satisfied with a
lighted wick> in the full blaze of the radiant sun:

In presence of the sun’s effulgence bright
Should we from lamp or candle seek for light,
‘T would surely be an act as vain as rude,
A proof of folly and ingratitude.
The sun, in sooth, requires no further sign
Than the slant sun-beam’s long-protracted line.376”

<For a while, in a state of doubt and quandary Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
tarried in that town. Thereafter, he set down in writing several hard
questions of his own devising, and one night, about five hours after
sunset, sent this paper by means of the aforementioned eminent divine
to His Exalted Holiness, (may the spirit of all that dwell on earth be a
ransom for Him). In the morning the messenger brought the answer,
wherein were nearly three thousand verses of text and commentary
sufficient to dispel all hesitancy. No sooner had Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
glanced at these than he was filled with wonder, and said to that
illustrious personage, “I have beheld a marvel a hundred-thousand-fold

375 <Although outwardly he testified to the eloquence and sublimity of those verses,

yet inwardly he was hesitant and desired to witness something extraordinary and truly
miraculous.>
376 This quotation is from the Mathnaví. (E.G.B.)

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beyond what I sought, {for,} with all my learning and scholarship, I
spent <eight or> nine whole days in writing one single page of questions
containing not more than twelve lines. Most wonderful, therefore, does
it seem to me that over two thousand exalted verses and illustrations of
such exceeding eloquence and beauty of style should be revealed and
written down during five {or six} hours of the latter part of the night,
which is the time for His Holiness’s repose.”
When, therefore, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá had well considered that
treatise, and the solutions therein offered of the hard questions which he
had propounded, his doubts were completely removed; and, after a
sojourn of some little while, during which the honor of an interview was
accorded to him <which completed his enchantment>, he received
permission to depart, and set out for Yazd. The late Hájí Mírzá Jání
writes:377

Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, at the behest of His Exalted Holiness [i.e.
the Báb], came from Yazd to Tihrán, and it was during this
journey that I had the honor of meeting him.378 This was at
a time when snow had covered the earth and the air was
bitterly cold, and snow and rain threatened travelers with
destruction and rendered movement almost impossible.
Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility and
contentment as knew no limit. I inquired of him what had
been the means of his conversion and how he had come to
believe, and he answered as follows: ‘<Although it requires a
great deal of explanation to outline the manner in which I
recognized Him, as I was immersed in doubts and tarried in
the land of dilemma and uncertainty for much too long, I
shall endeavor to acquaint you with a brief outline.> After
the report of the Manifestation had been spread abroad,

377 The first two paragraphs of the section that follows are similar to the Nuqtatu’l-

Káf, pages 120-122, quoted in Chapter 6. However, one will note a number of
additional details in the present section.
378 As noted earlier, this meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of

1847 as Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3.

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men would ask of me, “What say you of Him [i.e. the Báb]?”
to which I was forced to reply, “Not having seen Him, what
can I say? Once I have beheld Him, and ascertained
somewhat more about Him, then I shall be able to impart to
you that which I have understood.” Later I set out for
Shiraz to inquire into the matter and ascertain its truth. After
staying in Shiraz for some time, I was granted the honor of
attaining His presence. In the first interview with His
Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of divines, in a
somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous questions, and
conducting myself haughtily, as men of learning are wont to
do. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being still
covered with a veil of egotism and self-centeredness, His
words found no favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to be
somewhat sorry <and disappointed> that I had troubled
myself to no purpose, and fruitlessly undertaken so long and
tedious a journey. <What had I desired to witness had not
transpired and in fact the very opposite was the case.>
However, His Holiness smiled much upon me, and treated
me very graciously. On returning to my lodging, I said
confidentially to some of His disciples, who were
profoundly versed in knowledge and entrusted with the
divine treasures, “You are more learned and far wiser than
this Youth; for what reason do you acknowledge the truth
of His claim and admit the cogency of His proofs?” “If you
will but be patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you
too will confess and yield allegiance.” Deeply disappointed, I
wished to return to my home, and was actually intending to
commence the journey, when my companions <stopped
and> prevented me, saying, “You too will be fully
convinced and become a believer. <Since you have troubled
yourself with this journey, do not hasten to return until the
doubts have been dispelled and the veils lifted.>“ I inquired
on what grounds they based their belief. They replied,
“Experience has taught us that anyone whom His Holiness

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receives graciously, and to whom He shows affection, is in
the end invariably persuaded, even though he be filled with
antagonism and aversion; while, on the other hand, anyone
on whom His Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even
though at first he may incline to believe.”
‘To be brief, I delayed my departure [from Shiraz]
during which time I observed certain events that increased
my desire to discover the truth and, in fact, brought about a
limited degree of assurance. However, one night His
Holiness summoned me, [and, after receiving me,] very
graciously, said, “What dost thou then desire of Me? I
replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily
bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou
grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of
Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand.” “Write down your
questions,” said He, “that I may answer them in writing.”
Now I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote
down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen,
and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen
could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took
another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question
which you have in heart is this, and this is its answer.” When
I had considered these full and sufficient answers, and the
reply given to the question which I had in my heart and
which I regarded as more weighty and important than the
other two, but deemed unanswerable, and observing a
number of other details <including His innate splendors,
divine attraction and power and might over all things>, I
became certain that in truth the expected Proof and the
fashioner of the worlds seen and unseen, was none other
than Him. Indeed, I submitted so entirely to the power of
attraction and influence which He possesses that, oblivious
of any danger and peril that might await me, at a mere hint
on His part I was proud and glad to undertake a journey in
this cold winter weather, my only hope being that He would,

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of His grace and favor, accept me as the servant of His
servants, and that I might be permitted to shed even a drop
of my blood in the furtherance of His cause.’
When, after the lapse of some time, I again had the
honor of meeting Áqá Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd379, I observed in
his august countenance signs of a glory and power which I
had not noticed during my first interview with him in the
capital [i.e. Tihrán], nor at other encounters, and I knew of a
certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his
departure from the world. In subsequent meetings I heard
him say several times in the course of conversation, ‘This is
my last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and
often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to the
same thought. Sometimes when we were together, and the
conversation took an appropriate turn, he would remark,
‘The near-ones to God are able to foretell coming events,
and I swear by that beloved True One in the grasp of
Whose power my soul lies that I know and could tell where
and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me.
And how glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood
should be shed for the uplifting of the Word of Truth!’
Sanctified be God! I know not what these personages
thus perceived that they surrendered the realm of self to
divine attraction. And what marvel has He wrought, that
such illustrious men of learning, achievement and piety, can
foretell their own deaths and be informed of the slayer and
the killing place, and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm,
hasten to the abode of sacrifice. It is as though they were
detached from this world and all that is therein, and indeed
had grown weary and disgusted with all earthly things.380

379 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However,

both manuscripts in my possession have the meeting in Yazd.
380 The above two paragraphs closely correlate with the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pp. 223-230;

see Chapter 6.

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In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, after he had believed and made
submission, took leave [of the Báb], and set out from Shiraz for Yazd.
For a time at the beginning of his mission he expounded the Báb’s
doctrines only in gatherings of such as were prepared and fit to hear
them. <He would share with certain companions and believers, the glad
tidings of the Manifestation and the Truth of His Cause. Gradually as the
flame of love for the Beloved grew stronger in the heart of the seeker,
and the heat of recognition engulfed him, he would express a greater
measure of the truth.> But afterwards, according to the purport of the
verse-

“Prudence and love can ne’er walk hand in hand,”

and the verse

‘Love and fair fame must wage eternal war;
O lover, halt not at the loved one’s door!”

he began openly to proclaim the truth, and converted a great multitude
<from ranks of the both the learned and the common>, beside leading
many who had not reached the stage of conviction and the haven of
assurance to profess devotion and sympathy. At length, through the
exertions of certain meddlesome and mischievous people, the governor
of Yazd was informed of what was taking place. He, fearing for himself,
sent a body of men to arrest Siyyid Yahyá <and his companions>. A
trifling collision occurred between the two parties and thereupon the
governor prepared to effect his capture by force of arms, and prepared
for battle.
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired with a number of his followers and
friends into the citadel of Yazd, while the myrmidons of the governor
surrounded it and commenced hostilities. At length the matter came to
actual warfare, in the course of which some thirty or more of the
governor’s men and the rogues and vagabonds of the city who had
joined them were killed, while seven of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá’s followers
were also slain, and the rest were besieged for some time, till some,

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unwilling to endure further disaster or withstand trial, dispersed. Siyyid
Yahyá thereupon determined to set out for Shiraz, and said one night,
“If one of you could manage to lead out my horse, so that I might
diffuse this untoward situation, and convey myself to some other <preordained> place, it were not amiss.” One Hasan <Yazdí> by name, who
bad been for some time in attendance on Siyyid Yahyá, and had
displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion, having
witnessed on the part of his august master many a display of miraculous
and supernatural faculties, made answer, saying, “With your permission,
I will lead out the horse.” “They will capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid
Yahyá. “In the path of servitude to you,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to
bear. I have no ambition beyond it. <My purpose has been to attain
detachment from worldly things and the blessings of martyrdom,
particularly in the fulfillment of your wishes.>“ So Siyyid Yahyá allowed
him to go, and, even as he had announced, they took the youth captive
outside the citadel and brought him before the governor, who ordered
him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. When they would have
bound him with his back towards the gun, he begged the gunners, “Bind
me, I pray you, with my face towards the gun, that I may see it fired.”
The gunners, and those who stood by looking on, were astonished at his
composure and cheerfulness, and indeed <such behavior is a cause of
wonder and amazement as> one who can be cheerful in such a plight
must needs have great faith and fortitude.
Siyyid Yahyá, however, succeeded in effecting his departure from
the citadel with one other, and set out for Shiraz <where he stayed only
briefly>, whence he proceeded to Nayríz. After his withdrawal the
governor soon overcame his followers. Several of them were taken
captive and put to death, while from the rest, after they had suffered
divers torments, fines of money were exacted. <This also provided an
excuse to round up a number of affluent citizens, and despite their
having remained aloof from the events, to forcibly extract from them
considerable sums before releasing them.>
Now when Siyyid Yahyá was come to Nayríz, which was the
abode of his family and many friends, <in the course of a short while>,
he caused many to believe, while others denied, and many remained

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hesitant and undecided. The governor of that district, <that is, Mírzá
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán>, though he had formerly professed the most
devoted attachment to him, no sooner perceived <that some of the
town’s population had sided with Siyyid Yahyá while others were
decidedly antagonistic, and feared that> a struggle was imminent
<among the commoners,> and that the government would pass out of
his hands, than he sent word to Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider
it expedient that you should continue any longer in this province. It is
best that you should depart with all speed to some other place.” To this
Siyyid Yahyá made reply, “I have returned hither, after a prolonged
absence, to learn how matters fare, and to see my wife and family,
neither do I wish to interfere with anyone. What makes you order me to
quit my house, instead of affording me protection and observing towards
me the friendship and respect which are my due? <It is most unseemly
to order me to depart in such a hurry.> Do you not fear God, and have
you no shame before His apostle?”
So when the governor, <Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán>, saw that Siyyid
Yahyá heeded not his words and answered him sharply, he was filled
with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a popular tumult, inciting such
men of every class and kind as were most wicked and mischievous to
make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid Yahyá, who, perceiving this,
repaired to the mosque, and, after performing his devotions, ascended
the pulpit formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather, and spoke as
follows:

O good Muslims! Am I not he whose opinions and
prescriptions ye were wont to follow in all religious
questions? In your hour of need and trial, as well as in all
matters of doctrine and practice, did ye not use to prefer my
word to that of any other? Was not my belief, and the
judgment which my studies had led me to form, the
criterion of all your actions? What has come to you that you
meet me now with opposition and enmity? What forbidden
thing have I sanctioned, or what lawful thing have I
forbidden, that you thus without reason charge me with

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heresy and error? I stand here amongst you wronged and
oppressed for no other cause than that I have, for your
awakening and enlightenment, spoken true words and held
faithful discourse, and that I have, out of sympathy for you
and desire for your welfare, made known to you the path of
guidance. This being so, let each who slights or supports me
know of a certainty that, howsoever he acts in my regard, he
acts so in regard to my illustrious Ancestor.

When he had spoken words to this effect, some were sorry, and
some wept bitterly, saying, “We still continue in our former allegiance
and devotion to you, and all that you say we hold true and right.”
Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque, left the city, and
alighted in a ruined castle hard by, those friends who bore him company
being not more than seventeen in number. But even after he had left the
city his malicious and mischievous persecutors ceased not from their evil
designs, for they followed him with a great multitude, scouring the
country in all directions until they discovered his retreat. Thereupon they
laid siege to the castle and opened hostilities. Then Siyyid Yahyá
commanded seven of his men to go out and drive them away, and gave
them full instructions as to the ordering of battle, adding that whoever
should occupy a certain position would be slain by a wound in the
breast, and that such as went in a certain direction would return unhurt.
One amongst those present, a young lad of Yazd, good of heart and
comely of countenance, arose and said, “I pray you suffer me to be the
pioneer of this much-wronged band and to precede my comrades in
martyrdom.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and breathed a
prayer for him. Then the defenders of the castle sallied swiftly forth, and
attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere long scattered them and
put them to flight. But the Yazdí lad, even as his master had foretold,
and he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom, escaped
from the bonds of earth’s deceits, and gained the everlasting world and
life eternal. The rest returned victorious, having learned the meaning of
“verily we belong to God, and unto Him do we return.”
At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz

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Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, came to assume the government of Shiraz,
and was informed of what had taken place. He at once collected a
considerable force, which he dispatched under the command of
Muhammad-‘Alí Khán Díván-Begi, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán of
Núr, and General Mustafá-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlú, to subdue and take
captive the insurgents. When this force reached the castle, the number of
Siyyid Yahyá’s followers had increased to at least seventy. Several
encounters took place between the two forces, and on each occasion the
Bábís routed and dispersed their opponents and obtained possession of
abundant spoils. Meanwhile the devotion, faith, and love of Siyyid
Yahyá’s companions were much increased by the many prodigies which
he wrought, so that each was fully prepared to lay down his life. Siyyid
Yahyá had repeatedly described to his companions the circumstances of
his approaching end, and all had, for the good pleasure of the Beloved,
washed their hands of life, and, quit of earthly ties, awaited martyrdom.
Those who had come to take them, being unable, notwithstanding all
their efforts, to prevail by force of arms, and despairing of the final issue,
had recourse to treachery, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá expressing
perplexity as to his mission, making excuses for past deeds, declaring
themselves eager to inquire into the matter, and begging for instruction.
They further pledged, with oaths sworn on the Word of God [the
Qur’án], that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they
would obey whatever terms he might propose.
So Siyyid Yahyá, out of respect for the Qur’án, prepared to go
forth. But his followers surrounded him on every side, saying, “We are
fearful and anxious about your exit, for this host is more faithless than
the men of Kufa.381 No reliance can be placed on their oaths, neither
ought you to believe their promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied, “By
God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery, and I
know it as well as my saintly Ancestor382 knew the perfidy of the men of
Kufa. But how can I resist their wiles, these being in accord with the
divinely-appointed destiny? Because of what they have written and

381 The people of Kufa by their promises of support induced the Imam Husayn to take

up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. (E.G.B.)
382 A reference to Imam Husayn from Whom Vahíd descended.

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pledged themselves on the Qur’án to perform, it is incumbent on me to
go and complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written
instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his
companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do
we return.” And his followers wept bitterly.
So Siyyid Yahyá came to the warring camp, and there alighted. At
first they treated him with all respect and deference, such respect as
Má’mún ar-Rashid observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí383, upon Him
be a thousand blessings and salutations, while inwardly bent on His
death. And they agreed to postpone all discussion of terms till the
morrow, and spent that night conversing on various topics. But when
morning was come, and Siyyid Yahyá would have gone forth from his
tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It is not permitted for you to
go out.” So he remained a prisoner in the tent.
No sooner had tidings of this reached Siyyid Yahyá’s faithful
followers than, unable to restrain themselves, they emerged from their
castle, hurled themselves upon the center of the army, and, in the space
of one hour, threw the whole camp into confusion. The senior officers,
seeing this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, saying, “Was it not
agreed between us last night that there should be peace and concord?”
“Aye,” said he, “but your scheming last night and your conduct this
morning provoked this reprisal.” “It was done without our knowledge,”
answered they, “and without our sanction. Some of our men, who have
lost kinsmen and relatives in this warfare, offered you this insult
ignorantly and without our knowledge. You, who are merciful and
generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”, said he, “would you have
me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men of yours, bidding them
evacuate the castle and return to their own homes, that the minds of our
soldiers may be reassured; and we will then arrange matters as you may
determine, and act agreeably on your suggestions.”
Siyyid Yahyá had no resource but to write to his followers, “Come
what may, you must submit to the divinely ordained decree; meanwhile
there is no recourse but that you should gather up your own gear, leaving
the spoils you have won exactly as they are, and return to your homes.
383 The eighth Imam. ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818).

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Let us wait and see what God wills, and what’s behind the veil of
predestination.” So these poor companions, being constrained to obey
his behest, departed to their homes. But no sooner did they arrive there
than their foes attacked their houses, <captured them singly,> carried
off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them in
chains, bound hand and foot, to the camp.
There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had
served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, suffering much for his
sake, and attaining the exalted station of servitude by renouncing all
earthly possessions. And when word was brought that the executioner
was on his way from the city charged with the killing of that illustrious
Siyyid [Yahyá], this man began to make great lamentation. But his master
said, “It is you, not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay
me will arrive tomorrow.” When the morrow came, about an hour after
the time of the Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is
now come.” Shortly after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out
Siyyid Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner, just as
Siyyid Yahyá had foretold, proffered to the youth the draught of
martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am
ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle and will never lift my hand to
slay His offspring,” neither would he, for all their importunity, consent
to do their bidding. Then one who had lost two brothers in the earlier
part of the war and therefore cherished a deep resentment, said, “I will
kill him.” And he loosed the shawl wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast
it round his neck, and drew it tight. And others beat his holy body with
sticks and stones, dragging it hither and thither over the plain, till his
soul soared falcon-like to the branches of paradise <and took his place
near the Lord of Oneness>. Then they severed his head from his body,
skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and sent it, with other heads, along with
the captives to Shiraz. And they sent an announcement of their victory
and triumph to Prince [Firuz Mírzá], and fixed a day for their entry into
Shiraz. And when on the appointed day they drew near, the city was
decorated, and the people were busy enjoying themselves and making
merry, most of them having come out from the town to meet the

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victorious troops and gaze on the captives.384 The late Hájí Mírzá Jání
writes:385

One Kuchak ‘Alí Beg, the head-man and chief of the
Basirí386 tribe of Shiraz, related what follows: ‘After they had
slain Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, they came to take camels from our
people, intending to set the captives on their bare backs. I
was distressed at this, but could not resist the governor’s
order. I therefore rode away from my tribe at night and
came to Shiraz that at least I might not be amongst my
people and have to endure the insolence of the soldiers.
When I was come within half a farsang of Shiraz, I lay down
to sleep for a while to rid myself of weariness. When I again
mounted, I saw that the people of Shiraz had come out in
large numbers with minstrels and musicians, and were sitting
about in groups at every corner and cross-road, feasting and
making merry with wanton women. On every side I noted
with wonder drunken brawls, wine bibbing, the savor of
roasted meats, and the strains of guitars and lutes. Thus
wondering I entered the city.
‘After a while, unable to endure the suspense, I
determined to go out and see what was taking place. As I
came forth from the city-gate, I heard an old man asking
another, “What has happened today that the people have
thus left their houses and gone out of the town as though to
see some great sight, and why do they thus make merry?”
The other, a youth, replied, “You must surely be a stranger

384 The portion detailing Vahíd’s activities in Yazd and Nayriz closely correlates with

the section in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf; see Chapter 6.
385 This entire section is not in the published Nuqtatu’l-Káf. At least two possibilities

exist: (1) Hamadání was using a text of Hájí Mírzá Jání’s narrative that differed from
Browne’s edition of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf by at least this one section; or (2) he simply
added this material and attributed it to Mírzá Jání, much like other writers who
attribute their writings or poems to earlier recognized figures.
386 The Basirí is one the Khamsa (Arab) nomad tribes of Fárs and Laristán. See Lord

Curson, Persia, vol. 2, p. 114. (E.G.B.)

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not to know about the heretic who renounced our faith and
creed of Islam and rebelled against His Majesty the Shah,
and how a great force of troops was sent against him. Well,
they have taken and slain him, and made captive his family,
companions {and followers} whom they will bring into the
city today.” “By which gate,” asked the old man, “will they
enter?” “By the Sa‘dí gate,” answered the other.
{‘He was a wise old man,’ continued Kuchak ‘Alí Beg,
‘and had seen the world and read its history!387 As soon as I
had heard what passed between him and the youth, it at
once recalled to me the story of Sahl ibn Sa‘íd, how he
questioned the man of Damascus, and how just such a
dialogue ensued, the latter saying, “They will enter
Damascus by the gate of Sa‘at.”388 I was much struck by the
coincidence, and my wonder increased.} When I had gone
<somewhat> further, I saw such feasting and rejoicing as I
had never before witnessed. Most of the men were engaged
in making merry and toying with their wanton women. After
a little while I saw the camels approaching, whereon there

387 The narrator means, I suppose, to imply that the old man, struck by the
resemblance between the episodes of Nayríz and Karbala, intentionally asked this
question to bring out this resemblance more clearly. (E.G.B.)
388 In illustration of this narrative, I subjoin the translation of a passage occurring in a

manuscript collection of ta‘ziyas belonging to the University Library of Cambridge
(Add. 423, f. 63b): “It is related on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbás that Sahl-i Sa‘idí related
as follows: ‘I had gone on business to Damascus. One day I arrived at a village in the
neighborhood of Damascus. I found that orders had been issued for the village to be
decorated, and that the people were flocking out as though to see some sight, with
rejoicing and beatings of drams and kettledrums. I said to myself, ‘Surely these people
must have some festival not common to other men.’ I asked one what was toward. He
replied, ‘O Shaykh, art thou then an Arab of the desert?’ I answered, ‘I am Sahl-i Sa’idi,
and one of the companions of our Holy Prophet.’ The man heaved a sigh and began
to weep and make lamentation, saying, ‘It is wonderful that the heavens do not rain
down blood at this calamity.’ Then said I, ‘Speak more clearly.’ Then quoth he, ‘The
people of Damascus are rejoicing and making merry over the blessed head of Imam
Husayn which they of Iraq have sent to Yazid.’ I said, ‘From which gate of the city will
they bring forth that head?’ He answered, ‘From the Gate of Sa‘at.’...” (E.G.B.)

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were set some forty or fifty women. Many of the soldiers
bore on their spears the severed heads of the men they had
slain. And till this time the towns-folk had been busy with
their merrymaking, but no sooner did their eyes fall on the
severed heads borne aloft on spears and the captives set on
barebacked camels than they burst unrestrainedly into tears.
‘Thus they brought the captives into the bazaars,
which had been decorated and adorned, and though it was
no great distance from the bazaars to the citadel, yet such
was the throng of spectators who purposely retarded the
passage of the captives that it was after mid-day when they
reached the governor’s palace. The Prince was holding a
pleasure-party in the summer-house called Kuláh Farangí389
and the garden adjoining it, he sitting on a chair, and the
nobles and magnates of the city standing. On one side was
drawn a curtain, behind which the women of the Prince’s
household were ensconced. And the captives all bound to
one chain were led in this sad plight into the garden and
brought before the Prince. Then <colonel> Muhammad-
‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other officers recounted
their exploits and their glorious victory, with various
versions and many embellishments, to the Prince, who on
his part kept inquiring the names, rank, and family of the
captives, and throwing in an occasional, “Who is this?” and
“Which is that?” And all the captives were women, with the
exception of one child four or five years of age who was
with them. And that {sickly} child was in truth a partaker of
the sufferings of these unfortunate women.
‘Now when the conversation had been extended for a
long while, suddenly a very tall woman who was amongst
the captives cried out, “O son of Marjina390, hast thou no

389 Lit. “The European’s hat”, is the name of a summerhouse of the Fars’ governor,

which E.G. Browne states he visited in the spring of 1888; see, A Year Amongst the
Persians, p. 317.
390 Shimar ibn Jawshan, one of the murderers of Imam Husayn. See Sir Lewis Pelly,

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fear of God nor shame before my Ancestor391 that thou thus
lookest on his offspring before all these strange men?”392‘
Here Kuchak ‘Alí Beg added an oath before continuing,
‘The woman’s words produced such an effect on the hearts
of those who were present, moving them to tears, that had
the sight-seers and townsfolk been there and witnessed what
took place there would assuredly have been a disturbance
and revolt. The Prince first ordered the woman killed, but
afterwards, seeing the mood of the bystanders greatly
changed, he grew apprehensive, and ordered the captives
dismissed.”

The night before, when the raid had been made on the houses of
the {captives}393 [at Nayríz] {and they had been taken prisoner}, twelve
people had succeeded in effecting their escape. These, however, were
subsequently captured in the neighborhood of Isfahan and brought to
Shiraz, {where they suffered martyrdom.}
But in spite of all this, [as it would seem two years later,] they again
waged protracted mountain warfare with the believers [of Nayríz], who,
because of the cruelties and exactions to which they were subjected, were
for a long while hiding in the mountains with their wives and children.
Their persecutors, having captured and killed the men, seized,
together with their children, at least thirty-five of the women, or
according to another reckoning some forty of them, <on account of
their enmity> they placed the women and children in the midst of a
cave, heaped up in the cave a vast quantity of firewood, poured
kerosene, and set fire to it. One of those who took part in this deed
related what follows: “Two or three days later, we ascended that

Miracle Play of Hasan and Husayn, vol. 2, p. 258, and Tabari’s Annales, series ii, vol. i, p.
377, 1. 6. (E.G.B.)
391 The Prophet Muhammad, or his cousin and son-in-law ‘Alí b. Abi Talib, from

whom the woman, as belonging to a family of Siyyids, claimed descent. (E.G.B.)
392 i.e. men beyond the circle of those whose nearness of kinship to a woman entitles

them to look on her unveiled. (E.G.B.)
393 <companions>

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mountain and removed the door from the cave. We saw that the fire had
sunk down into the ashes; but all those women with their children were
seated, each in some corner, clasping their little ones to their bosoms,
and sitting round in a circle, just as they were [when we left them]. Some,
as though in despair or in mourning, had suffered their heads to sink
down to their knees in grief and all retained the postures they had
assumed. I was filled with amazement, thinking that the fire had not
burned them. Full of apprehension and awe I entered. Then I saw that
all were burned and charred to a cinder, yet had they never made a
movement, which would cause the crumbling away of the bodies. As
soon as I touched them with my hand, however, they crumbled away to
ashes. And all of us, when we had seen this, repented of what we had
done. <But of what avail was this?>”
<In the course of conversation, I myself heard the following from
a certain learned divine who was unrivalled in piety and saintliness, and
which increased my astonishment at these people [i.e. the Bábís]. Of the
details he shared, a summary is this: One day during the period when
Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and the body of his companions were surrounded by
the gunmen and the standard of war and battle was raised high, one of
them was struck by a bullet. “My injury is fatal,” he informed his friends,
“the time for my earthly separation from you draws nigh. However as
long as I am able to move, even stumblingly, use my body as a shield and
get behind me. Thus, as they shoot at us, [the shots] will spare you and
strike me instead, and as I am already dying, the greater the injuries, the
quicker will be my departure.>
But at that time the Bábís were subject to so rigorous a
persecution, and matters went so hard with them, that none dared so
much as utter their name, or allude to them in any way, or inquire
concerning them. The full narrative of these events, therefore, would
greatly exceed what is here recorded, but that which is set forth is all that
could be ascertained. And these details were for the most part related by
persons who were not believers, though candid and truthful after their
own fashion. {“Excellence is that whereunto foes testify.”}
Even this brief summary, however, will suffice for the appraisal of
unprejudiced persons. The truth of the matter is, indeed, sufficiently

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indicated by a tradition of Jabir, who, speaking of the promised Proof,
says, “He shall manifest the perfection of Moses, the splendor of Jesus,
and the patience of Job. His chosen ones shall be abased in His day.
Their heads shall be offered as presents even as the heads of Turks and
Daylamites. They shall be slain and burnt. Fear shall seize them; dismay
and alarm shall strike terror into their hearts. The earth shall be dyed
with their blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail and lament. These indeed
are my friends!”394
Glory be to God, {His Prophets, and the sacred religion}! <Now
consider how in the Hadith [known as] Tablet of Fatimih,> a thousand
years before this Manifestation the signs and tokens whereby its saints
might be distinguished were thus explicitly declared by the imams of our
holy religion for the information of this misguided people and their
deliverance from error. The fulfillment of this announcement is now
clearly seen; yet still the majority of mankind, thus blinded by willful
prejudice, refuse to recognize this, and pay no heed to the
accomplishment of the prophecy handed down by tradition from the
Imams of old, the blessings of God be upon Them all. Yet have they
clearly seen and heard how the heads of these true believers were sent as
presents from land to land, how they were slain and burned, how their
wives and children and those of their households were led captive from
city to city, and how, just as the Imams foretold, the earth was dyed with
their blood. Still do many, accounting as sound reason their own erring
and wilful judgments, stigmatize as misguided or deranged men such as
these, who were in truth kings in the spiritual world, gracious proofs of
the Point of Unity {exemplars of “I was a Hidden Treasure. I wished to
be made known, and thus I called creation into being in order that I
might be known,”395 to whom, moreover, such words as “These indeed
are my friends” were addressed}. And the greatest marvel is that before
those who believed in this sublime and holy faith had embraced the new
doctrine all men readily admitted their virtue, learning, sincerity, integrity,
wisdom, and piety, and granted them their being incontestably superior
to their contemporaries in austerity of life, godliness, intelligence, and

394 Translation by Shoghi Effendi as it appears in the Kitab Iqan, p. 245.
395 Translation from the Kitáb-i Aqdas, n.23.

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good works. Thus Siyyid Yahyá, for example, was admittedly one of the
most eminent divines of Islam, being remarkable not only for his
singular holiness of life, but for his rare insight and miraculous faculties.
Whenever he entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met by
all the divines, nobles, and great men of the district, and was brought
into the city with every mark of deference and respect. It was considered
an honor to serve him, and at whatever house he alighted the owner
thereof would glory over his fellows. In short, all men regarded his
society as a privilege, and converse with him as a legitimate cause for
pride. But when he had, after most careful and diligent enquiry,
recognized the Lord of the world, and, actuated only by a desire to
please God, set himself to save from error those who still wandered in
the wilderness <of heedlessness and delusion>, and to guide them {to
the shores of certitude and fulfillment and} into the haven of peace
<and assurance> then, because bat-like they hated the light of Truth and
effulgence of understanding, they acted according to their evil nature and
their ancient custom, and, in return for his charity and kindness towards
them, stirred up strife and blood-shed, persecuted and afflicted him,
stuffed his holy head with straw as though it had been the head of a
Turkman, Baluch, or Deylami, and bore it from town to town. Then, just
as the holy Imams had foretold, they grievously afflicted and slew his
friends and followers, cruelly burned their bodies with fire, and sent their
heads as a show and a gift from land to land, as though to say, “This is
the meaning of ‘Love’s portion is affliction,’ and this the way of such as
are permitted to draw near to the courts of God!

{‘The guest whose place is highest in this banquet
They ply most often with the wine of woe.”‘}

Thus they acted as they had done of yore in the time of God’s
Apostle, dealing with these sorely afflicted people as they dealt with the
Prince of Martyrs [Imam Husayn], upon Him be a thousand blessings
and salutations, and His followers on the plain of Karbala, and as they
had dealt with the Holy Spirit of God [Jesus] and His disciples. But the
cruelty, hardness of heart, and unbelief which they had displayed towards

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Moses and the other Prophets of bygone time appeared in this
Manifestation with redoubled intensity, revealing to all discerning
persons the infidelity which permeated every recess of these men’s
beings. For just as in every previous age they slandered the Prophets and
saints, accounting it a work of merit to slay them, burn them, saw them
asunder, and crucify them in blind obedience to their priests’ commands;
just as they reviled, cursed, and rejected them, and convened assemblies
to devise means for the shedding of their blood; just as they set in order
proofs for the justification of their own assertions and actions, and
arguments for the falsity of the claims advanced by those who
announced themselves to be God’s messengers; just as they accounted
their miracles naught but magic or slight-of-hand, and their revelations
mere tales and “fables of the ancients396,” so in this Manifestation did
they say and do more than ever they had said or done, in days gone by.
<In truth, many of the divines who considered themselves men of
influence and guides of people in the realms of God, without any
scrutiny or careful determination, and solely based on personal pride on
material learning and for protection of their position and leadership,
caused all these misdeeds and agitation. They brought untold tumult and
bloodshed. Unchecked and without the least questioning, they gave
instructions for the eradication of these servants of God. In truth, no
criticism is directed at the Monarch, as his majesty the Shah was urged,
indeed forced into this unseemly violence against this community,
because the divines exerted such influence over the nation and the
government that the power and the authority of the Throne is
insignificant compared with the mastery and rule of the divines. By such
disagreements and divisions, they have reduced the religion of God to a
mere name, they have rendered the government impotent and the
monarchy an empty shell. Indeed, the Throne is a lifeless vessel, and
much like a slaughtered bird moves its wings and legs, but its agitation is
a sign of decline and impending death. Or their behavior can be likened
to a ship wherein these unholy divines have gathered, each considering
himself the competent captain and the independent and unrivaled leader
of this vessel. In their competitiveness and hidden rivalries, one
396 Qur’án 4:25, 8:31 and 16:26.

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commands the vessel to go east, while another, for no better reason, calls
for the west, and the third, based solely on his own vain imaginings,
directs it north. None have been given the understanding and insight to
discern the path to salvation, and to safely guide its inhabitants to the
shores of deliverance. Whatever directions they give are futile, and
whatever they instruct is useless. As soon as winds of opposition blow,
they will all assuredly perish in the depths of oblivion.>397

{And these events took place in the year 1266 A.H.}

397 Hamadání manuscript has two lines of Mathnaví.

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Chapter 10

Companions of Vahíd

Even as it hath been recorded ... in the ‘Tablet of Fátimih’, concerning
the character of the Qá’im: ‘He shall manifest the perfection of Moses,
the splendor of Jesus, and the patience of Job. His chosen ones shall be
abased in His day. Their heads shall be offered as presents even as the
heads of Turks and Daylamites. They shall be slain and burnt. Fear
shall seize them; dismay and alarm shall strike terror into their hearts.
The earth shall be dyed with their blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail
and lament. These indeed are my friends!’
Kitáb-i Iqán, p. 245

The extinction of Vahíd’s life was the signal for a fierce onslaught
on the life and property of those who stood identified with the new
movement. For Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán it was time to exact his long
awaited revenge, which he satisfied by ordering the capture and massacre
of all who had been associated with Vahíd or had rebelled against his
own tribal rule. Several thousand men, led by Colonel Mihr-‘Alí Khán,
were commissioned for this villainous task. Some of the men were
among the Silákhurí regiment while others were the armed gunmen sent
from Shiraz, and yet others had been the irregulars gathered from the
surrounding tribes allied with the governor. For a period of no less than
a month these men committed that which had never before occurred in
the history of the young movement – not even in Mázandarán.
The companions of Vahíd who had scattered in hiding to various
homes, orchards and wilderness were, one by one, hunted, seized,
chained, tortured, and eventually slaughtered. Their women and children
were captured and subjected to heinous brutalities, wholly unparalleled in
the history of the region. Fádil Mázandarání writes: “On account of their
mistreatment, some of the [Bábí] women decided to commit suicide and

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threw themselves into wells and perished. It is reported that they cut the
breasts of some other women and several infants were stabbed and lifted
from their cradle by bayonets and tossed some distance. They placed
forty women in a cave and burned them alive.”398
The properties of all Bábís were confiscated and their homes
destroyed. Soldiers vandalized the homes in such wise that even the
floorboards and roof-lumber were taken away. What remained, was
burnt to the ground and obliterated. The Chindár-Súkhtih quarter, the
scene of the arrival of Vahíd and the first Bábí mass conversion in
Nayríz, was so completely demolished that for decades much of it
remained uninhabited. Those portions of Fort Khájih made out of wood
were burned to the ground and no trace of many of its segments was left
standing. The luxurious home of Vahíd, which at one time had been a
source of pride for the inhabitants, and had witnessed Vahíd’s
matrimony, was ransacked and every article from it taken away.399
The armed men of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán continued to hunt the
companions of Vahíd and one by one located them, and anyone else
remotely related to them or associated with that unfortunate band. The
captives – men, women and children – were roped together, paraded at
first through the streets of Nayríz, after which they were subjected to
atrocious treatment in the hope of extracting from them whatever
material advantage their persecutors had hitherto been unable to obtain.
Having satisfied the greed of their captors, the victims were made to
suffer an agonizing death. Many men had to endure having horseshoes
nailed to their feet, and in that piteous state they were made to walk,
each of them dragged through the streets an object of contempt and
derision to all the people. Afterwards, they were all beheaded and their
women and children made to walk over their severed heads and
decapitated bodies.
Those affluent Bábís whom Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán for purposes of

398 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 422. Other sources indicate that the incident of

burning forty Bábí women and children took place subsequent to the battles of
Nayríz-II.
399 Years later this house was purchased by the Bahá’í institutions in whose possession

it remained until the Islamic Revolution in Iran.

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personal benefit had plunged into dark and subterranean dungeons were,
as soon as his object was achieved, brought out and forced to sign the
deeds of their properties over to him, or to offer exceedingly large
ransoms, only to be delivered into the hands of his soldiers who
perpetrated upon them acts of unspeakable cruelty.
Shortly after the fort’s fall, the three-hundred and fifty unarmed
Bábís who had been massacred outside the fort of Khájih, were buried
without any religious ceremony, even such as was required by the Islámic
laws, in a ditch near the entrance of the fort, wearing the same clothes
they had on when they died.400

Taking Captives to Shiraz401
Having now completed the task entrusted to it, the army sent some
months earlier to eradicate Vahíd and his companions by Prince Fírúz
Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was now prepared to return to its base.
Feeling victorious and wishing to take a prize to their leader in Shiraz,

400 During ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry, a member of the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz,

Mírzá Muhammad-Ibráhím, son of Mírzá ‘Alí-Bayk, purchased the land and much of
the surrounding ground where the fort of Khájih was situated. Through the
community’s efforts, sections of the fort were restored to their original condition.
However, in 1923, a flood caused considerable damage and Shoghi Effendi instructed
special fundraising in both the eastern and western hemispheres for reconstruction
purposes. With those funds, an additional Bahá’í cemetery was also constructed
nearby. Under the supervision of the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz and in collaboration
with the Shíráz Assembly, several of the survivors of the 1850 pogrom, including
Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih and Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí, were brought to the
location, and the exact burial spot of the three-hundred and fifty companions of Vahíd
was identified. A special shrine was constructed on that spot and a memorial stone
installed. Also, the room in the fort where Vahíd had stayed was restored and
refurbished much the same as it existed during his brief occupancy. Moreover, in
accordance with Shoghi Effendi’s instructions, the remains of the eighteen martyrs of
Naw-Rúz 1909, who were initially buried in public cemeteries, were exhumed and also
brought to this location and buried next to their spiritual brethren of an earlier
generation.
401 The information in the following sections is gleaned from Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,

vol. 3, pp. 292-301, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1.

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they collected the heads of many Bábí martyrs which lay scattered in the
fields and hoisted them high on spears, among them the straw-filled,
skinned head of Vahíd himself. They also assembled from among those
unfortunate survivors some thirty men and fifty women, captured and
taken as a battle trophy.402 The men, conducted in chains, were made to
walk barefoot all the way to Shiraz over harsh and hostile terrain; while
the womenfolk, most barely clad, were made to ride on barebacked
camels. The leaders of the victorious party led the procession, while the
captives followed in miserable conditions and the cheering foot soldiers
proceeded from behind. To the sound of drums and trumpets, they
marched to their destination. Of this, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, titled
Núri’d-Dín, has recorded the following in his unpublished diary:

The martyrs’ heads and the captives were brought into
Shiraz from Dariyun, Tang-Sargán and Tang-Sa‘dí. In Tang-
Sargán, opposite a place near Sitlan and Burhid, and in the
proximity of the entrance to Tang-Sa‘dí, there is a place
known as Qabr Bábí [Bábís burial]. It is named thus because
when the caravan reached that location, three of the Bábís
could no longer walk and therefore they were decapitated,
their heads raised above the points of spears along with
other heads, and the remains were buried in that spot.403

Also related to the arrival of the Bábís in Shiraz, Fádil
Mázandarání writes:

The soldiers traveled in great haste until they reached Shiraz.
The governor-general had decreed the day of arrival of the
captives and the severed heads to be a day of citywide
celebration. The people therefore had left their homes and
gone outside the city, carousing and merrymaking, watching
the arrival of the wretched party. The formation of the
procession coming to Shiraz was as follows: The military

402 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 71.
403 Núri’d-Dín’s Diary, p. 76.

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commanders rode in front, while those of lower ranks were
riding behind them. Compelled to march behind them were
the captive Bábí men numbering in excess of thirty, all
bound and chained, and in their midst were some fifty
women prisoners riding unsaddled camels. Surrounding
them were soldiers, each carrying a severed head raised on a
long lance, [with the rest of their numbers following
behind]. The soldiers were jubilant and exceedingly cheerful
and in such manner arrived at the city.404
404 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 258, n. H, summarizes:

The heads of the victims were stuffed with straw, and bearing with
them these grim trophies of their prowess, together with some forty
or fifty Bábí women and one child of tender age as captives, the
victorious army returned to Shiraz. Their entry into that city was
made the occasion of general rejoicing; the captives were paraded
through the streets and bazaars and finally brought before Prince
Fírúz Mírzá, who was feasting in a summerhouse called Kuláh
Farangí. In his presence Mihr-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other
officers recounted the details of their victory, and received
congratulations and marks of favor. The captive women were finally
imprisoned in an old caravansary outside the Isfahan gate. What
treatment they experienced at the hands of their captors is left to our
conjecture.
Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 407, states:
This day was a fete day, so an eye witness tells us. The inhabitants
were scattered about through the countryside, bringing with them
their food and many among them drinking, on the sly, whole bottles
of wine. The air was filled with musical strains, the songs of
musicians, the screaming and laughter of lewd women. The bazaars
were adorned with flags; joy was general. Suddenly there was absolute
silence. They saw thirty-two camels coming, each carrying an
unfortunate prisoner, woman or child, bound and thrown crosswise
over the saddle like a bundle. All around them were soldiers carrying
long lances and upon each lance was impaled the head of a Bábí who
had been slain at Nayríz. The hideousness of the sight deeply affected
the holiday population of Shiraz and they returned, saddened, to their
dwellings. ‘The horrible caravan passed through the bazaars and
continued to the palace of the governor. This personage was in his
garden where he had gathered in his kiosk (called Kuláh Farangí) the

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Upon their arrival, in accordance with the Prince’s
instructions, all the Bábí prisoners were brought before him
in the government house and, with much delay each was
presented to the governor who closely considered each of
the men and women brought to him. Thereupon, he
ordered some of the prominent figures among the captives,
such as the aforementioned Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí405 and
Shaykhuná406, martyred with utmost cruelty and torture. The
rest were placed in prison.407 They acted so brutally towards
them however, that certain ones among them, such as,
[Mírzá] Mihdí, the uncle of ‘Alí Sardár, expired in captivity.
Some of the others were released after a considerable
passage of time. Included among those released were the
two sons of Vahíd. Of the Bábí women who were eventually
released some returned to Nayríz while others chose other
destinations.408

Initially the Bábís brought to Shiraz were locked in a decayed
caravansary where guards were posted to watch over them. Each day

rich, the eminent citizens of Shiraz. The music ceased, the dancing
stopped and Muhammad-‘Alí-Khán as well as Mírzá Na‘ím, two small
tribal chiefs who had taken part in the campaign, came to tell of their
brave deeds and to name one by one the prisoners.’
405 A companion of Vahíd from Yazd.
406 Fort Khájíh’s executioner.
407 A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 317 states:

It was in this building [Kuláh Farangí], I believe, that the Babi
captives taken at Niriz were exhibited to Firuz Mírzá, the governor of
Shiraz. These captives, consisting entirely of women and little
children (for the men had all been slain on the spot), were
subsequently confined in an old caravansary just outside the Isfahan
gate, where they suffered great hardships, besides being exposed, as
the Babi historian asserts, to the brutality of the soldiers.
Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, states that women and children were placed in a
house next to a military barrack while the men and the bags containing the severed
heads were imprisoned in Sháh Mír Abú’l-Hamizih Caravansary.
408 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 423.

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they were brought forward to town’s central square and made the object
of the contempt and insults of the citizens.409 As the condition of the
prisoners deteriorated and the city’s population was no longer amused by
tormenting them, a decision was reached to divide them into two groups:
one being released unconditionally, who for the most part left the city
and dispersed across far regions, and the second group, who were
returned in chains to Nayríz and handed as a gift to Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán. Among the latter group were: Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf; Karbalá’í Mírzá
Muhammad; and Shír-‘Askar, uncle of Táju’d-Dín who had been among
the first martyrs of the fort.
An illuminating perspective on the events is gained from the
intelligence communications of Mírzá Mahmúd, the British Agent in
Shiraz, who filed a series of reports on the incidents, the first of which
was for the period 4 to 20 June 1850:

I wrote to you previously that by the order of H.R.H.410, a
Regiment of Sirbaz [soldiers] and two Guns had been sent
to Nereez. Information has now been received, that the
followers of the Báb made a night attack upon the Sirbaz,
and killed and wounded several. The next day Moostuffa
Gooly Khán Sirteep [General] commanded the Sirbaz to
attack and take the Babees and to destroy the Tower, in
which was Syed Yahyáh. The latter on hearing this, came out
and ordered his followers to attack the Sirbaz. Accordingly
an engagement ensued which continued from morning until
noon, when the Babees prevailed, and the Sirbaz were

409 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s wife, Munírih Khánum, reports that Khadíjih Bagum, the widow

of the Báb, stated to her: “One day I noticed that the city of Shiraz was particularly
perturbed and the people were exceedingly jubilant, with the sound of trumpets and
horns heard on every side. Then I learned that the heads of the Bábí martyrs of
Nayríz were brought into the city on that occasion and in the same manner the
captives of Nayríz arrived and conducted to their prison. How I longed to meet at
least one of the kinsmen of the martyrs! But, alas, it was not possible. One night,
however, two of them came to our house begging. Even then, it was not possible to
speak with them.” (Translated from Khándán Afnán, p. 165.)
410 By His Royal Highness is meant the governor-general of Fárs.

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defeated. Many on both sides were killed and wounded.
When H.R.H. heard this news He commanded a Regiment
of Sirbaz with 50 Horsemen and two Guns under Mahomed
Wulee Khán to proceed and reinforce Mehr Ally Khán and
Moostuffa Ally Khán. On the 19th [of May] Mahomed Salah
Khán Yoozbashee with 50 Horsemen proceed to Nereez.
On the 20th [May,] Mahomed Wulee Khán Sirteep, with
two Guns and the Sallakhoonee Regiment followed to the
assistance of Mehr Ally Khán. The Prince says 50 were
killed and 40 wounded ... The Prince having ordered the
Heads of the slain Babees to be brought in, on the 9th
[June] Mehr Ally Khán arrived with 12 heads. H.R.H.
commanded the Sirbaz to perambulate the streets with these
Heads on the point of their Bayonets. This was accordingly
done, with drums beating. It is said however in the City, that
these heads did not belong to the Babees but to the Sirbaz.
After they had been paraded in the streets, the heads were
suspended at the Isfahan Gate ... On the 23rd [June?]
H.R.H. received a letter from Mehr Ally Khán reporting that
the Babees had been defeated, and that Syed Yahyáh and his
followers would be speedily sent to the Prince.411

The second secret report of Mírzá Mahmúd is for the period 23
June to 3 July:

On the 24th [June] Mehr Ally Khán having sent to Shiraz 13
Heads of the Babees, the Sirbaz placed them on their
Bayonets and carried them to the Prince. H.R.H. ordered
them to be paraded through the streets with drums beating,
and after to be suspended at the Gate... on the 26th two
Ghoolams arrived from Mehr Ally Khán with news of the
capture Syed Yahyáh. H.R.H. gave dresses of honor to both
of them. It is reported that finding he could not escape,
Syed Yahyáh with 4 of his men surrendered on the 17th
411 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 110.

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Instant to Mehr Ally Khán. He made four requests 1st that
his followers should be permitted to go free, 2nd that if
doomed to die, his Captor should intercede with the Prince
for a respite of three days, 3rd that if taken to the City, not
be escorted by Sirbaz, 4th that in the place of the
Executioner one of the Moojtehids should put him to death,
after receiving his last words. All these requests were refused
by Mehr Ally Khán, who said he waited orders from the
Prince for his disposal. On the 25th H.R.H. sent an
Executioner with two Furrashes to put him (Syed Yahyáh)
to death, but before their arrival he and his followers had
been killed by the Sirbaz. It is reported that the Sirbaz have
plundered Nereez, and taken all the women captives.412

The final operative communication pertaining to the Bábí struggle
filed by Mírzá Mahmúd, the British agent in Shiraz, is for the period 1 to
16 July 1850:

On the 8th July Mehr Ally Khán sent to H.R.H. eleven
followers of Bab, they have all been imprisoned. 10th July...
Mehr Ally Khán and Moostufa Gooly Khán, who had been
sent against Syed Yahyáh, have returned to Shiraz bringing
with them 25 of the Babee Sect, together with the head of
Syed Yahyáh and 13 others, as an offering to H.R.H. who
ordered the Prisoners to be confined. The Prince has
received these two Khans with great favor. It appears that
only one Mahala [quarter] of Nereez was plundered and
destroyed. The Sirbaz had with them a good quantity of the
stolen property. Syed Yahyáh is reported to have had four or
five vessels of Pomegranate Syrup, a single drop of which
was sufficient to make a man become a Babee and join
them. One bottle was drunk by four Sirbaz, who instantly
turned Babees, and fought against their own Commanders.

412 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 110-111.

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They say this Syrup has been brought to the Prince.413

Momen notes, “The matter of the pomegranate syrup is of course
typical of the ridiculous stories circulated about the Bábís by their
enemies in order to explain the success of the Bábís and their own
inadequacies.”414 The same sort of story is reported by Ferrier, dated 25
July 1850. He concludes, “The Persian can say nothing nor do anything
without adding miracles to it. But what is certain is that all the sectaries
who have been executed up to this day have borne their punishment
with a courage and a faith worthy of the heroic times of the first
martyrs.”415
Fádil Mázandarání writes: “Regarding the severed heads of the
Bábís sent to Shiraz, these were all buried in that city, except eleven,
which according to Prince’s order were sent to Tihrán along with some
other Bábí heads. Upon reaching the village of Ábádih, the imperial
orders were received to bury them in that place, which they obeyed.”416

Complaining To Tihrán
The preeminent historian of the Bábí and Bahá’í faiths, Fádil
Mázandarání has written:

After the martyrdom of the honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
Vahíd Akbar and his companions, in order to protect
themselves from the ensuing atrocities and murder, a
number of believers, though hungry and unclothed,
dispersed into the wilderness. Their foes constantly pursued
them and did all they could to persecute the families of
those wretched souls. To seek justice, a group417 of these
wronged ones left for Tihrán and when they had reached

413 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
414 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
415 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
416 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 426.
417 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 425, gives their number as 12.

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two days distance from the city, they retired to rest a little.
At that time a number of officers from the province of Fárs,
who were returning from the capital, recognized them. They
immediately seized all the Bábís save one who succeeded in
escaping and reaching Tihrán.418 The remainder were
brought to Shiraz and presented before the governor of that
province who instructed them to recant – an order that was
summarily refused. Therefore, he instructed them martyred
on the city’s square.419
The one who succeeded in reaching Tihrán petitioned
the authorities for alleviation of the wrongs against the
Bábís, and for the establishment of justice and order in
Nayríz. When this news reached the governor, Mírzá
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, it further inflamed his enmity and
hatred towards this helpless community and solidified his
resolve to show no mercy to the men, the women, the old or
the young. At this time, a number of the Bábí captives were
returned from Shiraz and were presented to the governor.
When in chains and fetters Shaykh Yúsuf was brought
before him, the Khán instructed the ears of that wronged
one cut and several more were beaten with sticks so
mercilessly that they expired from their injuries. The

418 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 425, gives the name of the believer who reached

Tihrán as Karbalá’í Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. He remained there for many years.
419 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 408-409, states:

Some Bábís, eager to see Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán punished,
started for Tihrán to protest to his Majesty against the atrocities
which had been committed. They were but two or three stations away
from the capital and, after the fatigue of the journey were enjoying a
little rest, when a caravan of Shírází people went by and recognized
them. All except one who escaped were arrested and taken to Shiraz
where the Prince immediately ordered them executed, and so these
men, Karbalá’í Abú’l-Hasan [Káshí-Sáz], a dealer in crockery, Áqá
Shaykh Hádí, uncle of the wife of Vahíd, Mírzá ‘Alí and Abú’l-Qásim
Ibn Hájí Zayná, Akbar Ibn ‘Abid, Mírzá Hasan and his brother Mírzá
Bábá all died for their faith at this time.

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governor’s attendants threw their remains in a well. He
ordered the noses of others to be pierced, and rope passed
through the incisions.420
Among the Bábís of that city, Mullá Muhammad, Hájí
Qásim, Mullá Ahmad and Husayn ‘Alí-Naqí, managed to
effect their escape and reach Tihrán. Together with the
believers in that city, they petitioned for justice.421

Captives of Nayríz
Of Vahíd’s companions, Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán kept fifteen in his prison.

420 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 22, n.1, states:

Certain eyewitnesses have stated that since some of the governor’s
enemies [i.e. the Bábís] gathered in a mountain known as Bálá-Tarám
and attacked and killed a number of his men, and his guards were
unable to track the assailants, then the Khán rose in fierce
indignation. He gave orders for all the Bábís in the prison and in
chains to be murdered, including Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí, Shaykhá and
Mihdí. Two of the women threw themselves into a well. He sent
three of the Bábís to Tihrán, namely: Mullá Muhammad; Hájí Qásim;
and Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí. They perished in the holocaust of 1268
A.H. [1852]. Mullá Ahmad died while imprisoned by the Khán. A few
others escaped and reached as far as two or three days’ journey to
Tihrán. When they were sleeping, a few of the Farmán-Farmá’s men,
who were carrying the triumphant news of Nayríz to the monarch,
accidentally came upon them, seized them and took them to Shiraz
for their master. These Bábís were: Karbalá’í Abú’l-Hasan; Áqá
Shaykh Hádí, an uncle of Vahíd’s wife; Mírzá ‘Alí; Abúl son of Hájí
Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; Akbar, son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Hasan and his brother,
Mírzá Bábá. These eight were martyred in the courtyard of the
garrison. Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf and some others were sent to Nayríz in
chains and the Khán ordered the ears of Shaykh Yúsuf cut and
several others killing by beating with sticks. The ones martyred were
Karbalá’í Mírzá Shír-‘Askar and Táju’d-Dín, who were slain at night
and their remains thrown in a well.
With some minor alterations, the same information is given in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
vol. 2, p. 426.
421 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 22-23.

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Each day, the governor would have one of the unfortunate captives
taken from his cell and paraded in the streets. At each stop, the prisoner
would be severely beaten until the citizens gave enough money and gifts
to the governor’s men to make them stop mistreating the wretched
prisoner. The French historian Nicolas writes:

It would seem, alas, that all this bloodshed would have been
sufficient to appease the hatred and the lust of the
Muhammadans. Not at all! Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
finding himself filled with a desire for revenge on those he
had betrayed and vanquished, gave neither truce nor rest to
the surviving ones of the sect. His hatred knew no bounds
and it was to last as long as he lived. It was actually the very
poor that had been sent to Shiraz, the rich had been kept
back. Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had entrusted them to a guard
who was ordered to walk them through the city beating
them as they went. The people of Nayríz were greatly
entertained at that time. They hung the Bábís by four nails
and everyone came to gloat over their anguish. They placed
burning weeds under the nails of these unfortunate martyrs,
they branded them with hot irons, they deprived them of
bread and water, they cut holes through their noses, and
running through them a cord they led them as one would a
bear!422

Only a few of the prisoners survived those horrid conditions and
the rest were dropped in a well, which was later filled with earth. Of
these fifteen brave and faithful men, we know the names of eight:

1. Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
In former days he had exercised considerable influence as one of the
‘ulamá and had been greatly honored due to his learning and piety. So
great was the respect they owed him that it is reported the governor of

422 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 408.

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Nayríz gave him precedence over himself and treated him with deference
and courtesy.
Initially a native of Yazd, he had settled in the Bázár quarter of
Nayríz and had established his luxurious home next to that of Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán. When Vahíd arrived in Yazd, Siyyid Ja‘far immediately
came to meet him and soon was won over to the cause.423 On his return
to Nayríz, having enjoyed great prestige as a divine and being endowed
with a wonderful power of exposition, at the instruction of Vahíd, he
began to preach openly about the new faith, particularly in the Bázár
quarter where he resided and was most influential. Through him, many
were converted to the Bábí faith.
On hearing the conversion of Siyyid Ja‘far and his active role in
the new movement, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was thoroughly agitated and
instructed that the Siyyid be permanently debarred from entering his
own residence. As such, Siyyid Ja‘far settled in the Masjid Jámi‘ Kabír
and later moved to the fort along with Vahíd and was numbered among
his close advisors.424
Because of his knowledge and power of utterance, the governor
regarded Siyyid Ja‘far as one of those most responsible for the
conversion of people to the Bábí faith. He ordered that the Siyyid’s
turban be befouled and flung into the fire. Shorn of the emblem of his
lineage, he was exposed to the eyes of the public, who marched before
him and overwhelmed him with abuse and ridicule, as he was taken
“from door to door making him beg for money.”425 In addition, by daily
beatings and torture, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was able to extract the deeds
to all the personal properties of the Siyyid.
The Nayríz battles and their aftermath, which lasted several

423 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 21, and Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 138, suggest that Siyyid

Ja‘far became a convert in Yazd and left that city for Nayríz after the persecutions. As
both of these authors were related to Siyyid Ja‘far, this information takes precedence
over other sources, such as, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 143, and The Dawn-Breakers, pp.
496-498, which suggest he converted in Nayríz. Also, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 148,
incorrectly states that Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí was a first cousin of Siyyid
Ja‘far. The exact relationship is given in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 138, n.1.
424 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 293.
425 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 408.

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months, brought widespread poverty and famine to the region. The
troops engaged in this conflict had drawn too heavily upon the meager
resources of the local community, and after their departure, food became
almost unobtainable and many poor people were starving. In the
meantime, the governor had hoarded a large stock of corn to sell to the
public at an inflated price. When, however, the situation became
desperate, he consented to distribute the corn among the people at the
fair market price. When the ration was given out, Siyyid Ja‘far would be
brought from the dungeon and posted at the entrance to the barn. The
governor’s orders were that all those who wished to obtain corn must
first spit upon this man’s face. Failure to do this would deprive them of
their ration. The following extract from a biography of Siyyid Ja‘far
reveals something of this ordeal and other indignities heaped upon him
and a companion:

For hours this champion of the Cause of God [Áqá Siyyid
Ja‘far], this once revered man of learning, stood by the door
of the barn while hundreds of men and women spat upon
his blessed face as they filed through that door, looking at
him with bitter hate and prejudice.
In the face of this dire humiliation, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far’s
feelings were not those of disgust, intolerance or
indignation. On the contrary, he remained calm and resigned
throughout his ordeal and manifested a spirit of sublime joy
and love and thankfulness towards those who offended him.
Once during the ordeal, it is authoritatively stated, he
noticed several people who hesitated to come forward for
their share. Apparently the ghastly deed of spitting upon his
face kept them away. With a face beaming with heavenly joy
he beckoned them and said: ‘You had better come and get
your share before it is too late; it won’t matter if you spit
upon my face; I’ll wipe it off with my handkerchief...’
A deed such as this, so rare, so Christ-like, constitutes
a shining proof of the transmuting power which is latent in
the words of the Manifestations of God.

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Very probably, as he stood by the door of the barn
that day, his thoughts went back to those glamorous days in
Yazd, where each Friday at the close of his sermon, standing
on the steps of the pulpit, he would receive the homage and
the tumultuous ovation of the vast audience. Now how
striking was the contrast! Although the object of the vilest
indignity, he was extremely happy, because his beloved Lord
had revealed to his eyes the glorious vista of a new life and
bestowed upon him the crown of eternal glory. Little
wonder therefore, that those bitter persecutions could not
becloud the radiance of his heavenly joy...
This monstrous treatment meted out to Áqá Siyyid
Ja‘far was but a prelude to a period of agonizing tortures for
himself as well as for his illustrious companion426. Among
other things, the ruthless governor ordered that the
bastinado be inflicted on Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far in public. Each
day he was conducted from the dungeon to the gate of the
house of a well-to-do-citizen where this heart-rending scene
was staged. There he was beaten until, as was the fashion,
the occupants of the house as well as passers-by would
secure the victim’s temporary release by offering money to
the torturers as a ransom. Then, next day, the scene would
be shifted to another point along the street.427 After a while,
as a result of this daily torture, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far’s legs and
feet became so horribly sore and swollen that they could no
longer support his body...
The fate of his companion, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí,
was even more cruel and appalling. Daily, he was conducted
to the governor’s mansion where, stripped of his clothes, he
was flung into the pool. A number of men, placed around

426 A reference to Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, titled Ayyúb.
427 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 146, reports that often his wife and children were brought

to witness these daily beatings so that additional money could be extracted from them
as well. On such occasions, seeing the terrible ordeal of their father, bitter tears pour
from their eyes and with broken hearts they would return home.

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and armed with long sticks, would administer severe blows
upon his body. The standing order was that the beating
should be continued until the water around him turned
reddish with blood.
However, the mighty Hand that had raised up and
reared these wondrous beings was now to stay the tide of
suffering which was about to engulf them. They were
destined to live to receive the greatest privilege of all, having
their eyes illumined by gazing upon the heavenly
countenance of Bahá’u’lláh.
It was the governor’s wife who, as the result of a
dream, was prompted to secure their freedom.428 She
approached her husband with an earnest appeal to release
these unfortunate victims, but her intercession proved of no
avail. Moreover, she was rebuked for being too soft and
sentimental. Undismayed by her husband’s ruthless attitude,
she decided to work secretly towards that end.
With the goodwill and support of a few trusted
persons at her disposal she worked out a plan and made the
necessary arrangements with utmost caution. Then, late one
evening the prison door was opened and the pitiable figures
of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far were taken
out, propped up on donkeys and entrusted to a muleteer
with the express order to carry them at full speed to Harát –
a small town beyond the area of jurisdiction of the governor
of Nayríz.
Eventually, when these oppressed souls reached Harát
they were utterly exhausted. The sight of their appalling
condition presented a study in grief and aroused the
sympathy of the headman of the village who received and
treated them with the utmost kindness.
They remained in Harát for a number of months to

428 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 28, states that she dreamt that several figures clad in black

clothing descended from the heaven and said to her, “Wow betide Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán for treating a descendent of the Prophet with such contempt!”

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recuperate and heal their terrible wounds.429 Afterwards they
traveled to Yazd.430

These two men were imprisoned in Nayríz for nine months.
After a short stay in Yazd, in 1852, Siyyid Ja‘far and his family
returned to Harát and once more became the object of people’s affection
as he commenced service as the Imám-Jum‘ih in a local mosque. It was
during this time that, having received communications from Bahá’u’lláh
in Baghdad, he reached the conclusion that Bahá’u’lláh represented the
fulfillment of the Bayán’s promise. Some four years later, he moved his
family back to Yazd.
At a later stage yet Siyyid Ja‘far followed the example of his old
companion in sufferings, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, and walked to Baghdad
to attain Bahá’u’lláh’s presence. Those feet that had received such beastly
tortures for nine months did not fail to carry him all the long way to the
abode of his heart’s desire, where he was showered with heavenly
bounties. Years later, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá recalled that pilgrimage in a tablet for
Siyyid Ja‘far’s son, Siyyid Muhammad.431 In reply to one of his
supplications, Bahá’u’lláh, some time prior to his declaration in 1863,
honored him with an important composition known as the Suriy
Nush.432
Renewed and encouraged by his visit to Bahá’u’lláh, Siyyid Ja‘far
embarked on a life of service in Yazd. His enthusiasm knew no bounds
and the fire of his faith touched many souls. A daughter and two sons

429 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 294, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 147, note that

through the insistence of his wife, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín released the men from the prison
and sent them to his own village of Qatriyih. It was there that due to past association
with Siyyid Ja‘far, the inhabitants looked after them and later in defiance to the
governor’s order to return them to Nayríz, sent them with their respective families to
Yazd.
430 “Bahá’í News and Reviews”, a Journal of the National Spiritual Assembly of the

Bahá’ís of Iran, no. 7, December 1947. This account was written by Habib Taherzadeh
and appears in slightly edited form in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp. 139-140.
431 For the text see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 432-434.
432 For a brief discussion of this Tablet, see Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 142. For

text see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 350-379.

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survived him: Fátimih Bagum, Siyyid Músá and Siyyid Muhammad.433

2. Hájí Muhammad-Taqí Nayrízí
Another victim of the governor’s tyrannies was Hájí Muhammad-Taqí,
who in earlier days had enjoyed such a reputation for honesty and justice
that his opinion was most influential over the jurists. Though young, he
had acquired great wealth by being a successful merchant. It is also
reported that he acted as a local bank where people would deposit their
savings with him and often exchanged his receipts in place of
currency.434
Hájí Muhammad-Taqí was previously acquainted with Vahíd, and
once he learned from Vahíd’s father-in-law of his arrival at Istahbánát,
he hastened there to welcome Vahíd and immediately accepted the
movement. In Vahíd’s company, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí returned to
Nayríz and en route looked after Vahíd’s two young sons, and when they
were tired, carried them on his shoulders. Upon his arrival at Nayríz,
Hájí Muhammad-Taqi hired several town criers to broadly announce the
public meetings where Vahíd would fearlessly proclaim the new message.
When the troubles unfolded, he became one of the early defenders, first
in the Masjid Jámi‘ and later at the Fort. Because of his wealth, during
the entire period of the upheaval, he bore all the expenses of the Fort
and fought valiantly at their side. One of his duties was to direct those
desiring to join their ranks to write a statement and fix it with their seal,
testifying to their readiness to sacrifice life and belongings.
Upon the conclusion of the battles, Zaynu’l-‘Adibín issued a
special order for his capture together with the aforementioned Siyyid
Ja‘far. It is reported that the governor had instructed his chief
lieutenants: “The wealth of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and the eloquence of
Siyyid Ja‘far were the mainstay of the defenders. They must be captured
and punished so that a befitting example is set for all others.”
As one of the venues of torture, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had
ordered that during the winter months, each day one of the prisoners be
433 For further details see Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 28-31.
434 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 132, n.1.

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thrown in the pool and beaten until the cold water had turned red. In all
instances, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, being younger and more robust than
others, would present himself in place of other companions and submit
to this inhuman act. This great and esteemed man was, in the depths of
winter, stripped of his clothes, thrown into a pond, and lashed severely
until the water of the pool had turned red with his blood. His nearly
dead body was pulled out each day, in anticipation of yet another day of
such treatment. Despite his severe injuries, which caused him nearblindness and significant disfigurements, each day the governor’s men
would take him out into town and subject him to still further humiliation
so that a sum could be extracted from passers by for the cruel spectacle.
Finally, he was rescued in the manner described earlier and
together with his family was able to settle in Yazd and seek much needed
medical treatment. Some time later, he learned that Bahá’u’lláh was the
new leader of the Bábí community and resided in Baghdad, and desiring
to meet him, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí departed with his family for that
city. Joining a caravan on its way to the twin holy cities of ‘Iraq where
many pilgrims trudged on foot, he also walked the distance of no less
than fifteen hundred kilometers. En route, one of the fellow-pilgrims,
someone obviously well provided for the long journey, approached him
and after having a good look at him invited Hájí Muhammad-Taqí as his
guest as far as Karbalá. “In my dream last night,” the man said, “Imám
Husayn, Himself, commanded me to take you as my guest.” In this
miraculous way, the Hájí reached Baghdad and the presence of
Bahá’u’lláh.435
For the next three years, he was extremely happy and content.
Continually he enjoyed association with Bahá’u’lláh and was the recipient
of his love and tender considerations. A person who in his youth had
been a tower of strength and might, but through the nine months of the
governor’s beatings had been reduced to a disfigured, bent man, was
now receiving his basking in happiness.
When he passed away in Baghdad, Bahá’u’lláh participated in the
procession that led to his burial. He was buried at the Baghdad cemetery.
He will always be known as the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Suriy
435 Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 130.

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Sabr, known also as Lawh Ayyúb, composed on the first day of
Bahá’u’lláh’s arrival at the Garden of Ridvan.436 In that tablet, his
imperishable memory and name is recalled and the title Ayyúb [Job] is
bestowed upon him.437
Hájí Muhammad-Taqí’s wife was a daughter of one of the martyrs
of the events of 1850, Hájí ‘Abdu’l-Husayn. In years past, during one of
his many visits to Nayríz, Vahíd had presided over the marriage
ceremony of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and his bride. This union had
resulted in a son named Muhammad-‘Alí, and a daughter known as
Gawhar. While in Baghdad, this son was fatally shot in the nearby palmgroves. Upon learning of this, the Hájí had smiled and with good cheer
turned to the lad’s fallen body, raising his hands, saying, “Praise be God,
that in the path of resignation to Thy good will, I was called to gave up
my only earthy attachment, this son.” Solacing him, Bahá’u’lláh had
remarked, “Hájí Muhammad-Taqí has surpassed the patience of Job.”
Shortly thereafter, Bahá’u’lláh revealed a tablet honoring the fallen son
and bestowing blessings upon the family.
After the passing of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, his wife grieved
bitterly and was overwhelmed with sorrow over the loss of both her
husband and son. To remedy her aching heart, Bahá’u’lláh instructed
that a young man named Ahmad-‘Alí, who was of the same age as her
fallen son, be given to her as her new son. He further advised her that
she should endeavor to raise this new son with the same zeal and love as
she had shown towards her former child. After remaining in Baghdad
for a total of five years, the wife of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, together with
her daughter Gawhar and her new son, Ahmad-‘Alí, returned to
Nayríz.438

3. Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Nayrízí
436 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 6.
437 The original Arabic text is published in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 379-408.
438 For a detailed outline of the descendants of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí through his

daughter, Gawhar, see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 137-141. A slightly different
biography of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí is given in Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, pp. 130-131.

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The eldest son of the affluent Hájí Sifr-‘Alí, he had been a brave
defender in the Fort. He possessed great wealth, pleasant features and
unequaled artistic abilities.439 He had married at an early age, and had two
sons, Muhammad-Karím and Muhammad-Rahím440, who at the time of
Vahíd’s arrival at Nayríz were two and a half, and one and a half years
old, respectively.
Some time after joining Vahíd and the other defenders, deeply
worried over his fate, Mullá Muhammad’s mother, wife and two young
sons came to Fort Khájih pleading with him to return home. The mother
cried bitterly, and his wife, pressing the children to his breast, lamented
their condition and loneliness. She begged him to return, but the more
they sobbed, the less was its effect on Mullá Muhammad. In fact, it is
reported that at one point, to demonstrate his resolve, he pulled his knife
and said to them that he was prepared to sacrifice his two sons so all
would recognize the depth of his commitment and that his devotion
could not be curtailed by such concerns. Seeing his immutable resolve,
the mother, wife and children returned home.
Throughout the battles, Mullá Muhammad showed unusual
bravery. One night, ordered to carry out a particular mission, he left the
Fort on horseback, but was spotted by the soldiers and shot in the face.
The governor’s men captured him, but after a few days the governor’s
brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, who had been childhood friend and
classmate, intervened and arranged for his release. Together with his
wife, two sons and his father, he proceeded to Istahbánát to receive
medical attention for his injuries.
Meanwhile, the fort fell and a savage pogrom took place. In the
course of this massacre, a younger brother of Mullá Muhammad, only
twelve years old and blind from birth, was captured. As a means of
extracting the family estate, he was cruelly tortured in front of his
sobbing mother; property and wealth were forcibly transferred to the

439 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 298, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 151, and Táríkh

Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, p. 219, suggest that Mullá Muhammad scribed in naskh style
better than others, save the legendary Mírzá Ahmad Khúshnavís.
440 Also known as Hájí ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Nayrízí, he is the maternal grandfather of

Habib and Adib Taherzadeh; Khátirát Málmírí, p. 24.

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governor. This savage act was repeated several times until the entire
estate of Hájí Sifr-‘Alí was confiscated. At the end, the young boy
expired.
After some six months in Istahbánát, Mullá Muhammad returned
to Nayríz to learn of what had transpired.441 Profoundly disturbed by
these savage acts, Mullá Muhammad decided to proceed to Tihrán and
eliminate the source of injustice and tyranny, the reigning Monarch. On
hearing this, his mother handed him the only remaining family
possession, a pearl necklace, to be used towards his journey’s
expenditure and the fulfillment of his objective. Leaving that same night,
in Shiraz he met with some other militant Bábís442, and with them
proceeded to Tihrán to revenge the death of his fallen brother and
companions. There he joined Sádiq Tabrízí443 and his band. This small
group, having tasted first-hand the bitter drought of persecution,
planned the disastrous assassination attempt of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh.444
Mullá Muhammad was martyred in the course of that event, in the
Níávarán district of Tihrán, sometime during 3 to 10 of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih
1268 A.H. [19-26 August 1852].
The weekly newspaper, Waqáyi‘ Ittifáqiyyah reports the following
in its issue no. 81, published on Thursday, 3 Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1268 A.H.:

A short distance from the Prime Minister, the most holy
threshold [the Sháh] had issued instructions for the
attendants to mount their steeds when suddenly one of the
accursed from Nayríz of Fárs who had garbed himself as a
villager, bravely ran forth crying: “I have a supplication!” A
few of the servants observing him came forth to see what
that vagrant had to say, but before they could apprehend

441 Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 25-26.
442 Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ names two other believers as Hájí Qásim and a certain

Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí.
443 Martyred on 15 August 1852 in Tihrán. For details consult Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr,

vol. 3, pp. 216-218.
444 For further details, consult The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 26, Bahá’u’lláh: the King of

Glory, chapter 15, and Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, pp. 216-223.

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him, he pulled a gun and fired upon the monarch. However
by divine grace, the bullet missed its mark.

In the next issue of the newspaper (no. 82), published the
following week, it is reported:

Mírzá Muhammad Nayrízí who had participated in all the
battles of Nayríz, Zanján, and Mázandarán and bore many
cuts from those past battles, was shot to death by the
attendants, armed guards, servants and officers of the royal
forces, and thereafter his body was beaten with rocks and
sticks until it became one with the soil.

4. Asghar
He was the younger brother of the above-mentioned Mullá Muhammad,
and was captured as a means of extracting the wealth of their father, Hájí
Sifr-‘Alí. Each day his mother was called to the prison where the young,
blind boy was kept, and made to watch severe torture that often included
placing hot iron bars on his body. On seeing such a heart-wrenching
sight, the mother willingly would sign over yet another piece of property
to the governor so that the barbarous men would leave her son alone for
another day. Each day, the same act was repeated. One by one, the entire
vast possessions of Hájí Sifr-‘Alí were confiscated by Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
Khán. As the result of this torture, the young boy died in the prison.

5. Hájí Qásim
Another of the defenders taken prisoner was Hájí Qásim Nayrízí. For a
whole year this brave man was subject to beating and torture, including
being thrown in the ice-filled pool in the middle of winter and then while
still wet flogged or hit with sticks until he became unconscious. These
afflictions were intended to, and succeeded in, extracting from him his
entire estate. At long last, one of his friends, Haydar, was able to secure
his freedom by the payment of one hundred tumáns, a considerable sum

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at that time.
Once freed from captivity, Hájí Qásim left the region quickly and
proceeded to Tihrán to revenge the wrongs that he was subjected to, as
he considered the person of the Sháh the source of all evil in the
despotic regime of the Qájár.445 In Tihrán, he joined forces with a group
of Bábí dissidents who had gathered for the express purpose of
eliminating the monarch, and on 15 August 1852, he, Sádiq Tabrízí and
Mullá Muhammad Nayrízí, attempted their ill-conceived plot of killing
Násiri’d-Dín Sháh. Tabrízí was killed on the spot, while as noted earlier,
Mullá Muhammad was slain some days later after extensive violence and
torture. The same fate awaited Hájí Qásim. The following is reported in
Waqáyi‘ Ittifáqiyyah newspaper, issue no. 81:

His [Mullá Muhammad Nayrízí’s] work was not finished
when a third evil-one, much like his two comrades, suddenly
appeared and fired upon the exalted one [i.e. the Sháh].
Those in company of the monarch at first thought that his
bullet has also missed the mark as there was no change in
the countenance of the King, however when at the request
of the prime minister and the Mustufí’l-Mamálik and some
others, the monarch arrived at the nearby gardens of
Sandúq-Khánih, it was determined that a few pellets had
penetrated the skin above the shoulder bones and only
caused a superficial scratch and a slightly deeper cut.

And the following week, on 26 August 1852, the same newspaper
reported:

Hájí Sulaymán Khán, the son of Yahyá Khán Tabrízí, whose

445 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 155, reports that he participated in the Nayríz II events

and survived that event as well. The information provided by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘
and Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, pp. 254-256, as well as other sources cited in this
chapter, indicate that he was among the Bábís who went to Tihrán to assassinate the
Shah. Haqáyiqu’l-Akhbár Nasirí 116-117 reports that Hájí Qasim claimed to be the
successor to Vahíd. The same is noted in Mu‘ínu’d-Dín Mihrábí’s Quratu’l-‘Ayn, p. 126.

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situation was described earlier, together with Hájí Qásim
Nayrízí who was the successor of Siyyid Yahyá [i.e. Vahíd]
were brought [from Níávarán] to the city by Áqá Hasan, the
vice-general. Their bodies were pierced with lit candles and
to the sound of trumpets were paraded in the streets for the
people to see, but were prevented from being stoned. At the
gate leading to [the shrine of] Shah ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím, the
executioners cut their bodies into four pieces, each piece
being displayed by one of the city’s gates.446

It is reported that when they wanted to slay Sulaymán Khán, he
had said, “First martyr Hájí Qásim Nayrízí and let him attain unto this
exalted bounty, as he is eminent over me.”447
Hájí Qásim was survived by two sons, Hájí Muhammad and Mullá
Husayn, who during Nayríz-III showed great bravery.

6. Mullá Karím
Yet another believer who after the fall of the Fort spent time in the
governor’s jail and suffered his tortures was Mullá Karím. Together with
other inmates, he was taken on daily parades where humiliation awaited
them. While they were exposed to the cold, the scum of the people were
hired to heap upon their shivering bodies abominable cruelties. Unable
to resist the temptation and in need of the promised bag of wheat or
barley, people would spit upon the prisoners and thus win the governor’s
favor. After Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had forced him to transfer the title to
all his properties, he was released.

7. Mírzá Muhammad ‘Abid
His wife was a niece of Muhammad-Ridá Khán, an uncle of Zaynu’l-
446 The two newspaper extracts appear in Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, p. 255. For

other details on the failed assassination attempt see Haqáyiqu’l-Akhbár Násirí, pp. 113-
117, and The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 26.
447 Vápasín Junbish Qurún Vustá Dar Dúrán Fu’adalí, p. 131.

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‘Ábidín Khán, and through this family connection, and payment of a
considerable ransom, she was able to persuade the governor to release
him. Mírzá Muhammad also fought bravely in the Nayríz II and III
upheavals and we will have occasion to refer to him again.

8. Áqá Siyyid Abú-Tálib
A son of Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, he was very affluent. In earlier days he
served as chieftain of the Bázár quarter and his fame was even known to
the monarch in Tihrán. On Vahíd’s approach, he had gone as far as
Rúníz to welcome him to the region, and together with his two brothers,
Siyyid Hasan and Siyyid Husayn, he embraced the new faith, joined the
defenders and exhibited great bravery at the Fort. After the termination
of battles, he was imprisoned for a time, during which all his possessions
and properties were confiscated and he himself was subject to severe
daily tortures. Shortly thereafter, the central authorities ordered that he
be sent to Shiraz for further public humiliation, but the governor
preferred to keep him close by and falsely reported that he had perished
in battle. Soon, though, he was bound in chains and sent by the governor
to Ma‘dan Shikárú, in the vicinity of Nayríz. At the instigation of Hájí
Mírzá Nasru’lláh Nayrízí, the rawdih-khán, a fatwá was secured for his
death, which was carried out by poisoning while be lay in the prison of
Ma‘dan.

9-15. The remaining eight prisoners
According to Rawhání, the remaining prisoners all died from their
tortures while in captivity.448 A well was dug in the prison courtyard,
where their bodies were dumped and soil was poured over them. Their
identities remain obscure.

448 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 158.

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Dispersed Defenders
In addition to those that were captured and imprisoned, a number were
able to disappear in the countryside and hide from the vengeance of the
governor. The identities of some of these are known and most
participated three years later in the Nayríz-II episode.

1. Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
He was Vahíd’s father-in-law and the leading cleric of Nayríz, as well as a
judge of great repute, whose faith in the Báb and support for Vahíd were
unassailable. Together with his two sons, Shaykh Hádí and Shaykh
Muhammad (seventeen and fourteen years of age, respectively), he
fought bravely in the Fort and showed great self-sacrifice. Upon Vahíd’s
martyrdom and following the end of the battles, by an unfrequented
route, he hastily sent his daughter who was Vahíd’s wife, Sughrá
Khánum, and her son, Siyyid Ismá‘íl, together with some other kindred,
to the house of Vahíd’s sister and her husband, Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl
Lárí, in Istahbánát. By so doing, he rescued them from certain
humiliation and death. Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí then sought hiding in the
countryside and nearby mountains, and from time to time would visit
Nayríz stealthily.449 This situation continued until the start of the Nayríz-
II upheaval, when once again he joined the defenders, along with his
family. After the battle, his captors first decapitated his two sons in his
lap, then murdered him. On that day, his captive wife managed to escape
to the home of her brother, Siyyid Ibráhím, but as he was not a Bábí, he
refused her entry. She then proceeded to the home of Karbalá’í Ridá
Hammámí who in former days had been an attendant of theirs. That
very night she passed away.450

449 Mullá Shafi‘ notes that Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí together with Siyyid Husayn, Siyyid

Ja‘far and Hájí Muhammad-Taqí were conducted from house to house for daily
beating and humiliation.
450 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 294-295.

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2. Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
A renowned jurist of Nayríz and the local prayer-guide, this old man and
his family had gone to Istahbánát to welcome Vahíd and embrace the
new reform movement. At the dawn of the troubles, he was the first
person to be injured451, which propelled Vahíd and his disciples to take
position in the Fort of Khájíh. Among those first occupants of the Fort
was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn with his three brothers and five sons.452
After the Fort’s fall, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his family took
refuge in the nearby mountains and kept in hiding and occasionally
would visit Nayríz under the cover of darkness. As we shall see in the
course of the subsequent chapters, he and his sons took part in the
Nayríz-II episode, where he lost all his children. At the conclusion of
that event, he was captured and sent to Tihrán. However, some three
days distance outside Shiraz, at a Siyyidán village, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
expired. He was decapitated and his severed head joined those of the
other martyrs, while his body was buried in the same location, at a
known spot.

3. Khájih Qutb
Fádil Mázandarání gives his name as Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn and
states that he was among the leaders of the Bábís in Fort Khájíh, and
after Vahíd’s martyrdom went to Tihrán. On his return, he announced
himself the successor to Vahíd Akbar and the avenger of his blood and
the blood of the Báb.453

4. Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
Mírzá ‘Alí was born in either 1237 or 1238 A.H./1823 to a well-regarded

451 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 82, suggests that he was among the first occupants of the fort

where he sustained his injuries.
452 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 161, indicates that one of his sons, Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, the

father of Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, suffered martyrdom during Nayríz-I. However,
Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 83, states this occurred during Nayríz-II.
453 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 24.

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family. From early youth he showed extraordinary bravery and courage,
and soon was given a position in the city administration by Hájí Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín. Because of his skills, the governor entrusted the supervision of
his own properties in Rastáq and Qutriyyih to him. The first time that
Sardár’s fame became widely known was when one evening, together
with his childhood friend, Hasan Mírzá, he tracked, disarmed and
arrested a gang of seventy highway robbers near the village of Rastáq. As
the thieves promised that they would never engage in such deeds, Mírzá
‘Alí released them – an act which solidified his reputation as a fairminded but courageous commander. Even though the governor
continued to entrust important assignments to him, Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
grew increasingly hostile towards the regime, partly in recognition that
Zaynu’l-‘Abdidin Khán had assumed office through the unjust murder
of his brother, the rightful successor to their father, and had further
exerted efforts to eliminate the children of his fallen brother. However,
for some time the Sardár concealed his hostility, waiting for the right
moment to strike. By the time Vahíd arrived on the scene in 1850, Mírzá
‘Alí was ready to break all ties with the governor, and the news brought
to Nayríz by Vahíd, and his zeal in establishing a just government in line
with the Báb’s teachings, was a welcome alternative which he readily
embraced, dedicating the rest of his life to its achievement. Following a
period of two years hiding in the wilderness subsequent to Vahíd’s
martyrdom and the general massacre of the Bábís, the Sardár returned to
Nayríz and was ready to complete the task commenced by Vahíd. He
was the key figure in organizing the dispersed Bábís and became their
rallying point during Nayríz-II. He taught them the art of warfare and
served as the chief military commander of the Bábís.

5. Khájih Muhammad-Husayn
For three years, he was secure in the nearby village of Karbál where the
governor’s men failed to locate him. He did not take part in Nayríz-II,
but his wife and some other kindred participated. On hearing that his
wife had been captured and subjected to indignities, he was overcome
with depression and died shortly thereafter.

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6. Siyyid Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Istahbánátí
He was in hiding during the period of three years separating the Nayríz I
and II events. After Nayríz-II, his whereabouts are not known.

7. Ibráhím, son of Sálih
He managed to keep away from the governor’s men and participated in
Nayríz-II, where he was captured and taken as a prisoner to Shiraz. He
was released some time later.

8-9. Siyyid Husayn and Siyyid Hasan, sons of Hájí
Siyyid Ahmad
Together with their brother, Siyyid Abú-Tálib (see above), they had gone
out as far as the village of Rúníz to welcome Vahíd and joined him in the
Fort as defenders. After the fall of the Fort, these brothers escaped, but
reemerged from hiding in three years’ time to participate in Nayríz-II.
No further news of them is known, except that Siyyid Hasan survived
the event as one of the prisoners.

10. Mullá Hasan, son of Karbalá’í Qásim
After a period of hiding, he too participated in Nayríz-II and was
captured and sent to Shiraz, where he was released after a while. He then
returned to Nayríz.

11. Shaykh Muhammad-Ismá‘íl, son of Mullá
Muhammad-Báqir
He followed the same fate as the above-mentioned Mullá Hasan.

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12. Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar, son of Mullá Muhammad
Istahbánátí
He had come to Nayríz in the company of Vahíd and had stood by him
during all the events. He was captured, subsequently released, went into
hiding and then emerged again during Nayríz-II, when again he was
captured and eventually released.

13. Shaykh Yúsuf
He was extradited from Shiraz and spent some time in the governor’s
dungeon. He was released on the condition of leaving Nayríz. Later, he
participated in Nayríz-II, where he was subsequently captured and sent
to Shiraz as a prisoner. Upon release, he returned to Nayríz again, but
soon rebelled against the local authorities who had caused his
imprisonment and torture, as a result of which he was severely injured
and disfigured. His daughter, the wife of Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih,
was also imprisoned after the Nayríz-II events.

14. Lutf-‘Alí Qá‘id
During the battles, he showed much bravery, but was struck by a cannon
shell that resulted in the amputation of his left hand. After the Fort’s fall,
though severely injured, he managed to escape and remained in the
wilderness for nearly three years until the gathering of the forces for the
Nayríz-II uprising, when once more he joined the Bábís in defending
themselves. After the uprising’s conclusion, he was imprisoned for some
time and eventually released and sent home.

15. Mírzá Muhammad, son of Mírzá Muhammad-‘Abid
After successfully remaining in hiding for two years, he joined the Bábí
community during the Nayríz-II episode and was later captured and sent
to Shiraz. En route, he threw himself into Bakhtigán Lake to commit
suicide, but was rescued and released a while later. Eventually, he

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returned to Nayríz.

16. The Istahbánátí Bábís
Of the twenty-one converts that had accompanied Vahíd from
Istahbánát, two defected. The first was Hájí Mihrizí, who broke his
allegiance at the height of battles and caused great hardship to the
remnants of the community after the Fort’s fall. The second was Ismá‘íl
Mazíjání. He asked for Vahíd’s daughter in marriage and on receiving a
negative response, was disappointed, but remained in the Fort and
endured the subsequent events. After the battle, he made his escape by
stealing Vahíd’s steed (given to him by Muhammad Sháh) and returned
to his native town where he set himself up as a religious cleric.
It appears that the remaining nineteen Bábís from Istahbánát
remained faithful and those that survived the battles were able to return
home and rebuild the Bábí community of that village.

17. Descendant of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Samí‘
A native of Shiraz, this learned mystic had become tutor to the Qájár
princes and was greatly admired by many. However, because of the
jealousy of other clerics, he left Shiraz for Nayríz where he spent the rest
of his days and there attracted the attention of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.
Two sons survived him: Mullá Báqir and Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí.454
Much like his father, Mullá Báqir excelled in the acquisition of
knowledge and emerged as one of the foremost jurists of the region,
occupying the position of marja‘-taqlíd [the source of religious
emulation] in the city. As such appointments often required, he married
a niece of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shiraz, adding
significantly to his personal prestige. He served as the Imam-Jum‘ih of
the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír of Nayríz and the custodian of its properties, all
of which distinguished him in the eye of the citizens. At the time of
Vahíd’s arrival and because of their prior association, he went out as far

454 Lab-Shikarí played an important role in Nayríz-II uprising.

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as Rúníz to welcome him, and enlisted among his most devoted
companions. However, outwardly he adopted a more neutral stance and
due to his influence, the governor left him alone, a situation that
permitted Mullá Báqir to clandestinely assist other Bábís. He passed away
a few years later. He was survived by four sons who later converted to
the Bahá’í faith: Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, surnamed Vafá by
Bahá’u’lláh; Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan; Shaykh Ahmad; and Shaykh Abú’l-
Qásim.

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Chapter 11

Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ - Part 2

Let those fight in the cause of God who sell the life of this world for the
Hereafter; to him who fighteth in the cause of God, whether he is slain
or gets victory, soon shall We give him a reward of great value.
Qur’án 4:74

A Comment by the Translator
The first part of Mullá Shafí‘’s account was given in chapter 5 and an
annotated translation of the remaining portion is provided below.
However, before we turn our attention to this narrative, a brief comment
– perhaps an attempt at contextualizing the history of Nayriz-II – is in
order.
Following the events’ chronology, chapters 5 through 10 have
provided glimpses into the intense persecution that beset the Bábí
community of this town in the aftermath of Vahíd’s martyrdom and the
Bábí defeat in the summer of 1850 – a persecution that continued in
various forms and unabated for some two years. By then, the Bábí
community of Iran in general, and Nayriz in particular, was faced with an
unprecedented challenge. Its Prophet-founder, the Báb, was martyred.
Its most nationally recognized promoter, Vahíd, was slain. The faith’s
chief lieutenants, Quddus, Mullá Husayn, Táhirih and eight other Letters
of the Living, were murdered and the rest were either missing, in hiding
or in doubt. Nearly five-hundred of the ablest devotees of the Báb had
been eliminated in Shaykh Tabarsí. The charismatic and learned Hujjat
and two thousands of his companions had perished in Zanjan. Its
supposed leader, Yahyá Azal, was utterly incompetent and in hiding.
Bahá’u’lláh’s influence was neutralized by being exiled for some 10
months to Karbala. In August 1852, an ill-conceived attempt on the life
of Nasiri’d-Dín Shah resulted in a Bábí bloodbath in Tihran and the

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surrounding regions which essentially annihilated the remaining
leadership of the community or its learned members. What remained of
the notables of the community – including Bahá’u’lláh – were then
seized and imprisoned in Siyah-Chál, most to suffer execution.
In Nayriz, the situation for the Bábís was particularly ominous.
Having lost most of its men and many of its women members, the
Chinar-Sukhtih quarter – the Bábí stronghold – was reduced to rubbles,
its Bábí residences were robbed of all their possessions and compelled to
disperse in the countryside and mountains, and forced to live in the
wilderness with no provisions or shelters for some two years. One can
only imagine the intensity of their sufferings stretched over such a long
period, especially during the bitterly cold winter seasons.
As Mullá Shafí‘’s narrative in the following pages will reveal and is
supported by subsequent documentations provided in later chapters, by
the Fall of 1852 gradually some of the Bábís began to return to their
native town and once again the nucleus of a community was formed.
But this was a drastically different community. Having lost all its
prominent and learned members, it was now a community that knew
very little about the Báb’s wide range of teachings nor did it have a
cohesive leadership in form of the wise and learned Vahíd when he
guided its affairs in 1850. It was a community that bore the deep scars of
intense and cruel sufferings of these two agonizing years. Naturally,
anger and desire for revenge burnt brightly in many hearts.
It was under such circumstances and without a charismatic leader
of Vahíd’s caliber, that the community was once more formed and in
absence of a strong leadership, it allowed a few of its members on the
fringes to commit certain desperate acts, chief among them being the
assassination of the town’s governor – the man most responsible for
their prolonged sufferings – an act that precipitated another cycle of
bloody and severe persecution that lasted for many more months,
costing the lives of many more hundreds of the believers. As the
situation grew increasingly gloomy and desperate, in addition to the
governor’s assassination, as will be outlined in these documents, the
beleaguered Bábís committed several other desperate acts – acts that had
Vahíd or a leader of his qualities been around, would not have been

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permitted.
The above comments are made in hope that as the reader
considers the details provided in these documents, he would bear in
mind the backdrop of the situation and the bitterness of the
community’s experiences which shaped certain of their decisions. That
is, I feel compelled to warn the reader that a few incidents in these
documents indeed portray a degeneration that characterizes men in
desperate situations, or perhaps are characteristics of every religious
community at the conclusion of their spiritual cycle. Without keeping the
historical backdrop in mind, it is feared that the reader might be tempted
to view with too critical an eye the Bábí community of Nayriz in 1852-53
or perhaps pronounce a harsh judgment against them that would be
ahistorical in nature.

Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ - Part 2

[12. The Transition]
In short, for about two years,455 perhaps less or more, the situation
passed thus. Meanwhile the believers who had been dispersed located
one another in the mountains. Many were planning vengeance. However,
the Khán was shrewd and cautious, never leaving himself alone, and
when he rode, he was always accompanied by a large number of guards
and gunmen. And on the occasions when he visited the city, he never
went to the residence of others and kept to his own well-protected
mansion. Every day a new scheme was designed [by the believers to
eliminate the governor], but none could be implemented.
Eventually, in the Fall season, when the grapes were ripe in the
mountainous vineyards and ready for syrup-making, the believers
attacked a syrup-making facility belonging to the Khán that was situated
on the Bálá-Taram mountain, and injured two or three of the workers.
On hearing the news, the Khán sent his men to capture them [Bábís],

455 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 23, gives this period as one and a half years.

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but it was to no avail. The believers, however, were no closer to their
goal of capturing and eliminating the Khán.
Of those taken in chains to Shiraz, several were martyred,
including Áqá Ghulám-Ridá, an attendant of his holiness [Vahíd] who
was from the city of Yazd, and Shaykhá, the executioner, who was
martyred with the utmost brutality and savagery.456 The rest were thrown
in the dungeon. A certain Mírzá Mihdí, a maternal uncle of ‘Alí Sardár,
died of exhaustion in that location. After some time the remaining
believers were released from the dungeon; some returned to Nayríz,
while others preferred to disperse in far away regions.
[In Nayríz] rather than be taken prisoner, two of the [Bábí] women
threw themselves into a well and perished. Three of the men, Mullá
Muhammad, Hájí Qasim and Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí, proceeded to
Dáru’l-Khaláfih457 Tihrán [to express their grievances], and during the
upheaval after the assassination attempt on the monarch and the episode
of Sulaymán Khán, two of them were martyred.458 A few others had
gone [to Tihrán seeking justice], but during the same upheaval <p.23>
were captured and thrown into the dungeon – one of them was a certain
Mullá Ahmad who passed away in captivity, while the others were
eventually released.
Of the ones mentioned earlier who were determined to exact a
revenge, several went to Dáru’l-Khaláfih Tihrán in the hope of making
their case to the monarch, thinking that this would bring ruin upon the
Khán. They were but two or three stations away from the Land of Tá
[Tihrán] and were enjoying a short rest, when several soldiers carrying a
communication from Shiraz went by and recognized them as belonging
to this people [i.e. Bábí]. They were all arrested except Karbalá’í

456 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that in Mírzá Mahmúd’s

report for the period 23 September to 10 October 1850, the following is recorded to
have occurred on 6 October:
On the same day two Babees were delivered by Mehr Ally Khán to
H.R.H. One of them was the executioner, and the other a Sirdar
[commander] of Syed Yahyáh. Both were beheaded.
457 Lit. the city of rulers, it is a designation for Tihrán as it has served as the seat of

central government for a long time.
458 Sulaymán Khán was martyred on 15 August 1852.

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Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín who succeeded in reaching Tihrán, where eventually he
came to possess a house and other properties and passed away some
time later. The others were taken to Shiraz where the Prince instructed a
number of them to curse and recant [their new found Faith], and when
they refused to do so, immediately ordered their execution in the
courtyard of the army’s barracks. These martyrs included: Karbalá’í
Abú’l-Hasan, a crockery-maker; Áqá Shaykh Hádí, maternal uncle of the
wife of the illustrious Vahíd; Mírzá ‘Alí and Abúl, sons of Hájí Zayná;
Akbar, son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Hasan and his brother Mírzá Bábá.459
The late Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf and the rest of the captives were
brought in chains and fetters to Nayríz as a gift for the Khán – a prize
that made him extremely happy and excited. With his own hand he
slapped the honored Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf, issued instructions for the nose
of another one to be pierced and a rope passed through it, and yet
another was ordered beaten with sticks. In fact, several of them died
during these brutal beatings, including Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad who
had served as the gatekeeper of the fort and was martyred on the first
day while being beaten with sticks; also a certain Shír-‘Askar, paternal
uncle of Táju’l-‘Ayn460 who had been among the first martyrs of the fort,
was viciously martyred at night in the dungeon and his remains thrown
into a well.

[13. The Nucleus of Dissent]
And the manner in which [Mírzá] ‘Alí Sardár came to leadership was this:

459 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that in a report of the British

agent Mírzá Mahmúd for the period 10 to 27 August 1850, it is recorded,
On the 20th His Royal Highness summoned ten Babees and
commanded them either to curse Syed Yahiyeh or to suffer death; as
they remained silent, it was concluded they were steadfast in their
faith. The Prince however respited them for an hour, when they
submitted to His Royal Highness’ will. Some persons then interceded
for them and the Prince forgave them... The Prince has been rather
unwell for some days past, on which account, it is said, he will release
all the imprisoned Babees.
460 Most likely a copyist error for Táju’d-Dín.

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after two years of being a refugee, he returned to Nayríz in secret.461
Upon arrival, at nights, armed with a sword, he quietly visited the homes
of the believers, searched home after home, and wherever he found
anyone hungry, unclothed or without other necessities, he would gather
the provisions and <p.24> unbeknownst to the needy, deliver them to
that household. And when the non-believers would chance to see him
engaged in such undertakings, he would pretend that he was occupied
with something else. The reports, however, eventually reached the Khán,
who ordered his path intercepted and [the Sardár] arrested. The

461 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 173-179, states (in summary):

Gradually, the network of contacts was expanded and regular
communication was established with those who had dispersed, and
food and other necessities were arranged for them as well. This circle
of believers and sympathizers grew larger by inclusion of the believers
released from the governor’s prison, and soon an organized and
active nucleus of dissent was formed.
The first such cell, or assembly, was formed in the number of
the Bayánic vahíd, that is, 19, and consisted of: ‘Alí Sardár; Hájí Mírzá
Husyan Qutb; Hájí ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, Vahíd’s father-in-law; the two sons
of Hájí of ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí; Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his four remaining
sons; and nine other believers - all residents of what had remained of
the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. This assembly began to meet in earnest
and its first decision was to charge two of its members who were
among the ‘ulamá, namely, Hájí ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
Husayn, to deepen and educate the Bábí remnant and to instill in their
hearts devotion to the Cause and obedience to the laws of the Faith.
Through their consultation, the assembly recognized that
sporadic guerilla attacks on the governor’s vast estate had been utterly
ineffectual and ultimately an organized uprising was needed against
him. They resolved that the two youngest members, the Sardár and
Qutb, would try to locate and attract the believers who had dispersed
in the mountains, and would urge their return to the city for this
purpose. Therefore, these two brave members of the assembly set out
to spread the good news that once more the community was being
consolidated, and to encourage and fortify everyone’s faith and
cooperation. Day by day, the number of those returning to Nayríz
increased and many more were encouraged to emerge from hiding
and to once again join their brethren.

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governor decreed severe tortures. It was through the Divine Will that he
was released. Once again his only thought was the need of the poor, the
ill, the destitute, the widows and the orphans. At night he would gather
the believers, and speak and encourage them, and constantly urge them
to unity and cooperation.
It was at that time that the late Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb,
returned from Tihrán to Nayríz. He was a brave and magnificent man
and acted with such sincerity and fidelity that all believers were deeply
attracted to him. Due to his generosity and forbearance, all the learned
and affluent members of this community [i.e. the Bábís] felt called to
obey him.462
Each night, they would gather some seventy or eighty believers in
various assemblies and urge and encourage them to slay the Khán463 and

462 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 177, places the number of Bábís at this time in excess

of “kul-shay” (=361). The same source continues to state (in summary):
Through the constant efforts of the learned men in their rank, the
knowledge and devotion of the Bábís to the Cause grew stronger and
the flame of the fire of the love of God blazed fiercer through regular
study of the Báb’s writings in their possession.
In a few months’ time, a large number of the inhabitants of
Nayríz yet again stood firmly identified with the new Revelation and
the basis for another massive uprising against the tyranny of the
authorities and the defense of the community was now set.
During this time, the influence of the governor and his agents
was waning considerably, as each day the number of believers
increased and their morale grew. Soon Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was
sufficiently alarmed that he too began to plot a second suppression.
The news of his concerns and schemes for severe retaliation reached
the believers and they readily recognized that in due time the
governor would once again gather his forces and would attempt to
purge the region of its Bábí elements and sympathizers.
463 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 170-172, state:

One of the believers who rejoined the community at this time was
Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, a son of Mullá ‘Abdu’s-Sami’, and a
younger brother of the influential Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih.
Mullá Hasan had been appointed by Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imam-
Jum‘ih of Shiraz, to supervise his properties in the village of Kushak-
Mullá, and many years earlier had the good fortune to accompany the

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revenge the sacred blood of the illustrious Vahíd.464 However, no
opportunity presented itself, until five of the residents of the [Chinár-
Súkhtih] neighborhood who were also relatives of the Khán, namely,
Karbalá’í Muhammad and his three sons, Khájih Mahmúd, Khájih Hasan

Báb in one of His journeys to Bushihr, and though he had remained
unaware of the Latter’s claim to being the promised Manifestation, he
had been greatly attracted to the young Siyyid, and day and night
exerted himself to serve His every need. At the conclusion of the
journey, out of His infinite benevolence, the Báb had given His own
precious ring to Mullá Hasan, which the latter treasured to his last
breath.
When Vahíd arrived in the region and proclaimed the new
Cause, Mullá Hasan and his brother embraced the Faith and while
Mullá Báqir outwardly projected a neutral disposition towards the
Bábí Movement, Mullá Hasan was very much in the thick of things
and would openly proclaim the Faith and propagate its interests. In
addition, he had been a close family friend of Muhammad-Báqir
Khán, the governor’s brother who was assassinated at Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán’s bidding, to the point that his sons called him
‘brother.’
It was through the intervention of Mullá Hasan that the
children of the slain Mullá Báqir Khán were secretly provided food
and provisions and thus rescued – a fact that had added to the disdain
of the governor. It had become known that Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
had put together a plan to slay Mullá Hasan and his comrades, Sardar,
Mírzá Husayn [Khájíh] Qutb, and a few others. Therefore, with evergreater fervor, Sardar and Qutb preached the importance of
eliminating the root cause of troubles, namely, the despicable
governor.
464 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 23, states:

Day by day, Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín grew in enmity and grievance. He
confiscated the properties and possessions of all the believers and left
them with no dwelling to live in. Consequently, the Bábís dispersed in
the mountains and began to gradually organize themselves against the
governor and the ‘ulamá. They recognized that no matter where they
went, they would never be able to live in tranquility and would always
be a target for the despotism and tyranny of this corrupt order.
Therefore, they resolved to eliminate the governor and his hatchetmen and to avenge the blood of Vahíd and his companions.

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and Khájih ‘Alí, together with Ustád Qásim, who was a banná
(construction taskmaster) at the governor’s home, and all had become
resentful of the Khán, decided to murder him.465
On a Thursday night, the Khán informed his Farrásh-Báshí
[attendant], Karbalá’í Sádiq, “In the morning I will go to the bath-house,
and when I return I wish to go for a ride in the country-side. You are to
take a large contingent of our men and proceed to the Chinár-Súkhtih
quarter where, according to our list, some seventy of these people [i.e.
Bábís] reside. Seize and place them all in jail as I have decided to put
them in a pot and boil them.” A trusted friend informed the five [wouldbe assassins] of this conversation and they in turn, bid farewell to their
wives, and before dawn proceeded to the public bath and concealed
themselves in its dark chambers.
Ever concerned with security, the Khán would place
sharpshooters on the roof of the bathhouse as well as on the turret of his
own mansion that was next door, and would take every precaution
during his visits, and ensure that the bathhouse was vacant prior to
entering. [On that day,] when the Khán arrived at the bath, at an
opportune moment, the five men <p.25> emerged from their hiding
place and, armed with razor blades, other sharp objects, the masseur’s
knives, injured the Khán with several cuts and slit his stomach open. The
masseurs called out to his attendants and guards who rushed in and
quickly martyred the five. Ustád Qásim was still barely alive when he
heard the cry of the Khán coming from the dressing room and dragging
himself there shouted: “O accursed one! They martyred my four
brothers and you are still alive?!” And even though he was held back by
the attendants, he freed himself momentarily and lunged forward,
putting his hand on the Khán’s cut, pulling out his intestines and other
organs. Had he not committed this act, the injuries of the Khán were not
fatal and the five men would have sacrificed their lives fruitlessly. The
Khán lived for only one more day and then went to where he belonged.
Ustád Qásim was immediately martyred.466

465 Manábi‘ Táríkh Amr Bahá’í, pp. 56-57, states that these five were Bábís. Kawakibu’d-

Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 213, refers to them as the remnant of the Bábí martyrs and captives.
466 The governor’s death took place on 26 March 1853; for documentation see the

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[14. The New Governor]
In those days, the Prime Minster in Tihrán would name the local [senior]
officials, and he had given the governorship of Nayríz to Mírzá Na‘ím467,
who in turn had passed it on to
[Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín] Khán.468 Out of pride though, the Khán ruled

Qájár newspapers cited later in this monograph. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 302,
notes:
Grossly agitated over the murder of his father, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
and unable to exact a full revenge, Fath-‘Alí Khán decided to slay
Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, who was one of the believers suspected of
masterminding the assassination plot. His attendants carried out this
murder while Mullá Hasan was visiting Fort Sayf-Ábád in the vicinity
of Nayríz. This martyr was survived by two sons: Mullá Áqá Baba and
Mullá Muhammad-’Alí.
Mullá Muhammad-’Alí and a son of Mullá Áqá Baba, also named Mullá Hasan, were
martyred in the course of Nayríz III.
467 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 27, n. 2, quotes from Fársnámih Násirí:

Mírzá Na‘ím, the Lashkar-Báshí, was born in Shiraz in 1219 A.H.
[1804] into one of the Núrí families residing in Shiraz. His job was
Lashkar-Nivís-Báshí [the officer in charge of the logistics] of the
military forces assigned to Fárs. For a while, he was the governor of
Nayríz, Dáráb, Jahrum, and some other regions and eventually died in
Shiraz in the year 1292 A.H. [1875].
Mírzá Na‘ím was a brother-in-law and a cousin of the ruling Prime Minister Mírzá
Áqá Khán Núrí.
468 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 26, states:

At the beginning of the Spring of 1268 A.H. [circa March 1852],
Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Amír-Atábak, fell into disfavor with the
monarch. This was because of his vanity, pride and despotism, as he
would ignore the royal decrees and would reject and dismiss the
king’s direct orders. He would carry out what he thought best, and he
considered the sovereign a youth incapable of royal rule. As he had a
particularly acrimonious nature and would deal with others in an
extremely harsh manner, the vast majority of the governors strongly
disliked him. Once, he reduced the rank of the military officers and
they rose against him. As a result, he had to appeal to Mírzá Áqá
Khán [Núrí], the I‘timadu’d-Dawlih, who helped him rectify his

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independently, and until the end never wore the gifted robe of honor.
The news [of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s assassination] was sent to the
governor of Fárs, the late Prince Tahmasb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-
Dawlih.469 Being extremely pleased with the turn of events, Mírzá Na‘ím

relations with the commanders. In the end, the Shah dismissed Mírzá
Taqí Khán from office, isolated, exiled and incarcerated him in
Káshán.
Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 26, footnoted the following from Muntazam Násirí:
On 25 Muharram, Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Atábak A‘zam, was deposed
from office as chief military commander and Prime Minister, lost the
title of Atábak and all other privileges, offices and honors. Mírzá Áqá
Khán, the I‘timádu’d-Dawlih, was installed in his place as Prime
Minister.
Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 26-27, continues:
Eventually, at the royal bidding, he was slain in the Hammám Fin.
When the King’s executioners informed him of his fate, he became
repentant about the true reason for his punishment and confessed his
wrongdoing saying, ‘Of a certainty, it was not prudent to oppose the
Siyyid-i Báb and His followers. I gravely erred in slaying this Siyyid
and now I must suffer the due punishment.’ The aforementioned
Mírzá Áqá Khán [Núrí] was appointed Prime Minister by the Shah
and gradually given complete authority and independent rule in
military and political matters, and raised to the rank of Sadr A‘zam.
With much innate statesmanship, wisdom and skill he began to
organize the affairs of the realm, particularly the situation of the
Bábís.
At that time, the uncle of the Shah, Tahmasb Mírzá, the
Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, was the governor of Fárs. Because of the
troubles in that region, Mírzá Áqá Khán separated the rule of Nayríz
from the province of Fárs and granted its rule to Mírzá Na‘ím Núrí
who was sent with a great many men to that city. Mírzá Na‘ím was
instructed by the Prime Minister in the art of statesmanship and was
told to deal with the Bábís calmly and prudently, to grant them liberty
and freedom of movement, and then to seize them all.
469 Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih was the governor-general of the Fárs from the

beginning of 1266 A.H. [December 1849] and served until he was replaced with
Tahmasb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, a cousin of Muhammad Shah, in Sha‘bán
1269 A.H. [May 1853]. Tahmasb Mírzá served in this capacity until 1858 and once
more during 1860-62. He was a son of Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá, son of Fath-‘Alí Shah.

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quickly dispatched his maternal uncle, Mírzá Baba, to Nayríz in the
company of several soldiers. Upon their arrival, they did not discuss their
mission with anyone until a month later when Mírzá Na‘ím,
commanding a large contingent of cavalry and soldiers, arrived
triumphantly [in Nayríz].470 Among the welcoming party were ‘Alí Sardár
and the believers, who thought they could breathe easy now.
Two or three days after his arrival, Mírzá Na‘im was privately
approached by the wife of the slain Khán, who encouraged him to
revenge the blood of her husband on the promise of gaining whatever he
wished. He inquired as to the means of accomplishing this, to which she
responded, “There is no other way except to lure them through
kindness.” Finding this approach pleasing, on the following day he sent a
messenger to the believers [in the Bábí quarter] declaring, “All those who
have sustained an injustice through Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín <p.26> Khán or
have had their property confiscated, should gather at the government
house and provide the details so that their property may be separated
from the estate of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and returned to them.” The
believers did not know about the scheme designed to trap them, but
sensed that something was stirring, therefore, they decided to tell the
new governor that they no longer had a claim on any property taken
from them and absolved the Khán of all he had committed, leaving him
to divine judgment and justice.
Therefore, [on the appointed day], many of them went to the
government house. Prior to their arrival, however, the soldiers and the
gatekeeper were instructed that upon their entrance, the gate should be
quickly shut and [if necessary] the gunmen should open fire on them
ensuring that no one, from either within the building or outside, would
dare move. In short, some one hundred and fifty471 of the leading
believers were arrested and imprisoned that day and some received
severe beatings. Among them Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb,
‘Alí Sardár, and some other braves.
Some time passed while the [Bábí] men remained imprisoned and

470 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 28, estimates the number of his men as two

divisions.
471 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 174, gives this figure as 130.

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their womenfolk apprehensive. Eventually Mírzá Na‘ím decided to
journey to Shiraz and he prepared a list of the prisoners, whom he
entrusted to his uncle, Mírzá Baba, and together with his soldiers he
returned to Shiraz. Meanwhile, the aforementioned Shujá‘u’l-Mulk
informed the Prime Minister that Mírzá Na‘ím had rendered a great
service by capturing in the space of one hour some one hundred and
fifty of the enemies of the throne472 in such a manner that not even one
had a nose bleed. The Prime Minister in turn presented the text of that
communication to the monarch, who was very pleased, instructing him
to respond that the entire group of the prisoners must be sent to Tihrán.
After Mírzá Na‘ím’s departure for Shiraz, the inhabitants of Qatrih
[Qutriyih], one of the villages of Nayríz, refused the orders of Mírzá
Baba, the [temporary] governor of Nayríz, on account of excessive
taxation. No matter how many emissaries, soldiers or gunmen Mírzá
Bábá sent, it was futile and the villagers would not budge. Mírzá Baba
was informed that the only men whose influence could sway the
situation was ‘Alí Sardar and the other lion-hearted [Bábí] warriors
<p.27> presently in prison, and that he had no option but to release ‘Alí
Sardár and send him to Qatrih [Qutriyih]. He complied as advised and
offered the Sardár a robe of honor and commissioned him for the
task.473 On hearing the news of his approach, in spite of their strength
and resolve, the villagers retreated and the Sardár was able to collect all
owed taxes and to send the money to Mírzá Bábá.
Duly impressed, Mírzá Bábá released the [remaining captive]
believers and dealt with them justly and respectfully. It was then that the
monarch’s officials arrived in Shiraz in order to conduct the Bábís to
Tihrán and Mírzá Na‘ím was informed of their mission, and in turn, he
sent several of his men to Nayríz [to bring with them the Bábí
captives].474 However, before the arrival of the officers in Nayríz, the

472 The original, qiblih ‘álam (lit. the pivot of the world) is one of Násiri’d-Dín Shah’s

titles.
473 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 175, states that it was Mírzá Na‘ím who met with the

Sardár and asked for his help. However, according to Mullá Shafí ‘, by then Mírzá
Na‘ím had long left for Shiraz.
474 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 176, notes that during this period a number of the

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believers in Shiraz learned of the details and quickly dispatched a
messenger to Nayríz to inform the friends.475
The believers [of Nayríz] consulted and divided into three groups.
The first group consisted of the akhúnds [clerics] who gathered in the
house of one of their own, Mullá Muhammad Mu’min. ‘Alí Sardár and
his expert riflemen gathered at his house, while Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn,
titled Qutb, led another group to the vineyards outside the city limits.
Every hour they would send messengers back and forth to ensure they
were fully informed of each other’s situation.
Mírzá Bábá was contemplating ways to trap the Bábís [for dispatch
to Tihrán]. He decided to send an envoy [with the false pretense] that
some particular region had rebelled and that they were needed to come
and prepare to do battle [with the insurgents] on the following day. He
thought that the believers were unaware of what had been decreed [by
the monarch], and when they came, he would be able to seize them.
However the believers responded, “We are under no compulsion to aid
the government in its dealings with the rebels and will not come.”
[Undaunted, Mírzá Bábá] sent a second emissary, and yet again they
refused to come.
Fearing the royal wrath, Mírzá Bábá summoned to the government
house a few Muslim gunmen from the same quarter that were
uninformed of the events <p.28> and placed them in confinement. He
thought that if eventually he failed to capture the Bábís, at least he could
send these plebeians in their place to Tihrán. However he soon realized
that unless a few Bábís were also forcibly seized and placed among them,
his plan was futile.

‘ulamá in Shiraz, such as Shaykh Husayn Nazimu’sh-Shari‘ih, known as Shaykh
Zálim [the tyrannical Shaykh], Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí Mahallátí and Shaykh Mihdí
Kajvarí, every day most vehemently denounced the Báb’s religion and anyone
associated with the nascent Faith.
475 From the early years of the Bábí faith into the opening decade of the Twentieth

Century, a number of political and administrative figures of Fárs were Bábí, or Bábí
sympathizers. Some of them were believers in Bahá’u’lláh as well; for details see,
Ahang Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge. Therefore, it is likely that senior officials in
Shiraz leaked the plot against the Bábís to the community.

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[15. First Battle, the Fall of 1853]
[Therefore in order to apprehend some of the Bábís,] he ordered his
soldiers and footmen to encircle the vineyard [where a group of the
believers had taken refuge]. However, none among his men dared to
enter.476 Eventually, several farrashes were sent in to overcome and
arrest the believers, but they met the swords, sticks, pistols and stones of
the defenders, and had to retreat in great haste. Raising the cry of “Alláhu-Akbar,” the Bábís continued to chase them outside the orchard.
Similar shouts were raised by the Bábí ‘ulamá, as well as the men under
the command of ‘Alí Sardár who were all emerging from their locations,
creating a most fantastic spectacle with the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar” raised
from all three directions.
A contingent of mounted soldiers was positioned at the orchard’s
gate when one of the believers named Muhammad, son of Mír[zá]
Ahmad, emerged from within with burial garb on his shoulders477 and
wielding a sword. The courage manifested by this one man caused the
soldiers to flee before him. Soon the soldiers retreated to the
government house, managing only to seize and imprison a single Bábí.478
On that day the believers stood approximately two hundred strong
and were surrounded by the soldiers and gunmen from all four
directions. Using the protection of the aqueduct’s wall, the believers
joined the battle, and the noise of five or six hundred guns was heard
constantly until dusk. In their haste to join their comrades, however,
several of the believers were captured. Among them was a certain Mullá
Muhammad-’Alí Qabid; and I do not recall the name of the others
caught.479 These were also incarcerated.

476 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, gives the number of soldiers and irregulars on

this occasion as 2,000. But this seems inflated and may reflect the number of
opponents assembled a week or so later.
477 As a sign of readiness for self-sacrifice, at times, burial cloth is worn in battles.
478 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, indicates that it was the same believer,

Muhammad, who was captured.
479 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, states that altogether three Bábís were

captured.

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The believers that were confined by then included: the
aforementioned Muhammad, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad; Mahmúd, son of
Haydar-Bayk; ‘Abdu’lláh, <p.29> son of ‘Askar Shabán; Ahmad, son of
Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; ‘Alí and Murád Sírjání; and Ridá from the Qanqárí
region of Bávanát. The traitorous Khájih Ghafar, who in former days
had been among the companions of the illustrious Vahíd, joined these
seven. They were all placed in a room beneath the tower of Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán’s mansion. In the course of their consultations, they
decided to make a hole in the tower’s wall, through which they could
escape. Using a knife and by pouring out water, they dug through the
night, and were aided by Khájih Ghafar. However when the task was
nearly complete, the latter informed Mírzá Na‘ím, “You have seized me
in error as I am not a Bábí, but these others are. They are planning their
escape by excavating a hole in the tower.” After it was determined that
indeed the prisoners had attempted to carve a hole in the wall, he was
told to further prove his disassociation with other prisoners by
beheading them, to which he readily consented. They were all brought
forth from confinement and, in front of the Masjid Nazar-Baykí, a
certain Áqá Ridá, son of ‘Alí-Naqí, with his pistol shot and killed one of
them, namely, Muhammad, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad. Khájih Ghafár
decapitated the remaining believers and was released. [After this
occurrence and deeply ashamed by his son’s heinous betrayal,] Khájih
Ghafár’s father would repeatedly and indignantly roar, “He is a bastard
and not a son of mine!”
At night time, the army division withdrew to its barracks and the
believers went to an orchard half a farsang away from town at the foot
of the mountains known as Bídlang480, where Vahíd had planted the
trees with his own blessed hands. For two days they tarried there until all
the believers had gathered. In their discussions, they recognized that
given their imperiled circumstances, there was no hope for outward
victory and that instead they should prepare for life everlasting [and
martyrdom]. Gradually the number of the men reached four hundred.

480 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 180, refers to it as Bid-Bikhubih and Hájí Muhammad

calls it Bid-Najviyyih. This mountain is 14 kilometers south of Nayríz.

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[16. Retreat to Mountains]
There are many modest fig-orchards at the base of that mountain, and all
the Nayrízís, of whatever rank, own an orchard there. At that time
<p.30> about half of the city’s inhabitants were there working their
groves. [In their desperation,] the believers decided that since it was
certain that they would be killed and their wives [and children] taken
captive, they might as well exact a measure of revenge. They searched
the orchards for anyone who had at one time persecuted, humiliated or
injured them and would then slay them. Each day, several corpses [of the
non-Bábís] were brought to town.
The governor of Nayríz pleaded for assistance to the Prince and
Mírzá Na‘ím [in Shiraz] and himself assembled a two thousand strong
force from the nearby villages and regions.
The Army of God also resolved that while they still stood, no
harm would be allowed to come to their womenfolk; and after they had
perished, whatever would be, would be. On the third night, they
removed their families and other necessities from town and returned to
the mountain. At that time the number of men was four hundred and of
women six hundred. The families were left in the vineyards and the men
went further up the mountain, securing all pathways leading to their
positions and placing fortifications on all the strategic points.
A few days later, Mírzá Na‘ím arrived with artillery, infantry and
cavalry, leading four divisions and the Khamsih tribesmen. Also arriving
some twenty days later were one thousand Istahbánátí gunmen, and
another thousand ‘Aynálú men led by their commander, Ma‘sum-‘Alí
Khán Qurt, making their way through Iraj-Kih-Dihí, a village of
Istahbánát situated at a distance of four farsangs from Nayríz. Mírzá
Na‘ím and his camp, horsemen and soldiers joined them by way of
Darb-Shikáf, which is the entrance to the mountain region.
To their ranks were added another thousand Nayrízí men, perhaps
more, assembled from the nearby regions and villages, who made their
way through a mountainous passage known as Dúr-Qalat, and led by:
Mírzá Yúsuf, the Kalántar of Nayríz; <p.31> Muhammad-Ridá Khán,
brother of the slain [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín] Khán; Mullá Hasan, son of Mullá

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‘Alí-Muhammad, mentioned previously as having been shot in the
Masjid’s minaret; and several other nobles and chieftains from various
quarters.481 In short, from all four directions the mountain was

481 The following report was filed in October 1853 by the British Agent in Shiraz,

Mírzá Fadlu’lláh Qazvíní (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 147-
148):
Merza Naeem having falsely accused the people of Neireez of being
Babees, obtained an order from the Government to seize one
hundred and seventeen of the inhabitants, put them in chains and
sent [sic] them to Tehran to be punished. Thus empowered he
proceed to Neireez with a number of people and there he pillaged
and plundered the houses of the people and committed every kind of
excess. The Neireezees fled, some to the mountains and others to
various places, and a large body of them took sanctuary a few days
ago in a Shrine outside the city. Meerza Naeem then bribed the
worthless characters who frequent the city to assist his people in
seizing the Neireezees and dragging them from their place of
sanctuary, and at night he sent his people thus aided to effect this. A
dreadful uproar ensued and in the confusion one young lad was
seized and conveyed to Meerza Naeem’s house, where he was beaten
with bastinado until he died. Hajee Kavam [Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí-Abkar, the
Qavámu’l-Mulk] the Vezeer of Shiraz on learning this, sent people to
prevent the seizure of the rest of the Neireezees. In truth should
Meerza Naeem be permitted to remain here he will drive the people
into rebellion, for they are quite annoyed at the conduct of the
Government in acting in this manner at the instigation of a man like
this.
Alee Beg who had been send to Sheeraz to take charge of the
above people accused of Babeeism having arrived at Neireez where
he committed every kind of outrage, the people returned and having
withdrawn their families from the place, again fled to the mountains
where they have conveyed provisions, enough to maintain them for
three or four months.
Meerza Naeem has demanded and received from the new
Governor, who knows nothing of the matter, a force amounting to
four hundred soldiers, two guns with artillerymen and ammunition,
and he has started for the purpose of seizing these poor people and
sending them to the Capital. The Governor has also given him orders
to receive aid from the different Districts in the vicinity. But the

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thoroughly surrounded.482
For their part, the Army of God erected about forty fortifications
and each was assigned to the command of one of its members.483 For
instance, the fortification at the entrance of Darb-Shikáf was under the
command of a certain [Mashhadí] Darvísh, and another in command of
Khájih Qutb, and yet another in command of Mír[zá] Ismá‘íl, and
another assigned to Hájí Qásim, and another to Mullá Shah-‘Alí, and so
forth.484 Each was assigned a commander, and there were a few other
brave souls who routinely visited and supervised the fortifications.485
Among the believers were seven men known as the Haft-Nafarí486
[i.e. the seven men], who performed all the heroic deeds, and they were:
Báqir, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad; Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár [the standardbearer]; <p.32> Hájí, son of Asghar; ‘Alí, son of Ahmad, known as
Garmsiry; Husayn, son of Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; Husayn, son of Hádí
Khayrí; and Hasan, son of Mírzá.487

Neireez people have fixed upon a very strong place in the mountains
for their quarters and there is only one road to it, so it is believed that
the troops will not be able to seize them. They made a descent upon
Neireeza and killed those that had remained there and were hostile to
them.
482 Mírzá Na‘ím’s strategy was to effect a complete blockade of the mountain so that

the Bábís would starve to death. He also utilized the tribesmen as his frontline, as
they were more familiar with the terrain and the mountain passes.
483 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 32, indicates that each fortification was marked by

a red flag.
484 Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí reports that the lowest fortification was named Mádar

Sami‘ [Mother of Sami‘]. This fortification served as both the lookout post and the
frontline of defenses.
485 The military organization of the Bábís manning the barricades was that each

fortification was assigned a commander and eighteen other believers for a total of
nineteen defenders equal to the numeric value of “váhid.” Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
272, suggests that eighteen believers manned each fortification, and the nineteenth one
was considered to be the person of the Báb, who was believed to be present and an aid
to each group of the Bábí defenders. Whether 18 or 19 men were assigned to each
group, it is clear that a deep sense of commitment to the Báb and reliance on divine
confirmation characterized the Bábí struggle.
486 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 272, refers to them as haft-barádarán (seven brothers).
487 The concluding three words in this sentence are not readable to the present

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And of those obeyed by all, one was the honored Mashhadí Mírzá
Husayn, whose instructions were considered irrefutable and divinely
inspired, and the other, ‘Alí Sardár, who knew the art of warfare and
battle.488 Some of the men were among the akhúnds, both ‘ulamá and
mystics, whose ranking members included: the late Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-
‘Alí, the Qádí [judge]; the late Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his
sons; Mullá ‘Alí; another Mullá ‘Alí and his sons489; and a certain
Karbalá’í Hádí. The task of logistics, compiling the daily records, and
trumpets, was given to Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn.
The youngest son of the aforementioned akhúnd, that is, Mullá
Muhammad-Taqí, had gone to Harát to visit Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
when he heard the news [of the uprising] and immediately came to the
mountain, and eventually ranked among the martyrs. In short, each
person was assigned a particular task.490

[17. First Mountain Battle]

translator.
488 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 272, states that the overall command resided with an

assembly of nine men. The commander-in-chief was ‘Alí Sardár, and Khájih Qutb
served as the second-in-command, having a quasi-spiritual authority, while the other
seven helped with various command decisions.
489 The sequence of the names given here is conspicuously similar to that given for the

people mentioned as welcoming Vahíd at Istahbánát.
490 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 33-34, notes:

For a number of days while Mírzá Na‘ím was in process of organizing
his camp, the believers would descend the mountain in search of
water-springs, which always resulted in clashes with the tribesmen.
For each of these attacks, one of the fortifications would be chosen
and one of its defenders would remain behind while the other
eighteen believers, having placed burial garbs over their shoulders,
would rush forth crying ‘Yá Sáhib Zamán!’ and attack the guards
placed around the water-springs. Quickly dispersing the guards, they
would fill their sheepskin bags with water and return to their position.
Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár often led these battles and exhibited unsurpassed
bravery; occasionally, a few of the Bábís were killed or injured in the
battles.

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Unexpectedly, the Istahbánátí gunmen launched a surprise attack.
However, five of their akhúnds broke ranks and carrying a large cache of
arms joined the Army of God in the mountains and eventually attained
the glory of martyrdom. They were: Mullá Fadlu’lláh, son of Mullá
Abu’l-Qasim, the Qadi of Istahbanat; Mullá Muhammad-’Alí; Mullá
Muhammad-Báqir; Karbalá’í Sifr; and [Karbalá’í] Muhammad-Ismá’íl. At
about that time, some fifteen hundred ‘Aynálú, Qurt, Chayan and
Istahbánátí men who had been assured by their ‘ulamá that slaying the
Bábís would win them the good pleasure of God, surrounded and
attacked the believers.491 These men over-powered their foes [i.e. the
Bábís] and captured some thirty fortifications while pushing the believers
into two or three fortifications. <p.33> The two camps were then
standing toe to toe.
One of the Istahbánátí sharp-shooters positioned himself behind a
large rock and martyred three of the believers: Ismá‘íl Khájih Ahmadí,
the custodian of the Khájih Ahmad shrine located about one farsang’s
distance from Nayríz; Sha‘bán, son of ‘Ábidín; and Muhammad.
Moreover, this gunman also shot Mullá Husayn, a son of Mullá ‘Alí-
Muhammad492, and son of Áqá Bábá, who were injured, and passed away
after a few days. As soon as the rifle of the Istahbánátí sharpshooter was
empty, Taqí, son of Safr, flew forth like a hawk and with his sword
struck him so hard that from his upper lip the top of his head was
sundered, and then he returned to his fortification.
About then, ‘Alí Sardár came to them bitterly tired and asking for
food. Some dried bread and walnuts were given to him. He then asked
for a water-pipe and a certain believer, Muhammad, prepared it and as he
was bringing it to him was shot in the head and killed instantly. ‘Alí
Sardár sprang to his feet like a ferocious and esurient lion and rushed
forth from the fortifications charging the enemy which stood strong as a
mountain. A group of the people of Truth [i.e. the Bábís] joined him
from behind and the mighty forces of the enemy were put to flight. With
ready sabers, the Bábís continued to chase after them and twenty-one of
the ungodly assailants were cornered and all beheaded on the spot and

491 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 33, places their numerical strength at 2,000.
492 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 34, gives his name as Mullá ‘Alí.

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thrown down the mountain. The rest were so frightened by the audacity
displayed by the Bábís that they retreated four farsangs to the village of
Iraj, and at about one hour past noon the Army of God returned
triumphantly to its original position. It was then one hour into the
afternoon.
Mírzá Na‘im and the Nayrízí gunmen were unaware of this defeat
[and withdrawal], <p.34> so they prepared a communication for the
[Istahbánátí] troops, with instructions, “Tomorrow, four hours into the
day you are to commence an offensive from the direction of the Qiblih,
and the Nayrízí and Vaysbagluyih men, under the command of
Muhammad-Ridá Khán and Mírzá Yúsuf Kalántar, from the eastern
front will open fire with cannons, and using foot-soldiers will proceed
through the Darab Shikáf passage. Swiftly we are to thoroughly eliminate
them [i.e. Bábís] and thereby win the good pleasure of the Shah, which
will bring us honor and glory.” This dispatch was entrusted to a
messenger named Mashhadí Ja‘far, who on his way was spotted and
seized by the believers’ watchmen. They decapitated him and threw his
remains down the mountain. In this manner the defenders were
informed of the contents of that [military] directive.493
Suddenly, gunmen, soldiers and commanders began to appear in
the opposing entrenchments, unaware of the messenger’s fate. Gradually
their number increased to about four hundred, and included some
Nayrízí citizens whose wives had embraced the Cause of Truth [and
were now among the defenders in the mountain], while they themselves
remained in opposition. They asked, “Why have you brought our wives
[to this mountain]?” “They are no longer your wives,” [the Bábís
responded,] “as now you are not permitted to one another.”494 For a
while they continued to converse [with the Nayrízís], who would ask,
“How is it that you have recognized the Lord and yet we have failed?”495

493 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 35, has additional materials on this incident.
494 According to the law of the Bayán, a woman believer may not be married to an

unbelieving husband. The above reference is further evidence that the Bábís of Nayríz
had sought to implement the laws of the Bayán.
495 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 35, provides a Bábí response:

You have failed in your recognition much the same that Salmán and

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Meanwhile, ‘Alí Sardár instructed several skilled riflemen to [circle
and] approach the army, instructing, “We will keep them occupied with
conversation [while you position yourselves], and suddenly we both will
open fire. Through God’s assistance, perhaps we will manage to untie
this knot.” One of the braves by the name of Hasan, son of Mírzá, took
several men with him and implemented what was commanded.
Simultaneously the two groups of believers opened fire, and then with
unsheathed <p.35> swords attacked the enemy, who, deeply frightened,
left behind their tools, weapons, and provisions, and escaped forthwith.
That day, after initial hardship, victory was ours! Many of our men
were near-death with hunger and half of the men of Truth [i.e. Bábís] did
not have weapons. Carrying away all the arms, bread, clothing, lead,
gunpowder, rifles and swords that were left behind they returned to their
position.
On that day the true cowardly character of the unbelieving
Nayrízís became well-evident: two thousand men, selected among the
ablest, could not withstand the charge of twenty [Bábí] men, and not one
of them discharged his gun, and they all took to flight in greatest haste!
It was near sunset when this skirmish was concluded. As
mentioned earlier, supported by an unnumbered host of soldiers and
troops, Mírzá Na‘ím was lurking in ambush near Darab Shikáf, unaware
of this defeat, and expecting to circle the believers from all four
directions on the following day, in accordance with the written
instructions earlier given to his messenger.
Someone remarked, “Presently we are all tired, but tomorrow we
will go after them [i.e. Mírzá Na‘ím’s forces].” However, ‘Alí Sardár
responded that it was best to deal with the problem that very night so
that the following day we could rest easy. Everyone concurred.
Nineteen men were sent to the entrance of the passage Darab
Shikáf, and nineteen others, led by Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, proceeded
towards the Ásbúrán Mountains. They agreed that once they were
certain that the enemy had fallen asleep, from the heights of the
mountain they would open fire and dislodge the camp. Siyyid Husayn

Abú-Dhar recognized the Prophet of Islam while the ‘Arabs and the
Jews with all their divines remained deprived.

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was one of those approaching the camp from the [Ásbúrán] heights, and
as he had frail eyesight, <p.36> he knocked some rocks in the darkness
of the night, which rolled down the mountain and alerted the camp.
Raising the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar,” the believers immediately opened
fire, causing the camp to fall into total disarray and the soldiers to hastily
disperse in all directions. One of the believers set fire to one of the
yúrts496 and quickly other friends emulated the same, and several yúrts,
made of lumber, were set ablaze. Soon the whole area was as bright as
day, which allowed the soldiers to find their escape route, including
Mírzá Na‘ím who left on the back of one of his men. The believers
ended the hostilities and brought back with them the cannons and the
arsenal.497 If they had not set fire to the yurts, the entire company of the
soldiers would have perished that very night.
At any rate, the Army of God returned victorious and triumphant,
having won the guns and ammunition, and for nearly a month the
situation was peaceful.498 In this period of tranquility, they lived with
some comfort, every morning and evening firing cannon shots of salute,
and always reminding each other of the Words of Truth. They
incessantly urged and encouraged one another to martyrdom and would
remind their family and womenfolk that soon they would be taken as
captives and slaves, saying, “When you are taken as prisoners, wear old,
worn cloths. Never cry, lament or shed tears over what will transpire,
and never concern yourselves with the cold, heat, hunger, thirst or with
being unclad. Manifest patience and forbearance, and be heedless of the

496 The nomads of central Asia refer to their circular skin- or felt-cover tent, with

collapsible frame, as yúrt. In the Persian and Turkish contexts it refers to a wooden
tent, room, house, or lodging. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 185, refers to soldiers’ tents as
“Bikhus-Karan,” a local phrase.
497 According to Táríkh-i Jadíd, after having first beheaded the officer in charge of

the gun, the Bábís took with them the cannon and the arsenal. Finding themselves
unable to push the entire cannon up the mountain, they removed the wheels and
carriage, and using ropes pulled the gun barrel up to their location. They positioned
it against a large tree and planned to use it in future conflicts. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1,
pp. 181-182, suggests this cannon was captured in the course of the second battle.
498 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, states that it was 40 days in between the

battles.

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scorn of the enemies.”
In those quiet days, a few of the virulent enemies who had
perpetrated much harm to the community, such as the treacherous Hájí
Siyyid ‘Abid who had turned against the illustrious Vahíd <p.37> and
had caused the scattering of the believers, were put to death after much
torture and torment. Another such individual was Mírzá Husayn, the
soothsayer, who in former days used to frequent the nightly gatherings
of the friends, and with much humility and meekness represented
himself as one of them, but by day he would report the entire
proceedings to Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. He too was put to a harsh
death.499

[18. Second Mountain Battle]
Being extremely agitated, Mírzá Na‘ím appealed to the authorities in
Shiraz. The Prince [Tahmásb Mírzá] Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih instructed the
commander of the Qashqa’i division, Lutf-‘Alí Khán500, to prepare at
once together with armed men and cavalry from Gulpáyigán, Sarvistán,
Istahbánát, Iraj, Panj-Ma‘ádin, Qatrih, Yashnih, Dih-Cháh, Mushkán,
Ghúry, and Rasátíq, and the outlying regions such as, Dahmurád, Khájih
Jamálí, Chár-Ráhy, Qarání, Lashtí, Nayrízí, Bahárlú, and Aynálú, under
the command of Ahmad Khán, Khán Mírzá and Ma‘súm Khán Qúrt –
the commander who had suffered a terrible and complete defeat in the
first battles.501

499 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, suggests that these two were killed when 95 of

the Bábís attacked the city.
500 Fársnamih Násirí notes: “General Lutf-‘Alí Khán, son of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán

Ilkhání ibn Jání Khán, who was the tribal leader of the Qashqá’ís, became army
general after the passing of his father. Several times he was given missions in Sitán
and the mountains of Giluiyyih. He died in the 1270’s [1854-64]. His son, Hájí
Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, settled in Ábádih because of his mother’s family ties with
that region.” A report of an interview with Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán is recorded
later in the present monograph.
501 The British Agent in Shiraz, Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, reported the following on 14

November 1853 (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 148-149):
On the 1st Mohurrum [4 October 1853] news reached Sheeraz

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concerning the conflict of the People of Neereez in the mountains.
I wrote you word last month that Meerza Naeem had
proceeded with Sirbaz [soldiers] and Guns, and a body of villagers to
exterminate the Neereezees. On reaching the foot of the mountains,
where the enemy lay, Meerza Naeem incited and urged the Sirbaz,
villagers, and the artillery to ascend the single pass that leads into the
heart of the mountain, (along which the Neereezees had erected a few
towers, and in each one planted a number of men armed with
firelocks), and having reached the interior, to cut all the people to
pieces. Yielding to the pressing importunities of Meerza Naeem, the
army ascended, and, as luck would have it, they reached the first
tower about Sunset – garrison (located therein) were perfectly quiet –
not a Sound was heard – so still did they remain that one would have
thought the tower deserted and empty:- the troops gaining confidence
pressed onwards to number two tower, where they found the same
stillness prevailing, and having passed them all they entered the
mountain itself. (No sooner had they done so than) Neereezees, who
were in the van of Troops, backed up by those who were in the rear
in the Towers, fell upon and commenced slaughtering the men of the
unfortunate and ill-starred army:- there being no mode of escape, and
the disaster having come upon them thro’ the ill-management of their
commander, the Neereez women clambered up the rocks, and,
beating their mouths with their hands, vented forth cries of
exultation. Night was succeeded by darkness – the troops were
scattered over the mountain, and one of their guns fell into the hands
of the Enemy.
Being desirous that so severe a calamity should be kept secret,
a story was put in circulation that two of the Gulpaeeganee Sirbaz had
been killed in the fray, and some few had gone astray in the
mountains, who would shortly return.
From the villagers, who accompanied the forces, however, it
became known that many were killed, that the Neereezees had carried
off the horses, and everything pertaining to the army; in short that
Meerza Naeem and his army had been shamefully discomfited. The
new Ruler proposes sending a fresh commander with fresh troops.
Report has it that Meerza Naeem had been in two or three
engagements prior to this one, and in one and all was defeated.
Neereez has to pay Revenue 5,500 Tomans:- the Governor
and Revenue Collectors were wont in former days to levy 10,000
Tomans at the very least, but so completely has Meerza Naeem

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In all, about twelve thousand502 men from diverse tribes and
regions surrounded the mountain. Supported by a Gulpáyigání division,
a number of elite Nayrízi figures and a contingent of skilled sharpshooters, Mírzá Na‘ím encamped at a homestead known as Bayd-
Khánih, situated in the vicinity and under the first fortification of the

ruined the Country, and that too out of pure selfish motives, that
expectation of payment of Revenue hereafter must be out of question
altogether. Hosts of inhabitants have been slain and many yet will
follow ...
On the 15th Mohurrum [18 October 1853] 600 of the
Kashkaee [Qashqá’í] Sirbaz and Two Guns, with complement of
Gunners and ammunition, the whole under command of Lutf Alee
Khán Sirteep, were in orders to proceed to the assitance of Meerza
Naeem in Neereez.
Enclosing the above report and the one sent by the same agent quoted earlier, W.
Taylour Thompson, the British Chargé d’Affairs, sent his own assessment of the
situation (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 149):
The enclosed Extracts from the monthly Report of the British Agent
at Shiraz, received on the 14th Instant, communicate the discomfiture
of a small body of the King’s troops send against Neereez, a district
in the neighbourhood, whose inhabitants would appear to have been
driven into rebellion by the oppressive and extortionate conduct of
Meerza Naeem Nooree, a relation of Sadr-i-Azim [the Prime
Minister]. Accused by this individual of being Babees, orders had
been issued by the Persian Ministers for the translation of a number
of their principal men to Tehran, the execution of which they now
determined to resist by force of arms. That some few followers of the
sect are present in that part of the Country seems to be very generally
believed: but the measures taken to suppress them have been certainly
unfortunate, and may give to more serious complications.
Tahmasb Meerza, the new Governor of Fars, is mentioned by
our Agent as devoid of the talent and energy requisite to conduct his
charge, and to keep in subordination the several factions into which
the notables of the Province are divided. He is accompanied too by a
large number of relatives and needy retainers for whom employment
and emolument could only be provided at the expense of influential
persons whose loss of place must render them inimical to his
administration.
502 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 184, gives this figure as ten thousand.

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people of Truth. He exerted every means to demonstrate his glory and
means in comparison to the condition of the people of Truth. However
the people of Truth thoroughly ignored his army and men. At times the
sound of bugles, trumpets and drums filled the air, and at other instances
the soldiers participated in military exercises and practiced their march.
But the believers still paid no attention to them, though they prepared
for eventual martyrdom.
Gradually, Mírzá Na‘ím gained courage and with his men came
near Darab Shikáf passage in a field known as Áqá-Miry, <p.38> in the
vicinity of an important fortification of the people of Truth, and raised
his own defenses. There was a spring in that area known as Yaqútí which
served as the source of water for the people of Truth, and Mírzá Na‘ím
cut off access by placing his ablest soldiers and gunmen on its
perimeters. Therefore, the honored ‘Alí Sardár and the seven brave
believers mentioned previously, together with a few others, including
Karbalá’í ‘Askar, the standard-bearer, for a total of fourteen [men],
attacked at once the camp of that accursed one [i.e. Mírzá Na’im]. The
gunmen standing guard by the spring began to fire and a bullet struck
the right arm of Karbalá’í ‘Askar, the standard-bearer. Firmly planting
the standard on the ground and not allowing it to fall, he wielded a
sword in his left hand and chased after the enemy, succeeding in killing
several of the attackers. The standard was then lifted by Mírzá Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín, an able and skilled young nephew of Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn,
who, like a lion in chase of her prey, pursued the opposition,
slaughtering one after another, to the point that the cry and lamentation
of the entire camp was raised high. On their triumphant return, the
believers brought the fat from the stomachs of fallen soldiers as
medicine for their own injuries. On that day none of the believers were
killed and their loss was limited to the injuries sustained by Karbalá’í
‘Askar.
The Bahárlú men, whose bravery and skill with rifles was unrivaled
in the entire province of Fars, suddenly, by way of the village of Iraj,
circled the two fortifications known by the name of their commanders,
Hájí Qásim and Khájih Qutba’í, and began to execute a [military]
campaign. First they hid their foot soldiers and sharpshooters in the

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forest behind <p.39> large boulders and inside ditches. Then, they sent
some men to ride their mounts in the open field while declaiming and
haranguing loudly, [presumably to goad the Bábís into action].503
‘Alí Sardár was completely unaware of the gunmen in the ambush.
His [customary] strategy was to rush the enemy with only two or three
men, and he never attacked their camp with more than three.504 On this
occasion as well, he emerged from the fortifications in company of two
or three other gun-carrying believers and gradually made his way to the
503 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 186-187, notes:

This time Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár sensing that the end was upon them,
assembled the commanders of each of the fortifications and several
of the Bábí divines to consult on their desperate situation. He told his
brave companions: ‘The days of our lives have drawn to a conclusion
as our food, powder and bullets have been nearly depleted. Those
wishing to save themselves, should depart now before the enemy
overwhelms our forces and slays our men.’ None among his men was
willing to leave, and in unison they proclaimed their readiness to
stand with him to the bitter end.
The Sardár praised their fortitude, but he added: ‘In the
forthcoming battle, I shall be killed. If they decapitate me, you can
still recognize my remains by this ring that I wear. And if they decide
to take the ring as booty, then surely they must cut off this finger
which will allow you to recognize my fallen body by the missing
finger. You are to bring back my body and to bury it next to the
fortification named after me.’
It is reported that they also placed all the money and jewelry
that they had with them in a copper pot and buried it at a fixed spot
so that those surviving the ordeal might have means of support. The
following day, bidding the friends farewell, the Sardár mounted his
horse, but how strange that on this occasion the steed did not heed
his command and remained immobile – it seems as if his horse also
knew the fate that awaited him. Eventually though, the horse gave
way to the flow of destiny and galloped ahead.
Regarding the Sardár’s comment about his ring, a similar event occurred with Imam
Husayn and with the Bábí leader, Hujjat Zanjání (see, In the Land of Refuge, chapter
6). Evoking parallels between Imam Husayn and Karbalá and their own situation
was a common feature of Bábí historiography.
504 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 187, suggests on this occasion he attacked with 18

other men for a total of 19.

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horsemen. Oblivious of the identity of ‘Alí Sardár, the riders continued
to jockey and parade, and in no time the Sardár had penetrated their
company and the battle was joined. Slowly but deliberately, the armed
equestrians began to withdraw and the Sardár chased after them down
the valley in the company of three of his ablest companions, two of
whom were: Mírzá Muhammad, son of the Akhúnd Mullá Musá; and
Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, son of the late Mír[zá] ‘Abdu’l-Husayn.
Then, without warning, the foot soldiers emerged from hiding and
opened fire and a bullet struck the Sardár on the leg. He tried to
discharge his rifle, but it jammed and did not fire; nor did his pistol; and
when he attempted to draw out his sword, it became entangled with its
sheath. Meanwhile some six hundred gunmen, more or less, were
approaching him with volleys of fire, and were soon joined by the
cavalry. The believers standing on the mountain could not see clearly
what was transpiring and thought that the Sardár had won the battle and
was resting in a safe location. In fact, ‘Alí Sardár was martyred by bullets
on that spot.
Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, another of his companions, also sustained many
injuries, including a ghastly cut under his throat, but was still barely alive
– though the troops thought him dead. The foes had no intimation that
they had martyred ‘Alí Sardár. However, ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir and
a brother of Táju’d-Dín who had fallen martyr during the episode of the
illustrious Vahíd, was standing on a hill <p.40> and from that position
beheld the motionless remains of the Sardár. Profoundly agitated by this
scene and sobbing unceasingly, he rushed forth and threw himself on the
Sardár’s body. He, too, was martyred.
Until that afternoon, neither side realized that the Sardár had been
killed. When the Nayrízi soldiers passed through the field and came
upon his remains, they recognized his remains and gave their comrades
the glad tidings of the death of ‘Alí Sardár.505 It has been reported that it

505 Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí tells that despite his injuries, the Sardár was able to drag

himself back to the Bábí fortifications and passed away at that location. He was buried
beneath a fortification named after him. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 113, n. 1, reports that
Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, son of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, has written in his
history:

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was Khán Mírzá Bahárlú who recognized that illustrious personage and
murdered him.
[The soldiers] took the blessed head of the Sardár and, together
with the heads of two other [Bábís], sent them to Mírzá Na‘ím who
rewarded them with prizes and honors. Amazingly, they left the body of
Siyyid ‘Alí unmolested and he remained motionless until that evening
when he made his way back to the fortification and to the friends.
Without exaggeration, he bore in excess of two hundred cuts. “After I
was shot,” he related to the companions, “I was beaten severely with
rocks and sticks and cut repeatedly by sabers, waiting to be beheaded like
my comrades. In a state of unconsciousness I heard a voice calling unto
me, saying, ‘Arise and inform your friends of the Sardár’s martyrdom.
You will be taken to Tihrán and martyred in that city.’” He then became
senseless from his injuries, and as will be related later, was eventually
taken to Tihrán and slain in that land.
In short, one evening, a certain Karbalá’í Hádí, who was one of
the commanders, accompanied by ninety-five other companions,
returned to town [Nayríz] and entered the Sádát quarter; [that particular
quarter was chosen] because the womenfolk of that neighborhood had
exulted when the illustrious Vahíd was beheaded.506 A fierce battle took
place that night <p.41> such that many of the non-Bábí Nayrízís took to
flight and retreated to the safety of the mountains. Some thirty-five of
their womenfolk, though, were slain and two of the companions were
martyred that night as well.507

After Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár was struck by bullets and fell from his mount,
the soldiers surrounded and killed him in a hail of gunfire. Then they
cut off his head and the heads of the two others and took them to
Mírzá Na‘ím who prized them.
506 Considerable division existed between the residents of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter,

who were for the most part Bábís and were now in the mountains, and the residents
of the Sádát quarter who earlier had been Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s base of support
and now were the main force behind the efforts to eliminate the Bábís.
507 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 183, states that the Bábís also assaulted the military

barracks of the soldiers where a number of regulars were killed. The rest, fearing for
their lives, along with many of the Nayrízís, escaped into the wilderness and hid in
various places. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, places this event during the 40

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Ahmad Khán and Khán Mírzá Bahárlú, the commanders of the
opposition, sent a messenger [to the Bábís] saying, “Our purpose has
been achieved and we have no further quarrel with your remaining
numbers. The royal decree was for the arrest of ‘Alí Sardár and as good
fortune had it, he was killed by our hands. Under the cover of night, you
should take your families and evacuate this area since your forces are no
match for [the army of] the king. Each day a thousand men can be added
to our ranks and arrayed to kill you. The fewness of your numbers,
coupled with lack of command and this cold wintry weather, portends a
hopeless outcome for you.” “That which should not have taken place,”
the believers responded, “has occurred. Now that you have shown such
courtesy, allow us to bury our dead and then we will leave.”508
The [Bahárlú] camp withdrew a distance of a mile, presenting an
opportunity for the believers to collect the decapitated remains of their
companions and to bury them in a mass grave, wearing the same
bloodied clothing they had on. After this, our men and women grew
extremely depressed and changed all the standards from red and green to
black. According to one report, the martyrs had no clothing and were
buried unclad.509 “The Truth is with God.”
It was decided by the honored Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, the
esteemed Mírzá Ahmad and several of the illustrious akhúnds to collect
the womenfolk from the various fortifications and yurts and to relocate
them to the Ásbúrán orchard. They also instructed the men to withdraw
from all the fortifications and to gather in the Ásbúrán barricade
immediately above the spot where their families were to assemble – a
fortification that had previously demonstrated solid defenses.
Afterwards, they sent an envoy to the Bahárlú leaders <p.42>
bearing the message, “Though you have martyred our commander [‘Alí

days of quiet in which Mírzá Na‘ím was rearming. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 182-
183, states that it was at this time that the Bábís moved further up the mountain to the
Bálá-Tarám location. The same source (p.183) indicates that frequently at night the
Bábís would go into town to acquire provisions, which typically would result in
opposition.
508 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 41, attributes this response to Mashhadí Mírzá

Husayn Qutb, Mírzá Ahmad and other Bábí ‘ulamá.
509 The implication being that the enemy took their clothing as booty.

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Sardár], in now withdrawing your camp and allowing us a passage to
leave, you have shown much generosity. We are indeed grateful.
However it appears that you are not fully informed of our cause. For
four years now, we have resigned ourselves to suffer martyrdom and for
our women to endure captivity and slavery. The sooner we sustain that
fate, the greater will be our [heavenly] reward. Your charge is to massacre
us. Therefore, do not condemn yourself before the royal throne. If you
do not slay us, another will be sent for this purpose. Therefore, bring
your camp closer. And if you have some consideration in your hearts
towards us, then, after our martyrdom, shelter our families.”

[19. The Final Days]
The womenfolk were assembled in the aforementioned place and the
men in a nearby fortification. By then our entire food supply was
depleted save for a small quantity of rice, some figs, and a few donkeys,
one of which was, each day, slaughtered and its meat distributed among
the men and women. Though weak with fatigue and near starvation, the
women refused the rice and were satisfied with a few figs as they knew
that the men needed their nourishment in order to fight battles.
There was only a small spring in that mountain and its flow was
insufficient for the needs of our people. Therefore, the women decided
to fetch water from the Yáqutí Spring, which had considerably better
flow, but was now in the hand of the enemy. To this end, a band of
them proceeded to the spring, some hoisting the standards while others
were without them. The soldiers opened fire on them [forcing their
retreat], and one of the women was shot and wounded, dying a martyr’s
death a few days later in captivity. “May the wrath of God be upon the
oppressors.”
In those days, the weather was bitterly cold. <p.43> We had no
clothes, not even shoes, and were faced with an extreme shortage of
food and water. The men had exhausted their supply of lead and
powder. Even the few animals that they had with them had died of
thirst. In short, conditions had grown so miserable that no pen dare
describe nor tongue attempt to tell them.

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Lutf-‘Alí Khán moved his cannons, cavalry and foot-soldiers
closer, along with Cháhr-Bulúk sharpshooters and Istahbánátí gunmen,
and erected a fortification opposite the one occupied by the Army of
God. From another direction, the Bahárlú men returned as well and
established their own position. From their own fortification, each group
began to fire and it went thus for two or three days, while God’s Army
was very frugal with their shots as they suffered from an acute shortage
of bullets and powder. All the bullets fired upon them by the opposition
struck the fortifications and caused no damage, nor were the cannonshells very effective, except that they would explode among the rocks
and the resulting shrapnel injure a number of the friends.
The number of the enemy was increasing each day, while the
God’s Army became considerably weaker as the result of extreme
shortages of food and clothing. The late Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn would
constantly urge and encourage the believers, saying, “While a breath of
life is left in us, we must exert ourselves and then rejoice in martyrdom.”

[20. The Final Battle]
The infidels soon recognized the futility of sounding their drums and
trumpets, and firing guns and cannons from the safety of their
fortifications. Therefore, they devised a scheme, much like the one they
had used against the illustrious Vahíd. From afar they shouted, “Are you
devoid of your senses by subjecting yourself to such sufferings?! If you
have religious arguments, then come forth and let us hear your
presentation and you can also consider ours, and, if we find your points
compelling and agreeable, then we will accept and you can join us under
the royal banner. We will intercede on your behalf with the monarch and
can assure you of his reprieve.”
<p.44> In response, Mullá ‘Alí, who was among akhúnds and
known for eloquence and experience in promotion of the Cause of God,
and who had washed his hands from life, bid the companions farewell
and proceeded to the camp of Lutf-‘Alí Khán. There he shared the
Words of Truth and in response, peace [and cessation of hostilities] was
offered.

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Mullá ‘Alí returned to the friends and aquatinted them with the
proposal. “We are not seeking truce,” the companions cried out [towards
the enemy’s camp], “and have no claim other than maintaining that the
Truth has been made manifest. If you wish to battle us, here we stand.
Otherwise, move your camp.”
Suddenly the sound of trumpets signaling the army to attention
was raised from their camp and all the soldiers and gunmen gathered.
About a thousand Istahbánátí riflemen and a number from other
locations stealthily took position behind the trees and large boulders, and
the remaining regiments moved in unison forward as well. To the sound
of drums and trumpets was added the discharge of guns at the rate of
about one hundred thousand shots each hour. In the midst of these
events, a light drizzle caused a thick fog to envelop the region to the
point that no one could see his neighbor and only by voice were they
able to recognize one another. The distance separating the enemy’s
defenses from the fortification of the God’s Army was a quarter of a
farsang and a thickly wooded valley covered this stretch. [According to a
scheme that they had devised,] the soldiers left their own fortification for
about two hundred steps and approached the defensive lines of the
people of Truth, while rank upon rank of the Istahbánátí gunmen
remained hiding in ambush.
As customary, the army of Truth also emerged from their
fortification and after a round of gunshots, unsheathed their sabers and
rushed forth towards the soldiers, who quickly turned around and
retreated to their own fortification. At that moment, all at once, the
Istahbánátí gunmen burst forth from their place of hiding and opened
fire upon the believers from all four directions. <p.45> Immediately,
their forces were augmented by the foot soldiers [that now returned to
the battle field].
The people of Truth were hopelessly paralyzed. Whichever
direction they turned, they met with large volleys of fire and by then
their path to retreat was also completely blocked by the opposing
riflemen. At long last, with much trouble and suffering, they managed to
regain their fortification, [and as they could not see], began to call out to
their comrades when they noted some fifty of their ranks were missing.

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They waited for two hours and then searched the field for the absent
number. Though bitterly tired, frustrated and, because of prolonged
starvation being on the verge of collapse, nevertheless under the
darkness of night they reemerged from their haven and began to search
the field, enduring that piercing cold in their thoroughly drenched
clothing. Having located many of their comrades and finding them dead,
with great difficulty they brought with them the injured.
That night was extremely agonizing. [Out of fear of providing a
target for the enemy’s sharpshooters], fire was not made in their midst all
night. The injured were unconscious most of the time, but when they
woke would beg for warm water, of which none could be provided.
They could hear the sound of drums and soldiers rejoicing in the
opposite camp and their constant barrage of remarks about the events of
the next day and the fate of their wives. Constantly the late Mashhadí
Mírzá Husayn would encourage the friends and urge them to exert even
greater heroic deeds while still each of them was left with a breath of life.
However, fearing what tomorrow had in store, two or three persons left
their company under the cover of dark. That night all the bedding was
pulled over the injured to protect them from the piercing cold of winter.

[21. The Massacre]
The next morning, with cheers and jubilation, and to the sound of drums
and trumpets, the enemy moved in upon them. The remnant of the
believers rushed forth as well and joined the battle. In no time the
opposition prevailed and was thoroughly victorious. They massacred a
number, seized some others and beheaded all the injured.
Seeing this, a group of the people of Truth <p.46> joined hands
and resolved that they would not turn their back to the enemy and would
stand their ground, prepared for the ultimate sacrifice. The late Mullá
‘Alí-Naqí510 urged them all to yet again rush forward despite their
frailties, and bringing his hand up to encourage an attack, was struck by a
bullet which went through his hand and head and killed him instantly.511
510 Father of the narrator, Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘.
511 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 129, n. 1, quotes from an unpublished narrative of Shaykh

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The rear flank [of the Bábí defense] was still engaged in the battle
when they noticed the womenfolk falling captive. The late Mírzá Ahmad
with his remaining men, who numbered either fifteen or sixteen,
launched a final offensive, but the infidels circled and martyred them one
by one.
In the course of this, a number of believers were running down
the mountain so fast that they lost their footing and fell to their
martyrdom. And of those who the night before had taken to flight, many
were lost in the mountain and were confronted by the enemy who killed
some and seized others.512

[22. Taking Captives to Nayríz]
Meanwhile, the womenfolk had garbed themselves in modest clothing,
discarding and leaving behind for the infidels all their jewelry. The main
group apprehending them was Bahárlú tribesmen, who earlier had
martyred ‘Alí Sardár, and now plundered their possessions, but caused
them no harm. The [Bábí] women were moved to Bísámán Mountain
and along the way were protected [by the Bahárlú].
Two of the older believers that were unfit for battle were among
the women and these were both martyred. One was Mullá Musá Namad-
Mál, and the other was Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh, who was martyred by
Mírzá ‘Alí-Bayk Nayrízí, the hard-hearted commander of the Nayrízí
soldiers from the Ashqíya’ tribe. After killing Mashhadí Báqir with his
pistol, <p.47> he beheaded the victim and handed the severed head to
one of the Bábí children instructing the child, “Carry it as a gift to Mírzá
Na‘ím.” Placing a black veil over the head of the very young granddaughter of Mashhadí Báqir, he placed her on his own horse and rode
hard to the camp of Mírzá Na‘ím, situated on Bísámán Mountain as well.
Using a large rock as a seat, Mírzá Na‘ím was surrounded by his senior

Muhammad-Husayn ‘Ahdiyih where the same incident is outlined. The present
translator has not been able to locate ‘Ahdiyih’s manuscript.
512 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 44, states that the entire duration of mountain

siege was six months. Further on page 47, the same author indicates that the period
of Bábí wars with the regular army was four months.

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officers and attendants who were ecstatic with their triumph and dancing
wildly. Reaching this festive gathering, Mírzá ‘Alí Bayk threw the head of
Mashhadí Báqir to the feet of Mírzá Na‘ím and hurled the young girl to
the ground saying: “O Commander! That which thou didst desire, has
been achieved and all the Bábís have been reduced.” Mírzá Na‘ím and
his entire company praised God and shouted congratulatory cries.
At that time, the women, numbering about six hundred and three,
were placed in a trench. Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn was brought to
the presence of Mírzá Na‘ím, who asked: “O Akhúnd! You are a wise
man. But how did it come to pass that after a life-time of learning and
self-discipline, [you converted to the Bábí Faith] notwithstanding the
consequences of the death of your sons and the thralldom of your wife?”
“I am too weak to respond,” the divine replied, “I only know, ‘All laws
are abrogated.513’”514 On hearing this, that accursed one instructed his
mouth to be filled with dirt, and subsequently one of the attendants shot
him in the head with his pistol, which only caused a superficial injury. As
they were preparing to martyr him, Mírzá Na‘ím exclaimed, <p.48>
“This man is one of the ‘ulamá of this people and must be sent to Tihrán
[to stand trial] before the throne!”
At Mírzá Na‘ím’s instructions, the captives were moved from that
location with the men being bound tightly. The path chosen was a
specially excruciating route with deep valleys and thick woods through
Mount Bísámán. Among the women led as prisoners some were old,
some young, some pregnant, some nursing, some having never walked
far, some having been raised in comfort, and all mournful over the death
of their husbands, sons, brothers and relations.515

513 The independence of Bábí jurisprudence from the Islamic legal system was
announced at the Badasht conference in July 1848 and from that point forward many
Bábís fearlessly proclaimed the new Dispensation as the abrogation of the Islamic
Shari‘a.
514 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 45-46, gives a much more elaborate proof

speech by the Bábí divine.
515 The following statement is communicated by the British official Kemball to W.

Taylour Thomson (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 150):
The details of the massacre of Nereez are confirmed by a letter from
another party. The inhabitants – for the most part not Bábís – having

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At that time I was nine years old. My mother carried my younger
brother, Asadu’lláh, on her back. [Before his martyrdom,] my father had
expressed his wish that when taken captive, we were to wear used
clothes, but my mother had not removed the child’s hat and even placed
a small decorative memorabilia on the hat. In such a state, my mother
was carrying him. She also had tied a rope to my hand with the other end
being tied to her own waist. When I asked her of the purpose of the
rope, she responded, “When they are about to kill you, I want to be near
and to see it with my own eyes so that I may not have to live with
uncertainty about you.”
As we were proceeding, one of the riders spotted the child’s
[embellished] hat and bringing his horse near, reached for the hat, but
instead grabbed both the hat and my brother’s hair. When he rode away,
the child was pulled from my mother’s back and thrown some ten yards
away, while the man rode away with the hat and the scalp. <p.49> We
ran to my brother and noted that he lay on ground motionless and
unconscious. My mother picked him up and embraced him tenderly.516
In short, that is how the captives were brought to a mill known as
Takht, situated some distance from a maydán from the town [Nayríz].
The women were all seated together while the men were chained in rows
of ten. The heads of the martyrs were piled high and the soldiers began
to skin the heads.

[23. List of Martyrs]
From what I witnessed and recall, the number of those suffering
martyrdom during this period in the mountain was one hundred and

given all the proofs required that they did not belong to the
obnoxious Sect, were induced by the most solemn protestations of
safety to surrender themselves when 100 of the men were ruthlessly
butchered and the women handed over to the soldiery.
516 The same event is told in the narrative of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, son of

Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, and is captured in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 116-117. Since no
further mention of the young boy is made in any of the references, it is presumed that
he was killed in that incident.

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eighty [Bábís], in addition to a large number who were taken to Shiraz
and Tihrán [who perished for the most part]. Among the prisoners was
Karím, son of Muhammad, who in former days had been a skilled
hunter-marksman. As soon as Mírzá Na‘ím and the decapitated heads [of
the Bábís] reached the aforementioned mill, he ordered Karím to be
blown from the mouth of a cannon.
Some of the names of the remaining martyrs whom I recall:
Zaynál, brother of the above-mentioned Karím; Karbalá’í Yúsuf Najjár
[carpenter]; son of Mashhadí Muhammad; Khájih Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; son
of Khájíh Ghaní; Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh [painter]; Mashhadí ‘Askar,
son of Mashhadí Báqir; Mullá Muhammad-Taqí and Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí517,
sons of Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn; Mullá ‘Alí, Mullá Hasan, Mullá
Mu’man and Mullá Ahmad, sons of Akhúnd Mullá Músá; Muhammad
Kuchak, son of Mashhadí Rajab; Mashhadí Mír[zá] Muhammad; Mullá
Darvísh; Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mullá Muhammad; Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín,
son of Ustád Muhammad; <p.50> Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Najf; Karbalá’í
Báqir and his son Mullá Muhammad; Mashhadí Taqí Baqál [shopkeeper],
son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Ahmad, son of Mullá Sádiq, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár;
Akhúnd Mullá Ahmad, son of Muhsin; Akhúnd Mullá ‘Alí Kátib [scribe],
son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh; Muhammad ‘Abdu’l-Karím; Mírzá ‘Alí; Mullá
Sádiq; Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá ‘Alí; Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Akbar;
‘Abid Yár-Kash; Malik, son of Mullá ‘Alí; Báqir; Abú-Talib, son of
Mír[zá] Ahmad; Muhammad, known as Yíkih; Mírzá Hasan and his son;
Hasan, son of Ya‘qúb; Mullá Husayn and ‘Abid, sons of Mullá
Barkhurdár; Barkhurdár, son of Mullá Husayn; Lutfu’lláh Shumál;
Karbalá’í Muhammad; Karbalá’í Shamsu’d-Dín, who was martyred in
Nayríz by Áqá Ridá Áqá; ‘Alí-Naqí; Asadu’lláh Mírzá Mihdí; Ahmad Hájí
Abú’l-Qásim; Muhammad Mullá Musá; Husayn, son of Rajab; Hasan
Mírzá, one of the brave ones; Karbalá’í Husayn, son of Hájí; Karbalá’í
Ismá‘íl; Mashhadí ‘Ábidín; Mírzá Bábá; Mírzá Ahmad; sons of Khájih
Hasan; Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir, and his son, ‘Askar; Muhammad-
‘Alí; Shaykh Hasan; Husayn-‘Alí, son of Mírzá Áqá; ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í
Báqir; Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Sulayman; Hasan, son of Mashhadí
Muhammad; Muhammad-‘Alí and his son Kázim; Mullá Hájí
517 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, places his martyrdom during Nayríz-I.

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Muhammad; Hájí Shaykh ‘Abd-‘Alí; Áqá Shaykh Muhammad, and his
son Husayn; <p.51> Hádí Khayrí, who was martyred in Shiraz in a
manner to be described later; Husayn Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; ‘Abdu’lláh
Karbalá’í Akbar; Muhammad-Sádiq Husayn; Khájih Burhán; ‘Askar, son
or ‘Alí; Sádiq; Mír[zá] Husayn; Mír[zá] Akbar; Husayn, son of Zamán;
Muhammad, son of Akbar Farzí; Mullá Shah-‘Alí; Khájih Ismá‘íl; Khájih
‘Alí Karam; Ustad ‘Askar; Karbalá’í Hasan; Mashhadí Sifr; Muhammad,
son of Mullá ‘Alí; Sharríf Karbalá’í Rajab; Muhammad-‘Alí Naw-Rúz;
Akbar Muhammad-Qásim; Ustád Ja‘far; Muhammad-‘Alí Hájí ‘Alí-Sháh;
Ahmad, son ‘Isá; ‘Abid Mashhadí Muhsin; Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí; Khájih
Ustád Nabí; Muhammad, son of Ridá; Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, son of
Mullá Áqá Bábá; Taqí, son of Sifr; Siyyid Husayn; Siyyid Nazar; son of
Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí; son of ‘Alí Murád; ‘Abdu’lláh ‘Alí; Akbar, his son; Hájí
Muhammad Mullá ‘Ashurá; Hájí Naqí; Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár [the
standard-bearer]; Rahím Ustád ‘Alí-Naqí; ‘Alí, son of Mashhadí Ahmad;
‘Alí and Husayn, sons of Qásim-Sifr; Mu’min Ustád Ahmad;
Muhammad, son of Báqir; Husayn Ustád Ahmad; Shamsu’d-Dín, son
‘Askar; Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Naqí; Akbar Muhammad-Sháh;
Muhammad Karbalá’í Mahmúd; Mullá Husayn ‘Abdu’lláh; Karbalá’í
Qurbán; Sha‘bán, son of ‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Mullá Muhammad;
Mír-Shikar ‘Alí, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá; Karbalá’í Báqir; Ustád Taqí, whose
slayer was Mír-Shikar Rajab; Muhammad-‘Alí; Sádiq and ‘Ábidín, sons of
Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl Hammámí; Mullá ‘Ábidín; Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn;
Mírzá Taqí, [martyred] on the way to Tihrán; Taqí and Karam, sons of
‘Alí; <p.52> son of Ustád Taqí; Mashhadí Muhammad-‘Alí, son of Naw-
Rúz; Abú-Tálib, son of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar;
another Abú-Tálib; Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb; Mírzá
Husayn; Mírzá Musá; Mírzá Ahmad; Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abdidin, nephews of
Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn; Mírzá Muhsin Áqá Nasru’lláh; Karbalá’í
Muhammad-Ja‘far, son-in-law of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí Ayyúb; Mullá
Akbar, brother of Karbalá’í Ja‘far; Karbalá’í Hádí; Mírzá Mihdí; Hasan
Haydar Bayk; ‘Alí-Murád, brother of the slayer of the illustrious Vahíd
[Dárábí]; Murád Lurr; Karbalá’í Sádiq, son of Mashhadí Rajab; Husayn,
brother of Karbalá’í Ridá; Hasan and ‘Alí, sons of Mullá Qásim; Mullá
‘Ashurá; Hasan-‘Alí, son of Nurí, and his mother; Safr Karbalá’í Zamán;

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Hasan Mashhadí Safr; ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí; Mullá Abú’l-Qásim; and
Hasan, son of Ustád ‘Alí.
These are the names penned by the learned and elders [of the
Bábís] who participated in this episode. Because so many of the present
believers were mere infants at that time – the time when their fathers
were martyred – many names have disappeared from memories.
There were a great many martyrs who were slain on the way to
Shiraz, or in Shiraz itself, or on the way to Tihrán or in the dungeons of
Tihrán, [whose names have also been forgotten]. What I remember, I
commit to paper “by the sovereignty of God and His might.”

[24. Captives in Nayríz]
As described previously, when Mírzá Na‘ím, the captives and the heads
[of the martyrs] arrived at the aforementioned mill, Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
Vahhab Rawdihkhán [prayer-reciter] reached in the presence of Mírzá
Na‘ím. This Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab Rawdihkhán was a brother of
the previously-discussed Hájí Mírzá Nasír, who had insulted His
Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] – may all spirits be a sacrifice unto
Him – by asking Him to kiss the Shaykh’s518 hand. It was then that he
spotted Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan, son of Mírzá Taqí, the martyrdom in the
mountains of whose brother, Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, was mentioned
earlier.519 In order to please Mírzá Na‘ím, <p.53> on the charge of being
a Bábí, he began to severely beat that wronged-one [Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan]
with a club while he was still chained. At a later point, the details of
Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan’s martyrdom in Tihrán will be related.
Soon thereafter, mounting his steed, Mírzá Na‘ím ordered the
severed heads [of the martyrs] to be placed on the points of spears and
in front of this procession, drums and trumpets were blasting while the
prisoners were forced to march between two columns of cavalry and
whoever could not endure the pace was dealt with by bayonet. It was
about sunset when the procession commenced and numerous torches

518 Reference to the Imam-Jum‘ih of Isfahán.
519 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 47, indicates that Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan was one of

the Bábí divines.

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illuminated the path before Mírzá Na‘ím. Though it was only a short
distance [to the city], perhaps nearly a maydán, for six hours the captives
were delayed and tormented on the way to their destination. Barefoot,
the women were forced to march with great speed on the brushwood
and nettles. In the bitter cold of the night [and as a further measure of
torture], whenever they reached a creek, the captives were thrown in the
freezing water. For instance, a long-suffering older woman who was
carrying two small children in her arms was thrown in a stream and
nearly drowned while a large multitude of non-believers gathered about,
with women cheering and men exulting.520
Under such conditions, the captives reached the caravansary in the
Bázár quarter [of Nayríz] in the middle of night. This small inn was
situated next to an Imám-zádih and was covered with filth and refuse,
and soiled water ran all through it. By then it was two full days since they
had eaten anything. Hungry, cold and unclad, the six hundred captive
women and children shivered there all night, consumed with thoughts of
the troubles and sufferings that tomorrow would bring.
When the morning came, men and women [of Nayríz]
congregated <p.54> around them. The noble [Bábí] women, the merest
corner of whose eyes had until then been seen by no one, were now
brought forth from the caravansary unclad and subjected to all manner
of mistreatment. Some stoned these wretched ones, while others clubbed
them, or spat on their faces, and yet others cursed them. And yet a
number of others were weeping over the plight of this pitiful band.
In such condition, the captives were moved to the madrisih
[seminary school] of that quarter. Another day passed and still no food
or drink was given them, save what they could drink from a filthy and
fetid pool in the school-court.521
520 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 50, states this old woman was drowned on that

occasion.
521 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 50, notes that among the captive men was Shaykh

‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, the father-in-law of Vahíd, who had fought alongside Vahíd in 1850
with his two young sons, Shaykh Hádí and Shaykh Muhammad. In order to exact a
degree of revenge, his two sons were decapitated in his own lap, and then he
himself was martyred through the severest forms of torture. Their heads were
collected and added to the other piles. Some of their relatives still hiding in town

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Soon Mírzá Na‘ím ordered the captives taken to Shiraz and
provided just enough nominal food to remain alive. Each evening,
twelve man522 of cornbread – tasting worse than soil – was given them.
Some [of the believers] had resolved that they preferred death by
starvation before touching the bread brought by these most vile and
despicable of people – these captives ate only a few tiny scraps found in
the courtyard, such as the skin of onions or fruit skins.
Twenty days went by in such manner. Meanwhile, Lutf-‘Alí Khán,
his commanders, cavalry and troops, had camped by the mill. He
proclaimed: “Anyone who brings one of these people [Bábís], dead or
alive, will receive a handsome reward.” Therefore, those suspected of
being believers were seized and taken to that accursed one who spent his
days engaged in beating and tormenting his prisoners. For instance, a
certain Karím, who had been the loader of a harquebus during the
battles, was blown from the mouth of a cannon. <p.55> Every night,
after getting drunk, Lutf-‘Alí Khán would order some captives tortured
by having their beards burnt with candles.

[25. Sending First Group of Captives to Shiraz]
Eventually, orders were given for about eighty of the [male] captives to
be taken to Shiraz without any food, clothing or shoes. These were
bound in groups of ten, and were accompanied by one hundred soldiers
[who also carried with them baskets filled with the severed heads of the
Bábís]. En route, for three days no sustenance was given to them until
they reached a place known as Khánih-Gird. Having pity on them and
for the love of God, one of the soldiers gave two sheep skins to the
prisoners to fry over the fire and eat. When this news was brought to
accursed Mírzá Na‘ím, he severely whipped the soldier, protesting, “Why
did you give them these skins as they will gain strength and may flee at

came together that night and by means of a diversion allowed Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí’s
wife to escape and hide in one of their houses. However, overwhelmed with the
grief of seeing her sons and husband killed in such a horrible manner, she too died
that very night.
522 Man is equivalent to 3 kilograms.

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night or attempt to kill us?”
In the midst of this, because of hunger and cold, a helpless Siyyid
known as Mír[zá] Muhammad ‘Abid died in that location.523 He was
decapitated and his remains left lying on the ground while the soldiers
prevented his burial. It is reported that after three days, people from the
Báyír tribe who raised their herds and farmed in that region, buried his
remains next to an Imám-zádih [shrine].524
Two or three other believers were also martyred on the way;
however I do not know their names. Their heads were also cut off and
taken [to Shiraz]. At every village where they stayed, the captives were
entrusted to the inhabitants and a receipt secured for them, [while the
soldiers rested]. It went this way until they reached one day’s distance
from their destination.
The news reached the Prince, who ordered the shops closed [in
Shiraz] and sent all the soldiers and enlisted men at his disposal to
welcome the advancing party. Minstrels and bands merrily played and
went out as well, as did multitudes of people. Cannons and artillery were
fired as tokens of joy. <p.56>
Some three hours into the day, Lutf-‘Alí Khán and his men
entered [Shiraz] from the Sa‘dí Gate, parading the prisoners in rows of
ten, and before each row, some twenty heads of martyrs raised on long
lances.525
It was about one hour before sunset when the captives were sent
to prison and all were placed in shackles and manacles. By order of the

523 Mír Muhammad ‘Abid was survived by a son named Siyyid Muhammad Báqir.
524 From ancient times, Iranian nomads understood that leaving corpse decaying

above ground could cause hygienic problems for dairy animals and crops, and
always buried the dead.
525 There is conflicting information as to whether Lutf-‘Alí Khán returned with his

men to Shiraz. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 149, n. 3, reports:
Mírzá Fadlu’lláh [the British Agent in Shiraz] in his report of the
termination of this episode states, ‘On the 6th Suffur [8 November
1853] H.R.H. wrote words to Lutf Alee Khán nephew of the Eel
Khanee, ‘Now the affairs of the Neereezees have come to such pass,
you must by no means return to Shiraz, but proceed to Laristan and
Sabijat, and there await my arrival.’

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authorities, they were denied food and water, except in the afternoons
when a piece of bread was given to each prisoner.

[26. Second Wave of Captives Sent to Shiraz]
In Nayríz, sixty [of the believers] who had escaped earlier were captured
by Mírzá Na‘ím [and placed with the other captives].526 He had kept two
hundred of the Gulpáyigání soldiers and gunmen from every other tribe.
[One day, the captive Bábí] women were brought out from the madrisih
and were soon surrounded by [Nayrízí] men and women, when one of
the attendants began to divide the [Bábí] women into two groups, with
one group being [dismissed and] sent home, and the second group told
that they must proceed to Shiraz. In this manner, families were torn
apart with some mothers being sent in one direction, and their children
in another.
For this journey, about 302 women were mounted on donkeys,
with two women riding on each steed. Groups of ten captives [Bábí
men] each were bound together and assigned to a group of soldiers and
cavalry who had responsibility for a number of captive women as well.527
[On the day of their exit, the people of Nayríz gathered one more time
to heap upon them all manner of abuse, and] with a great deal of
torment and agitation, they came forth from the city and commenced
their march to Shiraz.
God only knows what manner of hardship transpired on that
journey conducted in the middle of winter, having to endure bitter cold
of winter without any clothing or food. On the way, the believers
pleaded that one of their companions, Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí Qábid,
being too old and frail, be released from the bounds of this mortal plane,
which the soldiers granted by severing his head <p.57> and carrying it
with them [to Shiraz]. In short, not one in a hundred thousand of the

526 To this number soon were added several hundred more of the believers who had

remained in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.
527 Two hundred Bábí male prisoners were part of this march, and undoubtedly they

were accompanied by several hundred Bábí children, many of whom, most likely,
expired on the way.

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terrible miseries they suffered have been related in these pages.
When they reached a village situated three farsangs from the city,
the news of their imminent arrival was sent forth to the authorities in
Shiraz, on whose order once again a citywide celebration was
commenced. The marketplace was decorated and the entire population
of the city, including the ‘ulamá, the siyyids, the nobles, the influential
and essentially all the men and women of the city came forth to observe
the procession. They stood there pointing to various heads [raised high
on spears] paraded before the cavalcade and the captives. Some threw
rocks, some spat upon them, while others cursed the captives, and yet
others shed bitter tears [over their condition].528 In such a state the
women were taken to the Sháh Mír-‘Alí Hamzih529 caravansary, outside
of Isfahan Gate, and the men were conducted to the same prison where
their comrades were chained.530
The next day, the Prince called the male prisoners to his presence
in the government house. One of the despicable and vagabond
characters of Nayríz, a man by the name of Jalál, had accompanied Mírzá
Na‘ím and knew all the believers and for this reason Mírzá Na‘ím had
named him, Bulbul531. He too was summoned. Because of the many
afflictions which had rendered him particularly frail, the late Akhúnd
Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn was unchained; the Prince said to him, “Hájí
Qavam wishes a word with you, so pay attention.” The Qavám
addressed the old man, “Akhúnd, what have you wrought?! Did you
think that with a handful of people you could attempt to overtake the
throne and cause much mischief, or did you have another goal in mind?

528 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 53, states that the Bábí captives were brought to

the city through the Sa‘dí Gate, which indicates Fádil Mázandáraní was relying for
this part on either The Nuqtatu’l-Káf or the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání.
529 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, gives the name of this inn as Sháh Mír Abú’l-

Hamzih.
530 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 54, indicates that the Bábí prisoners were added

to the Bábí captives already in prison since Nayríz I, over three years earlier.
Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, states that women and children were placed in a house
next to the military barracks while the men, and the bags containing the severed heads,
were confined in the caravansary.
531 lit. Nightingale; alludes to Jalál’s spying.

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You divines must edify the unlettered, <p.58> and now instead you have
become author of these events!” “I have no strength to comment,”
replied the Akhúnd [Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn], “two of my sons were
beheaded in front of my very own eyes, and now my wife and other sons
are imprisoned. Let me be.” The Qavám pressed further, “What were
you really after?” to which the old man responded, “The essence of our
claim is that ‘All laws are abrogated.’”532
After that, the aforementioned Jalál began to introduce [the
prisoners] and mentioned each person’s role in the battle and their
respective duties. [When it was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn’s turn,] he was
introduced as the source of all mischief. The Prince instructed the
captives to curse [the Báb], which they refused to abide. Orders for the
execution of several were issued, which were carried out in the
courtyard. Included among them were: Hájí, son of Asghar; ‘Alí
Garmsiri; Hasan, son of Hádi Khayrí; Sádiq, son of Sálih; and
Muhammad, son of Muhsin.533 The first three were martyred by spears
and the others were beheaded.534 The rest were returned to the prison.

532 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 54-55, provides extensive dialogue between the

Bábí divine and the governor in the course of which the divine repeatedly and
emphatically asserts his belief in the proclamation of the Qá’im and their effort to
propagate His Message. He further offered the martyrdom of so many hundreds as
evidence for the truth of the Báb’s claim.
533 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, n. 1, notes (on the authority of Fársnámih Násirí)

that after the martyrdom of the Bábís in Shiraz, an earthquake on 25 Rajab 1269
A.H./7 May 1853 wrecked hundreds of homes in that city. This resulted in
thousands losing their lives and the majority of schools and mosques being severely
damaged.
534 Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the British Agent in Shiraz, provided the following report of the

termination of the Nayríz battles and the fate of the Bábís (quoted in The Bábí and
Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 150-151):
On the 5th Suffur [7 November 1853] the Prince Governor dispatch
Abdul Hassan Beg to Capital with letters detailing the proceedings at
Neereez. Report hath it that Luft Alee Khán and Meerza Naeem –
both Officers of the Army sent against Neereez – contrived by means
of promises and oaths to conciliate the Neereezees and to induce
them to cease fighting. No sooner however had they become passive
than the Army (treacherously) fell upon them, cut off the heads of

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[Soon, sixty of the men who had not participated in the battles and
were not among the influential elements of the Bábí community were
released along with] the women535, though some of their children had

about 100 men, youths, and children, and took 300 male prisoners.
The Sirbaz and Artillerymen have likewise made 300 women and
maidens captives, and violently compelled them to become their
wives – whatever goods and property came to hand was also
plundered and carried off ...
Masoon Khán Ainaloo, one of those who proceeded against
Neereez, stated, on the 9th instant as follows:
The Neereezees came forth from their defenses on the day of
28th Mohurrum [31 October 1853], and cried aloud ‘We are no
Babees – a curse upon Báb and everything belonging to Báb [There is
no corroborative evidence that the Bábís defiled their faith. Ed.
Momen] – seeing that Meerza Naeem has robbed us of all we
possessed and, not satisfied with our property, has sent in false
accusations against us to the King. Moreover Alee Beg Furash has
come to bind us with chains, and carry us away captives, hence,
fearing for our lives and afraid of the Tyrant Meerza Naeem, we have
betaken ourselves to these mountains – were we assured that our lives
were not in jeopardy we would not fight or resist – let therefore one
of Lutf Alee Khán’s people come contending.’ Messengers of Peace
were sent by either party, and after many oaths and promises (of
safety) the Neereezees became relieved of all fear. No sooner
however had they been conciliated by the above promises than the
Army fell upon them, cut off the heads of above one hundred, and
made some 300 women and maidens prisoners.
Meerza Naeem arrived in Shiraz on the 22nd Sufur [24
November 1853] bringing with him the Neereez prisoners. 4 of the
number, said to have killed many Sirbaz, were bayoneted by the order
of the Prince. The rest of the male captives they shut up in
storehouses. Of the 300 women and maidens, all such as seemed
fitting were taken by the Sirbaz and Government Servants. The rest
being set at liberty are scattered about the city of Sheeraz, and seek
their bread by begging. The heads of one hundred slain in action have
also been kept for transmission to the Capital.
535 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 276, notes that the widow of the Báb, Khadíjih Bagum,

looked after the Nayrízi women and would do all she could to improve their
conditions. A few of the Nayrízis remained in Shiraz in the service of the House of

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died in Shiraz due to hunger, cold and lack of clothing.536 Some of these
gradually returned to Nayríz while many stayed in Shiraz and to this day
reside in that city.537
The monarch commanded that the remaining seventy-three
captives along with the heads of the martyrs be sent to Tihrán.538 The
prisoners were conducted in chains to the capital and en route twentytwo of them expired. The heads of the dead were cut off and added to
the pile, while their bodies where thrown in ditches. It went thus till this
procession reached the town of Ábádih, and anyone that died was
decapitated and the head added to others for Tihrán. When they reached
Ábádih, a royal messenger arrived with instructions to bury the heads
there [and to bring the prisoners to Tihrán].539

the Báb.
536 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, notes:

Upon their arrival at Shiraz, all were deprived of bread and water.
Afterwards, in the evenings, each prisoner was rationed a piece of
bread. Some of the children perished at this time. Among the captives
was a woman with two daughters and an infant son. The four of them
had to endure the bitter cold of the nights shivering without any
clothing, and during the days had to tolerate all manner of injury,
insult and mockery. She kept her infant son heated in the warmth of
her bosom while tightly embracing her two young daughters. In this
way they would pass the night. However, the two girls died because
of the cold. The people of Shiraz, passing by the prisoners, became
remorseful over their condition and gradually began to show mercy
towards the Bábí women and children. Hájí Qavámu’l-Mulk appealed
to the governor on their behalf, and soon they were released.
Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, added a remark that Nabíl Zarandí has written in
his narrative, “The late Qavámu’l-Mulk had said, ‘Upon seeing the illustrious
captives, the scene of Karbalá came to mind and my condition was thoroughly
agitated.’” This statement does not appear in The Dawn-Breakers.
537 For one such mention see, Ahang Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge, chapter 10.
538 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, informs that a total of 140 Bábí men were

imprisoned – some from Nayríz I. Of these 67 had perished and their heads were
added to the existing pile of severed heads. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 192, places the
number of remaining captive men at 100.
539 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, states that the Bábí heads were buried in a

ditch near a place known as “Áb-i Khayrát” (the water of charity).

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[Some others who died en route:] the honored Akhúnd Mullá
‘Abdu’l-Husayn died in Sídán540 and his head was carried away; ‘Alí
Karbalá’í Zamán541 died in Ábádih; Akbar Karbalá’í542 Muhammad died
in Ábádih; Hasan, son of ‘Abú’l-Váhid; Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar, brother of the
honored Amír, died in Isfahan; Karbalá’í Báqir, <p.59> son of
Muhammad, and his brother Hasan; Dhu’l-Faqár Karbalá’í Taqí, son of
Fardí and his son ‘Alí; Valí Khán; Mullá Karím Akhúnd; Akbar Ra’ís;
and [Siyyid] Ghulám-‘Alí Pír-Muhammad543, Taqí and Muhammad-‘Alí,
sons of Muhammad ibn Jamál. Nothing is known of many others who
perished either en route or in Tihrán.
On the day the captives arrived in the capital, fifteen of them were
told to curse [the Faith] and upon refusing to do so, were martyred.544
Of their names, those known to me are: Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, whose many
injuries and whose vision while he lay unconscious that he would be
martyred in Tihrán were mentioned in the description of events of the
battle of Mount Nayríz; Karbalá’í Rajab Salmání; Sífu’d-Dín; Sulaymán
Karbalá’í Salmán; Ja‘far Fardí; Murád Khayrchí; Husayn Karbalá’í Báqir;
Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan; Mírzá Taqí, whose beating by Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
Vahhab while chained to please Mírzá Na‘ím was mentioned earlier; and
Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí, son of Áqá Mihdí. The names of the remaining
martyrs do not come to mind.
Twenty-three others perished in the dungeons of Tihrán, but their
540 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 193, states that he died at Sa‘ádat-Ábád, a distance of

three days journey outside of Shiraz on the way to Ábádih.
541 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, gives his name as ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í

Zamán.
542 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, has as Mullá in place of Karbalá’í.
543 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, states that this 21-year-old Bábí was so

severely ill that the nobles of Ábádih felt remorse over him and ransomed the
armed guards for his release. However, he died a few days later.
544 Táríkh Shuháday Amr, vol. 3, pp. 333-334, reports that the Bábís responded:

If we were prepared to denounce and refuse this Cause, then why did
we endure so much pain and sacrifice in this path? Know ye verily
that we have accepted captivity for ourselves and our families and loss
of all that is dear to us to proclaim widely that the Qá’im of the
House of Muhammad has appeared and that we hold Him as the
True One.

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names are not known to me except ‘Alí, son of Mír-Shikár Báqir.
Thirteen others were released after three years’ imprisonment and
eventually returned [to Nayríz], and these included: Karbalá’í ‘Alí-Yár,
who passed away in the Abode of Peace [Baghdad] and is buried in
Hamrá cemetery; Ustád ‘Innáyát and Ibráhim ibn Sharrif, both of whom
are still living and are accomplished men; Áqá Siyyid Hasan; and Ustád
‘Alí, son of Mashhadí Sifr. For the most part, because of the extreme
poverty and afflictions caused by the enemies, those that returned [to
Nayríz] expired shortly after their arrival.
A certain Karbalá’í Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín remained in Tihrán and passed
away after a few years. The other names are not known to me.545

545 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 57-59, states:

What has been described commenced toward the end of 1267 A.H.
[the Fall of 1851]. The battles lasted from the first of Dhi’l-Hajjih
1269 A.H. [5 September 1853], which was the beginning of the fall
season, until the end of Rabí‘u’l-Avval 1270 A.H. [31 December
1853] and during this time, as some have recorded, 400 of the [male]
believers of Nayríz fought against 30,000 foes.
At the beginning of 1273 A.H. [circa summer of 1857], the
captives in Shiraz were released and some returned to Nayríz. Of the
baqiyatu’s-sayf [remnants of the sword] of Nayríz for both events,
some were noted in the previous volume and others will be outlined
now. Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir, son of the aforementioned martyr
Mír[zá] ‘Abid, was released through the intervention of certain
persons and returned to his native town where he formed a family
and had descendants.
Of the following companions of ‘Alí Sardár, some freed
themselves in Nayríz and some gained their liberty in Shiraz by
payment of ransoms: the master-hunter Muhammad and Hájí, the
sons of Hájí Kázim; Mírzá Báqir, son of Mullá Musá; Mullá Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín, son of Mullá ‘Abbás; Hájí, son of Mullá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín;
Ja‘far, son of Mullá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar; Ra’is;
‘Abbás, son of Muhammad-‘Alí; Áqá Shaykh Muhsin; Hájí Ahmad,
son of Mullá Muhammad; Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih, son of Mullá
Muhammad; Karbalá’í Asghar Ra’ís; Karbalá’í Muhammad with his
three sons, Lutfu’lláh, Hájí Muhammad and the master-hunter ‘Alí;
Mullá Qanbar, son of Karbalá’í Ridá; Karbalá’í Mírzá, son of Ghiyáth;
Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Ahmad, Áqá Siyyid Áqá, son of Siyyid

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Abú-Tálib; Siyyid Ismá‘íl, son of Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí; and Karbalá’í Mírzá
Qásim.
On their return, once more they established themselves and
began working as either farmers, breeders, shoemakers, coppersmiths,
or in other occupations. Out of fear of their foes, some became
lukewarm in their convictions, but the majority remained fast and
firm in their faith and taught their children the same.
Moreover, some youngsters whose fathers had been martyred,
or had escaped, or because of being underage had been released
[from prison], returned as well. Included among them were: Mullá
Husayn and ‘Alí, the sons of the martyred Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl; Áqá
Shaykh Muhammad, son of the martyred Darvísh; ‘Alí-Muhammad,
son of Ibráhím; the son of Sálih who together with his father were
among the captives taken to Shiraz, but were freed; Mírzá Yúsuf, son
of Mírzá Ahmad; Hájí Mírzá Ja‘far and Mírzá Fathu’lláh, who
together with their mother were captured after the martyrdom of
their father and upon arrival at Nayríz were released through the
efforts of their kinsmen; Khájih Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Báqir,
who after the martyrdom of his father was seized and together with
his mother and two sisters taken to Shiraz where the sisters died of
cold, but he and his mother succeeded in gaining release, returned to
Shiraz and after great many difficulties were able to establish
themselves; and Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir, son of Mír[zá]
Muhammad-‘Abid, who was seized after the martyrdom of his father,
but upon arrival at Nayríz was the subject of intercessions for his
release and was allowed to regain his freedom. Yet another was Hájí
Muhammad, son of Hájí Qásim, who at the age of eleven participated
in the battle of fort [Khádjih] and afterwards was in hiding in Nayríz
or in the mountains, and during the mountain battles joined his father
and two brothers as defender. He managed to live through that ordeal
and escaped with his life. His father and two brothers were seized
however and were sent to Shiraz.
After they were released, Hájí Muhammad became an
attendant to one of the nobles and succeeded in gathering his family
and sending them to Nayríz. He went to Baghdad and on his return,
in order to protect his family from the darts of the enemies, moved
them to a village some seven farsangs from Shiraz.

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Chapter 12

Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí

Say: “Can you expect for us any fate other than one of two glorious
things, martyrdom or victory?”
Qur’án 9:52

Introduction
Among the important eyewitness accounts of the Nayríz-II event is the
one narrated by Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí, a survivor of both the 1850
and 1853 episodes. At the age of fourteen, Hájí Muhammad and his
father, Hájí Qásim Nayrízí, had stood with Vahíd at fort Khájih and
fought fearlessly for their new found faith. At the conclusion of that
event and following the general massacre of the Bábís, Hájí Qásim was
seized as a prisoner and in captivity subjected to severe beatings and
tortures. After the passage of some months, a certain Haydar was able to
secure his freedom at long last and rescued him from certain death by
the payment of a ransom. Upon his release, Hájí Qásim set out for
Tihrán to avenge the cruelty of the government by assassinating Násiri’d-
Dín Sháh. Having weathered the storm of Nayríz-I, Hájí Muhammad
was once again caught in the midst of the second interlude, where he and
his family were made prisoners.
The oral memoirs left by Hájí Muhammad describe the events
through the time that the captives, himself among them, were taken to
Shíráz. He was fortuitously released from captivity at that time, but
decided to stay in that city for a while. A few years later, he moved to
Dáríyun546, but some time later returned to his native town of Nayríz as
the new governor, Fath-‘Alí Khán, had taken a solemn oath to remedy

546 A village at a distance of 180 kilometers from Nayríz and 42 kilometers from Shiraz

and on the way of the caravan leading the Bábí captives to Shiraz.

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the past misdeeds of his father. There he was occupied with farming and
raising sheep, and as he was a strong, robust man, often engaged in
working the fields. Soon Fath-‘Alí Khán, having explicit faith in the
trustworthiness of Bahá’ís, asked Hájí Muhammad to supervise his
personal properties in the Rastáq region. The house of the Hájí at both
Rastáq and Nayríz was the abode of visiting Bahá’ís passing though the
region and he served them with great distinction and devotion. He
married a niece of ‘Alí Sardár, who was a daughter of Mullá Husayn, and
she brought him six children: Fadlu’lláh; Muhammad-Qásim; Faraju’lláh;
Habíbu’lláh; Qudratu’lláh; and Sakínih. His descendants suffered
extensively in the course of Nayríz-III, thus making this family one of
the chains that connects the Bábí and Bahá’ís of Nayríz across the span
of several generations in this panorama of suffering and steadfastness. In
all his days, Hájí Muhammad was fond of recalling the events of his
youth, particularly the 1853 episodes. He lived to be nearly a hundred
years old and passed away in 1935 in Nayríz547. A tablet composed in his
honor by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá immortalizes his memory.
The value of this account lies foremost in the fact that it is told by
one who participated in the events. Though in many ways it does not
convey the rich detail of the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, it is
nevertheless an independent description which closely corroborates the
account of the former, and in a few instances provides some additional
amplifications. Having noted this, one must understand that by the time
this narrative was committed to paper, Hájí Muhammad was at a
relatively advanced age and the passage of time had taken its toll, so that
a few of the minor details are conflated, (see footnotes below). The
original of this recollection appears in Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí, Nayríz
Mushkbíz, pages 108-116.
This account begins in the spring of 1853 when the Bábís
commenced reorganizing and re-emerging as a distinct community and
tells of the brutal response that awaited them.

547 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 116, suggests that he lived to the age of 115. However since it is

known that he was 14 years old at the time of Vahíd’s arrival in 1850, that suggests his
birth took place circa 1836, placing his age at the time of passing at about 100.

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Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí
After the arrival of the soldiers, they launched an attack against us aided
by many from the town. This resulted in the believers retreating from
Nayríz and taking refuge at the foot of the mountains at a location
known as Bíd Najviyyih famous for its fresh air and vivifying climate.
The attackers continued to pursue us to that spot, continually assaulting
our camp with increasing intensity and severity. For that reason, we
proceeded further up the mountain to an area known as Darb Shigáf,
and raised a number of makeshift dwellings commonly referred to as
yurt constructed from wood and tree branches and roofed by twigs and
leafs.
Each day witnessed a considerable increase in the number of
besiegers who had surrounded us from all sides and we were placed in
dire need and grave hardship. In response, led by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár, our
group put forth defensive measures and pushed back the attackers who
beseeched Shíráz to augment their number with additional forces. At this
time, Mírzá Na‘ím went forth to Shíráz and in his reports exaggerated
the scope of the events which resulted in a large number of artillery
pieces, ammunition and cannons being sent back with him,
supplemented by several groups of tribal gunmen. Soon a large camp
was raised, surrounding us from all directions, and they launched a
massive offensive. A devastating battle took place between the opposing
sides that resulted in our dwellings (yurts) being burnt completely. Even
though our numbers were relatively few in comparison to the armed
camp, by spectacular bravery, coupled with undaunted fortitude and
steadfastness, the believers were able to deliver a decisive defeat to the
foes resulting in the complete disarray and flight of the attackers. In the
course of their retreat, the soldiers left behind a large cache of arms
including a cannon that was brought up to the mountain and used
thereafter.548
At that time, we proceeded to another section of the mountain

548 Most sources indicate that the capture of this cannon occurred at the next battle.

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known as Bálá-Tarám and stayed there for a while. This was beneficial as
it allowed us relative safety and tranquility, and we even organized
several weddings during this period. On the instructions of Mírzá ‘Alí
Sardár, our group constructed nineteen fortifications in the number of
váhids of the Bayán. Each was named after a certain participant, such as,
one was named after ‘Alí Sardár, and another after Khájih Qutb and yet
another that was defended by the womenfolk was known as Mádar Samí‘
[mother of Samí‘]. The remains of these fortifications stand to this day.
During this time a number of clashes took place, until Mírzá
Na‘ím was once again able to gather a considerable number of soldiers
and gunmen, and from the direction of Darb Shigáf entered the region
and raised his camp. Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár organized two groups of nineteen
each to rush and surprise the camp, one attacking from the higher
elevations while the other was to circle and attack from beneath the
camp. However, in the dark of night and having frail eyesight, Siyyid
Husayn, the leader of one of the two groups, tripped over a rock that
was dislodged and rolled down the hill. This event caused the camp to
become aware that a night attack was underway and eliminated the
element of surprise. A fierce battle was waged between the two sides that
witnessed a great many gallantries by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár who at each
instance, single-handedly, would raise the cry of “Yá Sáhib Zamán” as he
fearlessly rushed the soldiers with his saber and scattered their forces.
The other believers and companions also manifested exceptional
courage, fortitude and self-sacrifice in their efforts, and even the
womenfolk joined in by throwing rocks and stones at the enemy. All of
this resulted in a bitter defeat for the camp and the flight of the soldiers
from the field of battle. Even the camp’s leader, Mírzá Na‘ím, was so
overwhelmed with trepidation that he was unable to escape on his own
and soldiers had to carry him away on their backs to save his life. Fearing
for their very being, all in his camp escaped and scattered throughout the
countryside.
After this defeat, Mírzá Na‘ím wrote to the Prince Mu’ayyadu’d-
Dawlih, the governor of Fárs, explaining his own pathetic condition and
that of his fallen men and yet again asking for military assistance, a
request that was rewarded with four regiments of men. That is, orders

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were issued that gunmen from all villages, hamlets and tribes in the
neighboring regions were to gather at [Mírzá Na‘ím’s] camp so that once
and for all the Bábís would be eliminated. Lutf-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í came
accompanied of both foot and cavalry forces, and they were joined by
Ahmad Khán Baharlú who brought five hundred of his well-known
sharpshooters. The enemy’s camp was rapidly growing in number and
each day their siege increased in intensity.
Prior to this, the Sardár assembled us and informed all that our
remaining days were only few, and said that if anyone wished not to
suffer at the hand of the enemy, it would be best for them to leave at
once. None among the believers preferred to abandon him and all
remained faithful and steadfast. The number of our group at that time
was four hundred men and six hundred women.
This time the battle was particularly severe. Sardár, in accordance
with his usual practice, raised the cry of “Yá Záhib Zamán” and riding
high on a mount charged the enemy. In this campaign, a number of
Baharlu gunmen had hidden behind the rocks and trees and from there
were able to shoot and severely injure Sardar, who dragged himself to
our fortification where the bird of his spirit was released from the prison
of self. He was buried next to the fortification named after him.
After Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár was slain, his companions remained
steadfast until the last breath, even though a number of them were killed
and the rest seized by the soldiers and tribal gunmen, who perpetrated
uncounted cruelties upon their prisoners. Of the captives, all men aged
twenty and over were slain and their heads piled in large baskets which,
together with the women and children and a remnant of elderly men,
were paraded back in Nayríz in the company of an exuberant army.
Upon arrival, the prisoners were confined to the Madrisih Khán and
guards ensured that no one contacted us.
After we were kept under such miserable conditions for a few
days, together with the basket of heads, we were sent to Shíráz. En
route, because of the sufferings and hardships, a number of the captives
expired and they too were decapitated and their [severed] heads added to
the piles. One such case was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the judge and
soothsayer of Nayríz, who had stood with the illustrious Vahíd and had

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survived the first episode and was among the baqiyatu’s-sayf, and now
was included in the company of the captives. As the incarcerated
believers were being conducted from Shiraz to Tihrán, upon reaching
the village of Siyyidan, a distance of two days journey to Ábádih, having
endured immeasurable afflictions, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn passed away
and the soldiers beheaded his body, taking the head with them and
burying the remains in that locality.
Proceeding in such heart-wrenching conditions, when our caravan
of captives reached Tang Sa‘dí, news was sent to the governor of Fárs
and inquiry was made about the manner of entry into the city. The
governor sent long spears equal to the number of the severed heads and
instructed that each be raised above these spears, and to the beat of
drums and cymbals to enter Shiraz. In such a pitiful and tormented state,
the women, children and elderly men walked barefoot in the midst of
columns of soldiers, who each carried a spear bearing the severed head
of one of the loved ones of our pitiful band. By order of the governor, a
number of noble and distinguished citizens of the city had come forth to
observe this sad spectacle. On seeing the situation, many of the citizens
were moved to tears over the miserable state of the prisoners and
sobbed loudly, while others were bewildered by the cruelty of the armed
men, and yet others tormented the wronged captives by assaulting them
verbally and heaping abuse upon them and indeed some even spit on
their faces. It was in the course of this agonizing scene, where every
observer was profoundly moved with deep emotions of regret, that the
Qavámu’l-Mulk Shírází, who was among the onlookers, was moved to
cry out to Mírzá Na‘ím, reproaching him with such words: "O Na‘ím!
Have you sought to recreate Karbalá? Even the plane of Karbalá did not
witness such misery!”549
In such poignant and pitiful state, our band of wronged ones was
brought forth to the city and placed in the Sháh Mír-Hamzih

549 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 196, reports that afterwards, the indignant Qavám

sought an audience with the governor of Fárs and stated, “With these heinous
deeds, Mírzá Na‘ím has indeed recreated the field of Karbalá and the taking of the
Holy Household to Damascus. The only thing lacking is decorating the city; and
once that is accomplished, then the scene will be completely recreated!”

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caravansary. One day the governor of Fárs called a number of the
captives to his presence and in the course of interrogation instructed
some to repudiate their faith [in the Báb], and as they remained steadfast,
issued orders for their execution. These included: Sádiq, son of Sálih; ‘Alí
Garmsiry; Husayn, son of Hádí; Hájí, son of Asghar; and Muhammad,
son of Muhsin.
Soon, instructions were received from Tihrán to send the severed
heads to that city and to free the women and children, and so the baskets
of heads and the elderly men were sent forth towards Tihrán. However,
when they reached Ábádih, further orders were received to bury the
heads at that spot. The captives were taken to Tihrán however, and there
some were freed while others were martyred.550

550 A brief account of Nayríz-II is given by Mírzá Yahyá Azal, translated by E.G.

Browne in Táríkh-i Jadíd, pp. 415-416:
So once more fresh troubles arose in all parts of the country, and
some they took captive, and some they slew, carrying off their
possessions; until at length they again made an assault on Nayríz. For
after the martyrdom of His Excellence Áqá Siyyid Yahyá the people
of Nayríz dispatched the governor, who was the originator of the
mischief, to the bottomless pit. Quarrels arose anew, until at length
pacification was effected. In the end they brought so many prisoners
from Nayríz to Shiraz that (their number) was beyond all limits. And
that crowd of captives they brought in to Shiraz was in this wise:
numbers of women and men, aged and young, bound by chains and
bonds; and the soldiers with the heads of the slain set on spears,
amongst these being the head of His Holiness Áqá Siyyid Yahyá,
which they had brought from Karbala [i.e. Nayríz] in such wise as you
have heard. Thus did they bring these poor people into Shiraz,
whence they conveyed them to Isfahan and Kashan, and (finally)
brought them to Tihrán to the sound of drums and trumpets, as they
themselves related. It may be imagined what the sufferings of these
women and men were ere the end of the matter; such as seek for the
truth will assuredly hold them in regard of their lofty view.

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Chapter 13

Narrative of Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í:
An Extract from his General History

Of those who answered the call of God and the Apostle, even after
being wounded, those who do right and refrain from wrong have a great
reward.
Qur’án 3:172

Introduction
The following is an extract from Tarikh ‘Umúmí Amr [The General
History of the Cause], pages 73-77, composed by Mírzá Qábil of Ábádih.
For this important history, Qábil explains that he interviewed many of
the elders in the community, including some who had converted during
or shortly after the Bábí Dispensation. The importance of the following
extract lies not so much in the details, but in the fact that very likely
Qábil used sources independent from the Nayrízí accounts and relied on
the information current among the Bahá’ís of Yazd and Ábádih of the
late 1800’s. In other words, this account is an example of Bahá’í folklore
about the Nayríz-II incident in the late nineteenth and the early part of
this century.
Mírzá Qábil states that sometime after the failed assassination
attempt on Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, the Prime Minister intervened with the
monarch to reduce the Bábí killings, but the Shah had spoken harshly
against the millenarians. Qábil then notes:

An excellent pretext was found by the governors and
administrators of all the cities and districts of Iran to
plunder and seize the possessions of Bábís and to collude
with one another in killing and injuring them. In Nayríz in

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particular, the wicked Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán commenced
pillage and rose to eradicate all Bábís of that city. Each day,
he would seize one and after penalizing and torturing the
victim would slay him. Therefore, Bábís decided that by
whatever means possible he was to be eliminated. This
[intelligence] caused him to be overwhelmed with fear to the
point that eight or nine armed guards always accompanied
him. And when he was to visit the public bathhouse, other
clients would be evicted from the building. [As was
customary,] one day together with his gunmen, he went to
the bathhouse where his men waited outside by the
entrance. A certain construction worker (banná) was
working within and the governor did not think that this man
could be a Bábí. Lying in the middle of the bath and being
massaged by a salmání551, the banná came forth of a sudden
from where he had been working and with his sharpened
knife and tools slit open the governor’s stomach. Hearing
the cry of the salmání, the attendants rushed within and
found their master covered in blood. They seized the banná
and placed the injured governor on a cart while he was
giving instruction for the doctor to be summoned at once to
attend to his cut. Unexpectedly, with a quick movement, the
banná freed himself and reaching Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
pulled his intestinal organs out while crying, “O accursed
one! Are you still talking and wishing for recovery?!” With
that the governor died and his gunmen riddled the banná
with bullets.552
The relatives of the slain Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
hastened to Shiraz and complained to the governor-general
about the Bábís of Nayríz. Therefore he sent forth a
regiment of soldiers, led by Luft-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í,
charged with the extermination of the Bábís.

551 Lit. the barber, they often acted as masseurs and bathhouse managers.
552 The idea of a single assassin may have been inspired by Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2,

pp. 1566-1567.

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Prior to their arrival, however, the honored ‘Alí
Sardár, who was the chief of the Bábís, ordered the believers
to gather all their possessions, livestock, and families and to
proceed to an elevated mountain near Nayríz. Therefore, the
Bábís, young and old, took position in that mountain range.
When the army arrived, they learned that the Bábís, fully
armed, had left for the mountains and had raised such
fortifications around their positions that none could
approach that mountain. On several occasions, the soldiers
were ordered to attack those fortifications and each time
would suffer decisive defeats and return with many
casualties.
General Luft-‘Alí Khán wrote to Shiraz that his
assigned task was well nigh impossible to achieve and that
he needed additional forces sent to him immediately. Five
regiments of men together with cannons and artillery were
sent for him. One day, he had ordered one of the cannons
to be situated near a [Bábí] fortification and readied for fire
when a group of the armed women believers attacked them,
causing the gunners to flee and securing the cannon and
ammunitions. They carried the cannon and its provisions
with them to the higher elevations and for a while used it to
bombard the enemy’s camp.
Occasionally during some nights, some of the
believers would enter the city and attack certain mischiefmakers, and after having gathered the necessary food and
provisions, would return to their place of safety.553
These battles and scrimmages lasted nine months until
eventually the governor of Shiraz issued strict orders for the
elimination of the Bábís. A large multitude of men from
[such ethnic groups as the] ‘Arabs, Turks and Tajíks came to
Nayríz and thoroughly surrounded the mountainside. Even
though they sustained great many casualties, they did not
withdraw and eventually broke through the fortifications.
553 Reader is referred to translator’s comment at the beginning of Chapter 11.

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They seized and massacred the men and captured the
women and bound them with ropes. Seventy or eighty of
the Bábí women and their infants had taken refuge in a cave
and when found, a large quantity of brushwood was brought
forth and placed at the opening of the cave. Then they lit a
fire and burnt alive all those within. With other women,
Lutf-‘Alí Khán would take their infants from them and with
one hand toss them into the air, cutting them in half with
the sword in his other hand. All their possessions were
plundered. Four hundred of the fallen men were decapitated
and their heads raised upon spears. Some others among the
men were bound in chains and the women roped together.
In such manner, the army proceeded towards Shiraz. With
utmost difficulty and intense brutality, the captives were
forced to run next to the galloping cavalry. Six or seven of
the women expired en route because of the harsh treatment.
On the day of the captives’ arrival in Shiraz, the city
was immersed in celebration, lights and decorations were
visible in all sides and the people would congratulate one
another. The ‘ulamá issued a fatwá that on that day the
citizens of Shíráz were free to express their joy in any
manner they wished and none would be questioned for his
doings. Therefore, all the rogues and vagrants came out with
music and wine and were joined by rank upon rank of
wanton women carrying drums, trumpets and cymbals and
busily merrymaking. They came to watch the arrival of the
wretched captives and the severed heads of the Bábís and
were thoroughly absorbed in their festivity. Those same
people however, once they saw the heads raised on lances
and the condition of the captives, were overwhelmed with
grief and raised their voices in lamentation and remorse.
They cried bitterly over what had befallen these people and
tears poured from their eyes like spring showers, and their
cry of sorrow was heard from all sides.
This news was brought to the governor and he was

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told that seeing the condition of the captives and the raised
heads had greatly perturbed the people, and if the
procession were allowed to enter the city by way of the
bazaar, most likely a revolt would overwhelm the city.
Consequently, he ordered the prisoners to be brought to the
government house through a passage behind the main city
gate. When the captives were presented, the governor was
sitting in the place of honor with many nobles surrounding
him. From within the throng of the Bábís, a brave woman
stepped forward and with a resonant voice spoke, “O crazed
man! What crime have we wronged ones committed
deserving such murder, pillage and brutality? Is it not true
that our sole claim is that the Promised Author of the Cause
has appeared and His recognition and acceptance is
obligatory upon all? Does such an assertion deserve such
cruel treatment?” The governor ordered them taken out and
given a place to rest. After a few days, he released the
women and sent the men and the raised heads as a gift for
the monarch in Tihrán. In this way, the prophecy, “His
[Qá’im’s] chosen ones shall be abased in His day. Their heads shall
be offered as presents even as the heads of Turks and Daylamites. They
shall be slain and burnt. Fear shall seize them; dismay and alarm
shall strike terror into their hearts. The earth shall be dyed with their
blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail and lament. These indeed are my
friends!554” stood fulfilled.
Accompanied by several regiments of soldiers and
marching to the sound of drums, trumpets and cymbals,
they arrived at Ábádih. At that time a messenger arrived
from the central government in Tihrán and presented a royal
instruction to the commander of the procession. On reading
this order, he learned that he was to bury the Bábí heads in
whatever location he had reached, and then conduct the
captives to Tihrán. Therefore, behind the same decayed
building in which the captives were housed, he ordered a
554 Kitáb-i Iqán, p. 245.

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large pit dug and the heads buried therein.
This sorrowful event of the second Nayríz conflict
took place in the year eight of the dawning of the Morn of
Guidance.

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Chapter 14

Narrative of Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í:
The Garden of the Merciful in Ábádih

Think not that those slain in God’s way are dead. Nay, they live,
finding their sustenance in the presence of their Lord. They rejoice in the
bounty provided by God: and with regard to those left behind, who have
not yet joined them in their bliss, the martyrs glory in the fact that on
them is no fear, nor have they cause to grieve.
Qur’án 3:169-70

Introduction
As noted earlier, the heads of over two hundreds of the Nayríz Bábí
martyrs were brought to Ábádih and buried in that town. Because of the
importance of this site, the following extracts are shared telling in outline
of this event.
Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í has penned an important and unpublished
history of Abadih, titled Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, which outlines the history
of the first 80 years of the Bábí and Bahá’í faiths in that town in 147
pages, divided into 14 chapters. In the first section, pages 2-5, the
following is recorded:

In the year 1268 A.H., corresponding to 1852, in accordance
with the instructions of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, a savage and
bloodthirsty army was unleashed on Nayríz for the purpose
of the execution and elimination of the dearly loved
believers in that region. This caused the fire of the second
battle of Nayríz to smolder and the spiritual friends were
severely persecuted. In those days in Nayríz, the muchesteemed commander, the honored ‘Alí Sardar, discerned

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that it was prudent for the friends, men and women alike, to
quit the city and take position in an elevated mountain in the
vicinity of that region. Therefore they all took with them the
necessary provisions and made their exodus to that location.
The barbarous army of the Sháh soon surrounded
them and the details of what transpired next are recorded in
the histories of Nayríz. In short, the majority of the [Bábí]
men were murdered, their possessions plundered, and
women and children were made captive or slaughtered by
swords. A group of them were also burnt alive.
Many martyrs severed heads were raised upon spears
and, together with the captives and accompanied by drums,
cymbals and music, were brought to Shiraz, which was
decorated for the occasion. The entire city was especially
lighted and much celebration took place. After some days,
the women prisoners were released. In accord with the royal
command, the army moved the men and the martyrs’ heads
toward Tihrán as a ransom for the sovereign. The secret of
the Tablet of Fátimih now stood manifest.
In short, the royal army, the heads and the captives
reached a distance of two farsangs from Ábádih when it was
broadcast in the city that on this day the prisoners of Nayríz
would arrive to the beat of drums, trumpets and music. The
people of Ábádih were thrilled with the prospect and in
great joy rushed forth to observe this spectacle. In such
conditions, the captives and the severed heads were brought
into the city and placed on a desolate and forsaken field.555
On that day, a great multitude, young and old, men, women
and children, came forth from all the surrounding regions to
watch the captives of Nayríz and the severed heads of the
believers. What an incredible sight and what an amazing

555 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 72-73 and p. 120, reports that on two separate occasions,

namely, 1850 and 1853, heads were brought to Ábádih and buried in the same spot.
The same source (p. 120) reports that this field was outside of the city and near the
public cemetery.

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exhibition! On seeing them, to win the good pleasure of the
Almighty, the people would spit on the faces of those heroic
souls and upon the decapitated heads. Some would chant,
while others clapped for joy; yet others heaped upon this
innocent band all manner of insults and injuries. Is this not
how all the Prophets and chosen ones have been dealt with?
And when a few in this large gathering felt remorseful over
the condition of the bound and offered them a few drops of
water, they immediately became targets of the scorn and
disdain of the others, particularly the ‘ulamá and the divines.
They even urged the children to heap abuse upon the
confined believers and offered examples on how to ill-treat
and denounce them.
While this hellish scene was unfolding, suddenly a
messenger arrived from Tihrán carrying an order from the
central authorities for the commander of the armed guards.
The contents of that envelope instructed that wherever the
soldiers were met by the messenger, to bury the heads in
that very spot and to continue conveying the captives to the
capital. On seeing this mandate, the commander
immediately ordered his men to bury the severed heads.
However, the people of Ábádih refused to allow the Bábí
heads to be buried in the Muslim cemetery out of fear that it
would defile that ground – they considered it honorable to
insist on this refusal. Therefore, the commander decided to
bury them in a desolate field, in one large pit.
Among the believers bound in chains was a young
man of twenty years of age. He had suffered bitterly en
route and by then had fallen gravely ill and was nearly
unconscious. One of the most distinguished nobles of the
city, Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí, known as Mullá Áqá Ján,
felt deeply remorseful over the condition of this muchwronged youth. He immediately petitioned the commander
of the guards, “Among the captives is one who is
profoundly weak with illness and unable to travel any

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further. Undoubtedly he will expire en route to Tihrán,
perhaps not even very far from this town. As a
consideration towards my Holy lineage, allow me to take
him home with me and look after him until he is well.
Perchance he will then convert to the religion of Islam and
be guided.” Faced with an appeal from such an illustrious
personage, the commander responded, “Since you are of
noble character and wish to render a goodly deed, I will
grant your request. But first you must give ten tumáns as
gratuity to my men for the troubles they have shouldered.
Then this youth may be yours.”
By the time that the honored Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-
‘Alí had managed to raise the sum, the armed guards had
moved the captives to Shúristán, a distance of five farsangs
from Ábádih. Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí, [determined to rescue
the young Bábí], quickly reached the guards, paid the sum,
and secured the release of Áqá Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí, the
wretched Bábí. He mounted the sickly youth on his own
steed and walked on his side all the way to Ábádih. On
gaining his home, he immediately summoned Áqá
Muhammad-Husayn, the Hakímbáshí [traditional physician],
who spent the next several days with the Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí
and sought to revive him. But, alas, the young man expired.
Áqá Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí was buried in Ábádih’s public
cemetery, in the vicinity of the fort of Muhammad-Hádí,
though his exact burial location is not known as Ábádih did
not have any believers when this incident occurred.
The land where the martyrs’ heads were buried
remained unnoticed and untouched for many years, and
providentially its desolation served to protect the treasures
hidden within its breast.

Mírzá Qábil continues to tell that Ábádih remained without
believers in the Báb for some time until 1280 A.H./1863, when

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Bahá’u’lláh declared his mission in Baghdad.556 At that time, two of
Ábádih’s residents happened to be students in Isfahán.557 These two
were Áqá Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh, later surnamed Siráju’l-Hukamá, and Mullá
Muhammad-Husayn. The news of Bahá’u’lláh’s proclamation, according
to Mírzá Qábil, greatly perturbed the seminary students in Isfahán as
they had thought that with the Báb’s martyrdom the messianic
movement had ceased to exist. The seminarians’ reaction impelled these
two students from Ábádih to investigate Bahá’u’lláh’s claim. Through an
intermediary they met with the prominent Bahá’í of that city, Mírzá
Muhammad-Hasan, the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá, and in the course of a few
sessions embraced the new faith.558
At about the same time, another resident of Ábádih, a certain
Dá’yí Husayn, later designated by Bahá’u’lláh as Bá’yí, proceeded to the
‘Atabát to visit the Shrine of Imám Husayn. On reaching that region in
April 1863, he learned that a great commotion was taking place in
Baghdad and upon inquiry was informed that Bahá’u’lláh was being
further exiled from that city and presently tarried at a garden on the
outskirts of Baghdad. Years later, the same Dá’yí Husayn reported the
events to Mírzá Qábil in such words, “I was told that outside of the city
of Baghdad, He [Bahá’u’lláh] had raised a majestic tent and was residing
temporarily there. Soon He was to proceed towards a new destination in
the company of government authorities. While in this garden, I was told
He had raised the standard of divinity and advanced the claim of divine
authority. In this regard, He had revealed a great many Tablets and sent
these to the ‘ulamá in Najaf and Karbalá and called on all to recognize

556 Although Abadih was established over a thousand years ago, the city gained

importance during the Zand dynasty. In fact the name of this town is said to have
been given by Karím Khán Zand himself. The town’s significance was in its location
via the migratory routes of the Qashqa’í tribes.
557 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 6-7.
558 There are some minor inconsistencies in Táríkh Amrí Ábádih. For instance, on

page 7, Qábil reports that upon conversion in 1863, the two new believers received
a copy of Bahá’u’lláh’s tablet to Násiri’d-Dín Sháh in the hand of the Sultánu’sh-
Shuhadá. However, this tablet was not made public for at least another decade and
therefore in all probability, the new converts saw some early Baghdad writings of
Bahá’u’lláh.

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His station of divinity. Further, He had styled Himself Zuhúru’lláh
[Manifestation of God] and with no hesitation had declared that He was
the Promised One of the Qur’án. Rank upon rank of people were
proceeding to His presence and partaking of His utterances. This servant
also decided to go and behold this spectacle, but then I feared that
perchance my travel companions would accuse me of visiting Bábís and
that I would be known by this name. Therefore, I decided against
going.”559
On returning to his native town, Dá’yí Husayn eventually learned
of the conversion of Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh and Mullá Muhammad-Husayn and
joined them in the new faith. Thus the nucleus of the Bábí-Bahá’í
community was established in Ábádih. According to Qábil, during the
next decade, this community grew rapidly and during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s
ministry, Bahá’ís decided to acquire the land where the heads of Nayríz
martyrs were buried. The following is recorded in Mírzá Qábil’s
narrative:560

Some of the Bahá’í leaders consulted and decided to
purchase the land where the sacred heads of the martyrs in
the path of the Almighty was buried. They resolved to
secure that land from the non-believers by any means
necessary and enable it to come into the Faith’s possession.
Soon the honored Siráju’l-Hukamá, who was charged with
this task, was able to acquire that desolate land from its
owner, Hájí Muhammad Khán, son of Hájí Mihdí, who was
indeed the re-incarnation of Abú-Jahal. This acquisition
brought immense joy to the friends and they decided it was
imperative to construct a well or an underground aqueduct,
as building a shrine or cultivating this land required access to
water. Therefore, the Siráju’l-Hukamá, Hájí ‘Ayní-Khán, the
honored Bá’yí and Mírzá Husayn Khán spent a considerable
sum of their own money and were able to construct an
aqueduct which they named Hayrat [bewilderment]. After a

559 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 8.
560 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 14.

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few years, that land had access to water and this news was
communicated to the Center of the Covenant [‘Abdu’l-
Bahá]. Some time thereafter, a Tablet of Visitation addressed
to the Siráju’l-Hukama was revealed by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá for the
martyrs buried in that location.561

Mírzá Qábil tells that after this visitation tablet was received in
Ábádih, he took a copy to the village of Najaf-Ábád, a distance of
sixteen miles from Ábádih, where Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, son of
Lutf-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í, resided. In 1853 Lutf-‘Alí Khán had
commanded the army forces against the Bábís of Nayríz, but his son,
Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, had become a believer in Bahá’u’lláh.
Qábil recited the newly received visitation tablet for his host and then
stated, “O honored Khán, consider in what manner the divine grace and
benevolence surround all in this mighty Dispensation! Ponder what
magnificent and exalted words have been revealed in honor of those
heads severed by the orders of your father and sent as a gift to Násiri’d-
Dín Sháh, thinking that such a heinous act would be of aid to him in
advancing his career! Now consider how brilliantly the Sun of might and
exaltation has dawned!”562 In response, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán,
not knowing about the early history of the Bábí movement had asked,
“Honored Áqá Mírzá, please tell me a little of the events of Nayríz and
the barbarous deeds of my father so that I may be informed of the
manner in which he dealt with God’s chosen ones.”563
Mírzá Qábil states:

Without the least hesitation or consideration, I said to him,
‘In accordance with the instructions of the authorities, your
father, General Lutf-‘Alí Khán, led his bloodthirsty army
against the believers in Nayríz. For six months the friends
withstood his onslaught and offered a vigorous defense. At

561 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s visitation tablet is quoted in Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 14-17, and

Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 121-122.
562 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 17-18.
563 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 18.

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the end, however, they were reduced and the victorious
soldiers massacred all the men, seized the women, and put
the children to the sword. Your own father, with one hand
would toss the infants into the air and with the saber in the
other hand would hew them in half. One by one, the
innocent children were hacked into pieces while their
wretched mothers were forced to watch. Some of the
women were placed in a cave and burnt alive. Some others
among the women, together with the severed heads of their
men, were brought to Shíráz in the company of a feasting
army. The heads, together with some of the men, were sent
to Tihrán, and on reaching Ábádih the soldiers were told to
bury the heads. It is because of this background that this
sacred land is the recipient of such resplendent and unique
favors from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and is the point of adoration of
the Supreme Concourse.’
Profoundly moved on hearing these details, Hájí
Muhammad-Sádiq Khán cried unceasingly for quite a while.
He then said, ‘Áqá Mírzá Qábil, I am deeply ashamed of
myself and fear that my belief and recognition may not be
accepted before God. I say this because I have heard that
the Blessed Perfection has said that should one, with the
utmost sincerity, become a firm believer in Him, then his
parents would be forgiven by God, even should they not
rank as believers. Now I realize that such a father as mine is
not worthy of divine forgiveness and because of him, I fear
that my own recognition may not be accepted either.’
‘Tomorrow we will write to the blessed presence of ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá,’ I replied to him, ‘and inquire of this matter.’ Next
morning we wrote to the Holy Land and after a while I
received a Tablet revealed in my honor.564

Mírzá Qabil quotes the text of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s tablet which among
other matters states, “... Inform the honored Muhammad-Sádiq Khán
564 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 19-20.

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that day appears after the black night and that world-enveloping light
breaks through from the cover of darkness. The rose comes forth from a
thorny stem and diverse flowers are raised from the lowly soil. Luscious
fruits appear on the wooden branches of trees and ‘He causeth the living
to issue from the dead, and He is the one to cause the dead to issue from
the living.’565 ... Therefore, do not despair. Pray unto the divine threshold
of the Almighty and fervently beseech Him to forgive your father
through the divine breezes of celestial absolution, to waft over him a
wave from the ocean of His mercy and to cleanse him from the filth of
wrongdoing and transgression. ... If the burial shrine of the heads of the
martyrs is raised with utmost spirituality and beauty, it would assuredly
cause nearness to the court of divine unity.”566
Likewise, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq received a communication from
‘Abdu'l-Bahá in which the same sentiments were expressed.567
After receiving these correspondences, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq
contributed toward construction of a memorial building over the spot
where the heads of the martyred Nayrízís were buried.568 Muhammad-

565 Qur’án 6:95
566 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 20-21.
567 For the text see Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 21.
568 The following is recorded by E.G. Browne in the notes accompanying his
translation of A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 259-261, and the original appears in A Year
Amongst the Persians, pp. 440-442:
When I was in Yezd in the early summer of 1888, I became
acquainted with a Bábí holding a position of some importance under
the government, two of whose ancestors had taken a prominent part
in the suppression of the Níríz insurrection. Of what he told me
concerning this the following is a summary taken from my diary for
May 18th, 1888:
‘My maternal grandfather Mihr ‘Alí Khán Shuja‘u’l-Mulk and
my great-uncle Mírzá Na‘ím took an active part in the Níríz war – but
on the wrong side. When orders came to Shiraz to quell the insurrection,
my grandfather was instructed to take command of the expedition
sent for that purpose. He did not like the task committed to him and
communicated his reluctance to two of the ‘ulamá, who, however,
assured him, declaring that the war on which he was about to engage
was an holy enterprise sanctioned by Religion, and that he would

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‘Alí Faydí reports that the construction project commenced on the
anniversary of the Báb’s declaration in 1324 A.H., which corresponds to
27 June 1906. The Siráju’l-Hukamá took the lead in the effort, himself
contributing the cost of raising a tall fence surrounding the grounds. In
the same year, he completed the northern rooms of the building and
arranged many verdant and beautiful gardens around the main structure.
He continued to spend a portion of his personal estate towards
completion of the building and the beautification of the surrounding
grounds and in his will appointed his son, Áqá Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh as the
custodian of the site. When he passed on 14 November 1913, he was
buried in the first room of this edifice. During this time, the ground was

receive reward therefore in Paradise. So he went, and what happened
happened. After they had killed 750 men, they took the women and
children, stripped them almost naked, mounted them on donkeys,
mules, and camels, and led them through rows of heads hewn from
the lifeless bodies of their fathers, brothers, sons, and husbands
towards Shiraz. On their arrival there, they were placed in a ruined
caravansary just outside the Isfahán gate and opposite to an Imamzadeh, their captors taking up their quarters under some trees hard by.
Here they remained for a long time, subjected to many insults and
hardships, and many of them died.
‘Now see the judgement of God on the oppressors; for of
those chiefly responsible for these cruelties not one but came to a bad
end and died overwhelmed with calamity.
‘My grandfather Mihr ‘Alí Khán presently fell ill and was
dumb till the day of his death. Just as he was about to expire, those
who stood round him saw from the movement of his lips that he was
whispering something. They leant down to catch his last words and
heard him murmur faintly “Bábí! Bábí! Bábí!” three time. The he fell
back dead.
‘My grand-uncle Mírzá Na‘ím fell into disgrace with the
government and was twice fined, 10,000 tumáns the first time, 15,000
the second. But his punishment did not cease here, for he was made
to suffer diverse tortures. His hands were put in the el-chek and his
feet in the Tang-i-Kajar; he was made to stand bare-headed in the sun
with treacle smeared over his head to attract the flies; and, after
suffering these and other torments yet more painful and humiliating
he was dismissed a disgraced and ruined man.’

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generally known as Bagh Hakím [the garden of Hakím].
Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí reports that in 1337 A.H./1919, Dr.
Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh and a group of Bahá’ís from Ábádih met with ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá while on Bahá’í pilgrimage.569 One day he was summoned into
‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence and was given the text of a visitation tablet
written in honor of his father. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá remarked, “Surely, you have
understood the meaning of this Tablet. This Tablet is revealed for your
father.570 In truth, he was the first to raise the standard of the Faith in
Ábádih. By what name do the people refer to the burial place of the
martyrs in that city?” Dr. Ágáh responded, “Bahá’ís call it Bágh Ru’us’sh-
Shuhadá [Garden of the Martyrs’ Heads] and other people call it Bagh
Hakím.” ‘Abdu’l-Bahá paused for a moment and then, while standing,
revealed a tablet bestowing upon him the permanent custodianship of
that site and named it “Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán” [The Garden of the
Merciful]:

He is God.

To the honored Mírzá Badí‘u’lláh Khán, the illustrious son
of Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh Khán, upon both rest the Glory of God,
the Most Glorious.
He is God.
O God! These heads were severed in Thy path and
became the ornament of Thy garden and are buried in the
Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán. O Lord! Make this land a verdant spot,
and this realm to be filled with flowers and sweet verdure,
and make it radiant through Thy divine favors. Grant the
custodianship of the Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán to Thy servant,
Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh, so that among his descendants this grace
may bring forth divine favors.

569 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 124-125. This source states that the information on Ábádih

is extracted from a family biographical account penned by Dr. Badi‘u’lláh Ágáh.
570 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s visitation tablet for the Siráju’l-Hukamá is quoted in Táríkh Amrí

Ábádih, pp. 26-27, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 124.

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‘Abdu’l-Bahá ‘Abbás.571

Subsequently ‘Abdu’l-Bahá composed a visitation tablet to be
recited at the Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán and portion of it reads:

That sanctified earth that was ennobled by the severed heads
of the martyrs is, of a certainty, holy and resplendent. Verily
it transcends the highest pavilions of creation. The dwellers
of the Supreme Concourse perpetually circumambulate that
resplendent shrine and the hearts of the near ones are
humbled before it.572

571 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 24, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 125.
572 Muhádirát, p. 782.

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Chapter 15

Transition from Bábí to Bahá’í Community

Be thou as a flame of fire to My enemies and a river of life eternal to
My loved ones, and be not of those who doubt.
Lawh-i Ahmad

Although bitterly tried and tested on two separate occasions, the Bábís
of Nayríz proved themselves utterly resilient and undefeatable in the face
of the combined forces of the Qájár State, corrupt feudalism, and
religious fanaticism. With each incident of persecution and bloodshed,
the community’s members grew deeper roots of faith and resolve, and
the community developed its own distinct identity. As devastating in its
immediate effect, and as painful and heart-wrenching as it was to witness
the heroic sacrifice of many hundreds of the Bábís, these episodes of
persecutions proved providentially the source of life for that community
and guaranteed its eventual consolidation and endurance.
What took place next is of paramount importance in the process
of transition from a Bábí to Bahá’í community, as the Bábís of Nayríz
were able to successfully and thoroughly transfer their allegiance from
their initial apocalyptic devotion to the Báb, to the religion of Bahá’u’lláh
and to embrace the new teachings as they unfolded. For this reason, this
community offers a prime opportunity to study this transition from a
militant, messianic, revolutionary group, to a peace-loving, law-abiding,
progressive-minded society of people. As this process unfolded,
however, it was anything but simple and painless. The sufferings, the
heroism, the sacrifices and all the deeds that gave sustenance to the
nascent community continued to propel the transition process forward.
It seems that the best way to gain a perspective into this transformation
is to examine the lives of a number of survivors from the pogroms of
1853 and to see how they dealt with this transitional period. Through

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their story, the central features that helped build a Bahá’í community can
well be discerned.

1. Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí573
Mullá Muhammad was born in A.H. 1260 (A.D. 1844) to a family known
for learning and piety across several generations. His grandfather, Mullá
‘Abdu’l-Husayn, had been closely associated with Vahíd Dárábí in earlier
days and, on hearing the news of his approach to Nayríz in 1850,
hastened to welcome him in the company of his five sons, three brothers
and a large multitude from the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter of their native
town. This group went as far as Rúníz, a distance of sixty kilometers
from Nayríz, to meet the celebrated Vahíd. On hearing him recount the
news the Báb’s proposals and reforms, they all readily embraced the new
movement. Throughout the succeeding events of 1850, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
Husayn and his sons stood firm by Vahíd, rendered many important
services, showed much valor, and suffered injuries in the ensuing battles.
For the next two years, while his father had taken refuge in the
mountains, the young Muhammad Shafí‘, his mother and infant brother,
lived with their wounded grandfather till the events of the summer and
fall of 1853 unfolded, when once again a severe pogrom against the Bábí
community was launched. For the second time, the entire family joined
several hundreds of their co-religionists in defending their religion, this
time in the nearby mountains. The family of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
showed remarkable bravery and fortitude and all five of his sons along
with other male members of the family perished during the events.
Taken captive were the eighty-year old Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the nineyear old Muhammad Shafí‘, his young and defenseless mother and his
toddler brother (who was killed shortly thereafter), and they joined
hundreds of other Bábís as prisoners of a victorious enemy. As a gift for
a tyrannical governor, this unfortunate band was sent to Shiraz,
accompanied by the heads of their loved-ones impaled on spears.
In that town the women and children were thrown into dungeons

573 Information in this section is culled from Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1.

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and the men sent to Tehran to stand accused before the royal throne.
However, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, frail with sufferings and old age, passed
away en route to Tehran in the village of Sa‘ádat-Ábád574, where he was
beheaded by guards and his body left in a ditch. His head, together with
the heads of over two hundred other martyrs, was eventually buried in
Ábádih.
Muhammad Shafí‘ and his mother, being the sole survivors of the
entire clan, were released from captivity after a period of time. The
Imám-Jum‘ih of Shiraz, who in former days had been a close associate of
the family and somewhat sympathetic to the Bábí reform, took the
young lad under his tutelage and saw to his education. By dint of
perseverance and natural talent, Muhammad Shafí‘ excelled in his studies
and some years later, when the Imám-Jum‘ih’s grandson died and his
office as the prayer-leader at Nayríz’s Masjid Jami‘ Kabír was left vacant,
Mullá Shafí‘ was appointed to this prestigious and influential post.575
After the passing of his first wife, the same Imám-Jum‘ih in Shiraz
arranged for his grand-daughter, Khávar-Sultán, to be married to Mullá
Shafí‘ thereby expanding the influence of the new son-in-law and
solidifying his position in the community.576
Having established himself, Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ set out to
rebuild the Bábí and the Proto-Bahá’í community. He exerted much
effort in gathering the scattered Bábís and consolidating the nucleus of
the community. To this end, he would arrange living-quarters for those
in need and ensure that employment awaited them at the time of their
arrival. In looking after the poor, it is reported that he would bring
supplies to the homes of the needy, and unbeknownst to them, leave
provisions for the household. Through the efforts of Mullá Shafí‘, once
more, the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter was occupied by the survivors of the
1850-53 persecutions and their descendants, who by this time had
transferred their allegiance to the Bahá’í faith and would regularly

574 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 129, gives the village as Siyyidán.
575 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 131, reports that after Mullá Shafí‘ the same post was
entrusted to his son, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn.
576 See Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, p. 436, for a letter of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá addressed to

Khávar-Sultán.

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organize activities, such as the observance of nineteen-day feasts and
Bahá’í holy days, on a large scale.
The dwelling of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ became the place where
all Bahá’í visitors would arrive and enjoy his hospitality. Once again
Nayríz emerged as an important center of activity and many prominent
promoters of the religion, such as Hájí Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí, Mírzá
Muharram, Mírzá Mahmúd Zarqání and Mírzá Jalál Zarqání came
through that region, and Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ would see to their
comfort and needs.
The devotion of Mullá Shafí‘ to the service of his fellow man was
recognized and encouraged in several communications of Bahá’u’lláh. In
the summer of 1858, Mullá Shafí‘ and a companion, Karbalá’í
Muhammad-Sálih, were permitted to visit Bahá’u’lláh in Baghdad.577 It is
said that in this journey he recognized the station of Bahá’u’lláh who as
yet had not declared a formal role for himself.
In this regard, Mullá Shafí‘ began to educate the community in the
writings of Bahá’u’lláh and to familiarize them with his vision and
approach. Year by year, the dynamic of the community began to change
and bonds of friendship between the Bahá’ís and other sectors of society
grew stronger, to the point that considerable commerce was taking place
between the two groups. Fath-‘Alí Khán, the son of the slain Zaynu’l-
‘Ábidín Khán578, determined that the wisest course for government was
to ensure peace in the region and he began to establish important ties
with the Bahá’í community. Mullá Shafí‘ was able to secure a peace-treaty
in the course of one of his contacts with Fath-‘Alí Khán, guaranteeing
that for the rest of the governor’s term, he would not interfere with the
affairs of the Bahá’ís. In turn, Bahá’ís set aside their age-old complaint
about having lost their loved-ones and properties in the two previous
waves of Bábí persecution, foregoing taking active steps for restitution.
While he was in office, Fath-‘Alí Khán observed the agreement to deal

577 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 131.
578 As noted previously, Haji Zaynu’l-‘Abidin Khan was the governor of Nayríz

who, though in earlier days he had been a friend of Vahíd Dárábí, instigated the first
Bábí persecution there in 1850. His assassination by the Bábís in 1852 sparked the
second wave of the Bábí repression in Nayríz.

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with the community fairly and amicably.579 In fact, at a later time he
wrote to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who expressed his acknowledgement.580
Having dealt with potential sources of external pressure, the Bábí-
Bahá’í community was now in need of protection from another quarter,
namely, the writings of Mírzá Yahyá Azal, who declared himself to be
the Báb’s appointed successor, and derided the claims of his halfbrother, Bahá’u’lláh. Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ and a few other welllettered members of the community saw to it that correspondence and
writings from Azalís were returned unread. It is very likely that because
of his influence, Azalís were never able to gain a foothold in Nayríz.
All through these years, Mullá Shafi‘ organized weekly classes to
expand the community’s understanding of the Bábí the Bahá’í writings
and visitors were asked to bring copies of new communications received
from ‘Akká, which were studied with great concentration. It was partly
because of these activities that when, after the passing of Bahá’u’lláh,
Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí began to advance claims against ‘Abdu’l-Bahá,

579 Hájí ‘Ali Sayyáh, writes the following in his autobiography (Khátirat Hájí Sayyáh,

p. 171):
Towards the end of Ramadan 1295 A.H. [September 1878], I arrived
at Nayríz. I walked through the streets and bazaar and saw the city
desolate and the people destitute. I asked, “Who is the governor of
this town?” They said, “It is Siyyid Báqir Khán Tafrrushi, a malicious
and ill-tempered man. Previously Fath-‘Alí Khán held this post, but
[the governor-general of Fárs,] the Mu’tamidu’d-Dawlih, summoned
him to Shiraz and demanded excessive gratuity [in form of taxes]
although the people were unable to pay. Incapable of complying, the
order for the execution of Fath-‘Alí Khán was issued. Siyyid Báqir
Khán took advantage of the situation, paid the required sum and
ransomed Fath-‘Alí Khán’s life on the condition that he would never
return to Nayríz. Now, [being the governor of this town], he believes
that he owns the life and possessions of all the wretched Nayrízís and
therefore commits all manner of atrocities. Since previously the
people in this quarter were Bayánís [i.e. Bábís], their homes have been
ruined. Out of fear that if they complain, then Siyyid Báqir Khan
would accuse them of being a Bábí, no one says anything.”
580 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s letter to Fath-‘Alí Khán is quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 134-

135.

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none in Nayríz heeded his call and the community remained unaffected.
All his communications and those of his brothers and followers were
either destroyed or returned to them – a fact praised by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.
Another important step undertaken by Mullá Shafí‘ was to
commence business association with Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, surnamed
Núri’d-Din by Bahá’u’lláh, and to engage a number of others from
Nayríz in this activity. These commercial dealings not only provided a
number of Bahá’ís with means of livelihood, but also enabled them to
establish important ties with the prominent figures of commerce and
industry in Nayríz, which further served to protect the community from
potential enemies. Many of these associations with Nayríz businessmen
resulted in their conversion to the Bahá’í faith.
Towards the end of his life Mullá Shafí‘ was in regular
communication with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, which resulted in his being
encouraged to undertake new services. He began to travel extensively
throughout the region and for a while lived in Rafsinján and helped with
the consolidation of that Bahá’í community. He returned to Nayríz and
passed away at the age of fifty-five in A.H. 1315 (A.D. 1896), initially
buried in the public cemetery, and later re-interred in the Bahá’í
cemetery.581
Mullá Shafí‘ was survived by seven children: Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-
Husayn; Nurijan Rawhání582; Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn ‘Ahdiyih;
Gawhar Khánum Shua‘; Túbá Shua‘; Jahán Thábit; and Fátimih ‘Irfán.
These descendants played significant roles in the unfolding destiny of the
Nayríz community, and together with other Bahá’ís of Nayríz, they
suffered extensively in Nayríz-III, the next massive pogrom in that
region.583

581 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 1, p. 578.
582 Two of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s letters addressed to her are in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp.

436-437.
583 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 870, gives a brief, but slightly different, biography

of Mullá Shafí‘:
Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí was a grandson of the martyred
Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his father was martyred as well. At the age
of fourteen, together with his mother, he was sent to Shiraz as a
prisoner of war. After two years, he was released and returned to his

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On the news of the passing of Mullá Shafí‘, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
composed a tablet of visitation in his memory.584
In addition to the his important narrative recorded earlier in these
pages, it is known that Mullá Shafí‘ has written several historical
accounts, one of which is the Táríkh Amrí Ardistán [History of the Cause
in Ardistán] which remains unpublished.

2. Children of Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí585
The story of Siyyid Ja‘far was outlined in earlier pages. Three of his
children were important actors in the Nayríz community’s transition
from a Bábí to a Bahá’í way of life.

2.a. Fátimih Bagum
She was born in 1843 and from an early age was educated by her father
in the Persian and Arabic languages, and soon excelled in both. Her early
years were spent in great comfort, as Siyyid Ja‘far ranked among the
influential citizens of Nayríz. As noted earlier, upon the conclusion of

native town. Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the governor of Nayríz,
took his mother in marriage and provided him with education. Soon
Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ emerged as the principal religious figure of
the region, as well as a wealthy man. He constantly looked after the
needy and the poor, and this attracted the attention of the citizens.
Fath-‘Alí Khán, son of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who
became the governor of Nayríz, was an admirer of Mullá Shafí‘ and
through the latter sent a missive to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and was honored
with the favor of a reply. Because of this, the Bahá’ís of Nayríz were
not harassed by the ill-wishers. After some time, Mullá Shafí‘ married
a granddaughter of the Imam-Jum‘ih of Shiraz. Though known to all
as a Bábí, he had much influence in religious rulings and affairs. He
was the recipient of tablets from Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, and
passed away in 1315 A.H. [1896]. A tablet of visitation was revealed in
his honor by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.
584 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 432, Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 138-139, and a facsimile of

the original in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 137.
585 The information in the reminder of this section is culled from Lam‘átu’l-Anvár,

vol. 1, or other cited sources.

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the battles between the Bábís and the government forces in 1850, an
extremely intense period of repression followed for all the Bábís and it
was particularly hard on the family of Siyyid Ja‘far, who on a daily basis
were ordered into the streets to see their father chained and bloody,
enduring all manner of persecution. One can only imagine the tears of
anguish that streamed from$ the eyes of the children during their father’s
nine months of ordeals, and how they must have spent their nights
wondering if they would see him alive once more. Never waning in
devotion to their cause, but having lost all earthly possessions, they
passed their days in very modest surroundings and survived on small
rations that were brought to them by ‘Alí Sardár and a few other Bábís in
hiding. At last, their father was fortuitously delivered from captivity and
they proceeded to Yazd, and finding that town sorely agitated, left for
Harát where they stayed for the next four years.
The family then returned to Yazd where after six years of stay,
Fátimih Bagum married Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl, one of the influential
citizens of the city and a man with widespread commercial interests.
During the next few years, she lived in great comfort and gave birth to
three children. She asked her husband to move the family to Nayríz at
this time when the winds of persecution seemed to have subsided.
On the way to Nayríz the family stayed at the village of Qutriyih
and during this time the news was brought to the governor, Lutf-‘Alí
Khán, of their imminent arrival to Nayríz. Thinking that Fátimih Bagum
was returning to reclaim her father’s properties that had been confiscated
nearly a decade and a half earlier, the governor was perturbed and
ordered his agents to assassinate Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl. In her early
twenties, Fátimih Bagum thus became a widow with no means of
support for her three children, ranging in age from one to four years old.
The news of her condition was brought to Mullá Shafí‘, who
immediately arranged for several of her co-religionists to go to Qutriyih
and bring with them Fátimih Bagum and her children, who were then
housed in Nayríz and looked after. Her brother, Siyyid Muhammad, was
also informed of the situation and moved his residence to Nayríz where
he married and settled. Gradually, Fátimih Bagum was able to provide
the necessary support for her children and see to their education and

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proper upbringing.
Fátimih Bagum possessed an excellent command of both Persian
and Arabic and exerted herself in the education of other Bahá’í women
in Nayríz. She regularly conducted classes for women to deepen their
knowledge of the scriptures of the faith and openly taught the Muslim
women of Nayríz about the Bábí the Bahá’í religions – an effort that
won many converts and sympathizers.
Perhaps the greatest legacy of Fátimih Bagum lies in the services
that she provided in this period of transition to the women of Nayríz – a
legacy immortalized by Bahá’u’lláh in a tablet written in her honor
around 1879.586 She passed away in 1300 A.H./1883587 and was survived
by three children: Núrí-Ján Bagum; Sughrá Bagum; and Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
Husayn. The second daughter died in her youth, but the other two
became important pillars of the community during the persecution of
Nayríz-III.

2.b. Siyyid Músá
Having to endure the same hardship in childhood as his sister, Siyyid
Músá was no stranger to the requirements of sacrifice for the promotion
of the Bábí movement. In his childhood in both Harát and Yazd, he
studied under the tutelage of his father and mastered the Arabic language
and other religious studies, and developed an excellent naskh
penmanship. At a young age he married the sister of Hájí Muhammad-
Táhir Málmírí, and because of his skills and personality was soon
appointed by the Afnáns to oversee their properties in Bávanát where he
lived for the rest of his life. It was there that he established a strong
nucleus for the Bahá’í community and fearlessly taught the faith to
everyone he encountered.

586 In this tablet reference is made to the martyrdoms of Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn,

surnamed the Mahbubu’sh-Shuhadá, and his brother, Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, titled
the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá, which took place in Isfahán in 1879. For details see Eminent
Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 33-51.
587 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 227. This date may be a typographical error as on page

229 of the same source reference is made to her giving consent to the marriage of her
daughter in the year 1302 A.H/1884.

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During the 1903 pogrom of the Bahá’ís in Yazd and its
surrounding region, he suffered extensive financial and physical
difficulties, but was able to rescue his brother-in-law, Málmírí, and his
family and bring them to Bávanát. However, because of the hardship of
the journey, three of Málmírí’s infant children died and his wife,
Khánum Laqá, fell ill and was sent to Nayríz for treatment.
His lifelong services to the Bahá’í community and its promotion
were recognized in at least four tablets from Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá. He married Sughrá Bagum who brought him a daughter,
Jamáliyyih Bagum, and a son, Siyyid Jalál.

2.c. Siyyid Muhammad
As noted earlier, on hearing the news of martyrdom of his brother-inlaw in Qutriyih, Siyyid Muhammad hastened to Nayríz to look after his
sister and her infant children. It was there that he married a daughter of
Siyyid Báqir (and sister of Siyyid Mihdí Yazdí). As he possessed an
exquisite naskh penmanship, he spent his time scribing Bahá’í
manuscripts for the community. He also commenced systematic
education classes for the children of the Bahá’í community so that from
a young age they could be trained in the fundamental laws and
ordinances of the new religion. It is in this regard that his most
important contribution to transforming the life of the community must
be evaluated. Siyyid Muhammad treated all with the utmost compassion
and kindness and possessed a dignified bearing. To this date, seven
tablets of Bahá’u’lláh addressed to him have been located. He passed
away in Nayríz.

3. Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn
A devoted Bábí since Vahíd’s first arrival in Nayríz when his own father,
the renowned Mullá Báqir, had converted to the new religion, he
survived the pogroms of 1850 and 1853. Through his relationship with
Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shíráz, he was appointed Imám-
Jum‘ih of the Masjid Jámi‘ Kabír in Nayríz and custodian of religious
endowments. He was a gifted poet whose art was cherished throughout

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Nayríz and who had adopted the sobriquets “Vafá” [fidelity] and
“Muhtashim” [magnificent].588 Upon hearing the news of the declaration
of Bahá’u’lláh, he versed a number of questions and sent them to
Bahá’u’lláh, receiving a response in the form of the renowned Suriy Vafá
composed in ‘Akká.589
Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn married twice but had no children.
He married a third time, a Bábí woman by the name of Fátimih, whose
young husband had been martyred in 1853 and herself taken captive to
Shíráz along with her seven month-old baby, where the baby died
because of the hardships and lack of proper care. From this marriage a
daughter by the name of Khávar-Sultán was born, who later married
Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘ and suffered bitter persecution in 1909 during
Nayríz-III.
The days of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn were spent in protecting
the community and enriching its zeal and devotion. With his innate
eloquence he would teach the younger generation the writings of the Báb
and Bahá’u’lláh that were in their possession, and prepare them for the
next phase of the community’s future.

4. The Sister of Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
In courage and fortitude the equal of her remarkable brother, she had
been only thirteen or fourteen years old in 1853 and had stood by the
Sardár in all phases of the struggle. At its conclusion, she was taken
captive and sent to Shíráz, where after much hardship she was eventually
released. She returned to Nayríz and married Mullá Husayn, a son of
Mashhadí Ismá‘íl, and had three children: Mírzá ‘Alí; a daughter who
married ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Háfiz; and another daughter (whose name
has not been recorded) who married Hájí Muhammad, son of Hájí

588 A selection of his poems is printed in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 242-248.
589 The text of the original tablet in Arabic is in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 418-425;

Majmú‘ih az Alwah Jamál Aqdas Abhá ki ba‘d az Kitáb Aqdas Názil Shudih, pp. 112-119;
Áthár Qalam A‘lá, vol. 4, pp. 418-423 of 125BE version and pp. 350-358 of 133BE
printing. An English translation appears in Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 181-191; and a
brief discussion is available in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 4, pp. 205-213.

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Qásim . These descendants rendered important services during the
Nayríz-III persecutions. She herself lived a long life and related the
details of events she had witnessed to Mírzá Shafi‘ Rawhání, on whose
history I have relied.

5. Mother of Humáyún
As a newly wed, this young woman (whose name is not known) joined
her husband in the battles of 1852-3 where he was martyred. She was
pregnant with a child at that time. She fell captive and was taken to
Shíráz. On the way there, enduring the hardship and trials of the way and
in the presence of her husband’s severed head that along with other
martyrs’ heads accompanied the wretched company, she gave birth to a
girl in the fields. After being freed from captivity, together with other
Bábí women, she was received by the widow of the Báb, Khadíjih
Bagum, and received bountiful attention. On that occasion, Khadíjih
Bagum presented each of the Nayrízí women with a scarf, and named
the young girl born in captivity Humáyún [auspicious].
On returning to Nayríz, the mother and daughter spent some time
there until Hájí Mírzá Ahmad Káshání590 asked for the young mother’s
hand in marriage. Some years later, upon reaching adulthood, Humáyún
married Mullá Áqá Bábá, an itinerant and learned teacher of the Bahá’í
faith in Shíráz.

6. Fátimih
At the age of sixteen, together with her family she participated in the
battles of 1853 where she was taken prisoner and sent to Shíráz. It is
related that her father, a certain Khájíh Muhammad-Husayn, had fled to
Karbál (one of the districts of Shíráz), and on hearing the news of the

590 He was a half-brother of the famous Bábí martyr-historian Mírzá Jání Káshí and

the celebrated Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl, surnamed Dhabíh and Anís. In spite of
Bahá’u’lláh’s counsel, he threw his lot with the Azalis and was eventually killed in
Baghdad because of his reprehensible conduct. For more details, consult Revelation of
Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, pp. 137-138.

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captivity of his wife and daughter became deeply depressed and expired
shortly thereafter. After gaining her freedom, Fátimih returned to
Nayríz, married Khájih Ismá‘íl and had three children. She lived a long
and productive life, often serving the sick and destitute in the
community and generally acting as a midwife and practitioner of
traditional medicine. Frequently she related the details of the early days
of the faith for Rawhání who penned these accounts for posterity.
Fátimih passed away in her native town.

7. Khájih Muhammad
He was a son of Karbalá’í Báqir and together with his mother he was
made captive in 1853 at the age of ten. They were released some time
later and returned to Nayríz. Khájih Muhammad grew to adulthood in
the depths of poverty, but with the memories of his own sufferings in
childhood, coupled with the guiding hand of his mother, his devotion to
the movement remained exemplary. Gradually, he became engaged in
dealing cotton bales, and soon received the attention of the Nayríz
authorities who appointed him kad-khudá [neighborhood chief].
He lived a long life, and with his forthright attitude and bravery,
was always a pillar of strength for the community. When the Local
Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Nayríz was formed, Khájih
Muhammad was elected to its membership and served with distinction
for fifteen years. His house hosted many Bahá’í activities and the visitors
and friends frequented that dwelling on their visits to Nayríz. At the age
of 68, together with his two sons, Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir and
Fadlu’lláh591, he was to suffer yet again in the Nayríz-III tragedy when
his house and properties were plundered by a crazed mob. He left for
Sarvistán, but eventually was able to return to Nayríz and rebuild his
home.592
Rawhání reports that while on pilgrimage in 1339 A.H./1921, he
presented the supplications of the Nayríz Bahá’ís to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who

591 The sons adopted the surname Paymání.
592 For a description of the migration of the Bahá’ís of Nayríz to Sarvistán in 1909

see, In the Land of Refuge, chapter 16.

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responded that he intended to reply to all others in a single tablet, but as
Khájíh Muhammad was a survivor of the Nayríz persecutions of the
early days, he deserved receiving a separate, special tablet.593 He passed
away in Nayríz at the age of ninety.

8. Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir
His father, Siyyid Mírzá Muhammad-‘Abid, had served Vahíd in 1850
and subsequently participated in the second upheaval where he fell
captive and was martyred. His mother was a niece of Muhammad-Ridá
Khán, the uncle of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, and as such, after the death of
his father, the family remained unmolested and lived with Muhammad-
Ridá Khán for about two years, after which they gave up the comfort of
that house in to go and live in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter with the other
believers. For years the mother and son lived in abject poverty, making
ends meet with a meager income from raising sheep and attending the
land. Being related to Luft-‘Alí Khán, the governor, provided the family
a measure of protection from harassment by the general population,
which by association was extended to the rest of the Bahá’í community.
When Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir reached manhood, he became a
farmer and soon married and had two sons and four daughters: Siyyid
Muhammad-Sádiq; Mírzá Amír Khán; Bíbí Bagum; Khayru’n-Nisá;
Fátimih Bagum; and Khánum Ján. Most of these descendants married
other Bahá’ís and remained active in the fold, although some suffered
persecution in later phases of the community’s life.

9. Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán
As noted earlier, he was a nephew of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and had
stood with Vahíd in the course of the 1850 uprising, serving as the

593 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 265, notes that the text of this tablet has not been located

as yet. However, by the time the second volume of this series was published this tablet
was found and is printed in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 441-442. Another tablet
addressed to him is in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 440-441.

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chronicler of those events.594 He was about to take Vahíd’s daughter in
marriage when the conclusion of the events and the general massacre of
the Bábís prevented this union. It is said that immediately after the final
episode of Nayríz-I, together with his brothers and by means of a
difficult mountainous route, he escaped to Dáráb and because of his
family relation with Muhammad-Sharíf Khán, the governor of the
Khamsih tribe, he was able to secure a ruling exempting him from
further prosecution. Armed with this protective shield for himself and
his brothers, they returned to Nayríz shortly thereafter.
It is further reported that Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was aware of
the plans for the assassination of his uncle Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
the man responsible for the murder of his father, and perhaps even had a
hand in the formulation of these plans, but managed to distance himself
from any suspicion.595 After the governor’s demise, he continued to
enjoy the protection of Fath-‘Alí Khán and did not take part in the
Nayríz-II events. After the 1853 events, he continued to provide material
assistance to the survivors and to the emerging Bahá’í community. In
succeeding decades, he devoted himself to ensuring that the Bahá’ís were
safeguarded from the envy of the authorities and any form of
persecution.
From a young age, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was a gifted poet and
employed the sobriquet Shu‘lih (flame). Among his well-known works
are verses written on the legendary story of Farhád and Shírín which are
closely modeled after Nizámí’s style, and published under the title,
Khusraw va Shírín. The editor of his poems notes that Muhammad-Ja‘far
died as a believer in Bahá’u’lláh in Nayríz and was buried in a place
known as Mussalá (or Imám-Zádigán) and eventually his tombstone was
destroyed.
One of his younger brothers, Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán,

594 A single verse of his Jang-Námih is preserved in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 263:

Zi gard-i savaran-u dud-i tufang
zamin gasht tirih chu pusht-i palang
From the dust of cavalry and the smoke of guns
the earth turned dark much like tiger’s skin.
595 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 262.

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though outwardly he did not count himself among the Bahá’ís, was
deeply sympathetic to the faith. In fact his wife, a daughter of Áqá
Muhammad-Ridá Khán, was a knowledgeable believer and raised their
son, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí as a devoted Bahá’í who was the recipient
of much kindness from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. He, in turn, had two sons and a
daughter, respectively named Ridá Khán Hisámí, Mírzá Áqá Khán, and
Zahrá-Sultán, who suffered in the course of later persecutions.

10. Two Sons of Karbalá’í Muhammad
During the 1853 battles in the mountain, he was one of the defenders,
entrusted with the supervision of eighteen others in the fortification
named after him. During the last phase of the war, together with his sons
he escaped from captivity and eventually returned to Nayríz where he
lived a long and prosperous life. His two sons who accompanied him in
the battles were:

10.a. Hájí Ibrahim
Known as Ustád Hájí, he was a devoted Bábí with firm convictions.
Even though his wife was from a quarter of Nayríz other than Chinár-
Súkhtih (where all the Bábís, and later on Bahá’ís, resided) and was
initially not a believer, gradually she was attracted to the Bábí movement
to the point that she surpassed him in zeal and service. They had three
children, Mu’min, Fátimih, and Muhammad-‘Alí, who suffered in the
course of Nayríz-III.

10.b. ‘Alí
He also went into hiding after the conclusion of the 1853 events, but
eventually returned to Nayríz and began to devotedly serve the
community. He had three sons from his marriage, Lutfu’lláh, Badí‘u’lláh
and Amru’lláh, and died at a young age. The first son served with his
father in 1853 mountain battles.

11. Amír and His Brothers

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11.a. Muhammad-Ibráhím
Together with his brothers, Muhammad-Kázim and Muhammad-Báqir,
he was among the bravest and the most selfless defenders in both the
1850 and 1853 events. In the latter episode the three brothers remained
with the other companions until the bitter end, when all the food and
gunpowder were consumed. After the last battle, prior to the general
massacre of the men, they escaped into higher elevations. For some days
they remained hidden in various locations until three armed soldiers,
following the instructions of the authorities to locate and seize all
dispersed Bábís, chanced upon them and captured the three brothers.
“Three farrashes pinned his [Muhammad-Ibráhím’s] arms and tied his
hands behind him; but the Amír by mere strength burst his bonds,
snatched a dagger from a farrash’s belt, saved himself [and his brothers]
and escaped to ‘Iraq.”596
Following a period of hiding, eventually Muhammad-Ibráhím
heard the news of Bahá’u’lláh and hastened on foot to Baghdad to meet
him. “There he engaged in writing down the sacred verses and later won
the honor of serving at the Holy Threshold. Constant and steadfast, he
remained on duty day and night.”597 During the journey of Bahá’u’lláh,
first from Baghdad to Istanbul, and from there to Edirne, he served him
as a personal guard, each night remaining vigilant in protection of
Bahá’u’lláh’s tent and during the day seeing to his every need. It appears
that it was during this time that the title “Amír” was given to him by
Bahá’u’lláh,
Muhammad-Ibráhím remained with Bahá’u’lláh’s family and in
their company was sent to the prison-city of ‘Akká where he eventually
married Habíbbíh and had a daughter named Badí‘ih, who at a later date
married Husayn-Áqá Qahvih-Chí.598 Badí‘ih in turn had six children:
three sons by the names of ‘Atau’lláh, Muhammad and Ahmad, (none of
whom had descendants), and three daughters, Fátimih, Zaynab and
Húbúr. Húbúr was killed in the United States in an automobile accident.

596 Memorials of the Faithful, p. 94. The title “Amír” was bestowed on him by Bahá’u’lláh.
597 Memorials of the Faithful, p. 94.
598 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 872, notes that he was a son of Hájí ‘Alí-‘Askar

Tabrízí.

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Zaynab married Dr. Zia Baghdadi, and Fátimih married Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar
Nakhjavání and had two sons, Jalál and ‘Alíyu’lláh [known as, ‘Alí].599
‘Abdu’l-Bahá paid Muhammad-Ibráhím this last tribute: “Thus the
Amír was steadfast in service throughout his life; but after the ascension
of Bahá’u’lláh his health steadily declined, and at last he left this world of
dust behind him and hastened away to the unsullied world above. May
God illumine the place where he rests with rays from the all-highest
Realm. Unto him be salutations and praise. His bright shrine is in
‘Akká.”600

11.b. Muhammad-Báqir
In company of their brother, Amír, the two other brothers remained in
the wilderness for a while, and when Amír proceeded to Baghdad,
Muhammad-Báqir and Muhammad-Kázim returned to Nayríz and recommenced their lives there. Muhammad-Báqir soon married Nírí-Ján
and began a quiet life dedicated to service to the community. He spent
his days in assistance to other Bábís and promotion of the faith – an
effort that won him ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s high praises documented in a
remarkable tablet.
Muhammad-Báqir had three sons and two daughters by the names
of Muhammad-‘Alí, Muhammad-Hasan, Asadu’lláh, Khávar, and
Munavvar. Following the example of their father’s selfless dedication to
the community, the sons suffered bitterly during the course of Nayríz-
III.

11.c. Muhammad-Kázim
He was always a companion of his brother, Muhammad-Báqir, and after
returning to Nayríz served the remnants of the Bábí community by
providing what support he could and gradually assisted in focusing their
attention on Bahá’u’lláh and his new teachings. Two sons and two
daughters survived him.

599 ‘Alí Nakhjavání served on the Universal House of Justice from 1963-2003.
600 Memorials of the Faithful, pp. 94-95.

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12. Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih, son of Mullá
Muhammad
His father was Mullá Muhammad who had passed away prior to Vahíd’s
arrival at Nayríz in 1850. Muhammad-Sálih was raised by his mother
Fátimih and participated with her and other family members in the 1853
battles where, along with his mother, he fell captive and was sent to
Shiraz. Eventually they were released and returned to Nayríz, where
through the care and education of his mother, Muhammad-Sálih grew in
firmness in his beliefs and devotion. In time, he married Zahrá, a
daughter of Shaykh Yúsuf who had fought on the side of Vahíd.
When Mullá Muhammad-Shafí‘ decided to visit Bahá’u’lláh in
Baghdad, Muhammad-Sálih joined him for the journey and there met
with Bahá’u’lláh. On his return, propelled by the experience of a
childhood spent being persecuted for his belief, and now inflamed
further by having being inspired by Bahá’u’lláh, he rose to serve the
community with remarkable fortitude. Having given his allegiance to
Bahá’u’lláh and becoming a devoted Bahá’í, he served for many years on
the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz.
Muhammad-Sálih was an important source of information for the
events of Nayríz and was fond of recalling episodes of 1850 and 1853
for the younger generation. At an advanced age in 1924 he rendered an
important service by recalling the exact spot in front of Fort Khájih
where hundreds of Vahíd’s companions had been buried after their
martyrdom, thus enabling the Spiritual Assembly of that city to erect a
mausoleum over that spot, thereby marking it for the future generations
as they pay homage to the deeds of those heroes. He also had been
present at the martyrdom of Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár and knew his exact burial
location, which allowed an appropriate marker to be placed on that spot
as well.
The memory of this remnant of the early sufferings of the Nayríz
community and important link to the next generation was immortalized
by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in a moving tablet. Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih was
survived by two children, Hájí Amru’lláh and Fátimih, both enduring
much hardship in the course of the Nayríz-III episode.

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13. The Wife of Mírzá Ismá‘íl
Her name has not been recorded, but it is known that at a young age she
became a captive with the other Bábí women, and after surviving the
1853 battles and returning to Nayríz, she married Mírzá Ismá‘íl, a son of
Sádiq Khúshbín. From this marriage a son was born by the name of
Mírzá Akbar, who in 1909 became one of the martyrs of Nayríz-III.
After the death of Mírzá Ismá‘íl, she married Mírzá Muhsin and had
another son, Mírzá Fathu’lláh, who made important contributions to the
unfolding Bahá’í community.

14. Mírzá Ja‘far, Surnamed Mírzá Jalál
Mírzá Ja‘far participated with his father, Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn Qutb,
in the battles of 1853 at the young age of fifteen, where his father had
been in command and was martyred.601 With his mother he fell captive
into the hands of Mírzá Na‘ím’s men and was taken to Nayríz. However,
due to the intervention of his uncle, who ranked among the notable
clerics of the city and was influential among the government authorities,
the mother and son were not sent to Shiraz. The uncle nevertheless
confiscated their entire estate, including their home and all its furniture,
and constantly reproached his sister for becoming a Bábí. Soon, having
had her fill of such abuse and taunting, she and her young son, Mírzá
Ja‘far, left that house and relocated from the Bázár quarter to the Bábí
neighborhood of Chinár-Súkhtih.
Temporarily freed from the derision of the family, the mother and

601 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 297, suggests that Qutb and Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár were

among the group of Haft-Barádarán [The Seven Brothers], but this is in conflict with
the information given by Mullá Muhammad-Shafi‘. Further, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
297, suggests that all seven commanders were killed in the battle, but the present
author has found no collaborative evidence for the martyrdom of Hájí, son of Asghar,
and Husayn, son of Hádí Khayrí, who were also listed by Shafi‘ as part of this inner
council. Therefore, either Lam‘átu’l-Anvár has limited the council of the Seven Brothers
to Sardár, Qutb and five others, or the suggestion that all commanders perished is
erroneous.

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son lived in a meager dwelling, when soon a number of foes, still
aggravated over the events of previous months, blocked the entrance to
their house and threatened to kill them if they exited from other points
of the house. Despite constant attacks, debris and trash being thrown
into the house, some of their co-religionists secretly arranged for food
and other necessities to reach them, which enabled them to survive until
eventually the agitators moved away.
Some time later, Mírzá Ja‘far began his commercial activities and
soon emerged as a successful businessman having trading interests with
overseas merchants. Soon after the passing of his brave-hearted mother
in 1871, Mírzá Ja‘far married and had three daughters: Mardiyyih, who
married Áqá Siyyid Mihdí Yazdí; Samaddiyih, who married twice; and
Zahrá, who married Mírzá Hasan. The daughters and their families
suffered extensively in the course of Nayríz-III.
After his marriage, Mírzá Ja‘far journeyed several times to ‘Akká
where he attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh and was received with
much kindness. A number of tablets were addressed to him by
Bahá’u’lláh. It is also reported that during one of these visits he was
surnamed Mírzá Jalál by Bahá’u’lláh.

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Appendix 1

Bábí Martyrs of Nayríz-II

God hath purchased of the believers their person and their goods; for
theirs in return is the garden of Paradise: they fight in His cause, and
slay and are slain: a promise binding on Him in truth, through the
Law, the Gospel, and the Qur’án: and who is more faithful to his
Covenant than God? Then rejoice in the bargain which ye have
concluded: that is the achievement supreme.
Qur’án 9:111

The following list of Bábí martyrs is assembled from the narrative of
Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq602, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár603.
As noted earlier, with near certainty, the list in the Zuhúru’l-Haqq reflects
the information given by Nabíl Zarandí in the unpublished portion of
his narrative.
To facilitate future research, each name was given a sequential
number corresponding to the order in which it appears in each source. A
cursory review reveals that Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, was relying exclusively
on the information provided by Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and not the
narrative of Mullá Shafí‘.

Sh ZH4 LA2 Martyr
101 109 109 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Alí
134 114 114 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar
71 105 105 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Karbalá’í Akbar
120 113 113 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Mullá604 Muhammad
92 108 108 ‘Abid, son of Mashhadí Muhsin
602 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 48-50.
603 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 448-451.
604 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Mullá

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40 103 103 ‘Abid, son of Mullá Barkhúrdár
31 102 102 ‘Abid Yár-Kash605
125 112 112 ‘Ábidín606
108 111 111 ‘Alí
60 146 146 ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
107 110 110 ‘Alí, son of Mashhadí607 Ahmad
151 161 18 ‘Alí, son of Mullá Qásim ‘Ashurá
146 115 115 ‘Alí-Murád608
74 106 106 ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí
156 116 116 ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí Mullá Abu’l-Qásim
56 140 140 ‘Askar, son of Hájí ibn Karbalá’í Báqir609
135 13 13 Abú-Tálib
34 4 4 Abú-Tálib, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad
133 12 12 Abú-Tálib, son of Mullá Zaynu’l- ‘Abidin
46 5 5 Ahmad Hájí Abú’l-Qásim
102 10 10 Akbar, son of ‘Abdu’lláh (son of ‘Alí)
88 7 7 Akbar Muhammad-Qásim
116 11 11 Akbar Muhammad-Sháh
91 9 9 Akhúnd Mullá ‘Isá
25 1 1 Akhúnd Mullá Ahmad, son of Mullá Muhsin
26 2 2 Akhúnd Mullá ‘Alí Kátib, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh
67 6 6 Áqá Shaykh Muhammad
29 3 3 Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá ‘Alí
45 138 138 Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá Mihdí
33 92 90 Báqir, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad
93 118 118 Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí
69 101 101 Hadí, son of Khayrí610
103 82 81 Hájí Muhammad, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá
104 83 82 Hájí Naqí

605 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Yár-Kash
606 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has added: Karbalá’í Isma‘íl Hammámí
607 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Mashhadí
608 Brother of the slayer of Vahíd Dárábí
609 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing ibn Karbalá’í Báqir
610 Martyred in Shiraz

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66 91 91 Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí611
55 145 145 Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
165 Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
145 79 78 Hasan, son of Haydar Mulk
62 90 89 Hasan, son of Mashhadí612 Muhammad
49 88 87 Hasan, son of Mírzá
150 77 157 Hasan, son of Mullá Qásim ‘Ashurá613
38 86 85 Hasan614, son of Mullá Ya‘qúb
152 75 75 Hasan-‘Alí615, son of Nurí
155 74 74 Hasan Mashhadí Safr
109 43 43 Husayn616
149 78 77 Husayn, brother of Karbalá’í Ridá
68 136 136 Husayn, son of Áqá Shaykh Muhammad
70 80 79 Husayn, son of Mashhadí Ismá‘íl
84 83 Husayn, son of Qásim-Sifr
48 87 86 Husayn, son of Rajab
113 85 84 Husayn, son of Ustád Ahmad
157 73 73 Husayn, son of Ustád ‘Alí
78 81 80 Husayn, son of Zamán
59 89 88 Husayn-‘Alí617, son of Mírzá Áqá ‘Alí
83 125 125 Karam, son of Ustád618 ‘Askar
105 104 104 Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár
20 129 129 Karbalá’í Báqir
122 128 128 Karbalá’í Báqir619, son of Ustád Taqí
143 123 123 Karbalá’í Hádí

611 Vahíd’s father-in-law
612 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has Mullá in place of Mashhadi; Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol.

4, has neither
613 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing ‘Ashura
614 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, refers to him as Husayn
615 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has him as Husayn-‘Alí.
616 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Mullá before his

name.
617 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has Hasan in place of Husayn.
618 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Ustád.
619 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, notes his slayer was Mír-Shikár Rajab.

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84 126 126 Karbalá’í Hasan, son of Mashhadí Sifr
50 132 132 Karbalá’í Husayn, son of Hájí
51 133 133 Karbalá’í Isma‘íl, son of Mashhadí ‘Ábidín620
43 130 130 Karbalá’í Muhammad
141 124 124 Karbalá’í Muhammad-Ja‘far, son-in-law of Hájí
Muhammad-Taqí Ayyúb
119 127 127 Karbalá’í Qurbán Sha‘bán621, son of ‘Abidín
148 122 122 Karbalá’í Sádiq, son of Mashhadí Rajab622
44 131 131 Karbalá’í Shamu’d-Dín623
2 134 134 Karbalá’í Yúsuf Najjár
130 160 156 Karím, son of ‘Alí
64 135 135 Kázim, son of Muhib-‘Alí624
82 100 100 Khájih ‘Alí
73 98 98 Khájih Burhán
81 99 99 Khájih Ismá‘íl
4 97 96 Khájih Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
94 151 150 Khájih, son of Ustád Nabí
42 137 137 Lutfu’lláh Shumál
32 32 32 Malik, son of Mullá ‘Alí
19 25 25 Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Najaf
61 40 40 Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Sulaymán
7 15 15 Mashhadí ‘Askar, son of Mashhadí Báqir
6 14 14 Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh
15 23 23 Mashhadí Mír[zá] Muhammad625
136 64 64 Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb
132 63 63 Mashhadí Muhammad-‘Alí, son of626 Naw-Rúz
22 27 27 Mashhadí Taqí Baqqál, son of ‘Abid

620 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mashhadí ‘Ábidín”.
621 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, refers to him as Karbalá’í Qurbán, son of Sha‘bán.
622 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mashhadí Rajab”.
623 Martyred in Nayríz by Áqá Ridá Áqá ‘Alí-Naqí.
624 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, identify his father as Hájí

Muhammad.
625 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Ahmad in place of

Muhammad.
626 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of”.

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77 46 46 Mír[zá] Akbar
76 45 45 Mír[zá] Husayn
138 38 38 Mírzá Ahmad
53 28 28 Mírzá Ahmad627, son of Mullá Sádiq
23 66 66 Mírzá Ahmad628, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár
28 30 30 Mírzá ‘Alí, son of Mullá Sádiq
117 117 Mírzá Ali Sardár
52 37 37 Mírzá Bábá
36 34 34 Mírzá Hasan, son of Yíkkih
137 65 65 Mírzá Husayn, son of Mírzá Músá
144 70 Mírzá Mihdí
128 62 61 Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn629, son of Mírzá Taqí
140 68 68 Mírzá Muhsin, son of Áqá Mírzá Nasru’lláh
72 71 Mírzá Mullá Qásim, son of ‘Ashurá
30 31 31 Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Akbar
139 67 67 Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín, nephew of Mashhadí Mírzá
Husayn
153 76 76 mother of Hasan-‘Alí Nurí
24 44 Muhammad Sádiq, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár
35 33 33 Muhammad, known as Yíkkih
27 29 29 Muhammad, son of ‘Abdu’l-Karím
79 47 47 Muhammad, son of Akbar Farkhí
112 55 55 Muhammad, son of Báqir
115 56 56 Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Taqí
85 49 49 Muhammad, son of Mullá ‘Alí
47 36 36 Muhammad, son of Mullá Músá
95 52 52 Muhammad, son of Ridá
57 39 39 Muhammad-‘Alí
123 60 60 Muhammad-‘Alí
87 50 50 Muhammad-‘Alí Naw-Rúz
90 51 51 Muhammad-‘Alí Hájí ‘Alí-Sháh

627 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, identifies him as “the uncle of ‘Alí Sardár”.
628 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, identifies him as “nephew of Qutb”.
629 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Mullá in place of

Muhammad. He was martyred en route to Tihrán.

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121 59 59 Muhammad-‘Alí Mír-Shikár, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá
117 57 57 Muhammad Karbalá’í Mahmúd
14 22 22 Muhammad Kúchak, son of Mashhadí Rajab
72 44 Muhammad-Sádiq Husayn630
63 41 41 Muhib-‘Alí
127 61 Mullá ‘Ábidín
13 21 21 Mullá Ahmad, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
142 69 69 Mullá Akbar, brother of Karbalá’í Ja‘far
10 18 19 Mullá ‘Alí, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
96 50 53 Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, son of Mullá Áqá Bábá631
9 17 17 Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí632, son of Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
Husayn
41 139 139 Mullá Barkhúrdár, son of Mullá Husayn
16 24 24 Mullá Darvísh
65 42 42 Mullá Hájí Muhammad
11 19 20 Mullá Hasan, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
118 58 58 Mullá Husayn, son of ‘Abdu’lláh
39 35 35 Mullá Husayn, son of Mullá Barkhúrdár
26 Mullá Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í
8 16 Mullá Muhammad-Taqí, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
21 26 16 Mullá Muhammad-Taqí633, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
12 20 Mullá Mu’min, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
80 48 48 Mullá Sháh-‘Alí
111 54 54 Mu’min, son of Ustád Ahmad
147 71 70 Murád Lurr
129 158 154 Naqí634, son of ‘Alí
106 144 144 Rahím, son of Ustád ‘Alí-Naqí
75 155 152 Sádiq
124 Sádiq
154 121 121 Safr, son of635 Karbalá’í Zamán

630 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Husayn.
631 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mullá Áqá Bábá”.
632 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, suggests he was martyred during Nayríz-I upheaval.
633 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Taqí.
634 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has read him as Taqí.

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114 120 120 Shamsu’d-Dín, son of ‘Askar
86 107 107 Sharíf636, son of Karbalá’í Rajab
158 Shaykh Hádí, son of Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
58 141 141 Shaykh Hasan
159 Shaykh Muhammad, son of Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
98 119 119 Siyyid Hasan637, son of Siyyid Nazar
100 143 143 son of ‘Alí Murád
5 166 97 son of Khájih Ghaní
3 147 147 son of Mashhadí Muhammad
37 148 148 son of Mírzá Hasan
99 142 142 son of Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí
131 159 155 son of Ustád Naqí
126 156-7 153 sons of Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl Hammámí
54 149-50 149 sons of Khájih Hasan
110 154 151 sons of Qásim-Sifr638
94 93 Taqí, son of ‘Alí
97 93 92 Taqí639, son of Sifr
89 8 8 Ustád Ja‘far
1 Zaynal, brother of Karím
95 94 Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mulk
17 164 Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mullá Muhammad
18 96 95 Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Ustád Muhammad

635 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of”.
636 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, refers to him as Sharí‘at.
637 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has Husayn in place of Hasan.
638 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has “son of Sifr”.
639 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, refers to him as Naqí.

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Appendix 2

The Family of Vahíd Dárábí

Thus will thy Lord choose thee and teach thee the interpretation of
stories and events and perfect His favor to thee and to thy posterity.
Qur’án 12:6

A. Ancestry
In course of thirty-five generations, the lineage of Siyyid Yahyá Vahíd
Dárábí can be traced back to its progenitor, the seventh Shi‘í Imam,
Músá ibn Ja‘far, and thence to Prophet Muhammad and the Holy
Household. The most detailed genealogy of this family is provided by
Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí Rawzatí – one of the ablest modern Shi‘í scholars
in the school of Isfahán:640

Músá ibn Ja‘far
.
.
.
Hasan
Muhammad Faqíh
Mihdí Mahná
Muhammad Dá’íy
Hasan
Muhammad Mihdí
Husayn
Hakím ‘Arrif Khazr
Yahyá

640 Jamí‘u’l-Nisáb, vol. 1, p. 24. This genealogy is also quoted in Táríkh Burujird, vol. 2, p.

272.

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Hisámu’d-Din
Mahmúd
Muhammad Bakhsháyish
Násir
‘Allámih ‘Alí Majnún
Mahmúd
Qásim
Abú’l-Ma’aly-Muhammad
Abú’l-Fadl Muhammad
‘Abdu’l-Karím
‘Abdu’lláh Muháddith (Shaykh Husayn)
Isháq-Ibráhím
Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí Dárábí
Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí

Vahíd’s great grandfather, Shaykh Husayn, of the family of al-
‘Usfúr, was among the last of the great theologians and scholars of the
Akhbárí faction of Twelver Shi‘í school of jurisprudence. All of Shaykh
Husayn’s ancestors had lived in the province of Fárs and belonged to a
long line of learned divines and theologians.641 His son and Vahíd’s
grandfather, Áqá Siyyid Isháq-Ibráhím ‘Alaví Musaví, a renowned
scholar in his own right, had moved from Dáráb to Istahbánát and
settled with his family in its vicinity. Istahbánát is located between Nayríz
and Dáráb, some thirty-six kilometers due southwest of the former.

Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí
It was in Istahbánát that Siyyid Isháq-Ibráhím’s son, named Siyyid Ja‘far,
was born in the year 1189 A.H./1775642. Siyyid Ja‘far commenced his

641 A descendant of this family was Shaykh Abú-Turáb, a son of Shaykh Mufíd, who

was a great admirer of the Báb and served as the Imam Jum‘ih of Shíráz. When in
1845 the ‘ulamá of Shíráz prepared a fatwá ordering the death of the Báb, Shaykh
Abu-Turáb intervened and thwarted their plans; see Rabbani, “The Báb in Shíráz”.
642 There is little agreement among various sources about the year of his birth:

Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 461, indicates that he was born in the early years of

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religious training at an early age and after completing the preliminaries,
moved from Fárs to Najaf where he emerged as one of the best-known
esoteric scholars of his time, mastering jurisprudence, theology,
philosophy, interpretation, wisdom and mysticism. From various
accounts it is evident that he did not favor the innovative doctrines of
the Shaykhís and during the early part of his career followed Mullá Sadrá
Shírází643 as a model for his intellectual proclivities, and was also strongly
influenced by Ibn ‘Arabí’s mysticism. He devoted long hours to ascetic
practices and meditation, and in the learned circles of the ‘Atabát was
famed as one of the greatest and most celebrated ‘ulamá of his time. His
high moral character and righteous ways attracted to him widespread
esteem among his peers and students. His peculiar interpretations earned
him the title of “Kashfí”, that is, one who discovers and explains the
divine secrets. This title was also because of the visions that he claimed
to have of the holy figures who assisted him to discover the meaning of
abstruse passages in the Qur’án and the Traditions.
Through his zeal and ardent imagination, Siyyid Ja‘far passed in
the later years of his career beyond the ways of the orthodox Shi‘ís. He
interpreted the hadiths differently from his colleagues and grew more
mystical and esoteric over time.644 However, the fame and prestige of
Siyyid Ja‘far grew principally due to him being one of the foremost
political theorists of the Qajar era who provided legitimacy for the rule
1180’s; Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 40, gives the birth year as 1180 A.H.; Yúsuf Bahá
dar Qayyumu’l-Asmá’, p. 30, suggests he was born in 1189 A.H./1775, a fact repeated
by the same author in Hadrat Báb, p. 258; Sharh Hál Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí, [A
biography of Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí], p. 272, gives the birth and death as 1189
A.H./1775 and 1267 A.H./1851, respectively. The last source, being the earliest and
perhaps the most reliable, is employed for most of the biographical information in
this study.
643 For discussion of the life and writings of Mullá Sadrá, see: Religions et Philosophies

dans l’ Asie Centrale, pp. 81-91; A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 268-271;
http://www.mullasadra.org/bindex.htm; the Encyclopedia of Islam 2, entry on Mullá
Sadrá; John Cooper’s “Mullá Sadrá Shirazi,” in The Routledge Encyclopaedia of
Philosophy, gen. ed. E. Craig, London: Routledge 1998, vol. VI, pp. 595-99; and
Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s “Mulla Sadra as a Source for the History of Muslim
Philosophy”, Islamic Studies 3 (1964), pp. 309-314.
644 See Násikhu’t-Tavárikh’s description given earlier in this monograph.

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of a sovereign who was not a descendant of Muhammad.645 In this
regard, he, and prior to him, Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Qumí, were the two
jurists who wrote extensively and creatively about the separation of the
role of the ‘ulamá and the temporal rule of the Qajar.646
The fame and piety of Siyyid Ja‘far was such that the Báb referred
to him in the twenty-seventh surih of Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, “the first, the
greatest, and mightiest” of his books,647 and exhorted him that should he
embrace the new message, he would attain great heights in this world
and splendid glory in the world to come.648 Further, he warned Siyyid
Ja‘far that without the inspiration and the regenerative powers of the
new revelation, his efforts would come to naught.

O Solace of Mine eyes! Say unto the renowned learned-one,
Ja‘far ‘Alavi: If thou doest prostrate thyself before the Gate
of God, thou wilt be reckoned among the bearers of truth,
as thou art among the favored and accepted ones in this
Mother Book. I swear by thy Lord, thou canst not rend the
earth asunder nor reach the mountains on high649 without
the aid of the Remembrance650, Who is sent by the Lord of
Truth as the supreme Word unto the dwellers of earth and
heaven. And if thou wert to propagate His Cause, know
645 Under the Shi‘í religion, the sovereign ruled on behalf of the Imam, who was the

ultimate source of temporal and religious authority. As such, the monarch had to be
a direct descent of the Imam. However, the Qajar, being of Turkish descent, could
claim no such lineage. They were forced therefore to try to gain the favor of the
Shi‘i ‘ulamá in order to obtain their assistance in buttressing their legitimacy and
authority. In this light, Siyyid Ja‘far played a critical role and as noted earlier, became
one of the main theorists of the legitimacy of the Qajar monarchy.
646 The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, chapter 10.
647 Cf. Bahá’u’lláh, Book of Certitude, p.231
648 In the same chapter, the Báb pays tribute to Shaykh Hasan of the family of al-

‘Usfur, a brother of Siyyid Ja‘far’s grandfather. According to a cousin of the Báb, the
renowned Vakílu’d-Dawlih, while en route on a pilgrimage journey the Báb had
tried, in Bushihr, to convert this Shaykh Hasan, who remained neutral. Cf. Khándán
Afnán, p. 115.
649 A reference to the ‘ulamá.
650 A reference to the Báb.

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assuredly that We shall exalt thee over all that is in both
worlds and that verily, through God’s consent, in the world
beyond and in the most exalted paradise thou shalt dwell
with Us. God knoweth all things. Know thou verily that out
of His prescribed wisdom, God hath revealed this unto thee.
Therefore, be attentive to the Great Truth of Our Cause and
aid thou Our Great Remembrance Who is this Arabian
Youth. The time for the assistance of God and the
dissemination of His Verses is, verily, nigh, as foreordained
in the Mother Book.651

In his other writings, the Báb bestowed on Siyyid Ja‘far various
titles, including Siyyidu’l-Mu‘ásir (the Contemporary Siyyid) and ‘Azdu’l-
Muhaqqiqin (the Upholder of the People of Truth).652
Siyyid Ja‘far was well acquainted with the traditions anticipating
the appearance of the Promised One in the year 1260 A.H./1844. Upon
hearing the news of the Qa’ím’s manifestation in Shiraz, Siyyid Ja‘far,
even though at an advanced age, set out at once to investigate, but the
Báb had already left on His pilgrimage journey to Arabia. Therefore in
pursuit of Him, Siyyid Ja‘far followed Him there and finally met Him in
Mecca. For some unexplained reason however he failed to embrace the
new religion preferring to continue with his own practices. Regarding
Siyyid Ja‘far’s pilgrimage journey, Mírzá Habibu’lláh Afnán, relates the
following in his narrative, which he had heard from Hájí Abu’l-Hasan
who had traveled on the same steam-boat with the Báb:

Once our ship had anchored at Jaddih, His Holiness [the
Báb] proceeded towards Mecca. That year, there were
innumerable pilgrims. Roughly speaking, the Arab, Turkish,
Iranian, Kurdish, and Indian pilgrims, together totaling in
excess of seventy thousand, for the most part came from the

651 Qayyumu’l-Asmá’, 27:46-47, in 1261 A.H./1845 transcribed copy; quoted in
Muhádirát, pp. 759-760, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár vol. 1. Two sentences of this passage
are quoted in Yúsuf Bahá Dar Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, p. 30.
652 Yúsuf Bahá Dar Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, p. 31.

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ranks of the ‘ulamá and the learned. Many had mastered the
science of divination and jafr [numerology] and had
determined that in that year, the True Summoner would
openly issue his summons in Mecca, and they had come to
witness the event.
Among them was the renowned Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far
Kashfí, who ranked as the ablest in the field of numerology
and who had a profound knowledge of jafr. He had studied
the Hadíth-i Marvy narrated by the Immaculate One [the
eighth Imám, ‘Alí ar-Ridá], upon Him rest peace: “In the
year Sixty, His Cause will be made manifest and His
Remembrance exalted,” and the allusions of certain mystics
who had openly given many signs for His appearance, such
as Sháh Ni‘matu’lláh Valí, who in his poems had clearly
given the news of the Manifestation:

If thou reachest the year of planting ghars,653 behold,
the renewal of the sovereign, realm, nation, and
faith.

And again:

With the passing of ghars years,
I see the Absent One has appeared.

And also in the collection of poetry by Khajih Háfiz:

Behold the crest of the moon in Muharram654,
and drink from the wine cup,
Since this is a sign of safety and absence of harm,
and augurs the year of peace and love.

653 According to the Abjad system, ghars (=gh-r-s) has a numerical value of
(1000+200+60=)1260, hence signifying the year of the appearance of the Báb.
654 The Báb and Bahá’u’lláh were born on the first and the second of Muharram,

respectively.

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He [i.e., Siyyid Ja‘far] had studied these according to
the science of numerology and had consulted an expert in
divination: “As this is the year ‘sixty,’ will the Qá’im appear
in Mecca?” To which he had received an affirmative
response. He had then asked, “If I go [on pilgrimage], will I
attain the presence of the Qá’im?” And again he had
received a positive response. The Siyyid had then asked if he
was destined to become a follower of the Qá’im, to which
the expert responded: “You will not become a believer.”
I myself met Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far in Mecca. He saw [the Báb]
with his own eyes and heard [Him proclaim His Faith] with
his own ears but did not become a believer.
Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí [Quddús], some other
believers, and I were in His blessed presence [of the Báb].
After the conclusion of the pilgrimage rites [p. 75] throngs
of pilgrims were present in the Masjidu’l-Haram, and all the
courtyards and rooftops overflowed with waves of people.
His Holiness approached the Shrine and leaned His blessed
back against the Ka‘bih, holding the door-chain with His
sacred Hand. With the utmost clarity and eloquence He
announced three times loudly: “I am the Qá’im Whose
appearance you have been expecting!”
It was a true wonder that despite of the massive
multitude and the noise, as soon as the Báb begun to speak
a complete silence overcame that whole area in such wise
that if a bird were to flap its wings, everybody would hear.
Once complete silence was established over everyone, He
uttered the same blessed proclamation three times, with the
utmost distinctness, so that all the pilgrims could hear.
The pilgrims were recounting and translating the
Báb’s words for one another. All conversations among the
multitude concerned only this event. Indeed, the very first
topic that the pilgrims of every land wrote about to their
kinfolk was that a young merchant and Siyyid, twenty-five

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years of age, had taken hold of the Ka‘bih’s chain and with
resounding voice had advanced the claim of the Qá’imiyyat.
In a short time, this news was spread in all parts of the
world. Those who sought the Truth and whose souls were
prepared to attain any degree of certitude responded, “We
hear and obey!”655 and made haste on the pathway of Faith.

In March 1845, the Báb returned from his pilgrimage journey and
initially a number of his disciples visited him, but soon their presence
attracted excessive public attention, bringing with it waves of repression.
Soon this news reached Tihrán and Muhammad Shah ordered Vahíd
Dárábí to proceed to Shíráz in order to interview the Báb and to report
to him the result of his investigation. As described in chapters 1 and 2 of
the present monograph, Vahíd immediately left for Shíráz, where he met
the Báb on a number of occasions and was quickly won over to the new
movement.
After a stay of some three months in Shíráz, which he mostly
devoted to transcribing the writings of the Báb, Vahíd was subsequently
commanded to journey to Burujird in the province of Luristán and there
to acquaint his father, Siyyid Ja‘far, with the new message. The Báb
urged him to exercise the utmost forbearance and consideration towards
him. Though the reason for this mission is not known with precision, it
can be conjectured that the Báb had hoped that the conversion of such
an eminent figure as Siyyid Ja‘far, who had been the intellectual mainstay
for the Qajar monarchy, would further entice Muhammad Shah to heed
His Call and perhaps even to embrace the Movement.
Armed with the Báb’s command to travel the length and the
breath of the realm and spread the divine fragrances, Vahíd left Shiraz in
the closing days of Rajab 1262 A.H.656 for Burújird to visit his father,
Siyyid Ja‘far. He arrived in that city on the opening days of Sha‘bán (late
July), and according to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih Tabrízí, spoke thus:657

655 Qur’án 2:285.
656 25 June – 24 July 1846.
657 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 45-46, notes that Siyyid Ja‘far wrote these
observations to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih. However, the two did not overlap in time

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O distinguished father! As instructed by the government, I
went to investigate the claim of the newly appeared Person,
known as the Báb, and those ‘ulamá and the learned that
have gathered around Him. The Sháh bestowed a sum
toward the expenses of such a journey as well as a horse and
other gifts.
Upon arrival at Shiraz and attaining His presence, I
perceived Him to be a Youth aged twenty-five, with a
brilliant and heavenly visage, much the same as has been
mentioned in the traditions and holy texts about the
promised Qá’ím. He possesses extremely pleasing features, a
well-proportioned face, and a small birthmark, exactly as
anticipated in the traditions.
Though He is a commoner [as opposed to ranking
among the ‘ulamá] and has never studied, yet He reveals
verses, commentaries, books, treatises, prayers, homilies and
scientific expositions of such quality as has not been seen or
heard of since the days of Adam.
Our illustrious Ancestor, the Seal of the Prophets [i.e.
Muhammad], though numbered among the learned and
well-lettered men of Arabia, yet revealed the Qur’án, piece
by piece, over the space of twenty-three years. Siyyid-i Báb,
although He is Persian and is born to that language,
nevertheless is able, should He so wish, to reveal [Arabic]
texts equaling the Qur’án in matter of only a week.
Similarly the homilies and prayers that the Báb reveals
are quite distinct from those previously revealed by the
Imams, and in many ways, more elegant and developed. His
expressions and words are not like those gone before Him,
and in some important ways the treatises and expositions of
the Báb, as well as His other qualities, are different from

and it is not clear how Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih came upon such information. Further, a
close study of this extract reveals that a segment contains many similarities with a
treatise of Vahid; see, Appendix 3.

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those of all the ‘ulamá, both of past and present times:

1. His Holiness is a commoner and has never had
schooling.

2. In the course of His elucidation on all topics, He
expresses the essence of the truth in only a few words.

3. His words and phrases are not similar to those of the
divines and His expressions are original, innovative and
unprecedented stemming from His innate knowledge
and not the work of others. If He had indeed acquired
His knowledge of others He would, of necessity, use
their expressions, but this has never been observed.

4. When explaining a question, no matter how small the
available paper, He will immediately provide a sufficient
exposition on that piece of paper that will unravel the
mystery. Other divines must however pen lengthy
treatises in reply to similar questions.

5. His handwriting is the essence of beauty and elegance,
despite the fact that He writes extremely fast.658

6. Of greatest importance is His bearing and conduct,
which is the very essence of refinement. He sits on His
heels, with arms extended beyond the hem of His ‘aba,
placing the right hand over the left.

7. His eating and drinking habits are unique and extremely
frugal. For lunch, He consumes three bites and for

658 As noted earlier, a requirement of fine penmanship in Persian and Arabic is to

write slowly, and yet the Central Figures of the Faith have repeatedly demonstrated
their abilities to write with extreme speed in a rare quality of penmanship and
unmatched eloquence of composition.

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dinner seven bites. In total, His daily food equals that of
two mouthfuls in a normal person. He drinks tea
however with great delicacy.

8. His Holiness never considers the books and writings of
others, though He frequently quotes from them through
His innate knowledge. When writing, the pen never
pauses or stops and He never forgets a matter.

9. The manner of His communion and worship is
altogether peerless and recalls the lengthy prayer sessions
of the Imams ‘Ali and Zaynu’l-‘Abidín.659

O kind father, such qualities, characteristics and signs
cannot be found in ordinary men, and are limited to the
Prophets and Chosen Ones of God. What has been seen in
Him is beyond anything any man is capable of manifesting.
One day when I was in His presence, I inquired, “May
my life be a sacrifice unto You! I know not the science of
the elixir, and I beseech You to please inform me of it.” He
responded, “My cherished hope was for you to become
celestial. The science of gold-making is for the earthbound.” “Were I to behold,” I said, “and then leave it
behind, it would be better still.” He condescended to me
and commanded me to arrange for the necessary materials.
When I had them readied, he instructed, “Go into the
garden in the courtyard and bring with you some of the
vegetables.” I went into the garden and noticed that some
beets were planted and, therefore, I gathered some of their
leaves. The Báb instructed me to boil the leaves and I did.
Then He said, place the copper into the furnace and melt it,
which I also did. Afterwards He instructed, “Pour some of

659 Up to this point the citation appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 465-466,

and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 44-45. ‘Ali and Zaynu’l-‘Abidín were the first and the
fourth Shi‘i Imams, respectively.

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the water from the boiled leaves over the melted copper,”
and when I did as bidden, the copper turned into gold.
When I saw this, I threw myself at His feet and cried, “O
Exalted One! The boiled leaves are bereft of such power to
produce elixir, and only through Your might and
sovereignty could such a miracle come to pass.”660

In the course of the discussions with his father, Vahíd concluded
that while the former was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Message
brought him, he preferred to be left alone and be allowed to pursue his
own way during the remaining days of his life.661
In the course of his career Siyyid Ja‘far lived for extensive periods
of time in Yazd, Najaf, Isfahán, Tihrán, and Istahbánát, and spent the
last years of his life in Burújird. In each town he purchased a home and
established a family, hence instituting the nucleus of a following. In total,
he acquired five wives who brought him fourteen children: two
daughters and twelve sons.662 The identity of his wives is not known and
all that is recorded is the city where each originated. His children from
various wives were:

Wives Children
Yazdí Siyyid Yahyá (Vahíd)
Siyyid ‘Alí
Siyyid Hasan

Najafí Siyyid Isháq
Siyyid Sabghatu’lláh
Siyyid Ya‘qúb
660 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, pp. 88-91.
661 Kavakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 57, states that after Vahíd’s conversion, in a
gathering of the divines, one of them said to Siyyid Ja‘far, “It is reported that your
son, Siyyid Yahyá, has lost his faculties.” “Yes, he has gone mad,” Kashfí responded
in his son’s defense, “however, this madness is not from the loss of his rational
faculties but an inheritance from his illustrious ancestor, the Prophet.”
662 Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 296, and Muhádirát, p. 761, report that he had 11 sons

and 4 daughters.

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Istahbánátí Siyyid Musafá
Bíbí Batúl
Jahán Bagum

Isfahání Siyyid ‘Isá
Siyyid Síná

Burújirdí Siyyid Rayhanu’lláh
Siyyid Ruhu’lláh
Siyyid Músá

Among his sons, many emerged as great scholars in their own
right, and the more accomplished among them were: Yahyá, Síná, ‘Isá,
Isháq, Ya‘qúb, Rayhanu’lláh and Sabghatu’lláh.
Siyyid Ja‘far was renowned throughout the Qajar realm and passed
away a year after the martyrdom of his son, Vahíd, in 1267 A.H./1851 in
Burújird. The year of his passing is marked by the numerical value of:
Ghab Najmu’l-‘Alá (disappeared the exalted star). A shrine was erected
over his resting-place, adjacent to the shrine of the two sisters of the
Imám Ridá.663

Writings of Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí
A number of important works have remained from Siyyid Ja‘far and
because of their significance and continued influence on Shi‘í political
and mystical thought they will be briefly outlined below:

1. Al-Shariffiyh (Baládu’l-Amín): Composed after returning from
pilgrimage in 1211 A.H./1796 in a mixture of both prose and verse, this
highly abstract and theoretical treatise is divided into ten chapters on
themes of Greek logic, logical reasoning and the foundations of the
science of jurisprudence.

663 An extensive eulogy appears on his gravestone; for the text see Muhádirát, p. 761.

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2. Nukhbatu’l-‘uqul: Composed in 1212 A.H./1798 in Najaf, a brief
exposition on the foundations of jurisprudential reasoning, it is divided
into five sections: forbidden and permitted matters; general verses and
specific rulings, their abrogation and their origin; traditions; reason; and
deductive reasoning. The epilogue is devoted to ijtihád and emulation.

3. Barq va Sharq: An extant copy is available in the hand of the author,
composed in 1224 A.H./1808 while in Najaf. This book is an exposition
on several Islamic traditions which Siyyid Ja‘far had styled “Barq”
(Lightning) and his own elucidation as “Sharq” (literally, East, represents
the dawning point of the sun of truth).

4. Raqqu’l-Manshur fi’l Ithbat Ma‘rij Nabiyan Mansur: Composed in 1231
A.H./1815 while residing in Najaf, this treatise seeks to establish the
authenticity of the night journey of Prophet Muhammad through
rational and deductive reasoning. The only extant copy of this work in
the hand of its author is preserved in the religious library of Qum.

5. Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk (Gift of Kings): Written in Persian at the request of
Muhammad-Taqí Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, titled Sháhan-Sháh, in
the year 1233 A.H.664/1817, covers discussion of the mental faculty
under three sections: the reality of the human intellectual faculty; the
relationship of the human intellect to lower kingdoms; and benefits and
attributes of the human intellect. This book has received considerable
attention and has been reprinted at least three times, in addition to
circulating in many copies in the hand of various scribes. One poet, Hájí
Mahmúd Burújirdí, has penned numerous verses in praise of this book
and its author.665 As noted earlier, Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan Qumí and Siyyid
Ja‘far developed a theory of the Qajar state as having two wings: civil
governance and religious learning. The sovereign in his own sphere of
civil rulership and military action, and the clergy in their sphere of

664 The date of its composition is given by the numerical value of either of the two

phrases “Tuhfatu’l-Mulk Mulúku’l-Kalam”, or, “Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk Qa’i’di’l-Ummam”,
which correspond to 1233.
665 Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, pp. 289-291.

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interpreting and implementing the sacred law, each represents an aspect
of authority that had once been conjoined in the Imám.666

6. Mízánu’l-Mulúk: The most influential treatise of Siyyid Ja‘far,
composed in Persian in 1246 A.H./1831 at the request of Muhammad-
Taqí Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, it is devoted to various themes related
to statesmanship and leadership in ten chapters: justice; the succession
(caliphate); sovereignty; treatment of citizens by monarchs; the conduct
of ministers and intellectuals; responsibilities of the wealthy, the nobles
and the government; duties of the merchants and businessmen; and the
charitable obligations of commercial leaders and men of religion.667

7. Shaháb Qámús: Written during 1255-58 A.H./1842, the contents are
not known to the present writer.

8. Kifayatu’l-Iytam: A three-volume exposition on deductive jurisprudence,
written in Persian at the request of Burújird’s governor, the Hisámu’s-
Saltanih, in the year 1259 A.H./1843. The introduction speaks of
spiritual orphanage (Iytam), meaning the separation of the body of the
Shi‘is from the Household of the Prophet, while the remainder of the
volume one is on worship. Volume two is on things forbidden, business
transactions, and the duties of a believer. Volume three is devoted to
matters of inheritance, personal laws, and politics.

9. Saná-Barq fi Sharhu’l-Baziq Min’l Sharq: This book is composed in
Arabic and is a detailed esoteric exposition on the inner meaning of the
Rajabiyyih Prayer668 addressing the reality of the lives and deeds of the

666 See extracts of Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk translated in Said Amir Arjomand, Shadow of God,

pp. 225-227.
667 Several of Siyyid Ja‘far’s students, such as, Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Burújirdi, Hájí Mírzá

Sálih Luristání, Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and Urang-Zayb Mírzá, went on to become
great clerics in the field of political theology and have significantly expanded this
field of discourse.
668 A Shi‘i prayer prescribed for recitation during the month of Rajab (hence its

name), it begins by the verse, “O my Lord, I beseech Thee through the inner
meaning of all that hath dawned from Thee.”

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fourteen immaculate Figures of the Islamic Dispensation, namely,
Muhammad, Fatimih, and the twelve Imams. This work is among the
late compositions of Siyyid Ja‘far and according to one account it was
penned in Yazd in 1253 A.H./1837, while Áqá Buzurg maintains that it
was completed in 1261 A.H./1845 while in Burújird. The actual date of
its composition is of interest, as the Báb has referred to this book in at
least two instances, the following being an extract from his Sahífih Sharh
D‘uá:

I have read ‘Saná-Barq’ [Brilliant Lightning] of Ja‘far Alaví
and beheld the secrets of its verses. He verily hath known
naught but his own self and expressed naught but his
servitude.669 What he hath written in the form of the
commentary on the prayer revealed by the source of
Holiness regarding the Family of God [Muhammad’s
descendents], upon Them be peace, does not fully describe
Them. In the presence of God, such comments are not
befitting of Them, as he [Siyyid Ja‘far] hath only expounded
his own servitude. He hath not mentioned the Holy Family
through the splendor of Their divinity, as no one
comprehendeth this Family and none among the servants
may explain Their nature, as their highest contemplations
are only capable of expressing the divine unity.670

In another tablet, the Báb has written the following about
the same book, which indicates how pleased he was with its
composition and content:

The fragrance of the mysteries enunciated in the essence of
the writings of the contemporary Siyyid [Ja‘far Kashfí
‘Alaví], the upholder of the people of truth, in his ‘Sana-

669 It should be understood that this is in fact a praise rather than a censure, alluding

to “he hath known God who hath known his self” and “servitude is an essence
whose reality is divinity.”
670 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 479.

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Barq’, has reached Me and it will encompass both the west
and the east. May God grant him blessings for what he has
written regarding the exposition of the ‘bismillah’ [in the
Name of God]. Though written in allegorical language and
hidden beneath veils of allusions as a measure of protection
for those beholding it, the essence of truth is expressed in
eloquent tongue and brilliant light. May God shower upon
him His great blessings. Praise be to God, the Lord of the
Worlds.671

10. Ijabatu’l-Mudhtarrin: The present writer is unfamiliar with this text.

11. Al-jusvatu’l fi’l-Kalam: The present writer is unfamiliar with this text.

12. Ash-Shumus va al-‘Ukus: A treatise on the station of the Immaculate
Fourteen and their sanctity above all earthly trappings.

13. Sidu’l-Bahr: A book on the structure of Shi‘i jurisprudence and
justification for derived judgments based on the reasoning of jurists. This
work emerged as one of the fundamental textbooks for the Usulí School
of jurisprudence.

14. On the Science of Grammar: Arabic versified composition.

15. Jam‘u’l-Shattat al-Mutifariqih fi’l Jama‘atu’l-Muhaqqih al-Mutihaqqih: The
present writer is unfamiliar with this text.

16. Poem in response to Ibn Hajr: In refuting the existence of the
Promised Qá’ím, Ibn Hajr ‘Asqillaní (d. 582 A.H./1186), had composed
a poem and in response, Siyyid Ja‘far versed a most innovative poem
establishing the truth of the Qá’ímiyyat.

17. Ratbu’l-Yabs fi’l Jama‘u’l-Mutikhalif al-Muti‘akis: The present writer is
unfamiliar with this text.
671 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 479 and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 346.

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B. Progeny of Vahíd Dárábí
Not very much is known of the fate of the two wives of Vahíd, though it
is known that the first marriage took place in Yazd, which resulted in a
daughter and three sons, and the second marriage was in Nayríz and
brought forth a son.

B.1. Tubá Khánum
Vahíd’s daughter, Tubá Khánum, was not with him during the Nayriz
upheaval as she and her younger brother were left behind in Yazd with
their mother. However, it is evident that Vahíd was concerned about her
future and shortly before his own martyrdom, arranged for her marriage
to a nephew of the governor and son of Muhammad-Báqir Khan,
namely, Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán (d. 1316 A.H./1898).672
The marriage certificate for this event was prepared in Vahíd’s
own hand some ten days prior to his martyrdom, and years later
recovered from Fath-‘Alí Khán, the son of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán,
governor of Nayríz. This certificate is of particular importance as it
represents to our knowledge the only one prepared in accordance with
Bayánic instructions (such as fixing the dowry at one váhid of pure
gold673), indicating Vahíd’s effort to institutionalize the laws and
ordinances of the Báb. Subsequent to Vahíd’s execution and the ensuing
massacre of the Bábís, there was no time for Tubá to come to Nayríz
and Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was forced to flee quickly and hence the
marriage was never consummated.
Upon hearing the news of events in Nayríz, the fate of her father
and his brutal slaying, Tubá Khánum was immersed in depths of sorrow
and grief. She spent her days in Yazd looking after the needs of her
mother where the family resided under the protective shadow of their
uncle. However, after a while, due to severe pressure from their enemies,
she left for Tihrán, where she initially lived with her aunt. Eventually she

672 Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was a noted poet and a collection titled “Khusraw va

Shírín” was published by him.
673 The Persian Bayán, 6:7; Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne, p. 378.

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married Mírzá Nasru’lláh Khán Káshí, an administrator for Fath-‘Alí
Khán Shírází, the Sáhib-Díván. All through her life, she served the Bahá’í
faith in a most exemplary manner, deeply involved in the life of the
community and the education of children and women.

Marriage Certificate of Vahíd’s Daughter
According to Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 100, Vahíd penned this certificate
a few days prior to his martyrdom.
On the upper right-hand corner, the seal of two parties is fixed
and evident: the first pertained to Vahíd whose seal, “Yahyá Músaví”, is
seen under his name, “Yayhá”. On the second line, under the groom’s
name, Ja‘far, the following is written:

God is the Creator of earth, the Lord of heaven and the
Master of both worlds. I give consent for the sake of God,
the Lord of earth, the Lord of heaven and the Lord of both
worlds.

Under this verse, the seal of the groom, “‘Abdahu’r-Rají
Muhammad-Ja‘far” [the prayerful servant, Muhammad-Ja‘far] is seen. On
the margin, two individuals have signed as witnesses. In the upper left
corner, it is written:

In the Name of God, the Exalted, the Mighty.
The Lord testifies that there is no God but Him. To
Him belong Creation and Command.674 He gives life and
takes it away; causes death and resurrection. He is living and
everlasting. In His Hand is the kingdom of all things. By His
command, He creates what He wills. He is powerful over all
things.

The text of the certificate reads as follows:

674 The Bábí theology recognized the worlds of haqq (divinity), amr (command or

cause), and khalq (creation). The same notion is upheld by Bahá’u’lláh; see, for
instance, the opening verse of the Kitáb Aqdas.

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God has decreed marriage between Tubá, the daughter of
his servant, Yahyá, having dedicated herself to service of
God, the Lord of the heavens and the earth, and the Lord of
all the worlds, and His servant, Muhammad-Ja‘far, the son
of the late, wrongly-murdered Muhammad-Báqir, who hath
consecrated himself to the service of God, the Lord of the
heavens and the earth, and the Lord of all the worlds.
He [i.e. the groom] consented to this marriage for the
sake of God, Who is the Lord of the heavens and the earth
and the Lord of all the worlds.
God hath decreed for her dowry to be nineteen
mithqals of pure gold and it is incumbent upon his servant
to offer this amount which is a bounty from paradise, and a
heavenly instrument in establishing their union. This
marriage will take place by the leave of God and His Chosen
Ones and in accordance with the laws delineated by the
Guardian and the Proof [i.e. the Báb], Who is the Lord of
the Age, upon Him, His father and followers be peace.
Blessings rest upon the absent leaf, who by God’s grace, will
consent to whatever is predestined for her.
Say: God is the Truth, all others beside Him are His
creation and pray unto Him. Say: God is our Lord, all others
beside Him are His servants and prostrate before Him.
[Written] in the month of Sha‘bán of the sixth year of
the Manifestation of Truth675.

It should be noted that since this document bears a date in the
hand of Vahíd, it is of enormous help in establishing the date of the Bábí
uprising in Nayríz.

B.2. Siyyid Ahmad

675 12 June - 10 July 1850.

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Vahíd’s eldest son676 lived in Yazd and completed his religious studies in
that city. Afterwards, he commenced his career in the legal office of Hájí
Mullá Báqir Ardakání677 as the custodian of documents and married his
paternal cousin, a daughter of Siyyid Hasan. He was a consecrated Bahá’í
who served the community diligently and faithfully and withstood much
harassment on account of his devotion. His knowledge of the history of
the Bábí the Bahá’í movements was particularly exceptional. He was in
communication with Bahá’u’lláh and at least one tablet addressed to him
is known.678 Toward the latter days of his life, Siyyid Ahmad traveled to
Isfahán to visit his two uncles, Siyyid ‘Isá and Siyyid Síná, where he
passed away and is now buried. His only child, a daughter, passed away
in Yazd at a relatively young age with no issue.

B.3. Siyyid Muhammad
Vahíd’s second son was Siyyid Muhammad679, known as Imínu’t-Tujjár
(The trustee of the merchants). He and his older brother, Siyyid Ahmad,
were still in pre-teen years when the events of Yazd took place and
Vahíd took the two lads with him to Nayríz. They stayed in that city with
their father for a while, however there is disagreement between sources
as to when they were sent away from that city. Some sources suggest that
Vahíd confidentially sent the two youngsters to his own father in
Burújird where they stayed for a year with their grandfather, Siyyid Ja‘far,
until the latter’s passing.680 Other histories (such as, Násikhu’t-Taváríkh
and Rawdatu’s-Safá) state that after the conclusion of the events, the two
boys were sent to Shiraz and there, as a token of kindness by the
authorities, sent to Burújird. Afterwards they returned to Yazd to their
mother.

676 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 113, suggests Siyyid Ahmad was the eldest of Vahíd’s

children.
677 Ardakání, though a known and firm believer in Bahá’u’lláh, served as the foremost

mujtahid of Yazd.
678 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 119.
679 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 406, gives his name as Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad.
680 Fársnámih Násirí, p. 305, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 114.

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Siyyid Muhammad grew to become a firm Bahá’í with a vast
knowledge of the history and scriptures of the faith, and much like his
father possessed an extraordinary bodily strength. As a young merchant,
he left Yazd for Kirmán where he married and spent his days engaged in
commerce in that city’s Gulshan district. Bahá’u’lláh wrote several
stirring tablets in Siyyid Muhammad’s honor.681 He passed away in
Kirmán with no progeny.682

B.4. Siyyid Muhsin
The third son was Siyyid Muhsin683 who became a pillar of strength for
the Bahá’í community. He left Yazd and settled near his aunt’s family in
Qazvín where in former days his father had spent much of his time.
There he engaged in commerce in the establishment of his cousin, Mírzá
Mahmúd Amíní. Eventually, he married and had several children, all of
whom remained faithful and dedicated Bahá’ís. Siyyid Muhsin was also
instrumental in guiding to the Faith several individuals, including his
famed cousin, Mírzá Yúsuf Vahíd Kashfí, a son of Hájí Muhammad-
Isma‘íl. Throughout his life, he was in close communication with his
brothers and sister.

B.5. Siyyid Ismá‘íl
Some years prior to his conversion to the Bábí faith, Vahíd had settled in
Nayríz and there had married Sughrá, a daughter of the renowned
scholar Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí Nayrízí. From this union a son was
born by the name of Siyyid Ismá‘íl in 1255 A.H./1839. During the
stormy days of 1850, the mother and son were with Vahíd at Fort Khájih

681 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 114.
682 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 477, suggests Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid
Muhammad, though not believers, were admirers of the Bahá’í faith. Given the text
of Bahá'u'lláh’s tablet to Siyyid Ahmad cited earlier, this statement needs to be
revised.
683 As discussed previously, following Nabil’s misstatement, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,

vol. 2, p. 406, gives his name as Siyyid Mihdí.

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and immediately after his martyrdom were rescued by Hájí Shaykh
‘Abdu’l-‘Alí and sent to Istahbánát in the company of some other family
members, where they stayed with Vahíd’s sister, Jahán Bagum. The other
sister of Vahíd, Bíbí Batul, who had married Áqá Mírzá Murshíd, also
lived in that town, and for some while they all lived in fear of
repercussions from the events of Nayríz.
After a few years, relative security was established and Sughrá and
her son enjoyed the comfort of that region and benefited from
association with Vahíd’s family. In fact, Jahán Bagum had a son of her
own by the name of Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan who was of the same age as
Siyyid Ismá‘íl and she treated them equally in all ways and surrounded
them with great affection. She ensured that both boys completed their
early education in Istahbánát and for more advanced training in the
Islamic sciences were sent to Yazd to enroll in the Madrisih Khán where
they stayed with relatives.
In that city, Siyyid Ismá‘íl emerged as a recognized scholar known
as Hájí Muhaqqiqu’l-‘Ulamá. He married a daughter of his paternal
uncle, Siyyid ‘Alí, and returned to Istahbánát where he spent the rest of
his days engaged in research and writing dissertations on various aspects
of Islamic thought. He passed away at the age of 84 in Dhi’l-Hajjih 1338
A.H./1919.
After the death of his first wife, Siyyid Ismá‘íl married again and
had sons who also became renowned clerics in the Istahbánát region.
Siyyid Ismá‘íl’s writings are among the best known in modern
Shi‘ism and the most important among them are: Hisnu’l-Hasín dar Sharh
Baladu’l-Amín, a commentary on his grandfather’s important work on
statesmanship; Lam‘átu’l-Núr, an exposition of the Light verse of the
Qur’án; Sharh Du‘á Kúmaíl, an explanation of the prayer attributed to
Kúmaíl; Salsabíl, (Bombay, 1312 A.H./1894) on mysticism and spiritual
ways; Matla’u’l-Núr va Manbi’u’l-Asrar, (Shiraz, 1317 A.H./1899), a
treatise on the science of kalám (exposition or rhetoric).

C. Other Noted Family Members
True to their heritage, a great many in the family of Vahíd went on to

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become well-known divines, theologians and men of letters. However
fearing the renewal of attacks and a fate similar to that which befell
Vahíd, with the exception of Mírzá Yúsuf Kashfí, none among them are
known to have pursued serious investigation of the veracity of the Bábí
or Bahá’í faiths.

C.1. Siyyid Sabghatu’lláh Kashfí
A brother of Vahíd, he was born and raised in Najaf and completed his
studies in that city first with the “the author of Javáhir684” and later with
Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí. He emerged as a renowned scholar and a
confidant of Ansárí. He penned several important treatises, the best
known being a commentary on the Qur’án by the title, Basa‘ir al-Ayman
ya Darratu’s-Safa fi Tafsir A’imat’l-Hudá in two or three volumes. He
passed away in 1270 A.H./1853 in Karbalá.

C.2. Mírzá Ahmad
A son of Siyyid Ismá‘íl, and generally known by the title of Shaykhu’l-
Muhaqqiqín, was born in 1291 A.H./1874 and was educated under the
tutelage of his own father and Siyyid ‘Alí Kazirúní. He excelled in occult
sciences and much like his great grandfather, became an expert in jafr
(numerology). A number of books have remained by him.685 He passed
away in 1354 A.H./1935 and is buried in Ray. His son, Muhammad-
Hádí, went on to become an important jurist and achieved the rank of
Shaykhu’l-Islám. He too penned many books.686

C.3. Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan Istahbánátí
A nephew of Vahíd through Jahán Bagum and a cousin and close

684 Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan (d. 1850) wrote the most comprehensive work on

Shi‘i jurisprudence, Javáhiru’l-Asrar fi’l Fihq’l-Islam, in 24 volumes. He is mentioned in
the Kitáb Aqdas, paragraph 166.
685 For a list of publications, consult Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 302.
686 For a list, consult Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 303.

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companion of the above-mentioned Siyyid Ismá‘íl, Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan
studied Islamic jurisprudence and philosophy in Yazd, Mashhad and
Isfahán, and then spent some years mastering mathematics and
astronomy. Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan’s biography is provided by Áqá Buzurg
Tihrání where some of Siyyid Ismá‘íl’s writings are listed in error as
his687. Among his writings, one should note: Hashiyyih Tahrir Uqlidus, on
Euclidean geometry; Risálih dar Hay’at, a treatise on astronomy; Sharh
Tashrihu’l-Aflak, (Tihrán, 1284 A.H.), an exposition of Shaykh Bahá’í’s
magnum opus on astronomy.

C.4. Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad Haqáyiq Kashfí
He was a son of Siyyid Musafá, well-regarded as a celebrated poet and
founder of Haqáyiq school in Isfahán.688 He died in 1909.

C.5. Hájí Siyyid Mihdí Kashfí
Son of Siyyid Rayhánu’lláh, one of the most influential clerics of Qum
and Tihrán, he was born in 1896 and died in 1947.689

C.6. Siyyid Músá Muqtadí Kashfí
Grandson of Siyyid Musafá, author of two important texts: Mahafil ash-
Shuhadá, on martyrs of Karbalá; and Bahr al-Ma'rif, on the science of
Qur’ánic analysis.

C.7. Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad Istahbánátí
Grandson of Siyyid Musafá, he emerged as one of the best-known and
best-published contemporary poets and literary figures.690

687 Nuqabu’l-Bashar, vol. 1, p. 35.
688 For biography see, Áqá Buzurg, al-Dariyyih, vol. 9, p. 259, and Siyyid
Muhammad-‘Ali Rawzatí, Jami‘u’l-Nisab, p. 118.
689 For biography see, Muhammad Razí, Atháru’l-Hajjih, vol. 1, p. 227.
690 For biography see, Muhammad-Husayn Ádamíyat, Dánishmandán va Sukhan-

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C.8. Mírzá Yúsuf Vahíd Kashfí
A nephew of Vahíd Dárábí deserves special mention as standing among
the most eminent Bahá’ís of his age.691 Mírzá Yúsuf was born in the year
1281 A.H./1864692 in Istahbánát as the youngest of the eight children
(six boys and two girls) of Jahán Bagum and Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl.
Both his father and grandfather, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, originally from
Lar, were merchants of note whose trading activities spread to the
surrounding regions. Jahán Bagum was born and raised in Istahbánát
and together with her husband had become a firm Bábí in the course of
Vahíd’s first visit.
From early childhood, signs of unusual intellect and remarkable
faculties coupled with a well-pleasing nature were evident in Mírzá Yúsuf
and soon he excelled in all his early studies. Occasionally during this
period he journeyed to Nayríz, visiting his sister and her family, and once
traveled to Mashhad with his maternal uncle, Siyyid Mustafá.
At the age of sixteen he was sent to Shíráz693 to complete his
education under the supervision of one of his father’s relations in the
Áqá Bábá Khán school and soon he mastered such branches of learning
as Arabic grammar, logic, rhetoric, and metaphysics. After a while he
also enrolled in the Qavám School where he studied the basics of the
philosophy of Mullá Sadrá under the tutelage of Mírzá ‘Abbás Hakím,
one of the foremost students of the celebrated Hájí Mullá Hádí
Sabzivárí.694 It was there in 1298 A.H./1880 that he befriended the

Saráyán Fárs, vol. 4, p. 338. For an example of his poetry see, Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2,
pp. 298-300.
691 For a biography see Masábíh Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 5-36; Ahang Badí‘, year 1332 Sh,

no. 10-12; and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol 1.
692 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 2596, gives this date as 1280 A.H.
693 There is a considerable confusion between various accounts on his travels during

the early years. The present writer has deemed the information in Masábih Hidáyat to
be more reliable.
694 The renowned sage of Sabzivár is mentioned by Bahá’u’lláh in the Tablet of

Wisdom. He was a teacher of the famous Bahá’í scholar, the Hand of the Cause Nabíl
Qá’iní. For details see Sharh Hál Rijál Irán.

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renowned Áqá Shaykh Ibráhím Burazjání, known as Fádil Shírází695, and
was first introduced to the Bahá’í faith and learned the details associated
with his maternal uncle, Vahíd, though he continued to remain identified
with the religion of his birth.
For his advanced studies in the various branches of Islamic
sciences, he left Shíráz for Yazd where he remained for two years and
enrolled in the Khán School. This stay afforded him the opportunity to
deepen his knowledge of the Bahá’í cause through association with his
cousin, Siyyid Ahmad (a son of Vahíd), a resident of the same town.
Frequently he also visited Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí, the Vakílu’d-
Dawlih696, from whom he learned many details about the religion of the
Báb.
Subsequently, he traveled to Isfahán, visiting his two maternal
uncles, Siyyid Síná and Siyyid ‘Isá, and from there to Burújird where
another maternal uncle, Siyyid Rayhanu’lláh, the youngest brother of
Vahíd Dárábí, had succeeded his father and had acquired the rank of the
Hujjatu’l-Islám. He stayed in that town for some six months and
benefited from the classes of his uncle at whose encouragement he
traveled to Karbalá and for the next two years undertook tuition under
such renowned scholars as Áqá Shaykh Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Mázandarání,697
Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Rashtí and Hájí Siyyid Husayn Turk. A portion of
this time he was enrolled in the classes of various ‘ulamá in Najaf, such
as, Hájí Shaykh Muhammad, Fádil Irvání and Shaykh Hádí Najm-Ábádí.
Upon completion of his studies, he returned to the family’s native
town in Dáráb, but finding its intellectual environment too stifling, he
left after a week for Kirmán and Yazd. It was in the former city where he
met his cousin, Siyyid Muhammad, who had accompanied Vahíd on the
historic journey to Nayríz, and from this cousin learned much more
695 Fádil Shírází was among the most eminent Bahá’ís during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry

whose fascinating biography is provided in Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7.
696 He was a son of the eldest maternal uncle of the Báb and the architect of the first

Bahá’í house of worship, in ‘Ishqábád. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has considered him to be together
with the Báb and the eighteen Letters of the Living among the 24 elders mentioned in
the Book of Revelation. For more detailed biographical information consult: Khándán
Afnán; Eminent Bahá’ís during the time of Bahá’u’lláh; and In the Land of Refuge.
697 His name is given as “Abdu’lláh” in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 111.

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about the Bahá’í faith. Though in the course of his conversations he was
unable to accept the new religion, as a result of further exposure to the
Bahá’í writings he was deeply moved.
In 1302 A.H./1884 from Yazd he proceeded to Mashhad where
he stayed for about a year and a half. In order to satisfy his internal
agitation, he decided after the performance of each morning’s obligatory
prayer to recite a special prayer known as Du‘á Davázdah Imám.698 On the
fortieth morning, his biographers note, upon reciting the phrase “...the
divinely hidden Personage...” he had a profoundly moving spiritual
experience and immediately stood to recite a special tablet of visitation
revealed by Bahá’u’lláh in honor of his uncle, Vahid.699 At that point, his
transition to the Bahá’í faith was complete.
In 1305 A.H./1887700 he proceeded to Tihrán and arrived at the
home of his cousin, Tubá Khánum, and through her and her brother,
Siyyid Muhsin, was able to deepen his knowledge of the faith
inaugurated by Bahá’u’lláh and begin his life-long path of service to
humanity. It was during this time that he became closely connected with
a number of government officials and solidified his reputation for wise
and learned counsel.
Two years later, Jalálu’d-Dawlih, a son of Zillul’s-Sultan, was
appointed governor of the province of Yazd and decided to take Mírzá
Yúsuf Kashfí with him.701 On learning that Mírzá Yúsuf had refused this
offer, Jalálu’d-Dawlih informed him that, if necessary, he would be taken

698 A prayer in honor of the Twelve Imáms, composed by Khájih Nasiru’d-Dín Túsí,

to be recited during forty consecutive mornings.
699 For a summary rendering see Appendix 4.
700 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 2596, gives this date as 1304

A.H./1887.
701 This governor of Yazd was responsible for much of the persecution of the Bahá’ís

of this period and wherever he went, much like his father, he left behind a bloody trail.
He is particularly responsible for the unprecedented pogrom of 1903 in Yazd and the
surrounding villages where many Bahá’ís were slain. For a detailed discussion of this
episode consult the eyewitness account of Abú’l-Qásim Baydá, in manuscript form, or
the published account of Hájí Mullá Muhammad Táhir Málmirí, Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd.
Another eyewitness account of this episode is translated into English in Rabbani and
Astani, “The Martyrs of Manshád”.

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to Yazd in chains. In an effort to distance himself from the crazed
Prince, he immediately accepted a position in the newly established
American College in Tihrán, teaching Arabic and Persian courses.
Seizing the opportunity, he also began to study English and the history
of the Church, and was able to acquire a certificate of completion some
nine months later. By now he had attracted the attention of the College
administrators and was appointed supervisor of the school’s expansion
program, including its construction activities. On a number of occasions,
including the time when the monarch, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, visited the
College, Mírzá Yúsuf was asked to represent the school to the
government officials or to intercede on behalf of the Mission.
In 1308 A.H./1890, Mírzá Yúsuf married a daughter of Tubá
Khánum, the daughter of Vahíd Dárábí.702 It was soon thereafter that
the American Mission launched efforts to establish a school in Ridáiyyih
and for this purpose Miss Green arrived from the United States and
another missionary worker, Dr. Cochran, was recalled from Ridáiyyih to
report on the progress towards establishing this enterprise. On meeting
Mírzá Yúsuf, both were greatly impressed with his abilities and asked
him to assist with the Ridáiyyih facility. He readily accepted and with his
family proceeded there, but his stay was short-lived and he returned to
Tihrán. It was then that his wife passed away and was buried in Imám-
Zádih Yahyá, next to her mother.
In the early months of 1892, he decided to visit Bahá’u’lláh and
proceeded to ‘Akká. However, upon reaching Tabríz, he learned of
Bahá’u’lláh’s passing and deeply grieved, decided against completion of
the journey and remained in Ridáiyyih for a year, and from there he
returned to Tihrán.
In 1311 A.H./1894, once again the American Protestant Mission

702 Various sources, such as Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 477, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár,

vol. 1, suggest that Tubá had no child. However, Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 12, informs
otherwise. The fact that Vahíd Kashfí married this grand-daughter of Vahíd Dárábí is
confirmed by the present writer’s father, Dr. Iraj Rabbani, who in his youth was a
student of Vahíd Kashfí and closely informed of the details associated with his noble
life.

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in Tihrán appointed him principal of their College in Ridáiyyih.703 In was
there that he married again, formed a family, and through hard work,
expanded his estate.
Much like his uncle, Mírzá Yúsuf possessed an uncanny ability for
cultivating relations with the ruling class and since Tabríz traditionally
served as the seat for the heir to the Qajar throne, he established
important contacts in that town. The most beneficial of his relations, as
it turned out, was with the governor of Tabríz, Prince Imám-Qulí
Mírzá,704 who introduced him to Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá.705 On
meeting Mírzá Yúsuf and hearing him make a representation on behalf
of Imám-Qulí Mírzá, the royal prince was enchanted with his personality
and knowledge, thereby honoring him with the title “Lisán Huzúr” (the
sanctified tongue).
In 1313 A.H./1895, he traveled to the Ottoman region and
remained for some six months as a tutor of Siyyid Tah, a son of Shaykh
Sádiq, the religious leader of the Naqshbandí Sufi order. Years later,
around 1919-20, both this student together with another Naqshbandí
leader, Shaykh ‘Abdu’lláh, visited Mírzá Yúsuf in Ridáiyyih and both
accepted Bahá’u’lláh.706
In the same year, subsequent to the assassination of Násiri’d-Dín
Sháh, Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá acceded to the throne and his son
Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá was named his heir and established himself in
Tabríz. A few years later, in 1319 A.H./1901, the young Prince paid an
official visit to Ridáiyyih in the course of which he came to the American

703 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, is silent on this trip to Tihrán and indicates that while in

Tabríz, Kashfí was approached by the American Mission to head the school in
Ridáiyyih.
704 He is a brother of Malik [Prince] Qásim Mírzá, who is mentioned in A Traveler’s

Narrative.
705 Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 15, states that partly responsible for this introduction to

the Prince was the effort of Hájí Mu‘ín’s-Saltanih, the famous Bahá’í historian of later
years, who was a chamberlain of the Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá and enjoyed the
title of the Hishmatu’l-Vuzará.
706 Some three years later, Siyyid Tah, visited Tihrán and through Vahíd Kashfí met a

number of prominent Bahá’ís, including Hájí Abú’l-Hasan Amín, and attended many
functions at the Bahá’í Center.

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Protestant Mission and through the Názimu’l-Hukamá707 was introduced
to Mírzá Yúsuf. Some days later, Mírzá Yúsuf was called to Tabríz and
after detailed discussions with the Prince about the faith, in the presence
of many high-ranking officials, the title of “Lisán Huzúr” was
reconfirmed and he was granted the honorary rank of Army Colonel.708
In 1902, he met Siyyid Asadu’lláh Qumí who wrote of him to
‘Abdu’l-Bahá in response to which Mírzá Yúsuf received a stirring
communication which starts with the words “O seeker of the Beloved of
the worlds”.709 In the course of this tablet, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated, “The
field of service is wide open.” As such, Vahíd Kashfí was moved to
resign his post, sell his belongings and undertake a number of teaching
journeys. On hearing of his plans to visit ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in Haifa/‘Akká
and travel subsequently to Europe and North America, Prince
Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá issued three royal directives to the Iranian
embassies in Istanbul, London and Washington, to ensure his comfort
and needs while in their jurisdiction.710
After ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s permission had arrived, he journeyed to
‘Akká and stayed for nineteen days, each day paying homage to the
Shrine of Bahá’u’lláh. Because of his fluency in English, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
instructed him to visit the United States. Vahíd Kashfí arrived in Boston
by way of Port Said, Cairo, Alexandria, Italy, Paris, London, Liverpool,
707 Father of Hand of the Cause General Shu‘á‘u’lláh ‘Alá’í.
708 The Royal decree, signed by the Shujá‘u’s-Saltanih, is dated Sha‘bán 1319 A.H.

[November-December 1901] and is printed in Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 21-22.
709 This tablet begins with “Ay mushtáq dilbar áfáq” and is printed in Lam‘átu’l-

Anvár, vol. 1.
710 The text of this decree, dated Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1319 A.H. [February 1902], addressed to

the Iranian Ambassador in the United States, the Mafkhamu’d-Dawlih, is in Masábih
Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 23. A translation is as follows:
His Excellency, the Mafkhamu’d-Dawlih.
As Mírzá Yúsuf Khán, the Lisán Huzúr, has decided to visit
America to complete his studies, this letter of recommendation is
written on his behalf. Kindly ensure that in the course of his stay in that
region all aid and assistance is rendered him. Further, kindly assure his
comfort so that his studies may proceed satisfactorily and no delay or
hindrance takes place.
Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1319 A.H., [signed] The Heir to the Throne.

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and Quebec. From Boston, he went to New York and met with Mírzá
Abú’l-Fadl and Alí-Kuli Khán. After consultation with local Bahá’ís, he
traveled extensively for a period of over a year in the eastern States,
including Pennsylvania, Maryland, and some of the mid-western regions
such as Missouri. During these days, from early morning hours until well
into the night, he would exert efforts to deepen and consolidate the
nascent Bahá’í communities and do everything he could to promote of
the faith. At the conclusion of his journey, he went to Maine and stayed
at Green Acre School for a while. During this period, he regularly gave
lectures on the teachings of the Bahá’í faith, its history and the station of
‘Abdu’l-Bahá which resulted in many accepting the new religion and, in
effect, he was preparing the community for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s arrival a few
years later. After a stay of two years in the United States, due to adverse
weather and the deterioration of his health, and following consultation
with Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl and upon ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s approval, he returned to
Ridáiyyih and resumed his earlier career.
Though initially he was disappointed in not being able to stay
longer in North America, soon he received a letter from ‘Abdu'l-Bahá
urging him to serve in his native country and to readily accept what God
had ordained. Energized by this letter, Mírzá Yúsuf set aside all caution
and began to openly teach the faith to everyone he encountered,
including during his own classes in the Missionary College. Soon several
of his students became Bahá’ís, which caused uproar among the school
administrators, who decided to terminate his appointment. They also
complained to the authorities, but due to Mírzá Yúsuf’s standing in the
community, this plea was ignored. The school officials however joined
forces with certain fanatical elements and one day rushed and plundered
his home. Since ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had cautioned him to be resigned to the
will of God, Mírzá Yúsuf did not approach the officials to seek redress
for his case.
Upon hearing the details, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá urged him to travel-teach
in Adharbayján. As such, he spent a period of time promoting the faith
until he eventually settled in the village of Shíshván, on the outskirts of
Ridáiyyih Lake. For the next seven months he served as tutor to the four
sons of the Prince Imám-Qulí Mírzá and was granted an annual stipend

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of one hundred tumáns and a ton of wheat.711 During this time, he
continued his intense teaching work, which resulted in several individuals
including his four students, accepting the faith.
In 1923, he left that region for Tihrán where he accepted a
position at the Tarbíyat Bahá’í School in addition to his post as English-
Persian translator for the Ministry of Commerce. Three years later he left
for Qazvín and served for a year and a half as the principal of
Hamdu’lláh Mustawfí School, after which for the next five years he
administered the Tavvakul Bahá’í school in the same town.
In 1929, when Martha Root was visiting Iran, he accompanied her
to Adharbayiján and served as her translator. After this he returned to
Qazvín and resumed his teaching work. Again some four years later
when the American travel teacher, Miss Ramson Kehler, visited Iran he
served as her translator during her two-year journeys to Gilán, Khurásán
and Mázandarán. It was after her untimely passing in Isfahán that he
decided to complete her tour by himself and for the next four years
traveled extensively in various regions of the country, assisting the
community in learning the basics of Bahá’í administration and
organizational structure. When in 1938 Mildred Mottahedeh visited Iran,
bearing messages from Shoghi Effendi, Mírzá Yúsuf assisted her as a
translator in her tour of the eastern provinces.
In total, Mírzá Yúsuf married four times. He had divorced his first
wife prior to his conversion to the Bahá’í faith and married again, and
this time his spouse died prematurely. His third union resulted in a son,
‘Atau’lláh, who became an agricultural engineer and served the faith with
great distinction. On the passing of this wife, Mírzá Yúsuf married again
which resulted in a daughter named Khujastih.
Much like his celebrated uncle, Vahíd Dárábí, he possessed an
unusual command of Islamic sciences and traditions and in the course of
his teaching activities was able to draw upon this fount of knowledge
with great facility. In addition to his deep Bahá’í knowledge, his
command of several languages, such as, English, Arabic, French, and

711 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, indicates that this stipend was granted by Muzaffara’d-Dín

Sháh. However, the text of the letter authorizing this provision is printed in Masábih
Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 15-16, and clearly shows the author as being Imám-Qulí Mírzá.

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Turkish enabled him to promote the faith in many regions beyond his
immediate environs. He was the recipient of numerous communications
from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, which eloquently testify to his life-long services,
particularly in the region of Adharbayiján where he lived for well over
three decades. In one of these letters, he was titled Vahíd712 as a
remembrance of his illustrious uncle, Vahíd Dárábí. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in this
tablet calls on him to serve the world of humanity with the same degree
of sacrifice and self-renunciation manifested a generation earlier by his
uncle.
During Shoghi Effendi’s ministry, Vahíd Kashfí continued to be a
source of encouragement and a pillar of the faith to the community and
frequently received direct communications from Shoghi Effendi. In his
latter days, he devoted much time to organizing deepening activities for
the younger generation.
Vahíd Kashfí passed away on 3 October 1959, at the age of 94,
and was buried at the Tihrán Bahá’í cemetery. The Hands of the Cause
of God residing in the Holy Land instructed the Iranian Bahá’í
community to commemorate his passing by holding meetings in his
honor throughout the country, and their cable to the community reads:

Deeply saddened news passing distinguished servant Cause
God renowned scholar Vahíd. Assure his family fervent
prayers sacred threshold progress his noble soul. Organize
befitting memorial gatherings. Hands Cause.713

712 From that time, Mírzá Yúsuf ceased to use Lisán Huzúr and would instead employ

the title Vahíd Kashfí.
713 Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 36, and “Akhbár Amrí”, yr. 116 BE, no. 91, 1338 Sh.

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Appendix 3

Writings of Vahíd Dárábí

It is known that prior to his conversion to the Bábí faith, Vahíd was a
prolific scholar and composed many treatises on a relatively wide range
of Islamic philosophy, jurisprudence and mysticism, but none of those
writings are known to the present translator. Of the treatises penned
after his conversion, a few have survived and are rendered into English
below.

1. Though the exact date of the following treatise cannot presently be
determined, it must have been composed some time during 1846 and
1850, as Vahíd refers to his interview with the Báb. The Arabic text of
this document, titled Risálih Istidláliyyih, is printed in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
Haqq, vol. 3, pages 471-473:

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
The praise of God and His glorification rest upon His
Messenger [Muhammad] and His family until attainment to
the presence of God714.
This hopeful servant, this ephemeral slave and
evanescent soul, 10-8-10715 Fátamí716, states that after Gh-R-
S717 years had passed since the Prophetic migration of that
Immigrant [Muhammad], upon Him rest a thousand

714 Liqáu’lláh refers to the Day of Resurrection signifying the appearance of the

Qá’ím.
715 10-8-10 are the numerical values for the letters Y, H and Y, which spell Yahyá,

Vahíd’s given name.
716 A reference to his holy lineage, indicating that he was a descendent of the
Prophet Muhammad through his daughter, Fátimih.
717 Gh-R-S = 1000+200+60 = 1260. The Báb appeared in the year 1260 A.H./1844.

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blessings and praise, I was informed that verily the Qá’ím
had arisen in the land of Fárs and appeared as a brilliant Star
and a luminous celestial orb in the city of Shíráz. It is the
meaning and Remembrance of this exalted saying, “We have
written in the Holy Scripture that after the Remembrance,
My righteous servants will inherit the earth.”718
Therefore I did not waver, but traveled from town to
town, searching in all parts of the world. And the bird of my
heart roamed in both south and north, passing by all the
horizons and every part therein, until it reached the blessed
land and the Baládu’l-Maqám719, which is the Baládu’l-
Amn720, the spot of the appearance of the wronged Servant
in the month of Jamadiyu’l-Avval of the year Gh-R-S-B
[=1262]721.
I stayed at the threshold and attained the presence of
the One Who has the knowledge of the Divine Books. And
I beheld the city that yielded the fruit of all things and
attracted the hearts of the people. I, therefore, resided there,
wherein the bird of my heart learned the ways of
supplication and homage. Thereupon I swore by the One in
Whose Hand is my soul that He [i.e. the Báb] is that
selfsame Light and Manifestation referred to in the verse:
“God is the Light of the Heavens and of the Earth. His
Light is like a niche in which is a lamp – the Lamp encased
in the glass – the glass, as it were, a glistening star. From a
blessed tree it is lighted, the olive neither of the East nor of
the West, whose oil would well nigh shine out, even though
fire touched it not! It is light upon light. God guideth whom
He will to His light, and God setteth forth parables to men,

718 Qur’án 21:105 states, “Before this We wrote in the Psalms, after the Message

(given to Moses): My servants the righteous, shall inherit the earth.”
719 The land of station, a reference to Shíráz.
720 The land of refuge, another reference to Shíráz.
721 27 April – 26 May 1846.

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for God knoweth all things.”722 This Light and its brilliance
will light and rekindle the people of light that they might be
humbled, bestowing blessings upon those seeking the favor
of God and upon the followers of the Prophet.
He [i.e. the Báb] elucidated the meaning of the letters
of “In the Name of God” in their four stations. He then
interpreted the Surih of Kawthar so that rivers [of
understanding] did flow therefrom – such rivers as will not
become fetid; rivers of milk whose taste does not alter; and
the river of pure honey; and the river of wine which brings
pleasure to he who quaffs therefrom.723 Then He
expounded the Hadith of that exalted Figure and Knower of
secrets, [Imám] Abú-Ja‘far Muhammad ibn [Imám] ‘Alí-
Báqir, praise and salutation be upon Him, who had
addressed Abú-Lubid Makhzúmí regarding the science of
the disconnected letters of Qur’án. Afterwards He [i.e. the
Báb] replied [to the questions] of the honored Siyyid Abú-
Hasan Husayní, who beseeched Him to manifest His Cause
openly. In the course of this, He elucidated on the meaning
of the letter “H” being the first letter of His Book724 and
this Epistle became known as the Risálih Há’iyyih.
He then commented on the prayer of occultation,
which has been related in Kafí, under three headings in 14
chapters – and from each, the dwelling-place of unseen
mystery was made manifest. During the night725, darkness
overtook all until the Morn of Eternity726 was unveiled.

722 Qur’án 24:35
723 This refers to the Qur’ánic rivers of paradise, whose symbolic meaning the Báb

expounded in the Surih of Kawthar and other works, notably the Persian Bayán.
(The translator is grateful to Ismael Velasco for suggesting this footnote.)
724 “H” is the first letter of Húva (He is).
725 Refers to the time from the passing of the last Imám in 260 AH/873 until the

declaration of the Báb in 1260AH/1844, when once again, according to the Bábí
belief, divine guidance was made available to humanity.
726 Subh Azal, one of the titles of the Báb. This title was first employed by Imám

‘Alí as a reference to Prophet Muhammad.

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Then He replied to the questions of one of the seekers and
travelers in the way of God, who had suffered much in the
path of the Religion of God. He also graciously replied to
that eminent doctor, that trustworthy scholar, who attained
certitude through the light of his heart, Siyyid Javád Husayní
[Karbalá’í] on the matter of grammar. He replied to the
questions of the honored Navváb Hindí regarding the Name
of God, the Almighty. He furthermore replied to the
questions of the learned Shaykh ‘Abid, who had recognized
the Truth. In response to a query from Mullá Hasan Rashtí,
He penned an eloquent answer. Then He replied to the
questions of Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl Farahání. He further
revealed [a series of] prayers to be intoned by worshipers.
Praise thy Lord, the Gracious! I swore by the creator
of heaven and earth: “Verily this is the word of a most
honorable Messenger.”727 “In a Book well-guarded which
none shall touch but those who are clean.”728 Would you,
therefore, remain heedless of these sayings? Your spiritual
sustenance you acquire from a source that you consider an
imposture. Bring forth, then, sayings like unto His, if you are
able and are of the truthful.
Praise be to God for all that has been said, and peace
be upon the Messenger and “the Lord of the worlds.”729

2-3. The following proof-treatises by Vahíd are in Arabic and the texts is
printed in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pages 473-477. Based on internal
evidence, the second treatise was written at the same time as the Báb was
residing in Isfahán and Vahíd had already arrived in Tihrán. Since the
Báb was in Isfahán between September 1846 and March 1847, and
Vahíd, according to what he recorded in this treatise, arrived in Tihrán
on 19 January 1847, it can be inferred that the second document below
was penned sometime in January to March of 1847. Mázandarání states

727 Qur’án 81:19
728 Qur’án 56:78-79
729 Qur’án 40:64

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that the original of both are extant and are autograph copies in the hand
of Vahíd.730

In the name of God, the Exalted, the Great.
Praise be unto God, Who shone forth with the light
and splendors of His Glory (Bahá) from the mystic realm
(‘amá), and caused radiant praise to appear, encompassing all
within the shadow of His grandeur. Thus first to be
manifested in the book of creation was the verse “In the
name of God” and the four exalted glorifications which
constitute the letters of the Greatest Name731 among the
most excellent Names. Through this Name, the essence of
divinity was made manifest in His other [lower] kingdoms.
While He was ...732 He ordered His cause to ascend and to
descend, to rise and to set.733 From the pillars of His cause,
He poured out the living waters in form of an ocean of ink
and the precious letters “N” and “S”.734

[from the middle of page 475]
This servant, 10-8-10735, trusting in the grace of living
Qayyúm736, suppliant before the eternal Lord, declares in his
splendid khutbih, before the honored Master and sore-tried

730 The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History, p. 117, states, “A copy of the second

of these two maqálas [Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 475-477] forms the
introduction (after a preceding khutba ascribed to the Báb) to the collection of the
Báb’s writings made by Dárábí in Tehran and now contained in INBCM 40 (pp. 3-
5)”
731 While the present translator is not certain of the exact word intended by Vahíd, the

word “Bahá” in the original language is composed of four letters: B, h, alif and hamzih.
732 Unreadable by the translator.
733 Refers to the appearance of various Dispensations and their eventual decline, which

will then be followed by another Prophet.
734 The present translator is not certain what word Vahíd had in mind, but the letters

N and S form the word “Nas” which means “sacred writings”.
735 As noted earlier, 10-8-10 is the numerical equivalent of Yahyá (=Y H Y).
736 Lit. the self-sufficient, represents one of the titles of Bahá’u’lláh.

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Servant of God, utterer of clear speech and guide in the
mighty Cause [Prophet Muhammad]: “Qaf. By the glorious
Qur’án (thou art God's Apostle). But they wonder that there
has come to them a Warner from among themselves. So the
unbelievers say: 'This is a wonderful thing!'“737
I have placed this verse at the opening of this khutbih,
as a reminder to those who perceive, who posses
understanding of the beginning and the end, whose prayer
is: “Praise be to God, Who hath sent to His Servant the
Book, and hath allowed therein no crookedness: (He hath
made it) Straight (and clear) in order that He may warn (the
godless) of a terrible punishment738 from Him, and that He
may give glad tidings to the believers who work righteous
deeds, that they shall have a goodly reward.”739 And “Those
who listen to the Word, and follow the best (meaning) in it:
those are the ones whom God has guided, and those are the
ones endowed with understanding.”740 And “Those who
sustain the Throne (of God) and those around it sing glory
and praise to their Lord; believe in Him; and implore
forgiveness for those who believe: Our Lord! Thy reach is
over all things, in Mercy and Knowledge. Forgive, then,
those who turn in repentance, and follow Thy Path: and
preserve them from the Penalty of the Blazing Fire!”741
Therefore, O assembled brothers, persevere in your
station and position,742 and be observant and hearken to the
voice of the Truth and the call of the Caller, for He is the
Balance, the (straight) Path, the Sinai, the revealed Book,

737 Qur’án 50:1-2
738 The original term in the Qur’án is “basan shadídán” which can be rendered as

“great event”. In Rodwell’s translation of the Qur’án, he has rendered it as “a grievous
woe” which is closer to Vahíd's understanding that this passage was apocalyptic and
anticipated the appearance of the Báb.
739 Qur’án 18:1-2.
740 Qur’án 39:18.
741 Qur’án 40:7.
742 That is, new believers.

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and the blessed House. Verily, He [i.e. the Báb] is the
exalted Master, the glorious Light and the resplendent Star
that appeared over the Baladu’l-Maqám [i.e. Shíráz] and is
[presently] residing in the Land of Sad [i.e. Isfahán]. The Sun
rose from its zodiac, and shone in its zenith and its light
encompassed all horizons and manifested the inner meaning
of the Word of God, praise be upon Him: “In the name of
God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. By the Sun and his
(glorious) splendor; By the Moon as she follows him; by the
day as it shows (the sun's) glory,”743 to its completion.
Fear not what may follow. He [i.e. the Báb]
commanded me to proceed to the Land of Tá (i.e. Tihrán).
In accordance with His order, I arrived at that city, on the
first day of the second month of the third year after the year
Gh-R-S (=1260)744, and met its inhabitants who numbered
among His disciples. As these men spoke not but of the
Remembrance, they were made captive in chains and fetters.
I became cognizant of what they had endured and observed
what befell them who believed. And yet these held no
enmity or ill will towards those who perpetuated such
wrongs, as they believed in God, the Almighty, the All-
Praised.
Verily, in the chambers of my heart, I was constantly
mindful of my Master [i.e. the Báb] and as I was far from
His presence, I longed to attain unto Him.
O Son of Ahmad745! Is there a way to Thy Path and
will our days be connected with Thy Days that we might
bask in Thy favors? When shall we be granted to drink our
fill from the flowing River of Thy Words? And when shall
we quaff of Thy clear Water? Separation hath long
consumed me. When shall I be permitted to sacrifice myself

743 Qur’án 91:1-3
744 This corresponds to 1 Safar 1263 AH, or Tuesday, 19 January 1847.
745 Ahmad is a title of the Prophet Muhammad to whom the Báb traced his lineage.

It therefore appears that by “Son of Ahmad” he intended the Báb.

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in Thy path and offer up my soul as ransom for the light of
Thine eyes? My condition is even as the Commander of the
Faithful746, upon Him be peace, hath revealed, “I wondered
whether I should pass the time in His remembrance or
blindly wait in this darkness – the darkness by which the
young grow old and the hair of the infant turns white, the
believers will seek and through their striving will attain unto
his Lord. Hence, it became clear that patience and
forbearance in His path are the prudent and wise counsel. In
such wise, with great sorrow and grief, I have continued to
wait and be patient.”747
And as I deemed all ways to be closed and guidance
not possible, I decided to pass my days in collecting and
transcribing His homilies and sacred words. From the
beginning of the month of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih of the
aforementioned year748, I began this work, that perchance
my heart would be solaced and cheered. God is able to
delight the heart of any of His servants.
The first Effulgence [i.e. Tablet] which was revealed in
that land [i.e. Isfahán] from the Fountainhead of Light, and
descended from the divine knowledge, and gave light to this
dark world, was the commentary on the Surih of Val-‘Asr.
After that was the Risálih Nabbúvat Khasih [The Treatise
on the Specific Prophethood] which was revealed with
irrefutable logic, and then responses to various queries
presented to Him [i.e. the Báb] by diverse people in His
presence.
He verily is the Almighty from the beginning to the
end and He verily is the most benevolent Master and All-
Seeing Commander.

746 A title of the first Imam, ‘Alí.
747 This tradition is cited in Ibn Abi al-Mu‘tazili’s (d. 656A.H./1258), Sharh Nahj al-

Balagha, available at: http://alshia.com/html/ara/books/nahj_albalaqe/01/09.htm#link19
748 October 1846.

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4. The third volume of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq has printed two pages of an
Arabic proof-treatise by Vahíd which is inserted after page 470. These
pages are in Vahíd’s own hand.

Although He [i.e. the Báb], upon Him be peace, was born
and raised amongst Persians and is but a commoner, signs
of immense knowledge are evident in Him. With this most
mighty Proof, He reveals prayers, sermons, visitation tablets
and meditations in the style and language of the revelation
of the Guardians [i.e. the Imáms]. Without the least pause or
premeditation, within the space of six hours, He reveals a
thousand verses. It is evident that this power transcends all
human faculties in such wise that none even among the
wisest has ever been known to achieve the like.
With such manifest grandeur, in this short period of
time, He, may my life be a sacrifice unto Him, has revealed
many commentaries and unnumbered books and treatises in
response to questions on diverse sciences, with conclusive
and sufficient replies. How is one to deny this proof or to
hesitate in His Cause after the Revelation of such Writings
and the appearance of His light? By God, this hadith spoken
by the Messenger of God to ‘Alí is true of Him [i.e. the
Báb]: “O ‘Alí! None will show enmity towards you except
him whose father is not known or who has come for the
purpose of showing malice. Of a certainty, his spirit and the
spirit of all who dwell in the kingdoms of revelation and of
creation must be a sacrifice unto your knowledge and
might.”
Of His knowledge, it is as has been mentioned. And
of His might, it is the power of revelation, the peace of God
be upon Him. Without the least hesitation or thought, His
pen reveals fragrant and sacred words, prayers, meditations,
homilies, treatises and luminous verses. What might could
be greater than this majesty? By the potency of God! Those

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endowed with understanding will perceive this to be the
greatest of all powers in the heavens or the earth.
As regards His divine manners, He manifests the two
qualities [of knowledge and grandeur] to a degree of
perfection unrivalled on this plane of existence. He conducts
Himself with the same excellence as His illustrious
forebears, may the peace of God be upon them all from
pre-existence unto eternity.
Consider how He converses, moves and conducts
Himself with utmost purity and piety and then you shall
understand how in His presence the entire range of time has
been reduced to a single hour and the whole span of earth
limited to His House. No expression can describe the joy of
being in His presence. “I know not what to say, or how to
say it.”
He is the Light that shone upon Moses and caused
Him go forward. He is that Effulgence by which every
moldering bone is quickened. Verily, His life-giving breath is
sanctified by the garment of divine knowledge and goodly
deeds and He is cleansed from all enmities and attachments.
He is an elixir in balanced conditions and stands as a
perfect jewel. He imparts a measure of truth to all who are
worthy thereof and shines His effulgence upon each in
accord to their own capacity. He enables all things, even
such things as food or drink, to achieve their full potential –
as this is the function and station of the elixir.

5. The following is a letter written by Vahíd some time after his
conversion, in the course of which he seeks to establish the validity of
the Báb’s claim. It is not known to whom this letter was addressed.749
The Persian text of this letter is printed in Khoosh-i-Há’i az Kharman-i
Adab va Honar, vol. 6, pages 92-3, n. 77.750

749 Dr. Muhammad Afnán has theorized that this letter was addressed to one of the

uncles of the Báb, other than Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí; see “Khushihá”, vol. 5, p. 92.
750 According to the Bahá’í World Centre (communication dated 25 August 1996),

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He is God, the Most Great, the Most Mighty, the Most
Glorious.
... It should be known to your good self that I read
some of your correspondence while in the presence of your
exalted and esteemed brother and perceived some of the
misconceptions that may have troubled you. Even though in
His Tablet of 24 of Dhi’l-Hajjih, revealed by His most
excellent and most holy Pen, matters have been disclosed,
yet briefly I will attempt to rectify two misunderstandings.
Firstly, when a person appears, claiming that he is sent
by God and brings forth that which others are incapable of
producing, then one of two conditions obtain: either he is of
the true and therefore obedience unto him is imperative, or
he is of the false. If it be the second condition, then the
Almighty has decreed upon Himself that He would not
allow any of His servants to fall victim to the false notions
of such a claimant. With the first of these two conditions, by
making a claim and bringing to bear that which none other
is able to match, God will send forth a Messenger.
Otherwise, He will destroy man-made proofs even as he
destroyed the magic of the sorceress through the staff of
Moses. Or He will destroy the false claimant before anyone
is made wayward. And should He do none of these, then of
certainty that claimant bears the truth. Consider this verse
and the one revealed before and after it in the Surih of
Inevitable: “But if Muhammad had fabricated concerning Us
any sayings, We had surely seized Him by the right hand and
had cut through the vein of His neck.”751
The Cause of that Personage [the Báb] in bringing
forth Haqíqat [Truth] is indeed the same as the Cause of the
Messenger of God [Muhammad] in manifesting Nabúvvat
[Prophethood]. The proof of Both is indeed one and the

the original text is in the private library of Dr. Muhammad Afnán.
751 Qur’án 69:44.

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same. Recognition of the Prophethood of the Messenger of
God will necessitate recognition of that honored Personage
as true. The entire creation is but an effulgence of His
Cause. “He causeth the living to issue from the dead, and
He is the one to cause the dead to issue from the living.”752
Rejection of this Personage [the Báb] is evidence that
the doubters were never in Islam as Islam and the Specific
Prophethood [nabúvvat khasih] is the same as the proof of
His Cause. As He has brought forth His proof, all others are
powerless to produce one the like of His. And had He not
been Bearer of the truth, then out of His justice and favor,
the Almighty God would have dealt with Him in one of the
three ways mentioned earlier. And since none of those came
to pass, therefore it stands evident that His Call is of truth.
The proof of His verses, words and books, is the
same proof given for the Qur’án and there is no difference
between the two. Further explanation requires my speaking
face to face.
The second matter is that unlike in the past
Dispensation, the laws are the ultimate command. Yea,
verily it is so, on account of two reasons. Firstly, the laws are
recognized by the Proof [the Báb] and not the Proof by [the
veracity of] the laws. In Siffán, the Khawarij [the Seceders]
wanted to test the Commander of the Faithful through the
derivative laws (mustanabih) of the Qur’án which they had
assembled in accordance with their own understanding and
knowledge. And yet they were deprived of faith.753
And now is the same way if one should attempt to
recognize the Proof through the laws. After the proof has
been vouchsafed and completed, none may be permitted to
say that the laws are in accordance with the rulings of the
‘ulama or against them. ...
The second point is that the religion of Islam consists

752 Qur’án 6:95.
753 See An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, p. 25.

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of both záhir [an outward form] and bátin [an inner reality].
And the Qur’án is endowed with both tanzíl [exoteric
interpretation] and tá’wíl [esoteric interpretation]. The
permitted and forbidden laws of Muhammad are the záhir
and tanzíl of the Qur’án. And in short, the bátin and tá’wíl are
those given by the Commander of the Faithful. The totality
of these are manifested by the Qá’im, upon Him be peace.
And there is no doubt that outwardly bátin and tá’wíl will be
in contrast to záhir and tanzíl.
[For instance,] in accordance to the Prophetic law and
záhir and tanzíl, capital punishment is prohibited for a
murderer who bears witness to the Faith and believes in the
Qur’án. However, by invoking bátin and tá’wíl, the
Commander of the Faithful, upon Him be peace, ordered
the execution of thousands upon thousands of Nákithiyn,
Qasityn and Mariqin in Basra, Siffin and Nahrun – those
who had uttered, “There is no god but God, and
Muhammad is the Messenger of God” and had believed in
the Qur’án. That command, is in accordance to tá’wíl and is
against tanzíl.
All the foregoing applies equally to this honored
Personage [i.e. the Báb]. And tá’wíl is the bátin of Islám, not
its opposer. Outwardly, bátin and tanzíl seem to be two
exegeses.
[Another example,] in accordance to the tanzíl
interpretation should one raise a place of worship or a
mosque, even if it is large enough for only one person, God
will grant him a dwelling in paradise. And yet, by the law of
tá’wíl, the Qá’im of the House of Muhammad will destroy
and reduce all the mosques. You notice that no one claims
that this assertion is against the teachings of Islám and all
maintain that it represents the bátin of His religion. The
Cause of the Proof is akin to this.
This honored Personage was not a judge or a
mujtahid so that He should be known through elucidation

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of the laws. Nay, He is the Proof. And all laws stem from
Him. He is the divine Balance.
In truth, such complaints are only excuses for error.
His Cause is manifest. But since it differs from the exegesis
of the world, then people advance excuses [not to embrace
His Faith].
Peace be upon you.
Your servant, Yahyá.

6. Of other writings of Vahíd, only the following comment by Dr. Denis
MacEoin is known to the present translator: “A manuscript in Haifa
attributed to the Báb under the unique title of Risála-yi Ashtát is said to
be in Dárábí’s hand. This may, in fact, be a work by Vahíd himself, since
no work of that name has been recorded anywhere as a work of the
Báb’s.” The present translator is not familiar with this manuscript.

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Appendix 4

Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Visitation
for Vahíd Dárábí

For his holiness Vahíd hath this been revealed, he who beheld the
Countenance of God, the All-Glorious, the Almighty, and who in His
path sacrificed himself, arose to serve His Cause and quaffed his fill of
the draught of certitude from the Hand of his Lord, the Munificent.

He is supreme over His Cause and powerful over His creation.
The first wave of exaltation from the ocean of the grace of thy
Lord, the Compassionate, be upon thee [Vahíd] who art the essence of
the Qur’an and the possessor of the mysteries of the Bayán.
I testify that thou didst quaff of the choice wine of His Revelation
from the Hand of His favor and grace, and attained unto the presence of
Him Who was the Promised One in all the sacred Books, Scriptures and
Tablets. Thou didst hearken unto the divine Call when it was raised and
perceived its manifestation above the Exalted horizon on a Day when all
the dwellers of the mortal kingdom rejected the Creator of the heavens.
Thou hast, moreover, discerned the Most Great Announcement and
inhaled the fragrance of the garment of the Lord of Days.
I testify that thou didst render victorious the Faith of God and His
Cause through thy pen, thy tongue and thy hand until thou didst
surrender thy life in His path and quaffed from the Kawthar of selfrenunciation in His name and in His love. Thou wast intoxicated from
the spring of His Recognition and didst soar with the wings of certitude
in the heaven of the murmur of thy God, the Lord of Grandeur. Over
thy sufferings all the atoms of the earth cried out and the eye of creation
did weep.
I testify that because of thee all the treasures of the earth appeared

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and all the pearls of the sea were revealed. Through thee, the pinnacle of
understanding was adorned with the crown of revelation. Thou art the
one who accepted the choice sealed wine before the face of all and drank
thy fill in the Name of thy Lord, the Ancient of Days.
May the resplendent glory which hath dawned from the horizon of
divine grace, and the effulgent light from the heaven of sanctified justice,
rest upon thee and upon those who have assisted thee. For they accepted
the One that thou didst accept and repudiated them that had risen
against thee. With thee and under thy shadow, they rendered the Cause
victorious, having beheld thee and circled around thee.
O God, my God, my Maker and the Maker of the heavens, I
beseech Thee by the pearls of the ocean of Thy Oneness, by the
mysteries of Thy Book, and by lamentation of Thy loved ones in their
separation from Thee, and by the tears of the pure ones in their
remoteness from Thee, and I invoke thee, O Thou Lord of indomitable
strength, by this sacred Tomb and by this exalted Shrine [Vahíd’s], to
forgive me, and my father, and all those who for Thy sake have drawn
near to these sacred remains, and all those who have come and will come
on pilgrimage to this spot.
O my God, I beseech Thee by him [Vahíd] and by them who have
suffered martyrdom in Thy path to bestow upon me and upon them that
remain faithful unto Thy Covenant, the necessities of life. Thou art the
All-Knowing, the All-Wise, the Lord of Creation.

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