# The Life of the Bab

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Omid Ghaemmaghami, The Life of the Bab, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> THE LIFEOF THE BAB
> 
> Omid Ghaemmaghami 1
> 
> DOI: 10.4324/9780429027772-4
> 
> Siyyid Mirza 'Ali-Mul:iammad-i-fil!irazi, known to history as the Bab (meaning 'the Gate'),
> is recognized by Baha'is as an independent Manifestation of God, the Founder of the Babi
> religion, the Forerunner of Baha'u'llah, and-together with Baha'u'llah-one of the twin
> Founders of the Baha'i Faith. This chapter provides a biographical sketch of the Bab's life. A
> separate chapter is dedicated to His writings and teachings.
> 
> The family and early life of the Bab
> 
> At a time of social and political upheaval, the Bab was born in the province of Fars, in the
> southern region of Persia (now Iran), on 1 Mul:iarram 1235 (20 October 1819), though it
> merits noting that at times in His writings He calculates the beginning of His life from the
> day He was conceived rather than the day of His birth (Saiedi 2011: 182-183). The Bab was
> born to a family of merchants who traced their ancestry to the Prophet Muhammad (d. 632)
> from the lineage of Imam Husayn (d. 680). The Bab's father, Siyyid Mu}:iammad-Ric;la,died
> before the Bab could develop any memories of him (Afnan 2008: 9, n. 39). After the passing
> of His father, the Bab was reared by His mother, Fatimih Bagum (d. 1881) (Rouhani Ma'ani
> 2008: 3-25), and one of her brothers, I:Iaji Mirza Siyyid 'Ali (d. 1850). An Ethiopian servant
> in the household, named Mubarak, is also extolled by the Bab for having contributed to
> training and nurturing Him in His childhood (Saiedi 2011: 182).
> As attested in a number of anecdotes, the Bab was a gentle, precocious, and gifted child
> who displayed qualities of spiritual and intellectual excellence (Lambden 1986: 2-9; Amanat
> 2005: 110-121; Afnan 2000: 30-37). Owing to His acumen and wisdom, the Bab was taken
> out of the traditional primary school He attended (Mazind.arani 1938: 193). The Bab had
> some consciousness of His unique station as a Manifestation of God from a young age. In
> the Qayyumu'l-Asma', the first major work authored by the Bab after His declaration, He
> states that He was aware of the truth of His station as a child (Afnan 2008: 9 n. 38). In the
> 
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> (The Bab, Selections 12)
> 
> The declaration of the Baband his pilgrimage to Mecca
> 
> The nineteenth century was a period of messianic expectation in many parts of the world.
> In the Shi'ih Muslim heartlands of Persia and Iraq, the year 1844 marked a thousand lunar
> years since the alleged disappearance of the Twelfth Imam, who is identified by Shi'ih
> Muslims as the Qa'im (the promised messianic deliverer of Shi'ih Islam). As such,
> expectations of the Imam's return in Persia and Iraq were heightened (Amanat 2005: 70-
> 105). A few hours before sunset on 22 May 1844, the Bab encountered a religious student
> named Mul:iammad I:Iusayn-i-Bumru'i, who came to be known as Mulla I:Iusayn (d. 1849),
> at the Darvazih Kazirun in the south of Shiraz (Afnan 2000: 61). Mulla I:Iusayn had been a
> student of the recently deceased Siyyid Ka?im-i-Ramti in Karbala for some nine to eleven
> years. The Bab had months earlier been apprised of the passing of Siyyid Kaz;im-i-Ramti: in
> one of His earliest writings, He states that He learned the news of the death of Siyyid
> Kaz;im-i-Ramti in a dream in which the land of Karbala disintegrated into pieces, hovered in
> the air, and presented itself before the house of the Bab in Shiraz (quoted in Lawson 1987:
> 76; Amanat 2005: 168) (Figure 2.1).
> 
> Figure 2.1 The house of the Bab in Shiraz, Iran, destroyed in 1979.
> Source: Baha'i World News Servjce.
> 
> Copyng led n1atGr I
> a tablet addressed to the Shah, that others in the royal court, out of jealousy, ignorance,
> greed, or spite, prevented Mulla I:Iusayn from delivering the Bab's epistle to him:
> 
> I despatched a messenger and a book unto thee, that thou mightest act towards
> the Cause of Him Who is the Testimony of God as befitteth the station of thy
> sovereignty. But inasmuch as dark, dreadful and dire calamity had been
> irrevocably ordained by the Will of God, the book was not submitted to thy
> presence, through the intervention of such as regard themselves the well-
> wishers of the government.
> (The Bab,Selections 13)
> 
> Upon receiving a report from Mulla I:Iusayn about his travels, in the fall of 1844, the Bab,
> accompanied by Qyddus and Mubarak, His Ethiopian servant, 2 embarked on a journey to
> Arabia to undertake the hajj. In Mecca, the Bab by one account publicly announced that He
> was the promised one of Islam (other accounts suggest He only told selected people) and
> addressed a letter to the custodian of the Kaaba. Throughout the journey, the Bab dictated
> numerous treatises and sermons. On the return trip to Persia, from the port of Mak.ha
> (Mocha in present-day Yemen) He addressed a letter to His uncle and a tablet to His
> followers, in which He exhorted them to proclaim His Cause (Afnan 2013: 182-183, 192-
> 193). He subsequently sojourned in Masqat (Muscat in present-day Oman) for
> approximately six weeks as a guest of the Sultan. During this time, He addressed numerous
> tablets to ecclesiastical leaders in Iraq, Persia, and Masqat.
> To fulfill Shi'ih messianic prophecies about the appearance of the Qa'im, the Bab had
> originally intended to travel from Mecca to Karbila in order to proclaim His Cause. During
> His pilgrimage to Mecca, word reached the Bab that Mulla 'Aliy-i-Bastami (the second
> person to profess belief in Him)-whom the Bab had sent to Iraq with a copy of the
> Qayyumu'l-Asma' to deliver a proclamatory message from the Bab, without divulging His
> identity, to the foremost Shi'ih cleric of the time and to share His writings with the students
> of the deceased Siyyid K~im-i-Rafil}ti-had been rebuked, arrested, tried, condemned, and
> banished to Istanbul by a joint tribunal of Sunni and Shi'ih 'ulama. The tribunal's edict
> denounced the Qayyumu'l-Asma' as a heretical text and charged that its author deserved to
> be killed because He claimed to have the ability to reveal divine verses. The Bab's desire
> that no further sadness, conflict, or dissension ensue, and His concern that His followers not
> be harmed as a result of injustice and tyranny, motivated Him to change His plan and
> return to Persia. From Masqat, He instructed His followers who had gathered in Karbala to
> proceed to Isfahan (Afnan 2000: 183-186; Amanat 2005: 252; Momen 2018: 5). Returning to
> Bushehr in early June 1845 on the last leg of His journey home, He instructed Qyddus to
> travel to Shiraz ahead of Him and begin sharing His message in that city. The first person-
> after the Letters of the Living-to embrace the Cause of the Bab in Shiraz was the Bab's
> aforementioned uncle I:Iaji Mirza Siyyid 'Ali, who was later executed for his adherence to
> the message of his nephew ([Zarandi] 1932: 75). Qyddus and another prominent early
> believer named Mulla Sadiq-i-Khurasani were subsequently arrested, tortured, and expelled
> 
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> from the city by order of the Governor of Fars, I:Iusayn Khan, who summoned the Bab
> from Bushehr to answer for the commotion and excitement His message had aroused in
> Shiraz.
> 
> The return of the Babto Shiraz and his stay in Isfahan
> 
> Upon the Bab's arrival in Shiraz in the summer of 1845, He was detained and brought
> before I:Iusayn Khan. The governor reproached the Bab and released Him to the custody of
> His uncle I:Iaji Mirza Siyyid 'Ali, but not before commanding his attendant to strike the Bab
> in the face. In His writings, the Bab laments the abuse He suffered at the hands of I:Iusayn
> Khan and his numerous attempts to suppress His message: 'While I was in Shiraz the
> indignities which befell Me at the hands of its wicked and depraved Governor waxed so
> grievous that if thou wert acquainted with but a tithe thereof, thou wouldst deal him
> retributive justice' (The Bab, Selections 13). The Bab was subsequently asked to visit one of
> the central mosques of the city to clarify His position and calm the excitement of the
> masses. Thus, during Friday prayers, the Bab publicly affirmed His faith in God, the Prophet
> Muhammad, and the Imams and disavowed any claim to being the gate, representative, or
> intermediary of the Hidden Imam ([Zarandi] 1932: 154). In doing so, the Bab was not only
> implicitly rejecting superstitions associated with the Hidden Imam-an imaginary figure
> believed to have entered occultation in the ninth century-but also hinting that His station
> was far greater than that of an Imam or a representative to the Imam. This clarification of
> His position had the opposite effect of what the governor intended. His tone, conduct,
> behaviour, and calm demeanour before a partly hostile audience impressed many of those
> in attendance and encouraged others in Shiraz to inquire further about His position and
> become adherents (Fayc;li1987: 160-169).
> The proclamation efforts of the Bab's disciples throughout Persia excited further interest
> in the Bab. It was at this time that two notable Muslim scholars embraced His message:
> Siyyid Yal).yay-i-Darabi (d. 1850) and Mulla Mul_iammad-'Aliy-i-Zanjani (d. 1851). The
> former, associated with the Qajar royal court, was sent by Mul_iammadShah to investigate
> the claims of the Bab. In the course of three interviews, the Bab answered the questions the
> proud scholar posed to Him and, in response to a wish Dara.bi held in his heart but had not
> voiced, the Bab wrote a voluminous commentary on the shortest Surih of the Qyr'an.
> Astonished by the interpretations, the speed at which the Bab wrote, the force of His style,
> and His mellifluous voice as He chanted the verses, Dara.bi resigned his post at the royal
> court and embraced the Cause of the Bab. The Bab surnamed him Val).id(meaning 'unique')
> (Mazindarani 2008: 231, 361-375; Mazindarani n.d.: 87-90; Rabbani 2006: 17-41; Ahdieh and
> Chapman 2013: 53-57).
> The second Muslim scholar, Mulla Mu}_iammad-'Aliy-i-Zanjani, was a highly erudite cleric
> and skilled orator who served as one of the foremost religious authorities in the northwest
> city of Zanjan. Upon hearing about the Bab, he sent a representative to Shiraz to investigate
> 
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> the matter and receive a copy of the Qayyumu'l-Asma' or a letter from the Bab. Witnessing
> the Bab's 'overwhelming authority and knowledge' (Walbridge 1996: 345), Zanjani
> embraced His message and was surnamed I:Iujjat (meaning 'proof') (Mazindarani 2008:
> 142-148; Walbridge 1996: 345-350).
> The unabated animosity of I:Iusayn Khan and a cholera outbreak in Shiraz caused the
> eventual transfer of the Bab from Shiraz to Isfahan in September 1846. Upon arriving in
> Isfahan, the Bab stayed for forty days at the home of one of the main prelates of the city.
> During this time, the governor, Manu.£hihr Khan, the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih (d. 1847),
> investigated and embraced the Cause of the Bab and offered Him his protection. When a
> number of clerics issued an edict condemning the Bab to death, Manurnihr Khan
> surreptitiously concealed the Bab in his home, until his death in March 1847. In His
> writings, the Bab noted that
> 
> the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih ... became aware of the truth of the Cause and
> manifested exemplary servitude and devotion to His chosen ones. When some
> of the ignorant people in his city arose to stir up sedition, he defended the
> divine Truth by affording Me protection for a while in the privacy of the
> Governor's residence.
> (The Bab,Selections 14-15)
> 
> The Shah of Persia, now curious about the youth who had converted one of his most
> trusted governors and one of the most respected clerics associated with his court, desired
> to meet the Bab and ordered that He be brought to the capital.
> 
> The Bab in Azerbaijan
> 
> Fearful that a meeting with Mu}:iammad Shah might influence the monarch and thus
> diminish the influence he exerted over the Shah as his spiritual guide, the grand vizier, I:Iaji
> Mirza Aqasi (d. 1849), convinced the Shah not to bring the Bab to the capital but rather to
> assign Him to a fortress reserved for criminals in Maku in the mountains of Azerbaijan near
> Persia's border with the Ottoman Empire. The death of Manu.£hihr Khan in March 1847,
> therefore, precipitated the transfer of the Bab, a month later, from Isfahan to the
> northwestern reaches of Persia. After stops in Kashan and Kulayn, the Bab travelled via
> Tabriz and arrived in Maku in the summer of 1847 (Figure 2.2).
> 
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> Figure 2.2 The fortress of Ma-Ku.
> Source:Baha'i World News Service.
> 
> The conditions of the fortress were described by the Bab in a letter addressed to
> Muhammad
> .       -Shah:
> I swear by the Most Great Lord! Wert thou to be told in what place I dwell, the
> first person to have mercy on Me would be thyself. In the heart of a mountain
> is a fortress [Maku] ... the inmates of which are confined to two guards and
> four dogs. Picture, then, My plight ... I swear by the truth of God! Were he
> who hath been willing to treat Me in such a manner to know Who it is Whom
> he hath so treated, he, verily, would never in his life be happy. Nay-I, verily,
> acquaint thee with the truth of the matter-it is as if he hath imprisoned all the
> Prophets, and all the men of truth and all the chosen ones.
> (The Bab, Selections 14)
> 
> The decision to incarcerate the Bab in Maku was, after His declaration, the most critical
> turning point in His life. During the approximately nine months He was imprisoned in
> Maku, the Bab declared His true station as the promised Qa'im and abrogated the social
> laws of Islam. He affirmed that out of compassion, God had decreed that the Bab enjoin the
> observance of the laws of the Qyr'an in His earlier writings-this, so that the people might
> not be seized with perturbation by a new book and a new revelation and might regard His
> Faith as similar to their own. He further stated that earlier in His ministry, He did not wish
> His identity to be divulged and gave instructions that His name and true station be
> deliberately concealed behind a veil of ambiguity on account of the inability of the masses
> to understand the independent nature of His message and the potency of His Cause. Even
> 
> Copyng led n1atGr I
> His use of the title 'Gate' was meant to lessen the impact of His otherwise unequivocal
> claim to be a Manifestation of God. He wrote:
> 
> Consider the manifold favours vouchsafed by the Promised One, and the
> effusions of His bounty which have pervaded the concourse of the followers of
> Islam to enable them to attain unto salvation. Indeed observe how He Who
> representeth the origin of creation, He Who is the Exponent of the verse, 'I, in
> very truth, am God', identified Himself as the Gate [Bab] for the advent of the
> promised Qa'im, a descendant of Mul:iammad, and in His first Book enjoined
> the observance of the laws of the Qyr'an, so that the people might not be
> seized with perturbation by reason of a new Book and a new Revelation and
> might regard His Faith as similar to their own, perchance they would not turn
> away from the Truth and ignore the thing for which they had been called into
> being.
> (The Bab, Selections 119)
> 
> In Maku, the Bab laid down the fundamental laws and precepts of His dispensation in His
> most important works: the Persian Bayan and the shorter Arabic Bayan. Throughout His
> writings in this final phase of His ministry, the Bab prophesied the imminent appearance of
> a figure He had previously referred to in His writings using Islamic terminology, as, among
> other things, 'the Remnant of God,' but He now began to call 'Him Whom God shall make
> manifest.' Notably, the Bab did not appoint an interpreter to His writings or a successor;
> rather, He conditioned His laws and teachings on their acceptance by Him Whom God shall
> make manifest. The Persian Bayan, in fact, can be considered a eulogy of Him Whom God
> shall make manifest, rather than a code of laws designed to be implemented by societies
> and institutions in the future (Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By 25).
> In March 1848, Mulla I:Iusayn visited the Bab for nine days. The Bab instructed Mulla
> I:Iusayn to travel and visit the Babis throughout northwest Persia and then proceed to
> Mazandaran to find 'the Hidden Treasure,' an allusion to Mirza I:Iusayn-i-'Aliy-i-Nuri, whom
> Mulla I:Iusayn subsequently met. The next month, I:Iaji Mirza Aqasi, pressured by the
> Russian Minister in Tehran (Momen 1981: 72) and alarmed by the growing popularity of the
> Bab and the access He enjoyed to the outside world, ordered that the Bab be transferred
> from the fortress of Maku to the bleak and lonely mountain fortress of Chihriq some two
> hundred kilometres to the south. In Chihriq, to which the Bab refers in His writings as the
> 'Grievous Mountain,' the Bab was subjected for over two years to a confinement that was
> even harsher than that which He experienced in Maku.
> In June 1848, a few months after the Bab arrived in Chihriq, some of His followers, at the
> direction of Mirza I:Iusayn-i-'Aliy-i-Nuri, convened a historic conference in the hamlet of
> Bada.s..htin northern Persia to implement the Bayan, announce the abrogation of Islamic law
> and a formal break from the traditions of the past, and proclaim the inauguration of a new
> religious dispensation, symbolized famously by the dramatic act of Tahirih's public
> unveiling. The conference was of momentous importance because it marked the conscious
> 
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> break that many Ba.bis made with past traditions. At approximately the same time, the Bab
> was taken from Chihriq to Tabriz to face trial for apostasy before a group of high-ranking
> clerics. En route to Tabriz, the Bab sojourned for ten days in Urmia, where the only known
> portrait of Him was sketched by a local artist. 3 At the trial in Tabriz, when asked about His
> station in the presence of the Crown Prince and before the prominent clerics of the city, the
> Bab declared that He was the promised one of Islam, thus stating openly and publicly what
> up until then He had stated implicitly-though at times also explicitly-in writing to His
> disciples and detractors: namely, that His station was that of a new, independent
> Manifestation of God with the ability to write verses and establish laws, to abrogate the
> laws of Islam, and to begin a new religious cycle. In support of His claims, the Bab calmly
> began to utter verses yet was interrupted with demeaning and unrelated questions that
> derived from traditional conceptions of knowledge. He refused to dignify the insolence of
> the clerics (MacEoin 2009: 409-450; Kashshafi 2021). At the conclusion of the trial, the Bab
> was condemned to suffer corporal punishment and sustained wounds on His feet and face.
> Before being taken back to Chihriq, the Bab was treated by a physician of Irish origin
> named William Cormick (d. 1877), the only Westerner to meet the Bab, who recorded his
> impressions ([Zarandi] 1932: xxxii; Balyuzi 1973: 145; Momen 1981: 74; Amanat 2005: 391-
> 392). Cormick described the Bab as
> 
> a very mild and delicate-looking man, rather small in stature and very fair for
> a Persian, with a melodious soft voice, which struck me much .... In fact his
> whole look and deportment went far to dispose one in his favor.
> (Amanat 2005: 109)
> 
> The last two years of the Bab's incarceration in Chihriq witnessed the large-scale
> persecution of His followers and a series of confrontations between the Bab's supporters
> and the state in 1848 and 1849. In an attempt to quell further upheavals and impede the
> advancement of the new faith, the chief minister to the newly crowned Na~iri'd-Din Shah,
> Mirza Taqi Khan, better known as Amir Kabir (d. 1852), condemned the Bab to death. On
> his orders, the Bab was transferred yet again from Chihriq to Tabriz. Anticipating this
> move, the Bab had entrusted His last tablets and seals to one of His amanuenses to deliver
> to Jinab-i-Baha in Tehran.
> The Bab arrived in Tabriz in late June 1850. Divested of His green turban, cloak, and sash
> -symbols of His noble lineage as a siyyid-he was taken barefoot to the barracks in Tabriz.
> One of His ardent disciples, Mirza Mul,iammad-'Aliy-i-Zunuzi, surnamed Anis (meaning
> 'companion'), threw himself at the Bab's feet and begged the guards to allow him to
> accompany the Bab. Members of Anis's family attempted to persuade him to return home,
> even going so far as to bring his two-year-old child into the barracks in order to plead with
> him to abandon his belief in the Bab, but he maintained his unwavering allegiance and
> devotion to Him and refused to recant his faith or leave the Bab's side (Mehrabkhani 2011:
> 80-83).
> 
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> The life of the Bab ended with His execution-together with Anis-by a military firing
> squad in Tabriz on 9 July 1850; He was thirty-one years of age. The public nature of the
> execution appears to have been designed so as to demonstrate to the masses the full control
> of the government (Amanat 2005: 402) and perhaps reduce the possibility of later
> speculation that He was still alive. A regiment of 750 soldiers under the authority of
> Colonel Sam Khan of the Christian regiment of Urmia ranged itself in three files and was
> ordered to discharge a volley of bullets. When the cloud of smoke cleared, the great throng
> of onlookers was astonished; the Bab had vanished. The bullets had severed the ropes by
> which the Bab was suspended but had not harmed Him. The Bab was eventually found in
> His prison cell concluding a private conversation with His amanuensis that had earlier been
> interrupted. A second regiment under the authority of its commander, Aqa Jan Khan-i-
> Khamsih, was called in, and this time, the volley tore the bodies of the Bab and Anis to
> pieces. The firing squads of both regiments consisted of 750 men, though several sources
> indicate even higher numbers of riflemen (Nicolas 1905: 375; Kazemzadeh 1973: 14). I:Iaji
> Mu'inu's-Saltanih, for example-who, in researching his account of the martyrdom of the
> Bab, personally interviewed over one hundred individuals in Tabriz who were present on
> that day-writes that Sam Khan ranged his regiment of one thousand soldiers into three
> files and ordered them to open fire at the Bab one after the other (Mu'inu's-Saltanih n.d.:
> fols. 308, 318-319).
> The remains of the Bab and Anis, which were so intermingled as the result of the force of
> the bullets that they could not be separated, were secretly removed from the edge of the
> moat outside the city, in which they had been cast, and transferred in secrecy to Tehran.
> After years of concealment, the Bab's remains were quietly moved under the direction of
> Baha'u'llah and then 'Abdu'l-Baha to Ottoman Palestine, where they were interred in a
> Shrine built by 'Abdu'l-Baha on the slopes of Mount Carmel in the port city of Haifa in
> March 1909. Over forty years later, as the Baha'i community expanded under the leadership
> of 'Abdu'l-Baha and His successor, Shoghi Effendi, its members were able to contribute
> funds for the building of a superstructure to the Shrine, which was completed in 1953
> (Figure 2.3).
> 
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> Mazindarani, A. (n.d.) Kitab-i-?,uhuru'l-Ijaqq, vol. 2, manuscript in private hands.
> ---.  (1938) 'The Life of the Bab', Star of the West, 14.7: 193-202.
> ---.  (2008) Kitab-i-?,uhuru'l-Ijaqq, vol. 3, Hofheim: Baha'i-Verlag.
> Mehrabkhani, R. (2011) Zunuzi: A Love Story, trans. A. Mottahedeh, Spain: Fundaci6n
> Nehal.
> Momen, M. (1981) The Babi and Baha'i Religions, 1844-1944: Some Contemporary
> Western Accounts, Oxford: George Ronald.
> ---.   (2010) 'Perfection and Refinement: Towards an Aesthetics of the Bab', in Lights of
> 1rfan: Studies in the PrincipalBaha'i Beliefs, Book Twelve, Darmstadt: 'Asr-i-Jadid
> Publisher, 221-243.
> ---.   (2018) 'Millennialist Narrative and Apocalyptic Violence: The Case of the Babis of
> Iran', Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion, 20: 1-18.
> Mu]:iammad-I:Iusayni, N. (1995) }jat;/,rat-i-Bab,Dundas, Ontario: Mu'assasay-i-Ma'arif-i-
> , ,,
> Bah a 1.
> ---.   (2012) }jat;/,rat-i-Tahirih,2nd ed., Madrid: Intisharat-i-Ni]:ial.
> Mu'inu's-Saltanih, M. (n.d.) Tarikh-i-Amr, manuscript in private hands.
> Nicolas, A. L. M. (1905) Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab, Paris: Dujarric & Cie.
> Rabbani, A. (2006) The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents, manuscript in private
> hands.
> Rouhani Ma'ani, B. (2008) Leaves of the Twin Divine Trees: An In-depth Study of the Lives
> of Women Closely Related to the Bab and Baha'u'llah, Oxford: George Ronald.
> Saiedi, N. (2008) Gate of the Heart: Understanding the Writings of the Bab, Canada:
> Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
> ---.   (2011) 'The Ethiopian King', trans. 0. Ghaemmaghami,      Baha'i Studies Review, 17:
> 181-186.
> Shoghi Effendi. (1944) God Passes By, Wilmette, IL: Baha'i Publishing Trust.
> Vahman, F. (2020) 'The Bab: A Sun in a Night Not Followed by Dawn', in The Bab and
> the Babi Community of Iran, ed. F. Vahman, Oxford: Oneworld.
> Walbridge, J. (1996) 'The Babi Uprising in Zanjan: Causes and Issues', Iranian Studies,
> 29.3-4: 339-362.
> [Zarandi, N.] (1932) The Dawn-Breakers: Nabil's Narrative of the Early Days of the
> Baha'i Revelation, trans. Shoghi Effendi, Wilmette, IL: Baha'i Publishing Trust.
> 
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> Although shorter than Balyuzi 1980, this book uses a number of sources not used in that
> book.
> Nabil [Zarandi]. (1970) The Dawn-Breakers: Nabil's Narrative of the Early Days of the
> Baha'i Revelation, Wilmette, IL: Baha'i Publishing Trust.
> Salmani, M. A. (1982) My Memories of Baha'u'llah, trans. Marzieh Gail, Los Angeles:
> Kalimat Press.
> Shoghi Effendi. (1974) God Passes By, rev. ed., Wilmette, IL: Baha'i Publishing Trust.
> This book written by the head of the Baha'i Faith may be regarded as the official sacred
> history of the Baha'i community.
> 
> Copyrighted material
>
> — *The Life of the Bab (Used by permission of the curator)*