The Bab and the Babis
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1.
Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters.
Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Edward Sell, The Bab and
the Babis, bahai-library.com.
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ESSAYS ON ISLÁM.

BY THE
REV. E. SELL, B.D., M.R.A.S.,
FELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MADRAS.

1901.

THE BÁB AND THE BÁBÍS

II.

THE modern sect of the Bábís is closely connected with the mystical modes of
thought of
the Ṣúfís, and with the teaching of the Shí‘ahs on the Imám, his
position and functions. It is
not strictly correct to call them a Muslim sect, for they practically discard
the Qurán and
supersede Muḥammad. But the close connection of Bábíism with Muḥammadan
dogmas,
its present-day importance and the devotion of its followers claim for it
thoughtful study.
Mírzá Káẓim Beg, writing in the year 1866, says: “From its first
appearance the
teaching of the Báb has been distinguished from all other reforms, which have
hitherto been
produced in Persia or the East generally, by a well marked aspiration towards
truth and
towards liberty of conscience. Although in the development of the doctrine,
human
passions and fanatic strife have left their impress, yet we can perceive some
things which
are directed toward good desires and towards the freedom of the human
will.”1 He also
adds: “There is not in the history of Asia a schism so remarkable as that of
the Báb. It owes
its extraordinary success to the zeal of its Muríds, or disciples. Amongst
these are women
who have played an important part,

[page 47]

great lords of the Shah s court, and, from the ranks of the ‘Ulamá, the
Seyyids or
descendants of Muḥammad.”2
These are the words of a thoughtful Musalmán who is in no sense a friend to
Bábíism,
but who seeks to give a fair historical account of the Báb and his followers
up to the year
1866. The subject has more recently been investigated by Mr. E. G. Browne,
Lecturer in
Persian at the University of Cambridge. His work, The Episode of the Báb, is
a most
valuable contribution to the knowledge of a movement as remarkable as it is
little known. It
brings the history nearly up to the present day. Much previous knowledge of
Muslim
thought and ways is, however, necessary to the intelligent study of the few
existing works
on the subject.
No sect in modern days has suffered such persecution and survived. The
movement is
one which illustrates the mystical tendency of Persian thought, the fanaticism
of the Mullás,
and the barbarity of the rulers; but all the efforts of the Muslim Church and
State in Persia
have hitherto failed to suppress Bábíism, or to lessen the veneration in
which the Báb is
held by those who accept his teaching.
The Musalmáns of Persia belong to the Shí‘ah sect, which, itself formed by
a revolt
from orthodox Islám, has been more than any other section of the Muḥammadan
people
subject to divisions. This is partly due to the character of the Persians, and
partly to a
somewhat freer spirit, which, as compared with the Sunnís, the Shí‘ahs
cultivate.

Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, p. 331.
Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, p. 333.
Outwardly, it is true, there is not much difference, and the freedom is only a
relative one;
but under the garb of faultless profession, the Shí‘ahs have always held
many esoteric
doctrines and have secretly taught them. The Ṣúfís, or mystics, are the
best example of this,
but the Bábís seem to have little or no connection with them.
The Persians are not naturally a narrow minded people. In the past they have
shown
considerable freedom of thought. It is true that their first great revolt
against orthodox Islám
was largely

[page 48]

influenced by political motives, but it was not altogether free from
intellectual aspirations.
The Mutazala, the Ṣúfí, the Bábí are all more or less rationalistic and
the two latter, being
extremely mystical, should be liberal in their views. The Persians no longer
lead in
literature and philosophy, but some of the old traditions remain, and they are
open to
varying impulses and modes of thought, and yet there is no real religious
freedom and no
true religious toleration.
In order to understand the special standpoint of the Báb and to have an
intelligent
knowledge of his claims as a religious leader, we must consider briefly the
central and
special doctrine of the Shí‘ah system. It is known as the dogma of the
Imámate. Sharastání
defines it thus3: “The Imámate is a light (núr) which passes from one to
the other and
becomes prophetship.” “The Imáms are prophets and divine. Divinity is a
ray (núr) in
prophetship, which again is a ray in Imámate, and the world is never free
from these signs
and lights (anvár).”
The Khalif of the Sunni sect, though according to Muḥammadan tradition he
should be
an Arab and a descendant of the Quraish tribe, is now a Turk, and may,
practically, be a
man of any race who can command the allegiance of the orthodox. Amongst the
Shí‘ahs the
Imám occupies this position not by election4, or by virtue of any special
capacities, but by
divine right and his office is altogether spiritual.5 The first Imám,
‘Alí, was

[page 49]

appointed by Muḥammad and the rest are his divinely ordained successors.
They are
believed to be immaculate, infallible, and perfect guides to men. “The
Imámites believe that
the Imám is preserved inviolate from sin and knows all things.”6 “The
authority of the
Imám is the authority of God, his word is the word of God and of the prophet,
and
obedience to his orders is incumbent.”7 It is said, “God calls the Imáms
His word, His
hands, His signs, His secret.” Their commands and prohibitions, their
actions also, He
recognises as His own. Thus Sharastání: “The orders of the Imáms are
divine.”8 As
mediums between God and man they hold a far higher position than the prophets,
for “the
grace of God, without their intervention, reaches to no created being.” The
Imám is the
supreme Pontiff, the Vicar of God. The possession of an infallible book is not
enough. The
infallible guide is also needed by the Shí‘ah. This is the general belief
about the Imáms and
their functions, though there are differences of opinion as to the succession.
Setting aside

Milal wa Niḥal, pp. 133, 135.
There is one exception. The people of Omán adopted the elective principle and
held that the Imám
might be deposed for misconduct. ‘Abdu’lláh-ibn ‘Ibádh (744 A.D.) was
a vigorous preacher of this
doctrine, and from him the sect known as the ‘Ibádhiyáh takes its rise.
The result of his teaching
was the establishment of the power and jurisdiction of the Imáms of Oman. A
full account will be
found in Dr. Badger’s Seyyids of Oman.
“In a word, the Khalif          of the Sunnís is merely the outward and
visible Defender of the Faith;
the Imám of the Shí‘ahs is the divinely ordained successor of the Prophet,
one endowed with all
perfections and spiritual gifts, one whom all the faithful must obey, whose
decision is absolute and
final, whose wisdom is superhuman.” Episode of the Báb, p. 296.
Jelálu’d-dín As-Suyúti. Bibliotheca Indica, Fas: v. p. 473.
Hyátu-n-nafis.
Milal wa Niḥal, p. 132.
the smaller and less important sects, we may notice the two principal ones.
The Ismá’ílíans,
who reckon ‘Alí as the first Imám, believe in twelve.9 The other sect is
that of the Imámites,
who hold that Ṣádiq, the sixth Imám, was the last one who publicly
exercised the office,
and that after his time, not after that of Imám Abu’l-Qásim, the
succession of the concealed
Imáms commenced. It is not at all necessary to enter into the question of
these different
opinions. The point which now concerns us is that both sects equally believed
that there
never could be a time when there should be no Imám. “The earth is never
without a living
Imám, though concealed.” “He who dies without knowing the Imám, or who
is not his
disciple, dies ignorant.”10

[page 50]

Abu’l Qásim (Al-Mahdí) succeeded his father as Imám in the year 260 A.H.,
just one
thousand years before the manifestation of the Báb. He is said to have
disappeared in the
year 329 A.H. and to be now living in one of the two mysterious cities —
Jábulka and
Jábulsa.11 It is believed that in due time he will reappear, that Jesus
Christ will herald his
approach, that then injustice and misery will be put away, that the true
(Shí‘ah) faith will
prevail, and that a millennium of happiness will be ushered in. Meanwhile, he
is invisible
and inaccessible to the great mass of his followers. At first, however, he
held direct
intercourse in some way with a select few who were the channels of
communication
between himself and the larger body. These intermediaries were called Abwáb,
or Gates.
Their names are Abú ‘Umr ‘Uṣmán ibn Sa‘id ‘Umarí, Abú Ja‘far
Muḥammad ibn Uṣmán,
Ḥusain ibn Rúh Nawbakhtí, and Abú’l-Ḥasan ‘Alí ibn Muḥammad
Símarí. For a period of
sixty-nine years these Gates, one after the other, were the medium of
communication with
the Imám. This period is called that of the ghaibat-i-ṣughra12 , or minor
occupation. The day
came at length when the last Gate, Abú’l-Ḥasan, reached the end of life
and the people
begged him to nominate a successor, as his predecessors had done; but he
absolutely
refused to do so, alleging as his reason that “God hath a purpose which He
will
accomplish.” That which the Faithful had looked forward to with despair had
now come to
pass, and all intercourse with the Imám was at an end. This period is called
the ghaibat-i-
kubra, or major occultation.13 The importance attached to these men and to
their position is
seen from the following extract from the Beyán, a Bábí book to be explained
later on, in
which we read: “For God hath associated refuge in Himself with refuge in His
Apostle, and
refuge in His Apostle with refuge in His Executors (i.e., the Imáms), and
refuge in His

[page 51]

Executors with refuge in the Gates of His Executors. . . . For refuge in the
Apostle is the
same as refuge with God, and refuge in the Imáms the same as refuge in the
Apostle and
refuge in the Gates is identical with refuge in the Imáms.”14
We next come to the time of Shaikh Aḥmad (1753-1826 A.D.) the founder of the
Shaikhí sect. He was a devout ascetic and a man of independent thought. He
had a profound

The names and order are as follows: ‘Alí ibn Abí Tálib, Ḥasan,
Ḥusain, ‘Alí (Imám Zeynu’l
‘Abidín), Muḥammad Bákir, Ja‘far-i-Ṣádiq, Músa Qásim, ‘Alí ibn
Músá ar-Riza, Muḥammad Takí,
‘Alí Nakí, Ḥasan ‘Askari, and Abu’l Qásim, or the Imám Mahdí. He
is also called the Ḥujjatu’lláh
(the proof of God).
Sharastání in the Milal wa Niḥal, pp. 146, 147.
For a curious account of these by Ibn ‘Abbás see the Episode of the Báb,
pp. 299-301.

Episode of the Báb, p. 233.
belief in ‘Alí, and was devoted to the memory of the Imáms, whom he looked
upon as
creative forces, arguing from the text, “God the best of creators”15 that,
if He be the best,
He cannot be the only one, Mírzá Káẓim Beg describes him as a teacher who
by his virtues,
austerity, and erudition was celebrated amongst his contemporaries. Disciples
flocked to
him from all parts. The special point of his teaching was that “God is
immanent in the
Universe, which proceeds from Him, and that all the elect of God, all the
Imáms, and all
just persons are personifications of the divine attributes.” According to
this belief, he held
that the twelve Imáms from ‘Alí to Al-Mahdí were personifications of
twelve chief
attributes of God, and that, consequently, they were eternal. Amongst these
Imáms ‘Alí
holds the highest rank, being superior to angels, to prophets, and to
Muḥammad.16

[page 52]

He used also to quote the Tradition attributed to ‘Alí, “I am the creator
of the heavens
and the earth”17 and said that in reciting the first chapter of the Qurán,
the Súratu l-Fátiḥah,
the worshipper should fix his thoughts on ‘Alí and say “Thee do we
worship.”18
The successor of Shaikh Aḥmad was Ḥájí Seyyid Káẓim. He was a young
man of a
very strict manner of life and so mysterious in his actions that some of the
more wordly-
minded [sic] Persians looked upon him as foolish, but the greater part called
him the
Enlightened. The Shaikhí doctrine now spread all through Persia. In Irak
alone there were
more than a hundred thousand disciples. However, they did nothing to call
forth the
opposition of the Mullás, nor any political repression: on the contrary,
among the admirers
of the Shaikh were a great number of state officials, and of the chief among
the clergy; all
proud of his fame and enthusiastic about his philosophy.”19 He died in the
year 1843 A.D.
and left no successor. According to the Bábí writers he appointed no one,
because he
looked upon Shaikh Aḥmad and himself as forerunners of one who should
shortly appear,
and be far more glorious than they had been. Mr. Browne gives the following
translation20
of a passage in a Bábí history,21 which bears on this point:
“When Ḥájí Seyyid Káẓim had but recently departed this life,22 I
arrived at the
supreme shrines (Kerbelá and Nejef) and heard from his disciples that the
late Seyyid had,
during the last two or three years of his life, wholly restricted his
discourse, both in lecture
room and pulpit, to discussing the promised Proof, the signs of his appearance
and their
explanation, and to enumerating the qualities of the Master of the
dispensation, repeatedly
declaring that he would be a

[page 53]

Súra xxiii. 14.
Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, tome vii. p. 458.
Mírzá Káẓim Beg adds the following note: “The scholastic Musalmáns say
that the attributes
of God are equal and of one quality; but to the human comprehension some
appear superior to
others, for example, mercy surpasses severity. According to the doctrine of
the Ṣifáṭíans, the
attributes of God are eternally inherent in His essence. The Mutazalas do not
admit this and say:
There is only one supreme existence and that is God; otherwise we must admit a
multiplicity of
eternal existences, which is contrary to the dogma of the divine unity. The
doctrine of the Shaikhí
school is that the attributes of God proceed from the supreme existence, and
by His own will
become personified in blending with the human soul and spirit which also
emanate from God.”

Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, tome vii, p. 463.
Episode of the Báb, p. 239.
The New History of the Báb.
In the year 1259 A.H. — 1843-4 A.D.
youth, that he would not be versed in the learning of men. Some times, too, he
would say, I
see him as the rising sun. One day an Arab suddenly entered his presence and
said, I have
seen a vision touching your reverence. On receiving permission he repeated the
dream;
whereupon Seyyid Káẓim appeared somewhat troubled and said, ‘The
interpretation of this
dream is this, that my departure is nigh at hand and I must go hence.’ His
companions, who
were present, were much distressed and grieved at this intelligence; but he
turned his face
to them and said, ‘The time of my sojourn in the world has come to an end,
and this is my
last journey. Why are ye so grieved and troubled because of my death? Do ye
not then
desire that I should go and that the true one should appear?’”
To Mullá Ḥusain, one of his most distinguished followers, he said, “From
whatever
quarter the sun of truth shall arise, it will irradiate all horizons and
render the mirrors of
believers hearts capable of receiving the effulgence of the lights of
wisdom.”
The Shaikhís seem to have been expecting the advent of some one who should be
their
leader and so, after fastings, vigils, and prayers for guidance, they began to
consider what
was to be done in the matter of a successor, a spiritual director. They then
went in different
directions. Mullá Ḥusain proceeded to Shíráz and there met with Mírzá
‘Alí Muḥammad,
who produced before him the signs of his call to his divine mission. Amongst
these was his
commentary on the Súra of Joseph, one of the chapters of the Qurán. To the
enquiry of the
Báb, as to whether the Shaikhís had yet appointed a successor to the late
Seyyid Káẓim, he
was obliged to say that as yet they had found no one worthy enough for so high
an office.
The Báb suggested that he might do, but Mullá Ḥusain could not see how one
so young
would do. One day the Báb said: By what sign canst thou recognize the Master?
Mullá
Ḥusain replied, “By the possession of the Point of Knowledge, which is the
source and
centre of all the wisdom of past and future prophets and saints.” Then
followed marvellous
expositions and clear explanations of most abstruse questions.23 For

[page 54]

several days Mullá Ḥusain pondered over these matters, and, after a long
and severe
struggle, became convinced that he had found in the young and ardent
enthusiast before
him, the Proof, the True One, the Sun of Truth, to whose advent Ḥájí
Seyyid Káẓim had
pointed. “He wrote to his friends at Kerbelá that neither he himself nor
any other of them
was worthy of the high dignity of Murshid, or leader, and that that
‘Illuminated One, to
whom their late master had referred, was alone worthy. I have found him at
Shíráz and he is
worthy to be the Murshid.”24 It is for this reason, and because he so
heartily espoused the
cause of his new master, that Mullá Ḥusain is named the Bábu’l-Báb, or
Gate of the Gate;
the Ḥarf-i-Awwal, or First Letter, and the Awwal man ámana, or the First to
believe. But
this decision was not acceptable to all the Shaikhís. A party headed by
Ḥájí Muḥammad
Karím Khán25 of Kirmán utterly refused to receive the Báb and became his
bitterest
persecutors. Indeed at his first examination at Tabríz, some of his opponents
were Shaikhís,
and some later on approved of his condemnation to death. The Shaikhís thus
became
divided into two sects. One passed on to Bábíism of which it was, in a way,
the source. At
all events, it gave it strength and a rapid diffusion. The other was, and
continued to be, in
fierce conflict with it. However, the great majority followed Mullá Ḥusain,
and Mírzá ‘Alí
Muḥammad become their recognized leader.
As the connection between the Bábís and the Shaikhís is thus so close, we
must now
see what was the special dogma of the latter sect. The orthodox Shí‘ah
creed consists of
five articles, which are called arkán-i-dín, or the pillars or supports of
the Faith. They are
belief (1) in tauḥíd, or the unity of God, (2) in ‘adl, or the justice of
God, (3) in nabuwat, or
prophetship, (4) in imámat, or the imámate, (5) in ma‘úd, or the
resurrection. The Shaikhís
set aside the articles two and five, for they said that

A full account of Mullá Ḥusain’s conversion is given in the
Táríkh-i-Jadíd, pp. 34-38.
Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, tome vii. p. 465.
The Bábís called him the “Very Essence of Hell-fire.”

Episode of the Báb, p. 242.
[page 55]

there seemed no sufficient reason why justice alone of all the attributes of
God should be
selected as an article of the creed, and that there was just as much reason
for inserting His
wisdom, power, or any other attribute. They also objected to the resurrection
as a special
article, on the ground that belief in the attribute of justice and in the
resurrection is implied
in the acceptance of prophetship. He who believes in a prophet accepts that
which he sets
forth, and these are cardinal parts of his teaching. To take the place of the
rejected articles
and to bring the number up to four they added a new one, which they called the
rukn-i-
rábi‘26, or the Fourth Support or Pillar. The meaning of this is that there
must always be
amongst believers one perfect man, a Shí‘ah-i-kámil27 who can be the
wásiṭa-i-faiẓ,28 or the
channel of grace between the absent Imám and his people. Four pillars give
stability to any
thing, so no more are needed in a creed. The term Fourth Support is primarily
applied to the
dogma that the concealed Imám must always have on earth some one who
possesses his
entire confidence, to whom he gives special spiritual instruction, and who is
thus qualified
to convey to the believers the wishes and wisdom of their invisible head.29
The term has,
however, come to be applied to the person who fulfils this office. It is said
that Ḥájí
Muḥammad Karím Khán, the Shaikhí who refused to accept Mírzá ‘Alí
Muḥammad as a
leader, considered himself to be the Fourth Support. This, too, was the
position of the Báb;
at all events at first, for he claimed to be this Fourth Support, and thus to
occupy the place
held by the Gates, who were the intermediaries between the Imám and his
followers during
the minor occultation. Thus it is that Bábíism is connected with the very
central doctrine of
the Shí‘ahs, though in many other ways it has so far departed from accepted
Muḥammadan
ideas as to form a new sect altogether. This will appear as we record the life
and work of
the Báb.
Mírzá ‘Alí Muḥammad was born at Shiraz, on the 9th of

[page 56]

October, 1820. When quite young, he lost his father. He was brought up by an
uncle who
was engaged in mercantile pursuits. For a time the youth assisted his uncle,
but as his mind
was more inclined to religious meditation and speculative thought than to
business affairs,
he proceeded to Kerbelá, where he was brought into contact with Ḥájí
Seyyid Káẓim, the
Shaikhí leader, whose lectures he occasionally attended. At Kerbelá he was
distinguished
by his zeal for learning and by his remarkably austere life, as well as by the
great esteem in
which his teacher and others held him. Visitors to Kerbelá, especially those
from Shíráz,
showed him much consideration, and so his fame was spread abroad. He now began
to
commit his thoughts to writing, and composed a commentary on one of the
chapters of the
Qurán, the Súra of Joseph.
The Bábí historian30 says of this work that in it “he addressed himself to
that person
unseen, from whom he received help and grace, sought for aid in the
arrangement of his

Vide Episode of the Báb, pp. 243-4 for an exposition of these two views.
preliminaries, and craved the sacrifice of life in the way of love. Amongst
others is this
sentence, “O residue of God,31 I am wholly sacrificed to Thee;

[page 57]

I am content with curses in Thy way, I crave nought but to be slain in Thy
love, and God the
Supreme sufficeth as an eternal protection.”
He also wrote a commentary on other parts of the Qurán, and some prayers.
These
writings he called ashá’if-i-ilhámiyah, or inspired pages and
kalám-i-fiṭra, or word of
conscience; but he made no claim to the kind of inspiration called waḥí,
that is, the
revelation brought by an angel or in some mechanical way.32 He believed his
meditations to
be divinely inspired, but the inspiration was subjective.33
He now began to attract general attention. Some persons were highly
displeased, others
were drawn towards him. Thus it came to pass that on the 23rd of May, 1844,
when he was
about twenty-four years of age, Mírzá ‘Alí Muḥammad more definitely
formulated his
views and announced himself as a duly authorised teacher and guide. He then
assumed the
name of the Báb. He said, “Whosoever wishes to approach the Lord his God
and to know
the true way that leads to Him ought to do it through me.” Of this period of
his career Mírzá
Káẓim Beg says: “The number of his adherents increased, day by day, and
when they
demanded that he, like the ancient prophets, should give them a sign, in proof
of his
mission, he relied on this that he could write a thousand inspired lines in
one day. By his
peculiarities and by

[page 58]

Episode of the Báb, p. 4.
The expression, residue (or remnant) of God — Baqíyat Ulláh — is a very
peculiar one. It is
connected with a curious belief of the Shí‘ahs, viz.: that God allowed some
part or fraction of
Himself, in some way or other, to be connected with the Imám. As soon then as
Mírzá ‘Alí
Muḥammad was raised by his followers to the dignity of the Báb, or as soon
as the idea became
present to his own mind, he could address the Imám as the Baqíyat Ulláh,
and set forth his complete
devotion to him. His followers then gave him the titles of the servant of
Baqíyat Ulláh, the mystery
of Baqíyat Ulláh, the friend of Baqíyat Ulláh. Gradually, as, during his
imprisonment, he became
more and more invisible to his followers, and when he became credited with the
power of working
miracles and more or less a mythical being, he was no longer called the
servant, or the mystery, or
the friend of Baqíyat Ulláh, but himself was esteemed to be the Baqíyat
Ulláh the true Imám so
long looked for. Mírzá Káẓim Beg says that under the term mystery they
understood one who
shared the secrets of the Imám. “The name Sirr-Ullah, or Mystery of God,
was given to ‘Alí, as to
one who knew the secrets of divine revelation; and, so in its new application,
the title Sirr-i-Baqíyat
Ulláh, now a name of the Báb, would mean the one who knew all that was in
the mind of the
concealed Imám, who himself was the remnant (or residue) of God.” Journal
Asiatique, 1866, vol.
viii. p. 468.
Episode of the Báb, p. 4.
Count Gobineau says: “Dans le premier de ces livres, il était pieux et
mystique: dans le second, la
polemique et la dialectique tenaient une grande place, et les auditeurs
remarquaient avec
étonnement qu’il découvrait, dans le chapitre du Livre de Dieu qu’il
avait choisi, des sens nouveaux
dont personne ne s’était avise Jusqu’alors, et qu’il en tirait surtout
des doctrines et des
enseignements complètement inattendus” Les religions et les philosophies
dans L’Asia Centrale, p.
147.
his austere life, even when still at Kerbelá, he was called the
‘Illuminated’. When the
inhabitants of Shíráz returned from Kerbelá, they used to say: “Have you
heard of our
Seyyid ‘Alí Muḥammad? He is no longer as we are, he has become famous and
has merited
the name of the ‘Chosen of God’. All people, small and great, flock around
him.” He also
adds that dreamers and mystics, and evil disposed persons from self-interest
joined him. No
doubt some did so from mixed motives; but Mr. E. G. Browne seems to me to give
the
fairest account. He divides the Báb’s first adherents into several classes.
Firstly, rigorous
and pious Muḥammadans who really believed that the signs of the twelfth
Imám were
fulfilled in him; secondly, all those who desired reform in Persia and thought
that Bábíism
would conduce to that end; thirdly, the mystics who considered Bábíism to be
similar to
their own pantheistic system; fourthly, those who were drawn by the personal
influence and
character of the Báb.34
On his return from Kerbelá he was heartily welcomed. Until then, it is said,
he looked
upon himself only as one who had made some progress in the ṭáríqat, or the
divine way; but
he soon began to consider himself a master, appointed by heaven to regenerate
his country.
It was now that Mullá Ḥusain cast in his lot with the Báb. This period is
known as that of
the ẓahúr, or manifestation.
There is some difference of opinion as to what he exactly meant by the title
of Báb
which he assumed. Mírzá Káẓim Beg says: “I do not know whether he was
acquainted with
the words of Christ, ‘I am the door,’ but he doubtless knew that
Muḥammad had said: I am
the city of knowledge and ‘Alí is the gate of that city.’”35 Another
writer says: “He
announced that he was the Gate, by which alone any one can attain to the
knowledge of
God.” A Muḥammadan historian, an enemy of the Báb, says that “the Báb,
having gathered
some Shaikhís together, said: — ‘I am the Gate of God. Whosoever desires
to come to God,
and

[page 59]

to know the religion of God cannot do so till he sees me and receives
permission from
me.’” The most accurate account is this: - “He (Mírzá ‘Alí
Muḥammad) now gave out that,
as ‘Alí had been the Gate, by which men entered the city of the Prophet’s
knowledge, even
so he was the ‘Gate’ through which men might attain to the knowledge of
the twelfth
Imám.”36 His followers have now, however, discarded that name, and he is
known amongst
the Bábís by several titles, such as Ḥaẓrat, or His Highness;
Ḥaẓrat-i-nuqṭah-i-beyán, or His
Highness the point of Revelation; Ḥaẓrat-i-nuqṭah-i-úlá, or His
Highness the First point;
Ḥaẓrat-i-rabbi ala‘ala, or His Highness my Lord the Supreme. More
recently the Behá’ís
call him Ḥaẓrat-i-mubashshir, or His Highness the Evangelist.37 Gobineau,
a good authority
on the subject, says: — “Mírzá Muḥammad ‘Alí said that he was not
the Báb in the sense in
which they (his followers) had believed and as he himself had thought, that is
to say, the
Gate of the knowledge of truth; but that he was the Point, or the originator
of truth, a divine
appearance, a powerful manifestation,”38 and so goes on to show that the
title Báb was set
free and could hence forth reward the pious devotion of one of the Báb’s
followers. As a
matter of fact, it was bestowed on Mullá Ḥusain, who is some times called
His Excellency,
the Gate of the Gate, Janáb-i-Bábu’l Báb.39 Having made this digression
we may now
continue the history of this remarkable man.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1889, p. 504.
Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 343.
Watson’s History of Persia, p. 348.

Episode of the Báb, p. 230.
The next step seems to have been the pilgrimage to Mecca in November 1844,
where
he stayed a short time and completed all the rites incumbent on pilgrims. His
stay in Mecca
does not seem to have confirmed his faith in Islám, from which he was

[page 60]

now becoming detached.40 He returned early in the following year to Bushire.
He soon
become the centre of attraction, His personal charms and his attractive
manners drew many
people to him. The orthodox were pleased with the apparent veneration he held
for the
Prophet and the Imáms, whilst his more ardent companions rejoiced at the
liberality of his
views. The Mullás and others, however, became excited about him. They induced
Ḥusain
Khán, the Governor of Fárs, to give orders that some of his followers should
be beaten. A
little later on in the year the Báb was brought as a prisoner to Shíráz.
The impression he
produced then was very great amongst the literary and religious classes.
Whenever he
appeared in the Mosque they listened to him in silence. In his public
discourses he did not
now attack the foundations of Islám, but was unsparing in his rebukes of the
Mullás. His
general theme was the sad and distressed state of men generally. Obscure
allusions in his
speeches awakened an interest amongst the curious, and delighted those who
were in part
initiated into his teaching.41 The Mullás of Shíráz appointed their ablest
men to dispute with
him, with the result that the enthusiasm regarding him grew to a great extent.
He taught
openly in the Colleges and in the Mosques, but his special followers received
instruction in
his own house. Mírzá Káẓim Beg thus describes one of these famous
disputations. “The
‘Ulamá assembled. The Báb appeared in the midst of them and spoke with
courage and
enthusiasm. The Governor, Ḥusain Khán, who had assumed the character and
position of a
learner, humbly suggested that the Báb should demonstrate that his doctrines

[page 61]

were superior to those of Muḥammad. The Báb answered boldly, ‘Take my
Qurán, compare
it with that of your prophet, and you will be convinced that my religion is
the preferable
one.’ On hearing these words, the Governor changed his attitude and called
for the
executioner to whom he pointed out the prisoner. The Báb was then bound and
beaten.”
A Bábí historian42 gives fuller details. He says that the matter acquired
such
importance that the reigning Shah sent one of the most learned Doctors of the
age, Seyyid
Yaḥyá, to interview the Báb and to report the result. He held three long
conferences with
him, but the result was that he was so charmed with the Báb that he accepted
him as a
leader and admitted all his claims. About this time, Mullá Muḥammad
‘Alí, a leading
teacher, sent a person to Shíráz to ascertain the facts of the case. This
messenger returned
with some of the Báb’s writings, which so impressed Mullá Muḥammad
‘Alí that he too
became a follower of the Báb. When he next met his pupils in his lecture room
he gathered
up his books, and said: “The season of spring and wine has arrived. Search
for knowledge
after reaching the known is culpable.” Then he urged all his disciples to
become Bábís, and
sent to the Báb a statement of his own adherence to his teaching. The Mullás
complained to
the Shah, and Mullá Muḥammad ‘Alí was summoned to Teheran; but he was
able to meet
successfully all his opponents in debate and nothing came of this action.
The cause of the Báb was now very much strengthened by the support of such
famous
teachers, who were most earnest and active in propagating the new faith. The
orthodox
Mullás soon perceived that they must attack the Báb direct, and so they
urged the Governor
of Fars, Ḥusain Khán, to take more decisive action, saying: “If thou
desirest the extinction

This is the view taken by Gobineau, but Káẓim Beg says that it was
“après avoir semé bon gré mal
gré quelques mauvais grains dans cette terre de Chiraz si fertile en
préjugés et en superstitions” that
he went to Mecca. So also a Bábí writer who says: — “When the Báb had
laid the foundation of
such an edifice, he, according to his promise, set out for Mecca.” Anyhow
his stay in Mecca did not
bring him back to orthodoxy. See a Traveller s Narrative, p. 251.
Les religions et les philosophies dans L’Asia Centrale by Count Gobineau, p.
148.
Episode of the Báb, p. 7.
of this fire, or seekest a firm stopper for this rent and disruption, an
immediate cure and
decisive remedy is to kill the Báb.”
An attack was made on the house in which the Báb lived; but,

[page 62]

apparently with the connivance of those who had charge of him, he was allowed
to make
his escape and to proceed to Isfahán. This event took place about March 1846.
Before his
arrival at Isfahán he wrote a letter to the Mu‘tamadu’d-Dawla, the
Governor of the
Province, asking for a suitable lodging. The Governor, Minúchihr Khán,
afforded him
protection and showed him hospitality. At first, the ‘Ulamá paid the Báb
much respect; but
soon began to be alarmed at his growing influence with the Governor, by whom
the learned
doctors of Islám were invited to a public discussion with the Báb. After
accepting the
proposal, they withdrew, saying: “If there be doubt in the matter there is
need of assembly
and discussion; but as this, person’s disagreement with the most luminous
Law is clearer
than the sun, therefore the best possible thing is to put in practice the
sentence of the
Law.”43 They thus refused to meet him and, instead of doing so, signed a
declaration to the
effect that they were quite convinced of the heretical character of his
doctrines. This very
much displeased Minúchihr Khán, the Governor, who seems to have been a firm
friend to
the Báb. After his death in 1847, the Báb was removed to the castle of
Mákú, a fortress on
the north-west frontier, though his confinement was not at first a rigorous
one. His
followers were allowed free intercourse with him, and continual correspondence
went on
between the Báb and his principal agents. The Báb at this time wrote many
religious books,
and his influence seemed to be on the increase. After the insurrection of
Mázandarán it was
determined to place him in stricter confinement, and so he was removed to the
citadel of
Chirik, near Urumiyyé, of which place Yaḥyá Khán was the Governor. He
treated the Báb
with deference and respect. It was with difficulty that correspondence was now
carried on,
but letters were passed in by means of some very clever stratagems. According
to some
accounts he was allowed to address the people, and

[page 63]

one eye-witness states that he saw the balcony from which the Báb preached,
that the
concourse of people was very great, and that they listened with attention to
the words of the
new Quran. He prayed and worked without ceasing. All who approached him, even
the
soldiers who guarded him, were influenced by his calm manner and his
attractive
conversation. The Báb was confined at Chirik about two and a half years, and.
it is said,
there declared himself to be the Qá’im. or the Imám Mahdí.
Soon after his arrival at Chirik he was brought to Tabríz to undergo his
first
examination. A full account of this is given by the Muḥammadan historians,
but as they
represent him as utterly foolish and ignorant,44 it is more than probable that
it did not take
place as narrated. Mírzá Káẓim Beg says that the accounts given of the
interview were most
contradictory, and he does not give any credence to the more absurd ones. The
Bábí
account of it is that the Báb advanced the claim of Mahdí-hood, on which a
great tumult
arose, and that, in general, his defence was a success. This much is certain
that he was
severely beaten and sent back to confinement in Chirik. Then we are told that
“learned
divines and esteemed lawyers who were possessed of power and influence, girt
up the loins
of endeavour for the eradication and suppression of this sect.” They
maintained that the
Báb and his followers were not only in error, but were also hurtful to Church
and State. The

Maqálah-i-Shakhsi Saiyah.
A full account is given in the Episode of the Báb, pp. 277-290: also in the
New History of the Báb,
pp. 285-291.
King, Muḥammad Shah, however, declined to interfere, and declared that so
long as the
public peace was not disturbed the Government would not further interfere with
him.
At this time the Báb’s followers were most active in spreading his
doctrines throughout
the land. It was now that his most famous convert was made. This was a woman
called
Qurratu’l-‘Ayn (Lustre of the Eye.) The course of the narrative may well
be interrupted in
order to give a brief account of so great and distinguished a woman.
She was the daughter of Ḥájí Mullá Muḥammad Ṣáliḥ, a

[page 64]

learned resident of Kazvín. She was an excellent Arabic scholar and was so
intelligent that
she could follow the most subtle discussions. Her acquaintance with the
commentaries on
the Quran and with the Traditions was very extensive.45 She was acquainted
with Ḥájí
Seyyid Káẓim, the Shaikhí leader, and his famous disciple Mullá Ḥusain.
When the latter
set out for Shíráz Qurratu’l-‘Ayn corresponded with him and begged him
to let her know
when he had found the spiritual teacher he was in search of. Mullá Ḥusain
showed her letter
to the Báb, who was much interested in it. For a while she lived at Kerbelá
and gave
addresses to the Shaikhís. This displeased the governor of the place and she
retired to
Baghdád. Again she was ordered to change her place of residence. She then
visited
Kirmánsháh and Hamadán, everywhere preaching and making converts to the
Bábí faith.
Some of the Bábís looked with disfavour on this preaching by a woman; but
the Báb
supported her, applauded her zeal, and bestowed on her the title of
Jenáb-i-Ṭáhira, or Her
Excellency the Pure. From that time all acknowledged her position. Her father
now brought
her back to her home at Kazvín, but she was not happy there, as her friends
and relatives
were all bitterly opposed to the Shaikhís and the Bábís. Her uncle, who
showed much
hatred of the Bábís, was now assassinated, and Qurratu’l-‘Ayn was
unjustly charged with
being privy to the deed. This rendered her further stay in Kazvín impossible,
and she left
for a place called Núr, where she remained until the suppression by the
Government of the
Mázandarán insurrection. She was then made a prisoner and sent to Teheran.
On her arrival
she was taken before the Shah who said: “I like her looks, leave her and let
her be.”46 She
was then kept in prison, though her confinement does not appear to have been
very
rigorous, for she had occasional intercourse with different Bábís and her
life was in no
danger

[page 65]

until the attempt to assassinate the Shah was made, when the mere fact of
being a Bábí was
sufficient to imperil life. Even there her marvellous beauty, enthusiasm and
eloquence won
for her the regard of her custodian, Maḥmúd Khán. He did all he could,
consistent with his
duty, to soften the rigours of captivity and held out hopes for the future.
Her cheerfulness
when any day the sentence of death might be passed astonished the attendants.
One
morning Maḥmúd Khán returned from Court, saying that he had brought good
news. He
told Qurratu’l-‘Ayn that she was to appear before her judges, and it was
understood that, if
she denied that she was a Bábí, she would be left alone, on condition that
she lived quietly
and ceased to teach. She indignantly replied that she would do no such thing
and
prophesied his own down-fall. Strange to say this came true for a few years
after Maḥmúd
Khán was executed by the order of the Shah. This refusal to deny her faith in
the Báb was
strong in her, and she did so refuse when confronted with her judges. They
could not save
her, and so she was put to death in the massacre at Teheran which followed on
the attempt
to kill the Shah in 1852. Various accounts are given of the manner of her
death. Gobineau

Les religions et les philosophies dans L’Asia Centrale by Count Gobineau, p.
168.
says she was burned and then strangled: others that she was strangled47 and
then cast into a
well. Her death was painful, and she was as brave in death as she had been in
life.
Qurratu’l-‘Ayn was the most remarkable of the Báb’s disciples. She was
a person of
marvellous beauty, possessed of high intellectual gifts, eloquent, devoted and
fearless. She
threw her whole soul into the cause she advocated, and her martyrdom sheds a
halo of glory
round her short and active career.
A Bábí historian says: — “Such fame did she acquire that most people who
were
scholars or mystics sought to hear her speak, and were eager to become
acquainted with her
powers of speculation and deduction. She wrested pre-eminence from

[page 66]

stalwart men, and continued to strain the feet of steadfastness, until she
yielded up her life
at the sentence of the mighty doctors in Teheran.” Mírzá Káẓim Beg, a
most sober writer,
waxes eloquent over the charms of Qurratu’l-‘Ayn. Thus: “This woman had
an influence
over her hearers, wholly spiritual. She knew how to inspire them with perfect
confidence.
She was well educated and very beautiful. Everything retired before her. She
raised the
veil48 which covered her face, not to set at nought the laws of chastity and
modesty, so
deeply graven on the tables of the orthodox law and in popular prejudice, but
much rather
in order to give by her look more force to the inspired words she spoke. Her
speeches
stigmatized that gross tyranny which for so many centuries had imprisoned
liberty. She
preached not, as some have said, to abolish the laws of modesty, but to
sustain the cause of
liberty. The eloquent words which fell from her mouth captivated the hearts of
her hearers,
who became enthusiastic in her praise.”
Some of her poems breathe the spirit of Ṣúfíism and show how deeply her
mind was
imbued with mystic lore. This is far more apparent in the original than in any
translation of
them. The following lines are from a translation by Mr. Browne.

“Though with sword in hand my Darling stand, with intent to slay, though I
sinless
be.
If it pleases him, this tyrant’s whim, I am well content with his tyranny.
The country of ‘I’ and ‘We’ forsake; thy home in annihilation make.
Since fearing not this step to take, thou shalt gain the highest felicity.”

With this may be compared a verse of a Ṣúfi poet.

[page 67]

Her romantic career, her marvellous49 power, and her tragic end will continue
to give
for a long while to come strength to the Bábí cause, and the spirit of
endurance to its
followers.

“As she would not suffer them to remove the veil from her face (though they
repeatedly sought to
do so), they applied the bow-string over her veil and thus compassed her
martyrdom. Then they cast
her holy body into a well in the garden.” Tárikh-i-Jadíd, p. 284.
Some Bábís say she did not do this; but Count Gobineau says: — “elle
s’éleva non seulement
centre la polygamie, mais contre l’usage du voile.” p. 168.
The following sonnet on Qurratu’l-‘Ayn brings out some characteristic
aspects of her influence: —
Qurratu’l-‘Ayn! not famous far beyond
Her native shore. Not many bards have sung
Her praises, who, her enemies among,
Wielding her beauty as a magic wand,
Strove for the cause of him who had proclaimed
In the year 1848, Náṣiru’d-dín Sháh, the late ruler of Persia, was
crowned at Teheran,
and the position of the Bábís became more critical. The Prime Minister was
Mírzá Taqí
Khán, who, though favourably spoken of by some historians, was distinguished
by great
hatred of the Báb and the Bábís, whom he persecuted with much cruelty. A
civil war now
raged, and on both sides much ferocity was shown; but the power of the Bábís
was broken
by the fall of Shaikh Tabarsí and the slaughter of the Bábí garrison in
1849. The victory of
the royal troops was sometimes gained by base acts of treachery. Mírzá
Káẓim Beg gives
an instance. He says: “Prince Mahdí Kulí Mírzá, the commander of the
royal forces, sent
assurances of safety to the Bábí leaders who accepted his invitation to the
camp, where they
were received with much attention and courtesy. This was what the Prince
desired, and
when he saw that his guests were at their ease and had set aside their
weapons, he gave a
signal, and the unsuspecting Bábís were at once seized and put to the most
cruel tortures.
Some three hundred men were smeared with naphtha and then

[page 68]

burnt alive.” The Bábí historian’s version of it is that the Prince
swore on the Qurán thus:
“You shall not be molested, return to your own places.” As they were
famished and in great
distress they accepted the offer, came to the camp, and whilst engaged in
eating were
suddenly attacked by the soldiers.
This kind of treachery was resorted to more than once; but no amount of
hostile
repression and bitter persecution could restrain the ardour of the Bábí
teachers, or the
devotion of their followers. Mírzá Taqí Khán now perceived that he must
get the Báb put
out of the way, and so he sent an order to his brother to this effect:
“Obtain a formal and
explicit sentence from the learned doctors at Tabriz, who are the firm
supporters of the
Church of Ja‘far (i.e., the 6th Imám), and the impregnable stronghold of
the Shí‘ah faith.
Summon the Christian regiment of Urúmiyya, suspend the Báb before all the
people and
give orders for the people to fire a volley.”
Mírzá Ḥusain Khán summoned the chief of the farráshes and gave him his
instructions.
On the following day, the Báb and a young man named Áká Muḥammad `Alí, a
youthful
Bábí, who belonged to a noble family of Tabriz, were delivered up, after
having been duly
condemned by the Mullás, to the Colonel of the Christian regiment already
named. On the
previous evening, the Báb said to his followers: To-morrow they will martyr
me with
boundless shame and dishonour. Let one of you now arise and slay me, so that I
may not
have to suffer all this dishonour and humiliation from the adversaries, for it
is pleasanter for
me to be slain by the hands of friends than by the hands of enemies.”50 All,
with great
expressions of sorrow began to excuse themselves, except Mírzá Muḥammad
‘Alí, who
seemed as if about to obey the command. His comrades, however, prevented him,
saying:
“Such boldness and rashness is not the characteristic of true service.”
For the following
account of what really transpired I am indebted to Mírzá Káẓim Beg.51

[page 69]

For poor down-trodden womanhood the right
Of freedom. Lifting high her beacon light
Of truth, she went unveiled and unashamed.
A woman, in the land where women live
And weep and die secluded and unknown,
She broke the bonds of custom, and to give
The Báb her aid, she dared the world alone,
Only to fail: death closed the unequal strife,
And Persia blindly wrecked a noble life.
New History of the Báb, p. 298.
Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, tome vii. p. 377. The New History of the
Báb also has a full
account, pp. 297-312.
The roads which led to the court of the Barracks were crowded with people. At
a military
execution in Persia, the condemned are tied together with their backs turned
towards the
firing party. Áká Muḥammad ‘Alí begged to be allowed to turn his face
towards the people,
and then, in a loud, but calm voice, he began to say some prayers which had
been
composed by the master. The Báb kept perfectly silent. His pale and beautiful
face
surrounded by a black beard, his white and delicate hands, his figure and
distinguished
manner, everything in his person and in his dress aroused the sympathy and
compassion of
the spectators. The Governor and the Mullás tried to keep this in check by
preaching loudly
against the Bábí doctrines, exaggerating the evils of the system. They
recounted in a
pathetic manner the end of those who had met their death at the hands of the
Bábís; still, so
strong was the feeling aroused by the self-sacrifice of Áká Muḥammad
‘Alí and the dignity
of the Báb that it required the utmost effort of the Mullás to suppress it.
The first volley
fired simply severed the cords by which the prisoners were fastened to the
post. A second
volley proved effectual. The crowd then dispersed in silence, but many men
carried in their
hearts the germs of hostility towards the Government. The execution of the
Báb (A.H.
1266) does not seem to have been justified on political grounds, for as
Gobineau says,
though “The Bábí chiefs had given trouble to the state, the Báb himself
had done nothing of
the kind and no proof was brought forward that he had encouraged his disciples
in their line
of conduct.”52 A Bábí historian gives a miraculous turn to the failure of
the first volley that
was fired at the execution. He says: “An iron nail was hammered into the
middle of the
stair-case of the very cell wherein they were imprisoned, and two ropes were
hung down.
By one rope Áká Muḥammad ‘Alí was suspended and by the other the Báb,
both being
firmly bound in such wise that the head of the young man was on the Báb’s
breast. From
the fire of the volleys a mighty smoke was produced. When the smoke cleared
away they
saw that

[page 70]

young man standing, with the Báb, who has seated by the side of his
amanuensis, Áká
Seyyid Ḥusain, in the very cell from the staircase of which they had been
suspended.” The
bodies were finally cast out of the city, near the moat, to be devoured by
dogs and jackals;
but on the second night were conveyed away by the Bábís who by bribes, or
the influence
of powerful friends, obtained possession of them. “They were wrapped in
white silk, placed
in one coffin, and sent to Teheran, where by order of Mírzá Yaḥyá
(Subh-i-Ezel), who,
though but twenty years old, had been chosen to succeed the Báb, they were
deposited in a
little shrine called Imám-zádé-i-Ma‘súm. Here they remained for
seventeen or eighteen
years, till the schism originated by Behá deprived his half-brother Ezel of
the supremacy in
the Bábí church which he had hitherto enjoyed, when they were removed by the
Behá’ís, to
whom alone is now known the last resting place of the Martyrs of Tabriz.”53
The chief of the religion was dead and, according to the calculations of
Mírzá Taqí
Khán, the Prime Minister, peace would now be soon established and there would
be no
more trouble from the Bábís ; but, as Count Gobineau points out,54 his
political sagacity
was entirely at fault for the death of the Báb only increased the movement
and fawned the
ardour of his followers.
Great pressure had been brought to bear on Áká Muḥammad ‘Alí by his
relatives to
make him recant, but he was imbued with devotion to his master. He wrote a
very touching
letter in reply to an affectionate appeal from his brother, urging him to give
up the Báb, to
save his life and to return to his family. This is the letter.

“He is the Compassionate.
O thou who art my Qibla! My condition, thanks to God, has no fault, and “to
every
difficulty succeedeth ease.” You have

Les religions et les philosophies dans L’Asia Centrale, p. 262.
A Year amongst the Persians, p. 64.
Les religions et les philosophies dans L’Asia Centrale by Count Gobineau, p.
271.
[page 71]

written that this matter has no end. What matter, then, has any end? We, at
least, have no
discontent in this matter: nay, rather, we are unable sufficiently to express
our thanks for
this favour. The end of this matter is to be slain in the way of God, and O!
what happiness
is this. The will of God will come to pass with regard to his servants,
neither can human
plans avert the divine decree. thou who art my Qibla, the end of the world is
death. If the
appointed fate which God hath decreed overtake me, then God is the guardian of
my
family, and thou art mine executor; behave in such wise as is pleasing to God,
and pardon
whatever has proceeded from me which may seem lacking in courtesy, or contrary
to the
respect due from juniors: and seek pardon for me from all those of my
household and
commit me to God. God is my patron and how good is He as a Guardian!”
This letter is a remarkable witness to the power which the Báb had over his
disciples, a
power which could lead this youth, with so promising a future before him, to
give up home
and life, to face death and its terrors rather than be separated from the
Master he loved so
truly. The original letter is given in a foot-note.55
The Báb does not appear to have been a political agitator;

[page 72]

certainly politics had nothing to do with the inception of the movement. He
wished to effect
religious reform, not to deal with affairs of the State, or to injure the
status of the reigning
family. He was absorbed in spiritual meditations and in mystical
contemplations and was
not a political fanatic. But when his followers found that the Government
would not help
forward reforms and would not move from the orthodox Shí‘ah standpoint,
they gave to the
Bábí movement a political turn which it had not previously possessed. The
Báb himself
remained passive, but most of the chief men amongst his disciples accepted
this new
departure. Then after the death of the Báb instead of becoming, as was
expected by the
Government, despondent and discouraged, they became exasperated and stern. The
last
restraints were now removed and they did not hesitate to count themselves
enemies of the
Sháh and his government.
It may be well at this point to give a summary of the character of the Báb,
as
pourtrayed by Mírzá Káẓim Beg, always remembering that the critic, though
eminently fair,
does not believe in the claims of the Báb.
“He had some characteristics truly great and noble and was a man of firm and
settled
convictions. His moral character was high, and he aimed in his preaching to
bring all his
countrymen into a community, united by intellectual and moral ties. He spoke
with much
earnestness on the necessity for a religious and social reform in Persia, the
cessation of

Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, October 1889, p. 902.
religious persecution, and the amelioration of the lot of women. It is said
that much of what
he preached on these points had an esoteric meaning, known only to his
disciples; but
whether that is the case or not, the veneration they felt for him was
profound, and there can
be no doubt that the teaching of the Báb was in the direction of freedom and
that he
personally was in favour of reform.” Mírzá Káẓim Beg sums up his
reflections thus: “We
neither consider him an adventurer nor a fanatic, but an eminently moral man,
a dreamer
brought up in the school of the Shaikhís and possessing some touch of

[page 73]

Christianity. We regard him also as a man troubled by the direct influence of
some of his
devoted and ambitious disciples. In any case, we believe that the appearance
of the Báb will
be more or less of use in time to the cause of civilization in Persia.”56
The next historical event of importance is the attempt on August 15th, 1852,57
to
assassinate Náṣiru’d-dín Sháh. It does not appear to have been an act
determined on by any
large number of the Bábí leaders, but to have arisen from a spirit of
revenge in a few
devoted followers of the Báb. If such be the case, the frightful persecutions
which followed
are utterly injustifiable, even from an oriental standpoint. The accounts
differ as to the
number of Bábís engaged in this. Some say that there were twelve
conspirators, others say
that there were seven. In any case only three actually took part in the attack
on the Sháh.
These were Mulla Fathu’lláh of Kum, Ṣádiq of Zanján, and Mírzá
Muḥammad of Níríz.
They got themselves engaged as gardeners in a country palace, to which the
Sháh used to
resort. One day in the garden he was eating some fresh water melons and seeing
three
gardeners, looking wearied with heat and work, sent them some of the fruit.
This kind act
made the conspirators hesitate in the carrying out of their commission.
However, in a few
days, the effect of the Sháh’s kindness passed away and, as he was out
riding one day, they
approached him, under the pretence of having a petition to offer, and then one
of them
fired, it is said, three times, the last shot slightly wounding the Sháh. The
escort then came
up, and Ṣádiq, one of the assassins, was killed on the spot and the other
two were arrested.
The Sháh was really in a very great fright, but the Musulmán historians give
a different
account. The following is a very good specimen of oriental hyperbole and
flattery: “The
dust of per turbation settled not on the skirt of the patience and
self-control of the king,
whose elemental material, God the Creator had

[page 74]

leavened with the liver of the lion, the heart of Ardashír, the ardour of
Shápúr, and the
majesty of Taimúr. Nor did the pellucid stream of his mind become troubled by
the
foulness and filth of these events. Neither did he urge his horse to leap
aside, nor did he
utter a word indicative of alarm or consternation. He kept his place on the
poplar-wood
saddle like some mountain of massive rocks, and notwithstanding that wound,
turned not
aside in any direction, and carried not his hand to his hurt, so that those
present in his escort
knew not that any hurt had befallen the king, or that he had suffered any
wound.”
At the examinations before the Council of Ministers, the two arrested Bábís,
though
most severely tortured, declared that they had no accomplices, that they could
not hesitate
to obey the sacred orders of their chiefs who were no longer in Persia. They
said: — “you
can torture us till the day of judgment, we shall say no more.”
The Bábís attribute the failure of the plot to the fact that the impetuosity
of the three
conspirators led them on to the attack before the others were ready. The most
stringent
measures were at once taken against the Bábís. The police at Teheran
searched everywhere
for them and succeeded in arresting, according to one account, forty, and,
according to
Mírzá Káẓim Beg, seventy persons. Most of these who were arrested were
condemned to
death, whether any proof could be given of their complicity in the plot or
not. It was quite

Journal Asiatique, Sixième Série, tome vii. p. 384.
A.H. 1268.
enough to be known as a Bábí. A great fear fell upon those in authority, and
it was
determinated to make a terrible example. The principal malefactors, says
Mírzá Káẓim Beg,
“were tortured in the most odious manner, with an unheard of refinement of
cruelty.” An
English traveller says58: “Tow steeped in oil was inserted between their
fingers and behind
their shoulder blades, leaving portions hanging down which were lighted, and
in this
condition the unhappy wretches were led, as long as they could walk, through
the principal
streets of the capital. A furious

[page 75]

proscription followed. No time was lost between apprehension and execution,
death was the
only punishment known, the headless bodies lay in the streets for days, the
terrified
relatives fearing to give them burial, and the dogs fought and growled over
the corpses in
the deserted thoroughfares.”
A most ingenious plan was adopted to avert from the Sháh and his Ministers,
any
special and definite hatred of the Bábís and to make the subjects of a
possible retaliation on
their part as varied as possible. The prisoners were divided amongst59 the
different classes
of the community who were made responsible for the execution of the victims
allotted to
them.60 They were thus informed that their loyalty would be above suspicion.
Another
expected result was that, owing to the retaliation to which they would be
exposed, they
would be permanently alienated from the Bábí movement and personally
interested in its
entire suppression. Some of the classes thus made to take part in the
executions were the
‘Ulamá, the Princes, the Employes of the foreign office, the Nobles, the
Mír-i-Akhúr, or
Master of the Horse and his assistants; the Sar-kishík or the Captain of the
Guard; and the
Yúz-Báshís, or Centurions; the Artillerymen, the General and Officers, the
Professors and
Students, the Merchants, the City people, and so on.
The details are sickening. One illustration will be enough. Ḥájí Sulaimán
Khán and
Káẓim of Níríz were first wounded in many parts of their bodies, and in
these wounds
lighted candles were placed. They were then paraded through the streets and
bazaars,
accompanied by musicians, whilst the spectators threw dust and ashes on them.
At last they
were sawn asunder. Sulaimán bore these tortures most heroically and during
them testified
to the joy he felt at suffering martyrdom for the cause of the Báb.

[page 76]

He recited the following verses:
“I have returned! I have returned! I have come by the way of Shiraz!
I have come with winsome airs and graces! Such is the lover’s madness.”61

“Why do you not dance,” said the executioners, “since you find death so
pleasant?”
“Dance,” said Sulaimán Khán.
“In one hand the wine cup, in one hand the tresses of the friend.
Such a dance in the midst of the marked place is my desire.”

Renan speaks of the massacre thus: — “The day of the great slaughter of
the Bábís in
Teheran was, perhaps, a day unparalleled in the history of the world.”62
Referring to the

Diary of a Journey from London to Persepolis, by John Ussher, p. 628.
Curzon’s Persia, vol. I, p. 402.
This reminds us of what is said of Queen Joan of Naples, who, when she
strangled her husband,
called out to her fellow-conspirators, ‘Gentlemen you must all take hold of
the rope.’ Quarterly
Review, No, 353, p. 290.
This is the original Persian:

Les Apôtres, p. 378.
same event, Count Gobineau says63: “Children and women with lighted candles
stuck into
the wounds were driven along by whips, and as they went along they sang, ‘We
came from
God, to Him we return.’ When the children expired, as many did, the
executioners threw
the corpses beneath the feet of their fathers. Life was offered if they would
recant. An
executioner told one father that, if he did not recant, his two sons, the
elder of whom was
fourteen years old, should be slain on his breast. The father lying down said
that he was
ready, and the elder boy claimed by right of birth to be the first to have his
throat cut. At
last, night fell on a mass of shapeless flesh, and the dogs of the suburbs
came in troops to
the place.”
So ended one important period in the history of the Bábís. This day made
more secret
followers of the Báb than all his preaching had done, for the impression
produced upon the
people by the calmness and patience of the Martyrs was profound and lasting.64

]page 77]

There has been since this time no formal outbreak of Bábí revenge, nor has
there been
any persecution like it. Even this altogether failed of its purpose, for it
gave to the
movement a vigour and vitality which otherwise it might have lacked.65 It is
said that half a
million Persians are Bábís, but the Hon’ble G. Curzon considers the total
to be nearer one
million. He says66: — “They are to be found in every walk of life, from
the ministers and
nobles of the Court to the scavenger or the groom, not the least arena of
their activity being
the Musalmán priesthood itself. It will have been noticed that the movement
was initiated
by Seyyids, Ḥájís and Mullás.” Whilst it is true that there has been no
persecution so
terrible as the one in 1852, yet now and again the hostility of the ‘Ulamá
shows itself. In
1878, 1888, and in 1889 Bábís were put to death.67 The heroism and the
devotion of the
Bábís is something very wonderful. It is said that there is only one
instance of a Bábí’s
having recanted under pressure. He, however, he returned again to his faith,
and was
afterwards put to death for his renewed devotion to the Báb.
After the death of the Báb, the chief interest in the movement circles round
Mírzá
Yaḥyá and his half-brother Behá’ulláh, who became the respective
leaders of the two sects,
into which the Bábís are now divided — the Ezelís and the Behá’ís.
Before proceeding to give an account of the Bábí doctrines, we may briefly
continue
the narrative of events. There seems no doubt that the Báb in the year 1849
nominated the
former,

[page 78]

whom he named Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel (morning of eternity), as his successor, and
that for a short
time he really held an undisputed position as head of the Bábí church. His
claim to that
office is based on a document, said to have been written by the Báb, of which
the following
is a translation68 by Mr. E. G. Browne: —

“God is most great with the utmost greatness.

Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, p. 302.
Ibid, p. 303.
En très peu d’années, c’est-a-dire de 1847 à 1852 cette religion
s’est répandue dans presque toute la
Perse et y compte des zélateurs innombrables. . . . Et ce n’est point une
populace ignorante qui s’est
surtout émue; ce sont des membres éminents du clergé; ce sont des gens
riches et instruits, des
femmes appartenant à des familles importantes; ce sont, enfin, après les
musulmans, des
philosophes, des soufys en grand nombre, beaucoup de juifs, qui ont été
conquis tout à coup par la
nouvelle révélation. Les religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie
Centrale, p 308.
Persia, Vol. I, p. 499.
Ibid, p. 500.
The New History of the Báb, p. 426. A fac-simile of the transcript by
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel from the original
letter written by the Báb is also given.
This is a letter on the part of God, the Protector, the self-Existent.
To God, the Protector, the self-Existent.
Say, ‘All originate from God.’
Say, ‘All return to God.’
This is a letter from ‘Alí before Nabil69 the remembrance of God unto the
worlds,
Unto him whose name is equivalent to the name of One,70 the remembrance of
God unto the worlds.
Say, ‘Verily all originate from the Point of Revelation (Nuqṭa-i-Beyán).
O Name of the One,71 keep what hath been revealed in the Beyán,
And what hath been commanded, ‘Verily Thou art a mighty way of Truth.’”

In 1852, when the attempt on the life of the Sháh was made, the Bábís were
bitterly
persecuted, and Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel retired to Baghdád, which then became the
head-quarters of
the sect, and was for many years recognised, at least nominally, as its head.
Mírzá Ḥusain
‘Alí Behá’ulláh, who was Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel’s senior by thirteen years,
and had just been released
from imprisonment, joined him in 1853. The Persian Government, at length,
objected to his
residence there and prevailed on the Turkish authorities in

[page 79]

1863-4 to deport him and his followers to Constantinople, from whence a few
months later
on they were sent to Adrianople. Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel led a very secluded life, and
the
correspondence and other matters were carried on by Behá, who acted for him
and was a
man of resolute will and ambitious character. For a time he acted in the name
of Ṣubḥ-i-
Ezel and professed to do all he did under his instructions; but in time the
idea gradually
formed itself in his mind that should become actually as indeed he was already
virtually the
head and leader of the Bábís. Thus the influence of, Behá grew, and at last
he began to
advance claims72 which afterwards culminated in the assertion that he was the
person to
i.e., The Báb.
Wáḥid, one. The numerical value of the letters of wáḥid is 18, which is
also the value of those in
Yaḥyá, one of the names of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel.
i.e., Yaḥyá.
Amongst these was one advanced for him by Mírzá Abú’l Faẓl in the      
              in which it was
maintained that Behá was the promised Messiah of the Jews. He speaks of a
good time coming
when all nations will be of one religion and Israel shall inherit the earth,
if they do not turn away
from the light and guidance now come to them.

R.A.S. Journal, October 1892, p. 703.
whom the Báb referred as ‘Him whom God shall manifest.’73 To this claim74
the Ezelís
replied that

[page 80]

before the person of whose advent the Báb had spoken could come, Bábíism
must obtain
general currency, and the laws laid down by the Báb in his books75 must be
accepted by
most of the nations of the world. They further added to their reply that it
was not to be
supposed that two manifestations ẓahúr — that of the Báb and that of
‘Him whom God
shall manifest’ — could take place with so short an interval of time
between them. The
Behá’ís, who admitted that Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel was the first vice-regent of
the Báb, to all the
objections alleged replied that Mírzá Yaḥyá’s rule was only to last
until the manifestation
of the new leader, who was to come suddenly, and the time of whose advent was
known
only to God; that the Báb had stated that he, the new prophet, would come
suddenly, and
that it could not come to pass that any one should falsely claim the honour.
They also used
an argument well known amongst Muḥammadans, an argument based on the
literary style
of the books given by means of a divinely appointed messenger, and urged that
the Lauḥ-i-
Naṣír, the book in which Behá announced his mission, fulfilled this
condition of a divine
revelation by its eloquence of diction and the wonderful knowledge, unacquired
by study,
displayed by the writer. Anyhow, the conflicting claims to the leadership led
to quarrels and
blows.76 The Turkish Government then determined to separate the disputants.77
Behá and
his followers

[page 81]

were sent to Acre,78 and Mírzá Yaḥyá and his people were exiled to
Famagusta, in Cyprus.
A few Ezelís were sent with Behá, and a few Behá’ís were sent with
Mírzá Yaḥyá. It was
hoped that by this arrangement the minority, in each case, would act as spies
and prevent
any communication between Bábís in Persia and either of the leaders. Since
then the
followers of Behá have increased very much, whilst those of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel,
or Yaḥyá, have
decreased. This is an unlooked for development of the work of the Báb, for
Behá claims to
be the messenger of a new dispensation altogether.79

man yaẓarulláh. He declared openly his divine mission in 1866-7 at
Adrianople,
from which date the schism commences.
It required great firmness to meet the claim and Mr. Browne says, — “Such
firmness Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, a
peace-loving, contemplative, gentle soul, wholly devoted to the memory of his
beloved master,
caring little for authority, and incapable of self-assertion, seems to have
altogether lacked.”
Introduction to the New History of the Báb, p. xxi.
“The Bábí literature is extensive but secret, for he who was known to
possess such books put his
life in great danger.” Les Religions et les philosophies dans l’Asie
Centrale, p. 310.
“Amongst the Bábís the effect of this announcement (i.e., Behá’s claim)
was little short of
stupendous. From Constantinople to Kirmán and from Cairo to Khurásán the
communities of the
faithful were rent asunder by a schism which every subsequent year has
rendered wider and more
permanent, and which nothing short of the complete extinction of one of the
two rival factions can
possibly heal. At Adrianople itself the struggle was short and the triumph of
Behá complete.” New
History of the Báb, p. xxii.
For the view of the Ezeli historians on what they consider to be the grave
misconduct and treachery
of the Behá’ís, see Episode of the Báb, pp. 359-364.
The Behá’í version of the affair is given on pp. 368-9.
This is still the head-quarters of the Behá’ís, to which sect most of the
Bábís now belong.
Mr. Browne put the following question to a Behá’í: “Why do you speak of
Mírzá Yaḥyá as though
he were of no account? In the books about your religion which I read in
Europe, he is described as
the Báb’s chosen successor and, after him, as the chief of your sect?”
“Yes,” replied Mírzá Ḥasan, “it is true that he was one of the early
believers, and that at first
he was accounted the successor and vice-regent of the Báb, but he was
repeatedly warned not to
withhold his allegiance from ‘Him whom God shall manifest’, and threatened
that if he did so, he
This caused much consternation in the Bábí world. A hopeless schism was
made, and
peace can only come by the extinction of one party. The question at issue now
became
something more than a mere struggle for leadership, for Behá’s claim
virtually deposed the
Báb from his position as the ‘Point of Revelation’ and made him the mere
forerunner of
‘Him whom God shall manifest’. The Ezelís are, however, nearly extinct,
and it is not
likely that they will ever attain to power again. Assuming that Behá had
right on his side, it
is stated that the changes he made were in a practical direction and
beneficial.
The Bábí doctrines are to be found in the writings of the Báb called the
Beyán,80 a term
he used as conveniently expressing

[page 82]

the sphere in which his thoughts moved. It is a name sometimes apparently
applied to the
collective writings, but more generally to a particular book.81 Many of the
dogmas are very
mystical:82 but the following is a brief summary.
God is eternal and unapproachable, All things come from Him and exist by Him.
Man
cannot approach Him except through some appointed medium. So, distinct from
God there
is a Primal Will,83 or Mashiyyat-i-Úlá, who becomes incarnate

would fall from the faith and become as one rejected. In spite of these clear
warnings of his master,
he refused to acknowledge the new manifestation when it came; wherefore he is
now regarded by
us as of no account.” — A Year amongst the Persians, p. 335.
Composed in 1848.
Count Gobineau considers that the name applies to all he wrote and that he
used it “pour titre à tout
ce qu’il composa.” Les Religions et les Philosophies dans L’Asie
Centrale, p. 311.
It is not always easy to understand the esoteric dogmas of these Persian sects
for, as Mr. E. G.
Browne says: — “There is a profound difference between the Persian idea of
religion and that
which obtains in the west. Here it is the ideas of faith and righteousness (in
different proportions, it
is true), there it is knowledge and mystery. Here religion is regarded as a
rule by which to live and a
hope wherein to die, there as a key to unlock the secrets of the spiritual and
material universe. Here
it is associated with work and charity, there with rest and wisdom, here a
creed is admired for its
simplicity, there for its complexity.” . . . “Thus it comes to pass that
Persians have as often died for
belief in some obscure mystical dogma as for some ethical principle or
motive.” Royal Asiatic
Society’s Journal January 1898, p. 88.
There is an evident connection between this dogma of the Bábís and the
Ṣúfí system, in which the
‘First Intelligence,’ or ‘Primal Element’ is represented as a
manifestation of God. To the Ṣúfí, as to
the Bábí, God is “sterile in His inaccessible height.” Men can never be
more than slaves, nearness
to Him is impossible. But men longed for communion with some one or something
above them.
They felt the need of some intermediary and found it in a revival of the old
Gnostic notions of the
Æons, forms of manifestation of the Ineffable and Incomprehensible. Neander
thus describes the
Gnostic view: — “Self-limitation is the first beginning of a communication
of life from God — the
first passing of the hidden deity into manifestation, and from this proceeds
all further self-
developing manifestation of the divine essence. Now, from this primal link in
the chain of life there
are evolved, in the first place, the manifold powers or attributes inherent in
the divine essence,
which, until that first self-comprehension, were all hidden in this abyss of
His essence.” This
intermediary is the Primal Will of the Bábí and the Primal Element of the
Ṣúfí, who also calls it by
the names of the Pen, the First Principle, the spirit of Muḥammad, Universal
Reason or ‘aql-i-kull.
God’s voice is heard through it, by it material things were brought into
existence. It works in
Prophets and Saints. The Imám is closely connected with it. I am not able to
find out whether the
Báb taught that the Primal Will was created or not. In Ṣúfí theology it
certainly is, for in the
Akhláq-i-Jalálí it is written: “It is admitted, equally by the masters of
perception and conception,
that the First Principle which, at the mandate, ‘Be and it is,’ issued, by
the ineffable power and will,
from the chaotic ocean of inexistence, was a simple and luminous essence
which, in the language of
philosophy, is termed the Primary Intelligence, and the great fathers of
mysticism and investigation
call it the Muḥammadan Spirit.” It is to this and not to the inaccessible
and incomprehensible God
that the Imám seeks to return. When his work in life is done, then his end is
joined to his beginning,
— Ba ághaz girdad báz anjám. It is a curious phase of human thought which
the Ṣúfís evidently
borrowed from the Gnostics, and the Bábís from the Ṣúfís. This earnest
longing for communion
with a manifestation of God we can sympathise with, and only regret that, in
their ignorance or
[page 83]

in the prophets. This Primal Will which spoke in all the prophets of the past,
spoke also in
the Báb who is the Nuqṭa-i-Beyan, or the point of Revelation and will speak
in ‘Him whom
God shall manifest’. This is apparent from the following texts of the
Beyán: — “The whole
Beyán revolves round the saying of ‘Him whom God shall manifest.’” “A
thousand
perusals of the Beyán are not equal to the perusal of one verse of what shall
be revealed by
‘Him whom God shall manifest.’” “The Beyán is to-day in the stage of
seed, but in the day
of ‘Him whom God shall manifest’ it will arrive at the degree of
fruition.” It must be
remembered that Behá claimed, and is allowed by his followers this exalted
position. The
following are some of the expressions used of Behá by his followers: —
“Behá has come
for the perfecting of the law of Christ, and his injunctions are in all
respects similar. For
instance, we are commanded that we should prefer that we should be killed
rather than that
we should kill. It is the same throughout, and, indeed, could not be
otherwise, for Behá is
Christ returned again, even as He promised, to perfect that which He had
begun.” “Christ
returns to you as Behá with Angels, with clouds, with the sound of trumpets.
His angels are
his messengers, the clouds are the doubts which prevent you recognising him;
the sound of
the trumpets is the sound of the proclamation which you now hear, announcing
that He has
come once more from heaven, even as he came before.”84

[page 84]

Each dispensation of the Primal Will thus become incarnate supersedes a
preceding
one, and so Islám has ceased to be the true religion for to-day. It has
already been shown (p.
55) that devotion to the Imám was a very prominent point in the teaching of
the Báb. In one
of the earliest of his writings, we read, “When thou wishest to visit the
Friend of God, or
one of the Imáms of the Faith, first purify thy body from everything which
thy heart
dislikes; then wash thyself with seven handfuls of water upon thy head.”
Then follow
directions how to approach the Imám with humility, and the prayer to be said.
He addresses
the Imáms as Effulgences of the Divine Glory, Manifestations of God,
Intercessors, with
Him for sinful men. He longs for communion with them. Thus, “Where are the
days of your
manifestation that I may be independent of all except you? and where are the
days of the
appearance of the signs of your lordship, that by your permission, I may say
to whatsoever I
will, ‘Be’, and it shall become existent before you.” These are the
enthusiastic utterances of
a devout Shí‘ah, and represent the feelings of the Báb before he felt
conscious of any
special mission. But this constant dwelling on the glory of the Imáms, the
dispensers of
God’s will and favour, gradually led to the formation of the idea that he
had special
communication with them and was, in fact, the Báb.
At this stage the usual Muḥammadan customs were not set aside. The month of
Ramazán was observed as a fast; but the ‘Ulamá were bitterly reproached
for opposing this
new revelation. Thus the Báb says: — “O people of the earth! give thanks
to God, for verily
we have delivered you from the doctors of doubt.”
For a more complete exposition of the Bábí dogmas, Mr. Browne, to whose
valuable
researches we are chiefly indebted for the best information on the subject,
refers to the
Persian Beyán, from which quotations have already been made. This work brings
out more
fully the theory of a Primal Will. “Since it is impossible for created
beings to know the
Divine Essence, the Primal Will has for their guidance and instruc-

[page 85]

repudiation of the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation, both Ṣúfí and
Bábí have so sadly missed the
mark.
A Year amongst the Persians, pp. 308-9.
tion, incarnated itself from time to time in a human form. These incarnations
are known as
‘Prophets.’ That which spoke in all the Prophets of the past now speaks in
the Báb and will
speak through ‘Him whom God shall manifest,’ and after him through others,
for there is
no cessation in these manifestations. “That which spoke in Adam, Noah,
Moses, David,
Jesus and Muḥammad85 was the one and the same Primal Will. In each
manifestation news
has been given of the following one. Thus the Jews were told to expect a
Messiah but they
rejected him; the Christians to expect Muḥammad but, as a rule, they did not
accept him; so
the Muḥammadans are taught to look out for Imám Mahdí. Yet now he has come
(i.e., in
the Báb) they persecute him.”86
The chapters of the Beyán are arranged in groups of nineteen, a number which
has a
peculiar significance with the Bábís. Each letter of the Arabic alphabet has
a numerical
value, and so dates can be given by words or sentences. Alif, the first
letter, stands for God,
and the word for one is wáḥid. The numerical value of the letters in this
word is 19. God is
absolute Being, or wujúd, the value of the letters of which also comes to
19.87 The name of
one of the attributes of God is Ḥayy, or the Living. The sum of the letters
of this word is 18,
to which, if we add the letter Alif the One which pervades all — we again
get the sacred
number 19. Nineteen, then, represents the manifestation of the unknowable
essence, and 19
x 19 (= 361) represents the manifested universe, or all things, expressed by
the term ‘kulu
shey’ the numerical value

[page 86]

of which words is 360, to which Alif, the One pervading all, is added and we
then get 361.
In this world, God is represented by Mírzá ‘Alí Muḥammad, the Báb, who
is called the
nuqṭa, or Point, and his 18 disciples. “These eighteen are called the
ḥurúfát-i-hayy, or
Letters of the Living, because by them the Báb bestowed new life upon the
world.” These
again with their leader form the number 19, and thus constitute a wáḥid, or
complete unity,
and, as each disciple was to have 19 others under him, we again arrive at 361,
which
represents the numerical value of ‘kullu shey’, or the number of all
things that is, the
‘‘adad-i-kullu shey.’ On this same ground the Beyán has 19 parts and
each part has 19
chapters. The Bábí year has 19 months of 19 days, each day 19 hours, each
hour nineteen
minutes. The same principle was to regulate measures of distance and of
weights. Law and
commerce were to come under its influence. “Organise,” said the Báb,
“all things after the
number of the Unity, that is to say by a division into nineteen parts.”88
Another point on which the Beyán lays much stress is that no revelation is
final. This is
entirely opposed to the ordinary Muḥammadan view, which is that, as
Muḥammad was
khátamu’l anbiyá, or the seal of the Prophets, his revelation closed the
series. The Báb
taught that, as the human race progresses, the Primal Will, the teacher of
men, speaks in
each new revelation more fully and more clearly.89 All these successive

[page 87]

These are the Anbiyá Ulú’l ‘Azm of Islám. Vide Faith of Islám, p. 216.
Journal of the R.A.S., vol. xxi. pp. 914, 925.
This is in accord with the second canon of the Cabbalistic system of Biblical
interpretation in the
thirteenth century, which is called Ghematria, or “the use of the numerical
values of the letters of a
word for purposes of comparison with other words which yield the same or
similar combinations of
numbers.” [Biblical Study, by Dr. Briggs, p. 301.] I am not prepared to say
that there is any
historical connection between the Cabbalist and the Persian mystic. The
subject needs investigation.
Les Religions et les Philosophies dans L’Asie Centrale, p. 322.
Il a dit qu’il ne venait donner qu’un développement de plus à la science
de la nature divine; que
tous les prophètes successivement en ont dit plus que leurs prédécesseurs
n’avaient eu mission de la
faire, et que c’est simplement en conséquence de ce progrès régulier que
lui a été commise la tache
d’être plus complet que Mahomet, lequel l’avait été plus que Jésus,
qui, à son tour, en avait su plus
que ses prédécesseurs.” Les Religions et les Philosophies dans L’Asia
Centrale, p. 317.
“Enfin le Báb parut à son tour, et sa révélation, plus complete sans
doute et, comme diraient
chez nous certains politiques, plus progressive, a d’ailleurs revêtu des
caractères assez particuliers,
qui sont la démonstration et la preuve de son excellence.” Ibid, p, 326.
and progressive revelations and dispensations were not for the purpose of
abrogating
preceding essential laws, but to complete them and especially to prepare the
world for the
fuller teaching of ‘Him whom God shall manifest.’
“A new prophet is not sent until the development of the human race renders
this
necessary. A revelation is not abrogated till it no longer suffices for the
needs of mankind.
There is no disagreement between the prophets: all teach the same truth, but
in such
measure as men can receive it. As mankind advance and progress they need
fuller
instruction. The instruction given by Abraham was suitable and sufficient for
the people of
his day, but not for those to whom Moses was sent, while this in turn had
ceased to meet
the needs of those to whom Christ was sent. Yet we must not say that their
religions were
opposed to one another, but rather that each manifestation is more complete
and more
perfect than the last.”90
The great point in the Bábí theology is that the teacher is one and the
same, though he
manifests himself according to the capacity and needs of those to whom he is
sent. The
outward form changes but the Universal Spirit remains.91 It then follows that
“since this
Universal Spirit is absolute good, we must believe that it always has a
manifestation in the
world . . . hence during the long intervals which separate one prophetic
dispensation from
the next, there must be in the world silent manifestations of the spirit,
intrinsically not less
perfect than the speaking manifestations whom we call prophets.”92 Such
persons would
seem to be those who in Ṣúfí phraseology had annihilated self, “escaped
the delusions of
plurality and realised the unity of True Being,” who differ in degree but
not in kind from
the Prophets.

[page 88]

The Báb was a prisoner when he showed such interest in preparing the mind of
his
followers for this ‘Coming One’. The Beyán is full of it. It is laid down
that in every
assembly of believers a vacant place must be left for him. When his name is
mentioned all
must rise up. In any case the ground was well prepared for Behá when he made
his claim.
The Beyán speaks with confidence of the success of Bábíism. The future
Bábí
community is to form a perfect Utopia and its governments are to be
tolerant.93 The kindly
nature of the Báb is seen in the fancy sketches he draws of the future.
At the day of Judgment, ‘He whom God shall manifest’ will preside. All the
good
people will be praised for their works, their piety, their obedience. Evil men
will be
annihilated. Thus the good will return to God and dwell in Him; the bad will
pass away and
be no more.
The Muḥammadan doctrines of the examination of the dead in the graves,94 the
Resurrection, Ṣiraṭ, Heaven, Hell, are all treated allegorically. The
first is really a summons
to the people to believe in the next manifestation of the Primal Will (p. 82),
the
Resurrection is the appearance of this manifestation. Ṣiraṭ, or the
Bridge,95 is the belief in,
the prophet of the age, a matter difficult to the self-willed, but easy to the
seeker after God.
Hell is ignorance and denial of the last manifestation of God, through the
Primal Will
incarnated in the Prophet, whilst Heaven is joy in it. The views of the Báb
on a future life
are not very clear. Speaking of Barzakh96 he says, “What is intended by
Barzakh. is merely
the interval between two manifestations, and not that which is commonly known
amongst
men, for none knoweth what shall be decreed unto them after death except
God.” The hope
of a future reward was not placed before his followers as an inducement to
accept him, and
this is in direct

A Year amongst the Persians, p. 303.
“The religion of God is One, though the Theophanies differ.” New History
of the Báb, p. 336.
A Year amongst the Persians, p. 327.
For a fuller account see Journal, R. A. S., vol. xxi., pp. 927-8.
Sell’s Faith of Islam, p. 204.
Ibid, p. 226.
Ibid, p. 228.
[page 89]

contrast to the conduct and teaching of Muḥammad. In the Beyán the Báb
wrote the
following striking words: — “So worship God that, if the recompense of thy
worship of
Him were to be the fire, no alteration in thy worship of Him would be
produced. If you
worship from fear, that is unworthy of the threshold of the holiness of God,
nor will you be
accounted a believer; so also, if your gaze is on Paradise, and if you worship
in hope of
that, for then you have made God’s creation a partner with Him.”97
To a very large number of Bábís, Behá was during the latter part of his
life98 looked up
to as a divinely appointed guide. Before he assumed that position he wrote a
book called
the Ikán, which is held in great esteem . In this book he seems to
acknowledge the then
superior position Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel, but writes bitterly of some who were
hostile to himself. Two
years after the Turks had banished him to Adrianople, he boldly asserted his
claim and_
called on all the Ezelís to submit to his direction. He then wrote other
treatises in which his
position is dogmatically set forth. “If any one understood the love of Behá
in the world of
creation, and were to fight on his side against all who are in the earth and
the heavens, God
would verily make him victorious over them, as a showing forth of his power, a
setting
forth of his Majesty.” The people of the Beyán (i.e., the Bábís not of
his party) complained
about all this, and Behá very severely censures them: — “O people of the
Beyán! have you
not considered that he99 for twenty years has stood up by himself against the
enemies.
Many are the nights when all were sleeping at ease on their beds, while this
Beauty of
Primal Unity (i.e., Behá) was standing up openly against the unbelievers.”
The extent of his
claim is well shown by Mr. E. G. Browne in a descriptive100 passage from which
I

[page 90]

have quoted freely. Behá also says in a book of his: — “I101 revealed all
the heavenly books
by the glorious tongue of might.”
The Bábí hierarchy consists of the Point and eighteen ‘Letters of the
Living,’102 making
up the mystic number nineteen. The Point is the manifestation of the essence
of God: the
others, the eighteen, are regarded as incarnations or manifestations of the
attributes or
names of God. According to Behá he himself was the Point and Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel
one of the
eighteen Letters of the Living. This throws light on a passage where Behá
calls himself
Málik-i-Ṣifát, or the Lord of the attributes, i.e., that he is the divine
essence made manifest,
who reproves those who are “veiled by the names” from the essence.
Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel he calls a
name amongst my names, whom I created by a single letter, and to whom I gave
life and
who yet “arose in war” against his “Beauty.” In another place he calls
himself the Nuqṭa-i-
Úlá or the First Point, or the Báb returned to life again.
A few extracts103 from some of Behá’s writings will show to some extent
what he
taught his followers. “As for those who commit sin and cling to the world
they assuredly
are not of the people of Behá. O worshippers of the Unity, make firm the
girdle of
endeavour, that perchance religious strife and conflict may be removed from
amongst the
people of the world and be annulled. For love of God and His servants engage
in this great

R.A.S. Journal, October 1889, p. 931.
He died in exile on May 16th, 1892.
Behá, who is writing of himself in the third person.
Journal of the R. A. S., vol. xxi., pp. 951-2.
Behá is here expressing the Bábí dogma of the Unity of the essential
principle which spoke
through all the prophets, and so what was revealed by preceding prophets he
could describe as “I
revealed.”
In reality Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel was the 4th letter. The Báb was the first, then
came Mullá Muḥammad ‘Alí
Bárfurúshi (Jenáb-i-quddús); then Mullá Ḥusain of Bushraweyh
(Jenáb-i-Bábu’l Báb); then Mírzá
Yaḥyá (Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel), who on the death of the two above him became
second, and on the death of
the Báb claimed to be the first.
Episode of the Báb, pp. 70, 114.
and mighty matter. Religious hatred and rancour is a world-consuming fire.”
“With perfect
compassion and mercy have we guided and directed the people of the world to
that
whereby their souls shall be profited. I swear by the sun of truth

[page 91]

that the people of Behá have not any aim save the prosperity and reformation
of the world
and the purifying of the nations.” “The heart must be sanctified from
every form of
selfishness and lust, for the weapons of the worshippers of the Unity and the
saints were,
and are, the fear of God.” “Every one who desireth victory must first
subdue the city of his
own heart with the sword of spiritual truth and of the word.” “No stranger
must find his
way into the city of the heart, so that the Incomparable Friend (i.e., God)
may come unto
His own place — that is. the effulgence of His names and attributes, not His
essence, for
that Peerless King hath been, and will be holy for everlasting, above ascent
or descent.”104
People often came to Behá for direction as to their conduct and for
instruction. This led
him to write the Lauḥ-i-aqdas, or the “Most Holy Book,” in which many
practical rules are
laid down. It will be seen that they differ considerably from those which are
current in
Islám.
Prayer is to be said three times a day, and the number of prostrations are
much fewer
than those held necessary amongst Muḥammadans. The worshipper no longer
turns to
Mecca, but towards “the Most Holy Region, the Holy Place, whence issueth the
command
to whomsoever is in the earths and the heavens.”105 That Acre is here meant
is clear,
because it is said that when Behá dies, or, as it is put in hyperbolic
language, “when the sun
of truth and exhortation sets,” the Qibla is to be changed to “that place
which we have
appointed you.”

[page 92]

The great festival is that of the Persian Naurúz or New Year’s day. Instead
of the
Muḥammadan fast of Ramazán of thirty days, a month of nineteen days, the
last month of
the Bábí year, is appointed. Images and pictures are not allowed in places
of worship; but
music and singing are lawful in such buildings for purposes of devotion. A
belief in the
efficacy of talesmans and charms is encouraged.106 Each man constantly carries
on his
person a charm in the shape of a star, the rays of which are formed of lines,
containing the
name of God; the women wear one made in the form of a circle. No encouragement
is
given to mendicants. It is said: — “The most hateful of mankind before God
is he who sits
and begs: take hold of the rope of means, relying on God, the Causer of
Causes.” The
traffic in slaves is forbidden, and there are laws about great criminal
offences, and civil
matters such as inheritance, endowments, and so on. Shaving the head is not
allowed, but
the beard, may be cut off. Legal impurity is abolished and intercourse with
persons of all
religions is enjoined.107 Music is permitted, wine and opium are prohibited.
The furniture of
houses should be renewed every nineteen years. It is recommended that chairs
should be
This is to guard against the idea held by some that God comes down into man,
or man rises up
unto God, and that thus both are identified. The mystical view is that man is
annihilated in God. Mr.
Browne gives a good quotation from Jámi, a Ṣúfí writer, on this point.
“So tread this path that duality may disappear,
For if there be duality in this path, falsity will arise:
Thou wilt not become He; but if thou strivest,
Thou wilt reach a place where thou-ness (tú tú’í) shall depart from
thee.”
Count Gobineau says that the Báb did not substitute any Qibla for the ancient
ones of Jerusalem
and Mecca which he set aside; but declared that “ce sera le grand
Révélateur qui décidera.” Les
Religions et les Philosophies dans L’Asie Centrale, p. 332.
Il (Báb) consacre à nouveau la science talismanique et la releve sans
hésiter de la condamnation
prononcée centre elle par le Christianisme, et, avec regret, prononcée aussi
par l’Islám. Ibid, p. 336.
A Missionary in Persia writes: — “I can again testify, as I did in the
pages of the C. M. S.
Intelligencer five years ago, to the exceeding friendliness, and even
brotherliness of these dear
people.” C. M. S. Intelligencer, 1898 p. 648.
used. No one must carry arms except in times of tumult or war. Circumcision is
treated as a
matter of indifference. The Báb allowed a second wife to be taken, but
prohibited
concubinage. His reluctance, however, to polygamy was so manifest that his
successors
consider it an evil thing to accept the tolerance which he showed as regards
duality of
wives.108 All are to read the sacred books regularly, to be kind and courteous
in their
conduct, to give alms, to approve for others what they would like themselves,

[page 93]

and to forgive their enemies. Instead of the usual Muḥammadan salutation,
As-Saláma
‘alaikum and ‘alaikumu’s-salám, or “peace be upon you” and “upon
you be peace”, the
Bábís amongst themselves say, on meeting one another, “Alláhu abhá”
— God is most
bright, to which the response is the same.
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for October 1892 contains a
translation of
some of Behá’s selected precepts. They are introduced by the following
statement made by
Behá: “These divine ordinances and commands, formerly revealed in sundry
epistles, in the
Kitáb-i-Aqdas, in the Illuminations, Effulgences, Ornaments, &c., have,
agreeably to the
Supreme and most Holy command, been collected, that all may become cognizant
of the
grace, mercy, and favour of God (great is His glory) in this most mighty
Manifestation and
this great Announcement, and may engage in praise and thanksgiving to the
desired object
of all the inhabitants of the world. Verily, He helpeth His servants unto that
which He
willeth, for He is the wise ordainer.” Some of the precepts to guide the
conduct of Bábís are
on the following subjects: —109
1. Abolition of religious warfare.
2. Friendly intercourse with all sects and people.
3. Promise of this ‘Most Great Peace.’110
4. Obedience to the ruler who protects them.
5. Submission to the laws of the country in which they live.
6. Confession of sin to fellow-men is prohibited. Confession must be to, and
pardon sought from, God only.
7. The study of such sciences as tend to the welfare of mankind is encouraged.

[page 94]

8. All must learn some trade or practise some profession.
9. Visits to tombs and shrines are not obligatory.111

The personal influence of Behá over his followers is not to be wondered at
when an
English visitor can thus describe an interview with him. “The face of him on
whom I gazed
I can never forget, though I cannot describe it. Those piercing eyes seemed to
read one’s
very soul: power and authority sat in that ample brow; while the deep lines of
the forehead
and face implied an age which the jet black hair and beard flowing down in
undistinguishable luxuriance almost to the waist seemed to belie. No need to
ask in whose
presence I stood, as I bowed myself before one who is the object of a devotion
and love
which kings might envy and emperors sigh for in vain.”112

Les Religions et les Philosophies dans L‘Asie Centrale, p. 346.
For a fuller account, see Journal of the R. A. S., October 1892, pp. 678-9.
An expression used by Behá in conversation with Mr. Browne. Behá said, “We
desire that all
nations should become one in faith and all men as brothers; that the bond of
affection and unity
between the sons of men should be strengthened; that diversities of religion
should cease, and
differences of race be annulled — what harm is there in this? Yet so it
shall be; these fruitless
strifes, these ruinous wars shall pass away, and the ‘Most Great Peace’
shall come.” Traveller’s
Narrative, vol. ii., p, 40.
For a fuller account, see Journal of the R. A. S., October 1892, pp. 678-9.
The Episode of the Báb, p. 40.
Behá has now passed away.113 A letter written by his son on June 3rd, 1892,
gives the
sorrowful news. A short quotation from a translation made by Mr. Browne reads
as follows:
—
“The horizon of the phenomenal world is bereft of the effulgence of the sun
of wisdom
and revelation, the throne of the universe is deprived of the radiance of the
most mighty
luminary. The ears of the friends are, to outward appearance, debarred from
hearkening to
the cry of the Supreme Pen and the eyes of the longing are veiled from the
contemplation of
the most Glorious Horizon. Great God! how dire a catastrophe is this which has
arisen in
the world. The sun of truth has bidden farewell to this earthly sphere. . . .
We and you alike
must adorn ourselves with the ornament of patience and resignation, must lay
hold of the
firm rope of submission and acquiescence, apply ourselves with strong hearts
and tranquil
souls to what will conduce to the progress of mankind, the peace and
prosperity of the
world, the amelioration of character, and the appearance of charity and
concord, and attach
ourselves

[page 95]

with our whole being to the counsels of the Lord of the Visible and the
Invisible, so that the
Phenomenal World may, by the Grace of that Beneficent Being, be beheld an envy
to the
Garden of Paradise.”114
After the death of Behá his eldest son ‘Abbás Effendi became his successor
and is
called — man arádalláhu115 — He whom God hath desired. He is described
as a strong, tall
man, with a broad forehead. and keen eye, indicating a firm will and strong
intellect. Those
who come into contact with him feel his influence and soon learn to respect
him.116 Some
Behá’ís consider that he, like Behá, is a divine manifestation and not a
mere man, others
deny this and say that he is nothing more than a servant of Behá, for they
hold that no

His followers do not speak of his death, but always refer to it as his
ascension, C. M. S.
Intelligencer, 1898, p, 645.
The following is the Persian text of the extract from the letter.

R. A. S. Journal for October 1892, p. 707.

Mr. E. G. Browne, writing after a personal interview, says: — “subsequent
conversation with him
served to heighten the respect with which his appearance had from the first
inspired me. One more
eloquent of speech, more ready of argument, more apt of illustration, more
intimately acquainted
with the sacred books of the Jews, the Christians, and the Muḥammadans,
could, I think, scarcely
be found even amongst the eloquent, ready and subtle race to which he belongs.
These qualities,
combined with a bearing at once majestic and general, made me cease to wonder
at the influence
and esteem which he enjoyed even beyond the circle of his father’s
followers. About the greatness
of this man and his power no one who had seen him could entertain a doubt.”
Episode of the Báb, p.
xxxvi.
further manifestation will take place until a thousand years shall have passed
away. ‘Abbás
Effendi lives at Acre, and maintains a correspondence

[page 96]

with his followers in Persia and is visited by some of the more devout of his
followers who
look upon the journey from Persia to Acre as a pilgrimage. In the year 1898 he
was much
troubled by dissension caused by the rivalry of his younger brother.
The Behá’ís in Persia enjoy much more liberty under Muẓaffara’d-dín
Sháh than they
did under the late Sháh, Náṣiru’d-dín.
Space forbids us to follow the fortunes of Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel in Cyprus, His
person and
appearance are thus described by Mr.
Browne.117 “A venerable and benevolent-looking old man of about sixty years
of age,
somewhat below the middle height, with ample forehead on which the traces of
care and
anxiety were apparent, clear searching blue eyes and long grey beard, rose and
advanced to
meet us. Before that mild and dignified countenance, I involuntarily bowed
myself with
unfeigned respect; for at length my long-cherished desire was fulfilled, and I
stood face to
face with Mírzá Yaḥyá, Ṣubḥ-i-Ezel (morning of Eternity), the
appointed successor of the
Báb, fourth Letter of the First Unity. “When Cyprus was handed over to the
English
Government, Mírzá Yaḥyá, with other political exiles, was transferred,
and still remains
there as a political pensioner.
From what has now been stated, it will be seen that Bábíism is not a
political
movement, though in its early days it was brought into conflict with the civil
power; but
that it is a religious revolt against orthodox Islám, so far as that is
represented by the Shí‘ah
sect. It raises women to a higher level, it professes to limit many of the
social evils of
Islám, it tends to give liberty of thought and to develop a friendly spirit
to others. Mr.
Curzon says: —118 “Brotherly love, kindness to children, courtesy combined
with dignity,
sociability, hospitality, freedom from bigotry, friendliness even to
Christians are included
in its tenets.” If men are sometimes better than their creed,

[page 97]

they are sometimes worse, and not every Bábí lives up to this ideal. It is
perhaps too soon to
speculate on the future of the movement. Those who think it will gradually
take the place of
Islám in Persia, base a strong argument on the fact that its “recruits are
won from the best
soldiers of the garrison it is attacking.” It certainly appeals to the
traditionary instincts of
many Persians. The Ṣúfí needs a Pír, or living guide; the Shí‘ah
meditates on the Imám, and
the high position accorded to that person in Bábíism is at least attractive.
The life and death
of the Báb, and the magnificent heroism of his followers all help forward the
movement.
Whether when the victory is won, the Bábís in the day of power will be as
gentle and as
liberal as they are in the night of adversity is perhaps doubtful. The whole
movement has a
disintegrating effect in Islám as professed in Persia, though whether it will
prepare the way
for the Gospel is a matter on which there is room for difference of opinion.
Some persons,
well qualified to judge, consider that it yields a present satisfaction to
quickened religious
instincts, and supplies a brotherhood not yet to be found in Christianity in
Persia, where
indeed it appears to the Persians themselves as a foreign religion. In such a
case it would
seem likely to be a final home, rather than a resting place on the road from
Muḥammad to
Christ. But to all, who take an interest in Christian missions in Persia, the
movement is one
of great interest.119 It does, at least, betrays [sic] a longing

Episode of the Báb, p. xxiv.
Persia, Vol. I, p. 502.
I am indebted to a well-known Missionary who has spent a long time in Persia
for the following
facts:
(1) The Behá’ís admit that the Lord Jesus Christ was the incarnate son;
but claim that Behá
was the incarnate Father, and as each incarnation is superior to a proceeding
one, Behá is greater
than Christ.
[page 98]

for a, real, living, loving, personal guide, the revealer of God to man, which
can be best met
by the acceptance of the Eternal Word. In any case, if only liberty of
conscience can be
secured, there seems to be a wide and open door for the proclamation of “Him
whom God
has manifested,” “in Whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and
knowledge”, for it
“pleased the Father that in Him should all fulness dwell.”120

(2) Some of the Behá’ís now say: — ‘we are Christians; others say: we
are almost Christians;
others, ‘The only difference between us is that we accepted Christ when he
came to us fifty years
ago (i.e. in Behá) and you rejected him.
(3) They constantly invite the Christian Missionary to their houses, and are
most hospitable
and kind.
(4) The Behá’ís admit that the New Testament is the uncorrupted Word of
God.
(5) Many Jews in Persia have become Bábís and, on the other hand, some
Bábís have become
Christians.
Colossians ii. 3; i. 19.
    — The Bab and the Babis (Used by permission of the curator)