# A Prophet in Modern Times

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: A. L. M. Nicolas, A Prophet in Modern Times, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> A
> Prophet
> In
> Modern
> Times
> 
> A.L.M. Nicolas
> Peter Terry, translator and editor
> 
> Volume I of the Babi Studies Series
> 
> First English translation of the first biography of Hají Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad
> Shírází, called “the Báb”. The original was published in French by A.L.M.
> Nicolas in 1905 as Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab. This edition features the
> detailed annotations compiled and verified by the translator.
> 
> Passages from the Writings of the Báb are in some cases presented in the
> compiler’s rendering of their French translation by A.L.M. Nicolas, originally
> published circa 1900-1911.
> 
> Second Edition prepared for electronic publication on bahai-
> library.com (2015)
> 
> First edition published by Lulu Publications 2008
> 
> Copyright © 2008 by Peter Terry
> 
> All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions.
> 
> ISBN: 978-1-4357-1495-3
> 
> Manufactured in the United States of America.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                          2
> 
> Table of Contents
> 
> Acknowledgements
> 
> Introduction
> 
> Chapter One
> From Birth to Declaration
> 
> Chapter Two
> The Declaration — The Pilgrimage — His Name
> 
> Chapter Three
> The Return to Shíráz — The Imprisonment — The Cholera — Flight to Isfáhán
> 
> Chapter Four
> Death of Manúchihr Khán — Exiled from Isfáhán — Tabríz — The Prison of
> Máh-Kú
> 
> Chapter Five
> Imprisonment at Chihríq — Trial and Execution at Tabríz — Concealment and
> Burial
> 
> Appendix I
> The Dispensation of The Báb
> 
> Appendix II
> Writings of the Báb
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                      3
> 
> Acknowledgements
> 
> It is common practice for authors to thank those who have assisted (and tolerated) them during
> their long labors, and to take credit for all the faults that may be found in their works. I wish to
> begin this preface by stating without prevarication or exaggeration that this annotated
> translation could not have been published without the generous encouragement of many
> individuals.
> 
> First of all, I am deeply grateful to the Universal House of Justice, the Supreme Institution of
> the Bahá'í Administrative Order, which graciously permitted me to proceed with this
> publication, notwithstanding the many errors that are found in Nicolas' historical narrative and
> to which Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith alluded in several of his letters. I
> hope that my copious annotations have corrected all of these errors, and laid to rest other
> falsehoods that have hitherto lingered in the vicinity of the person of Hájí Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad Shírází, known as the Báb.
> 
> Inasmuch as the sheer volume of these annotations have extended the length of this translation,
> only selected chapters have been featured from “Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab” by A.L.M.
> Nicolas. A second volume will be prepared, which will include all of the chapters missing here.
> While these chapters treat the life of the Báb, the second volume will feature those chapters that
> treat the lives of his followers.
> 
> Second, Dr. Richard Hollinger lent me his copy of Nicolas' book, and since it is hard to find in
> libraries and even harder to locate in bookstores, he made it possible for me to select this
> particular book for translation.
> 
> Third, Ms. Fariba Ghayebi spent many hours over the course of several months ferreting
> through two lengthy and detailed biographies of the Báb in Persian, one authored by Abu'l-
> Qasim Afnan and the other by Muhammad-'Alí Faizi, for details related to the events and
> personalities discussed by A.L. M. Nicolas. Her assistance to me was truly invaluable, and has
> considerably enriched the value of the annotations to Nicolas' text.
> 
> Fourth, I asked specific questions of the members of various online lists, which were answered
> by a number of knowledgeable individuals, to whom I extend my heartfelt thanks, including
> (alphabetically) Dr. Necati Alkan, Dr. J.R.I. Cole, Mr. William Collins, Mr. Steven Cooney,
> Dr. Armin Eschraghi, Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir, Dr. Iskandar Ha'i, Mr. Sepehr Manuchehri,
> Dr. Ahang Rabbani and Mr. Ismael Velasco. If you are one of those who assisted me and
> whom I have forgotten to mention, I ask for your forgiveness, and promise to honor and thank
> you in future editions of this book. To all of those who answered my questions I am very
> grateful, and assure you that what you shared with me has found its way into my annotations,
> often, but perhaps not always, with appropriate attribution.
> 
> Fifth, to Mr. Kurt Asplund I owe a great debt of gratitude for giving me open access to his
> private library with its rich collection of books related to this project, including many
> photographs which we hope to include in a later edition of this volume.
> 
> Sixth, as my readers will no doubt notice, I have relied to a considerable extent upon the
> published works of Professor Abbas Amanat, Professor Edward Granville Browne, Dr. Denis
> MacEoin, and Dr. Ahang Rabbani. In subsequent volumes related to the subject, the published
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        4
> 
> works of Dr. Armin Eschraghi, Dr. Stephen Lambden, Professor Todd Lawson, Dr. Vahid
> Ra’fati, Professor Nader Saiedi and other leading experts on the Báb will be consulted and
> referenced.
> 
> Seventh, it would be remiss of me not to thank Professor Anthony Lee, editor of Kalimat Press,
> for his encouragement of my translation of Nicolas' seminal work, and for his offer to publish it
> in the United States.
> 
> Eighth, I am grateful to Dr. Wendi Momen, editor at George Ronald Press, for believing in this
> book, and for her many months of patient collaboration with this often preoccupied author in
> an attempt to publish it in the United Kingdom.
> 
> Ninth, I want to thank all of those who participated in educating me about the Bahá'í Faith, for
> without its discovery I could not have engaged in this project. Mr. Steve Schultz, who first
> introduced me to the Bahá'ís, in Cincinnati, Ohio; Mr. Wayne Hoover, my first Bahá'í mentor,
> in Gorham, Maine; Miss Helen LaVey, my second Bahá'í mentor, in Cambridge,
> Massachusetts; Professor Daniel C. Jordan and Mrs. Nancy Jordan; Professor Dwight Allen,
> Mr. Nathan Rutstein and many other Bahá'í teachers whom I learned much from during my
> studies at the University of Massachusetts; Mrs. Marian C. Lippitt, my first teacher in Bahá'í
> metaphysics and spiritual psychology, in York, Maine; Dr. Adelbert Muhlschlegel, an amateur
> historian and mystic; Bahá'í scholars whom I interviewed in Europe and the United States in
> 1980-1981, too numerous to mention by name; Mr. Hooper Dunbar and other members of the
> Universal House of Justice, who have encouraged my scholarly endeavors; and hundreds of
> Bahá'ís whom I have encountered on three continents, in twelve countries, and over the
> Internet. To each and every one I thank you for your gifts of insight and knowledge, of
> friendship and trust.
> 
> Finally, I could not have dedicated the innumerable hours to research and writing that have
> resulted in this volume without the hospitality, the forbearance and the steadfast support of my
> parents and friends. It is to those loved ones that I dedicate the book.
> 
> As for the errors in this book, there are no doubt many. Please inform me of any such errors
> and I will do our best to correct them in time for the next edition. While books about the Báb
> aren't usually best sellers, I have hopes that this particular volume will reach a wide readership.
> So, if you like the book, please help me out, and tell people about it. The most trustworthy
> advertising is what you hear about from your friends.
> 
> It is my hope that many will read this book, and that it will inspire all of its readers with a
> profound and incurable desire to immerse themselves in the writings of the Báb. For as
> extraordinary as is the story of his life, his writings are the remnant of that life, a remnant that is
> as fresh today as it was over a century ago. The Báb claimed to be a Prophet for our Times. Let
> us see what Modern Times think of him.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     5
> 
> Introduction
> 
> Alphonse Louis Marie (A.L.M.) Nicolas, the author of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Bab",
> was born in the city of Rasht, the province of Gílán, in the land of Írán on the 27th of March
> 1864(1). Born in Persia and living most of his life there, it is only appropriate that we also give
> the hijri date for his birth, 18 Shawwal 1280. His father, Louis Jean Baptiste (J.B.) Nicolas
> (1814-1875) had been born in Hyeres, France, and served as French consular official from 1846
> to the time of his death. J.B. Nicolas served in Tihrán from 1854 until 1863, when he was
> assigned to Rasht. Ten years later he was recalled to Tihrán, where he died in 1875.(2) J.B.
> Nicolas was the compiler of a French-Persian dictionary, the author of some articles on Persian
> literary subjects, and the translator of a Persian article on the 1852 failed assassination attempt
> on Násiri'd-Dín Sháh.(3 Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810–95), the English Orientalist and
> diplomat who served for some time in the Persian Army, described J.B. in 1855 as "quite
> illiterate" but nevertheless affirmed that "his natural shrewdness and knowledge of Persians,
> render of some value his report of facts and the inferences he draws from them."(4) Another
> notable, the author, diplomat and infamous racialist Count Joseph Arthur de Gobineau (1816-
> 1882) described J.B. as "un drole" in a letter to his sister.(5)
> 
> His son consequently spent his first nine years in Rasht, and the balance of his childhood in
> Tihrán. A.L.M. studied at the École des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris and entered the
> foreign service in 1877, and was for the most part assigned to posts in Írán. Our principal
> source for A.L.M. Nicolas' life story and in particular his motivation for studying and writing
> about the life of the Bab is to be derived from an interview he gave to Miss Edith Sanderson, an
> American Bahá'í living in Paris, shortly before his demise.(6) This interview, conducted and
> reported in French (except for the introductory paragraph), is here translated into English in its
> entirety for the first time:
> 
> (1)"The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944, Some Contemporary Western Accounts", Dr.
> Moojan Momen, editor; George Ronald Publisher, 1981, p. 36.
> 
> (2)Ibid., p. 516.
> 
> (3)Ibid., p. 516 on the French-Persian dictionary; pp. 138-139 on the translation by J.B. Nicolas of an
> 
> article from Rúznámiy-i-Vaqáyi'-i-Ittifáqíyyih, an official government publication, reported to the
> French Foreign Office in a dispatch dated 25 October 1852 by the French Ambassador at Istanbul, the
> Marquis de la Valette, which was published in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" by A.L.M.
> Nicolas, and, in English, in "Queer Things about Persia" , by Eustache de Lorey and Douglas
> Sladen.
> 
> (4)Foreign Office 78 1115; cited in Ibid., p. 516.
> 
> (5)Hytier, "Les Dépèches Diplomatiques", p. 148n; cited in Ibid., p. 37.
> 
> (6)The Bahá'í World, volume VIII (1938-1940), pp. 885-887; portions translated into English and
> published in Ibid., pp. 37-38). Mrs. Laura Clifford Dreyfus-Barney, in an unpublished article she wrote
> for 'The Bahá'í World' referred to meeting “Mrs. Sanderson and her daughters, Sybil of opera fame and
> Edith who became later a leading Bahá'í in France. It was through May Bolles that both Edith and
> Hippolyte [Dreyfus] entered the Faith a short time after she had given me the Message.” This article is
> available in its entirety at http://bahai-library.org/essays/barney.html
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           6
> 
> "A.L.M. Nicolas, after having passed the greater part of his life in Persia, now lives in a pleasant
> corner of Paris in the rue George Sand, surrounded by his books and his souvenirs of the
> Orient. For some years the Bahá'ís of Paris have entertained the most cordial relations with him
> and to them is do our gratitude and appreciation for the courtesy of arranging the following
> interview, which was sought by Miss Edith Sanderson [ES] expressly for publication in The
> Bahá'í World. The interview took place on February 7, 1939, as follows:
> 
> ES: "What were your beginnings in Persia?"
> 
> ALM: "I was born in Rasht Gílán, a province on the West bank of the Caspian [Sea]. I spoke
> only Persian and Russian. When I went to France [in 1875-76?] I was dressed like a Cossack.
> 
> "My beginnings in Írán (Persia) have nothing extraordinary about them: those of an ardent
> young man, desirous of learning.
> 
> "My father was the first interpreter of the French Legation in Persia, a position I myself later
> filled.(7)"
> 
> ES: "In what way did you find yourself in contact with the Babis?"
> 
> ALM: "Gobineau, arriving at the Legation, greatly imbued with diplomatic prejudices,
> distrusting his colleagues, entered into a conflict with my father on the subject of a manuscript
> purchased by him from a courtier. My father addressed remarks pertaining to this matter which
> oriented me towards the idea of verifying for myself the substance of these things. In his papers
> he left a critique of this book of Gobineau, "Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l'Asie
> Centrale"(8), which incited me to search out and refute the errors therein, this book having
> been written without sufficient knowledge [of the subject and] with the assistance of an
> Israelite(9) whom Gobineau had as [his] professor of Persian and who could only teach his
> student the little he knew of the sect.(10) I collected documents widely, thanks to the indigenous
> secretary, Mírzá Ebrahim, of Tihrán, whom I discovered to be Bahá'í and who put me in touch
> with the believers."
> 
> ES: "How did you become interested in the Cause of the Báb, in the Báb Himself? What
> brought you to translate His works? To write your book "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le
> Báb"?"
> 
> ALM: "I had resolved to translate the "Persian Bayán".(11) I admit that during the two or
> three years of my study [of that book] I was often dazzled by the explanations that the Báb gives
> 
> (7) A.L.M.Nicolas served as First Interpreter in Tihrán from 1904-1907; see op.cit., p. 516.
> 
> (8)First published by Didier & Cie, in Paris, 1865; reprinted many times since then and currently in print.
> 
> (9)Persian Jew.
> 
> (10)A major portion of "Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale" is devoted to a
> 
> survey of the life and teachings of the Báb and the fate of his followers, and includes an Appendix with
> the earliest translation of one of the books of the Báb.
> 
> (11)"Bayán-i-fársí"
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          7
> 
> us for certain mysteries such as death, the resurrection, the Sirát — this bridge that passes over
> hell, narrow as a hair, sharp as a razor, and which the believer traverses with the rapidity of
> lightning. These explanations pleased me and I exerted myself more and more in my work. I
> only regret having neglected the translation of the majority of the Writings that issued forth
> from the pen of the Prophet.
> 
> "Also, in reading the "Book of the Seven Proofs"(12), which I translated, I was seduced by the
> clarity of reasoning of the Báb. I was aided in my work by a young Persian and every day in the
> afternoon we went walking outside the town(13) leaving through the gate of Shimran.(14). The
> purity of the air, the serenity, the softness of the temperature and, in certain seasons, the
> perfume of the acacias predisposed my soul to peace and to tenderness. The meditations that I
> had upon the strange book I was translating filled me with a kind of intoxication and I became
> bit by bit profoundly and uniquely a Bábí. The more I plunged into these meditations the more
> I admired the exalted genius of the one who, born in Shíráz, dreamed of uplifting the Muslim
> world; and [his] explanation of the meaning of the language of Shí'í belief impelled me
> gradually to write "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb".
> 
> "Naturally I wished to perfect my work and this brought me to [carry out] research and [engage
> in] conversations with the Bábís — in fact Azalís and Bahá'ís.(15) I found before me an abundant
> mine and [one] which I did not exhaust for there are works of the Báb that I did not peruse."
> 
> ES: "How were your publications first received?"
> 
> ALM: "I could not figure this out."
> 
> "A young Persian told me that the Bahá'ís approved of my efforts, but that I was mistaken to
> have translated the Bayán, already abrogated (16), rather than the Íqán.(17)
> 
> (12) "Dalá'il-i-Sab'ih"
> 
> (13)Tihrán, capitol city of Iran.
> 
> (14)Shimírán, the location of summer resorts located on the outskirts of Tihrán according to "An Epitome of
> 
> Bábí and Bahá'í History to A.D. 1898", by Mírzá Muhammad Jawád-i-Qazvíní, translated by E.G. Browne
> in "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion", Cambridge University Press, 1918, p. 5.
> 
> (15)Beginning in the 1850s, while Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal and Bahá'u'lláh were both residents of
> Baghdád, these half-brothers attracted separate circles of admirers and followers. Around 1867, about
> seventeen years after the martyrdom of the Báb, when both lived in Adrianople, the half-brothers
> separated households and from that time until the present the votaries of Mírzá Yahyá have been
> denominated Azalís, while the adherents of Bahá'u'lláh have been called Bahá'ís. There were very few
> true Bábís or 'people of the Bayán' in existence while Nicolas was living in Írán, and this is even moreso
> the case today.
> 
> (16)The Báb indicated in Bayán-i-fársí that the laws and ordinances he revealed would be subject to the
> 
> approval of "Him Whom God shall make manifest". Bahá'u'lláh, who claimed to be "Him Whom God
> shall make manifest" indicated in various of his writings, including the "Kitáb-i-Aqdas", that certain
> of the laws and ordinances of the Báb were reaffirmed and that others were abrogated.
> 
> (17)"Kitáb-i-Íqán" is the principal doctrinal work of Bahá'u'lláh, written circa 1861 in Baghdád.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            8
> 
> "This same remark was made by M[onsieur] Hippolyte Dreyfus(18) in one of his works.
> 
> "During the summer of 1906 I met M[onsieur] Dreyfus at the same time as Madame Lacheney
> and Miss Laura Barney: They were the first French and American Bahá'ís to travel in Írán.(19)
> 
> "I also knew Professor Browne of the University of Cambridge(20) and dined with him at the
> French Legation(21). This was before his visit to Bahá'u'lláh at Bahjí, near Saint-Jean d'Acre
> ('Akká).(22) I could have put him in contact with the Bahá'ís if he had not remained silent on this
> subject.
> 
> "I presented a Siyyid to the Swede Christiansen, which permitted him to write his 'Persian
> Tales'.(23)
> 
> "My labors on the work of the Báb brought me into contradiction with the Baron Rosen(24) who
> had published selections from the works of the Báb. Baron Rosen believed that if one lightly
> altered the meaning of the words of the Báb in translating them one would make him more
> readily understood. My complete knowledge of the Persian language permitted me to discover
> strikingly real meaning in the faithful translation of the words of the Báb."
> 
> ES: "Do you think that the teachings of the Báb can be adapted to modern times?"
> 
> (18)Hippolyte Dreyfus (1873-1928), the first native Frenchman to become a Bahá'í, circa 1900, the
> translator of four volumes of writings of Bahá'u'lláh into French, of one volume of the collected talks
> [called "Some Answered Questions" in its English translation by Laura Clifford Barney, his wife] of
> 'Abdu'l-Bahá into French, and the author of two books and several articles on the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> (19)According to Madame Yvonne Meyer-May, the sister of Hippolyte Dreyfus, in a short biographical
> 
> sketch she sent to Shoghi Effendi shortly after the demise of her brother, "in 1906, he visited Persia
> where, due to his knowledge of the language, which he spoke and wrote fluently, he established ties of
> friendship that were to remain always faithful to him." This sketch is found in Thomas Linard's
> compilation     of   biographical    materials     on   Hippolyte     Dreyfus,    at    http://bahai-
> library.org/essays/barney.html
> 
> (20)Edward Granville Browne (1862-1926), a British orientalist who published many books and articles on
> 
> the Bábí and Bahá'í religions, and served as professor of Arabic and Persian literature at Cambridge
> University for many years.
> 
> (21)Tihrán.
> 
> (22)E.G. Browne visited Bahá'u'lláh at Bahjí, near 'Akká (Acco in present-day Israel) in 1890). His visit
> 
> lasted one week, and during that time he met with Bahá'u'lláh four times. For the original source of
> these details and much more information please see Moojan Momen's article on Browne at:
> http://www.northill.demon.co.uk/relstud/browne.htm
> 
> (23)Arthur Christensen (1875-1945), the eminent Danish Orientalist, who made important contributions
> 
> to linguistic, religious, and historical studies, and excelled in Persian folk narrative studies (published in
> 1918, 1923, 1936, 1958).
> 
> (24)Baron Victor Rosen (1849-1908) in the course of cataloguing the collections of Arabic and Persian
> 
> manuscripts in St. Petersburg, took a close interest in the Bábí and Bahá'í movements and wrote a
> number of papers on the subject as well as arranging for a collection of the writings of the Báb and
> Bahá'u'lláh to be published.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                  9
> 
> ALM: "Perfectly, on condition however that Modern Times adapt themselves to the decisions
> of the Báb."
> 
> ES: "Do you believe in the global applicability of the Revelation of the Báb?"
> 
> ALM: "I see no reason for the world not to submit to the Revelation of the Báb. 'It is difficult,'
> says the French proverb, 'to satisfy all the world and one's father.' But reason always ends by
> being reasonable."
> 
> "Miss Sanderson adds that 'The Bahá'ís owe much to the work of M[onsieur] A.L.M. Nicolas,
> for this erudite one translated into French the following writings of the Báb, which permit a
> deeper study of this remarkable person and of his life-giving revelation:
> 
> "Beyan Persan, four volumes (Paul Geuthner, Paris)
> 
> "Beyan Arabe (Librairie Ernest Leroux, Paris)
> 
> "Les Sept Preuves du Báb (Maisonneuve Frères, Paris)
> 
> "M[onsieur] Nicolas is also known to Orientalists for his 'Essais sur le Chéïkhisme', in four
> installments (Paul Geuthner, Paris)”
> 
> Seven years prior to this interview, in 1932, Shoghi Effendi's annotated translation of Nabíl's
> Narrative, entitled "The Dawn-breakers" was first published. The footnotes to this massive
> tome of Bábí history contained many quotations from the translations and historical writings of
> A.L.M. Nicolas in French. Two years after this, on February 8, 1934, Shoghi Effendi addressed
> the Bahá'ís of the world with a series of pen portraits of the Báb, Bahá'u'lláh, 'Abdu'l-Bahá and
> the Administrative Order of the Bahá'í Faith, entitled "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh". In her
> biography of Shoghi Effendi entitled "The Priceless Pearl" (25), his wife, denominated
> Ruhiyyih Khánum Rabbaní wrote: "Another highly important aspect of the divinely conferred
> position Shoghi Effendi held of interpreter of the [Bahá'í] Teachings was that he not only
> protected the Sacred Word from being misconstrued but that he also carefully preserved the
> relationships and importance of different aspects of the Teachings to each other and
> safeguarded the rightful station of each of the three Central Figures(26) of the Faith. An
> interesting example of this is reflected in a letter of A.L.M. Nicolas, the French scholar who
> translated the Bayán of the Báb into French and who might correctly be described as a Bábí.
> For many years he was under the impression that the Bahá'ís had ignored the greatness and
> belittled the station of the Báb. When he discovered that Shoghi Effendi in his writings exalted
> the Bab, perpetuated His memory through a book such as Nabíl's Narrative, and repeatedly
> translated His words into English, his attitude completely changed. In a letter to one of the old
> believers in France he wrote…" (27) and she then gives an English translation of a portion of
> Nicolas’ letter which was originally composed in French. Moojan Momen elaborates on the
> 
> (25)London: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1969, p. 204.
> 
> (26)The Báb, Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá.
> (27)"The Priceless Pearl", p. 204.
> 
> (28)"The Babi and Baha'i Religions, 1844-1944 : Some Contemporary Western Accounts",
> collected and edited by Moojan Momen; George Ronald, 1981, pp. 36-40.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        10
> 
> context in which this letter was written(28): "Towards the end of Nicolas' life, however, he was
> sent copies of two important works by Shoghi Effendi: a translation of "Nabíl's Narrative" of
> the life of the Báb, and "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh", in which the Báb's station as an
> independent Messenger of God equal in essence to Bahá'u'lláh is stated emphatically. Nicolas
> was, of course, overjoyed. To the lady who sent him these books, Miss Edith Sanderson, he
> wrote…" and he then gives an English translation of the entirety of this letter as it was
> published in French in The Bahá'í World.(29) A revised translation of this letter is attempted
> here:
> 
> "I do not know how to thank you nor how to express to you the joy that inundates my heart.
> Thus, one must not only admit but love and admire the Báb. Poor great Prophet born at the
> very heart of Persia without any means of instruction and who alone in the world, encircled
> with enemies, by the force of his genius was able to create a universal and wise religion. That
> Bahá'u'lláh has, since then, succeeded him, may be, but I wish that the sublimity of the Báb be
> admired, who besides paid with his life, with his blood for the reform he preached. Cite me
> another comparable example. Finally, I can die in peace. Glory to Shoghi Effendi who calmed
> my torment and my anxieties, glory to him who recognizes the value of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
> called the Báb. I am so happy that I kiss your hands which have traced my address upon the
> envelop that brought me the message of Shoghi. Thank you, Mademoiselle. Thank you from
> the bottom of my heart."
> 
> Of the two works that elicited such a joyful response from Nicolas, "Nabíl's Narrative"
> (called ZARANDI throughout this present study) is cited copiously in the annotations to this
> volume, while the chapter of "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh" which is devoted to the Báb is
> quoted in its entirety in Appendix I.
> 
> A.L.M. Nicolas' publications related to the Báb and the Bábís span a period of 34 years, from
> 1902 to 1936. They are listed here in chronological order:
> 
> "Le Livre des Sept Preuves" [Dalá'il-i-Sab'ih translated from Persian into French], Paris,
> 1902, 68 pp.
> 
> "A propos de deux manuscrits 'Bábís' de la Biblioteque Nationale," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions,
> Paris, volume 47, 1903, pp. 58-73
> 
> "Le Béyan Arabe" [Bayán al-'arabiyya translated from Arabic into French], Paris, 1905, 235
> pp.
> 
> "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" [biography of the Báb, selections translated into
> English in this volume], Paris, 1905, 458 pp.
> 
> "En Perse: Constitution" [translation by A.L.M. Nicolas], Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris,
> volume 1, 1907 (décembre 1906), p. 86-100
> 
> "Sur la Volonté Primitive et l'Essence Divine d'après le Báb," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Paris,
> volume 55, 1907, pp. 208-212
> 
> (29)Op. cit., p. 38; the French original was first published in The Bahá'í World, volume VI (1934-1936),
> 
> and subsequently reprinted in each volume of that publication inclusive of volume XIII (1954-1963).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                    11
> 
> "Essais sur le Chéïkhisme", 4 volumes:
> 
> "Cheïkh Ahmed Lahçahi", Paris, volume 1, 1910
> 
> "Séyyèd Kazem Rechti", Paris, volume 2, 1914
> 
> "Le Chéïkhisme. La Doctine", Paris, volume 3, 1911 [extract from Revue du Monde
> Musulman]
> 
> "La Science de Dieu", Paris, volume 4, 1911
> 
> "Le Club de la fraternité" [translation of an article by Atrpet by A.L.M. Nicolas], Revue du Monde
> Musulman, Paris, volume 13, 1911, pp. 180-184
> 
> "Le Dossier russo-anglais de Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris,
> volume 14, 1911, pp. 357-363
> 
> "Le Béyan Persan" [Bayán-i-fársí translated from Persian into French], four volumes, 1911-
> 1914
> 
> "Abdoul-Béha et la situation," Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris, volume 21, 1912, pp. 261-267
> 
> "Le Béhahis et le Báb," Journal Asiatique, Paris, volume 222, 1933, pp. 257-264
> 
> "Qui est le successeur du Báb?" Paris, 1933, 16 pp.
> 
> "Quelques Documents relatifs au Babisme," Journal Asiatique, Paris, volume 224, 1934, pp. 107-142
> 
> "Le Báb astronome," Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Paris, volume 114, 1936, pp. 99-101
> 
> "Massacre de Babis en Perse," Paris, 1936, 42 pp.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                                12
> 
> Chapter One
> 
> From Birth to Declaration
> 
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was born in the city of Shíráz on the first day of Muharram in the year
> 1236 A.H.(1) His father, Siyyid Muhammad Ridá — the son of Siyyid Ibráhím, and paternal
> grandson of Siyyid Fath'u'lláh(2) — was a merchant in that town(3).
> 
> (1)Nicolas cites as evidence of his subject's birth date, a passage which he found in "Kitáb al-haramayn," a
> 
> work which he attributes to Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad (the Báb). The title of this work suggests that it was
> written during the Báb's pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina (al-haramayn: the two holy places), circa 1845.
> Nicolas gives a French translation of this passage (p. 206) as well as the original Arabic text (Note A, p. 453).
> He quotes one more passage from "Kitáb al-haramayn" (Note B, p. 453) in his biography of the Báb. Oddly
> enough, Nicolas does not cite "Kitáb al-haramayn" among the Writings of the Báb, nor does he list it
> among the sources he consulted in writing this biography. Throughout the biography, Nicolas refers to and
> quotes from a book entitled "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," and he cites a passage in Arabic from this work
> (Note E, p. 454). It seems likely that these two titles represent in fact one book. This book is generally known
> as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (and is referred to as "Sahífatu'l-haramayn" by Shoghi Effendi in an
> Appendix to "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 669, 671), and at least ten manuscripts are known to exist, two of
> which are dated 1261 A.H. (1845 A.D.) — for more information please see Denis MacEoin [MacEoin],
> "The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History: a Survey" (E. J. Brill, 1992, pp. 60-61, 197-198). The
> location of Nicolas' copy of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" is not known presently (MacEoin, p. 198, n. 49).
> Inasmuch as this copy of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" is not extant, it is doubtful that it can be acceptable to
> historians as proof of the Báb's date of birth. While it is unlikely that Nicolas would have misread and mis-
> cited this text, it is entirely possible that this reading was peculiar to his manuscript, and that it was the result
> of a copyist's error. In any case, according to the manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" located in the
> Browne collection of Cambridge University Library, designated Browne Or. MSS F.7(9), the year of the
> Báb's birth was 1235 A.H. rather than a year later, as cited by Nicolas. Two eminent scholars, Dr. Abbas
> Amanat [Amanat]("Resurrection and Renewal," Cornell University Press, 1989, p. 110, n.2) and Dr. Ahang
> Rabbani (e-mail, 30 October 1997) have independently attested to this date occurring in the text of
> Browne's manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn". Rabbani also stated that Browne compared this
> manuscript with another found in the University Library of Leiden, the Netherlands (Or. 5325). Both
> manuscripts are in the hand of Ridván 'Alí, one of the sons of Mírzá Yahyá and an Azalí scribe, and
> Browne's manuscript is dated 1905; it was given to Professor Browne by Mr. C.D. Cobham, British
> Commissioner at Larnaca, Cyprus sometime during the month of May 1906 (MacEoin, p. 197). Abu'l-
> Qasim Afnan, in his biography of the Báb ("'Ahd-i-A'lá Zindigání-i-Hadrat-i-Báb" ["The Bábí
> Dispensation: The Life of the Báb"], Oneworld Publishers, 2000, p. 50), does not cite "Sahífa bayna'l-
> haramayn" as a source for the birthdate of the Báb, but he quotes a paragraph from the preface to another
> early work of the Báb, "Kitáb al-fihrist", which indicates that the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235 A.H.
> 
> Nicolas stated (p. 189) that 1 Muharram 1236 corresponds to 26 March 1821. We will now consider his
> calculation of equivalent dates, that is, his rendering of Muslim Hijra (A.H.) into Christian Gregorian (A.D.)
> equivalents. To begin with, the reader is no doubt familiar with the twelve months of the solar Gregorian
> calendar: January, February, March, April, May, June, July, August, September, October, November,
> December. The twelve months of the Islamic Hijra calendar are reckoned in Arabic as: 1)Muharram;
> 2)Safar; 3)Rabí' al-Awwal [or Rabí'ul-Avval or Rabí'ul-Úlá]; 4)Rabí-al-Thání [or Rabí'ul-Ukhrá]; 5)Jumáda
> al-Awwal [or Jamádíyu'l-Avval or Jamádíyu'l-Úlá]; 6)Jumáda al-Thání [or Jumádíyu'th-Thání or
> Jumádíyu'l-Ukhrá]; 7)Rajab [or Rijib]; 8)Sha'bán; 9)Ramadán; 10)Shawwál; 11)Dhu al-Qi'dah [or Dhi'l-
> Qa'dih]; 12)Dhu al-Hijjah [or Dhi'l-Hijjih]. In Persian pronunciation, Thání is pronounced like Sání,
> Shawwál like Shavvál, Dhu like Zu, Qi'dah like Ghi'dah, and Qa'dih like Gha'dih. According to G.S.P.
> Freeman-Grenville, ("The Muslim and Christian Calendars," 1963), the Hijra date 1 Muharram 1236 is
> equivalent to the Gregorian date 9 October 1820 — confirmed by:
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             13
> 
> http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi and http://www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html
> 
> It is not clear what system Nicolas used to render Gregorian from Hijra dates, but we can state with
> assurance that he miscalculated the Gregorian date of the Báb's birth. Browne calculated 1 Muharram 1236
> as equivalent to 9 October 1820, in his second article for the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society"
> [JRAS](vol. XXI, 1889), entitled "The Bábís of Persia. II. Their Literature and Doctrines" (p. 993), and in
> Note C to his English translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (Cambridge University Press, 1891, two
> volumes; reprinted by Philo Press, 1975, in one volume, pp. 219, 221).
> 
> In Appendix II of his first article for JRAS (vol. XXI, July 1889), entitled "The Bábís of Persia. I. Sketch of
> their History, and Personal Experiences amongst them" (pp. 516-517), E. G. Browne cited 1236 A.H. as the
> year in which the Báb was born. In this Appendix and in a note appended to his translation of "A
> Traveller's Narrative" (Note C, pp. 218-220), Browne referred to two passages from "Bayán-i-fársí" as
> evidence of the Báb's date of birth. According to Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí (ZARANDI],
> "Bayán-i fársí" (Persian Exposition), the repository of most of the laws revealed by the Báb, was begun
> during his imprisonment in Máh-Kú (in "The Dawn-Breakers," Bahá'í Publishing Trust, USA, 1932, p.
> 248) and apparently completed in Chihríq (sometime between late summer 1847 and July 1850). There are
> at least fifty manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí" extant, including one in the hand of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid
> Husayn Yazdí, in the International Bahá'í Library, and another copied by the Bábí and later Bahá'í
> chronicler and poet Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí, in the British Library (Or. 2819). The first text
> cited by Browne is from "Bayán-i-fársí", vahíd II: báb 1, in which the Báb affirms that 24 years of his life
> had passed; and Browne interprets this to mean that the Báb was twenty-four years old when he declared
> his mission. We will digress a moment to consider Browne's (and Nicolas') acquaintance with "Bayán-i fársí."
> While in the process of collating six manuscripts of "Bayán-i fársí" (Cambridge Or. 1331-7[11]; BBC.3 [now
> F.13], and BBP.8 [now F.12], both at Cambridge University Library; Or. 2819 at the British Museum; a
> manuscript in the St. Petersburg Institut des Langues Orientales; and a manuscript in the St. Petersburg
> Academie Imperiale des Sciences), Browne drew up a summary of that work, which was left incomplete
> upon his death. This summary was completed by Dr. Moojan Momen based on Browne's notes, and
> published as 'Summary of the Persian Bayán' in "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne" (George
> Ronald Publisher, 1987, pp. 316-406). Nicolas translated "Bayán-i fársí" into French in a series of four
> volumes (published in 1911-1914). He based his translation of this work on three manuscripts, listed after his
> death in the auction catalogue for his collection as Nicolas 115, 103:1 and 103:2. Of these, the location of
> the first two manuscripts is not presently known, and the third manuscript is preserved in the International
> Bahá'í Archives in Haifa, Israel (see MacEoin, p. 182). Nicolas 103:1 and 103:2 were both written in the
> hand of Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (Ibid., p. 182).
> 
> In Browne's English summary ("Selections," p. 325) and Nicolas' French translation ("Le Beyan Persan,"
> Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911-1914, tome I, p. 36) of "Bayán-i fársí" (váhid II: báb 1) the Báb indeed
> states that just twenty-four years of his life had passed by. However, the context of this statement may
> indicate that he is referring to the revelation of verses and not to the date of his declaration. When did the
> Báb begin to reveal verses? According to a reference found in most manuscripts of the Báb’s "Tafsír súrat al-
> baqara" (Commentary on the Chapter of the Cow), this work was begun in the month of Dhu'l-Qa'dih
> 1259, which corresponds to November/December 1843 (MacEoin, p. 47). MacEoin writes ("Sources," p.
> 47), "Since this Tafsír is the only extended work of the Báb's written before May 1844 and still extant, it is of
> unique importance as a source of concrete evidence for the development of his thought in the six months or
> so that led up to the initial announcement of a prophetic claim."
> 
> All sources agree that the Báb was born on the first day of the Muslim year, 1 Muharram. If he had been
> born on 1 Muharram 1236, he would have been twenty-three years old when he began to write “Tafsír
> súrat al-baqara”. If, on the other hand, he was born on 1 Muharram 1235, then he would have been
> twenty-four years old when the first verses of this work were written. It is possible then that the Báb was
> referring to the revelation of verses and not to his declaration (some six months later) in "Bayán-i-fársí"
> (váhid II: báb 1), and hence Browne seems to have been mistaken in basing his calculation of the Báb's birth
> on this reference.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                                14
> 
> Browne cites a second passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 11) in support of this birth-date.
> According to his summary (SWEGB, p. 381) and Nicolas' translation ("Le Beyan persan," tome III, p. 113)
> of "Bayán-i-fársí", the Báb states that no one recognized his prophetic station for twenty-five years. If the
> Báb had been born on 1 Muharram 1236 A.H., as alleged by Browne (and Nicolas), he would have turned
> twenty-four years of age on 1 Muharram 1260 A.H., and would therefore have been only twenty-four years
> (and 4 months) of age when he declared his mission, on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260. On the
> other hand, if the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235 (20 October 1819), he would have turned twenty-five
> on 1 Muharram 1260 (22 January 1844), exactly four (solar) months prior to his declaration, on Jumáda al-
> Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 (22-23 May 1844). It seems then that Browne has actually cited evidence in
> support of a 1235 birth-date rather than the 1236 date he apparently preferred.
> 
> Likewise, Browne cites the Báb's work entitled "Dalá'il-i sab'ih" (Seven Proofs) in support of this birth-date.
> The Báb authored two works by this name in Máh-Kú (Summer 1847-April 1848) — a very short work in
> Arabic and a longer one in Persian — and it is the Persian work to which Browne is referring. There are at
> least thirteen manuscripts of this book extant, including two copies which belonged to Browne (F.22, F.25),
> and two formerly in the possession of Nicolas (now both in the International Bahá'í Archives). According to
> Browne ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note C, p. 221), the Báb states in this book that he had not exceeded
> twenty-five years of age at the time of his declaration. In Nicolas' French translation of this work ("Le livre
> des sept preuves de la mission du Báb," Paris, 1902, p. 26), we find confirmation of Browne's citation. As has
> already been demonstrated, if the Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1235, he reached his twenty-fifth birthday
> on 1 Muharram 1260, only four months prior to his declaration. While Browne cites this reference as
> evidence of 1236 as the date of birth, it is at least as likely that 1235 more closely fits that description. If born
> in 1235 he would have been twenty-five for four months when he declared, and if born in 1236 he would
> have been twenty-four for four months when he declared. Either way, he was not more than twenty-five
> years of age when he declared.
> 
> Amanat has noted (p. 202 and footnote 274) that "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'," the first Súrah (Chapter) of which
> was revealed on the evening of the Báb's declaration (5 Jumáda al-Úlá 1260), and which was completed
> during the year 1260 A.H., according to the Báb himself, in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV, báb 18; in "Selections
> from the Writings of the Báb" [SWB], Bahá'í World Centre, 1978, p. 90), contains a verse in which the Báb
> calls himself a youth of twenty-five (Súrah IX, fol. 13b). Once more, the Báb could only have been twenty-
> five years old at the time of the revelation of this book if he had reached his twenty-fifth birthday on 1
> Muharram 1260, in which case he was born on 1 Muharram 1235. The manuscript of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"
> which Amanat cites in this regard was in Browne's possession (Or. MSS. F.11[9]), and dated 1891 A.D. The
> manuscripts of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" which are found in the Bahá'í International Archives, in Haifa, Israel
> (cited by MacEoin, pp. 195-196 as six in number) were employed in the translation of excerpts from this
> work for "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" ([SWB], pp. 41-74). In one translated excerpt (Ibid., p.
> 47), the Báb speaks of himself as being "no more than twenty-five" and this is identified as taken from
> Chapter [Súrah] IX of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".
> 
> Ahang Rabbani cited another source, the Báb's personal diary, which was published by Azalís in Tihrán,
> appended to his "Kitáb-i-Panj Sha'n" (Book of Five Grades): "the same date can also be computed precisely
> from His age given in His personal diary" (e-mail, 30 October 1997). Furthermore, in a prayer revealed in
> Chihríq (SWB, pp. 180-182), the Báb specifically writes "at the age of twenty-five I proceeded to Thy sacred
> House, and by the time I returned to the place where I was born, a year had elapsed" (p. 181), undoubtedly
> a reference to his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, begun in 1844 and completed in 1845. Hence,
> according to a prayer revealed in Chihríq, the Báb's personal diary, the text of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súrah
> IX, fol. 13b), "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Nicolas translation, p. 26), and "Bayán-i-fársí" (IV:11), the Báb was twenty-
> five years old when he declared his mission. It seems most likely then that he was born on 1 Muharram
> 1235, which would make him twenty-five years old (and four months) at his declaration on 5 Jumáda al-
> Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260. These are the autobiographical testimonies of the Báb himself, as recorded in
> his own Writings.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           15
> 
> Next we will consider the evidence of historical records, the testimonies of eye-witnesses and other followers
> and associates of the Báb. Muhammad (Nabíl-i-A'zam) Zarandí became a Bábí in 1265 A.H./1848-49 A.D.
> (ZARANDI, p. 434), and compiled a history of the Báb and his followers, known in Persian as "Táríkh-i-
> Nabíl," between 1887 and 1892. This narrative was prepared with the assistance of many eye-witnesses and
> other well-informed sources, and is preserved in a single manuscript copy, in the International Bahá'í
> Archives. The first portion of the text (to 1853) was translated into English by Shoghi Effendi, and published
> in 1932 as "The Dawn-breakers." According to ZARANDI (PP. 14, 72), the Báb was born on 1 Muharram
> 1235 A.H. ZARANDI also states that twenty-five years, four (lunar) months and four days had elapsed
> between the birth of the Báb and his declaration on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 (p. 72). This
> corresponds exactly to twenty-five years and four solar months, inasmuch as 1 Muharram 1260 fell on 22
> January 1844, while 5 Jumáda al-Awwal/Jumádíyu'l-Úlá 1260 began at sunset on 22 May 1844. Other
> early histories of the Báb and Bábís include "Kitáb-i-Nuqtatu'l-Káf" (Book of the Point of "K"), "Táríkh-i-
> Jadíd" (New History) and "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" (A Traveller's Narrative), all of which were edited
> for publication by Browne. One manuscript of "Kitáb-i-Nuqtatu'l-Káf" [KAF] (Biblioteque Nationale,
> Paris, Suppl. Persan 1071) was published by Brill Press of Leiden, the Netherlands in 1910. Another eleven
> manuscripts of this history are known to exist (MacEoin, p. 214). One manuscript of "Táríkh-i-Jadíd"
> [JADID] (Cambridge, Browne F.55) was published by Cambridge University Press in 1893, along with an
> English translation and copious notes by Browne. Eleven other manuscripts of this work have been
> discovered (MacEoin, pp. 214-215). "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" was first published in Persian in Bombay,
> India, in 1890, and a facsimile edition was issued by Cambridge University Press in 1891 ['ABDU'L-
> BAHA], along with an English translation by Browne. MacEoin reports (pp. 169-170) that the manuscript
> copy of "Maqála-yi Shaykhsí Sayyáh" which was published in facsimile by Cambridge University was in the
> hand of the Bahá'í scribe Zaynu'l-Muqarrabín, and was presented to Browne during his visit to 'Akká in
> 1890. That manuscript is now located in the Cambridge University Library (Browne F.56[7]).
> 
> There is no mention of the date of the Báb's birth in KAF or JADID but in Browne's translation of
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA we read the following testimony: "He was born in the year one thousand two hundred
> and thirty-five on the first day of Muharram" (p. 2 (Persian)/p. 4 (English), to which Browne added a
> footnote explaining that this is equivalent to 20 October 1819. Two years prior to the publication of
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA, Browne referred, in Appendix II of his first article about the Bábís for the "Journal of the
> Royal Asiatic Society" (vol. XXI, July 1889, pp. 516-517), to a conversation which bears upon this matter.
> He cites the reminiscences of Mr. C.D. Cobham, British Commissioner at Larnaca, regarding a
> conversation he had with Mishkín Qalam in Cyprus, to which the latter had been exiled, in 1868. Mishkín
> Qalam was a famous calligrapher, and a close associate of many of the early Bábís and Bahá'ís. Mishkín
> Qalam stated that the Báb was born in the year 1235 Hijra, 1819 Gregorian.
> 
> What, then, is the evidence in support of the year 1236 A.H. as the date of the Báb's birth? Nicolas cites one
> manuscript of "Kitáb al-haramayn," which is either a lost work of the Báb, or the same as "Kitáb bayna'l-
> haramayn," generally known as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn." In any case, Nicolas' copy of this work is lost.
> Two surviving manuscripts of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" have been read by competent experts as pointing
> to the year 1235 rather than 1236.
> 
> In a note to his translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (Note C, p. 221), Browne cited passages in "Bayán-i-
> fársí" and "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" which do not positively identify the Báb’s birth date as occurring in the year
> 1236. In the same note Browne cites two oral sources for this later date. He states that Mírzá Yahyá (Subh-i-
> Azal) reported that the Báb was twenty-four years old at the time of his declaration; this would place his
> birth in the year 1236 A.H. It should be noted, however, that Browne did not entirely trust Mírzá Yahyá's
> dating of events. In a footnote (p. 373, n. 2) to "A Traveller's Narrative," Browne states that Mírzá Yahyá
> misrepresented his own age, and Browne expressed his reservations about relying on this witness and
> regarding him as a reliable source. In Note C (p. 222), Browne also cited the testimony of an unidentified
> individual associated with the Afnán family, the maternal relations of the Báb, who apparently affirmed that
> he was twenty-four years old at the time he declared.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           16
> 
> If, as alleged by Browne, by Nicolas, by Mírzá Yahyá and an unidentified member of the Báb's family, the
> Báb was born on 1 Muharram 1236, then he did not reach his twenty-fifth birthday until seven months
> after his declaration. This would seem to contradict his own statements in the two early-cited works from his
> pen, as well as the considered testimonies of ZARANDI and 'ABDU'L-BAHA. It would appear that the
> writings of the Báb which are extant and which we are able to consult point to the year 1235 A.H. as the
> time of his birth. Also, the accounts left to us by Bábís who accepted Bahá'u'lláh as "Him Whom God shall
> manifest", the prophetic figure promised by the Báb, consistently cite the year 1235 A.H. as that of the birth
> of the Báb. As Nicolas and Browne seem to have had more extensive contacts with the followers of Mírzá
> Yahyá (the Azalís) than with the Bahá'ís, and inasmuch as both of these scholars often trusted these Azalí
> sources over their Bahá'í informants, it seems possible that the 1236 A.H. date is an Azalí tradition.
> However, it is worth noting that the manuscript of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" which Browne had in his
> possession, and which gives the Báb's birth year as 1235, was copied by Ridván 'Alí, an Azalí scribe, and
> one of the sons of Mírzá Yahyá (MacEoin, p. 197); that one manuscript of "Bayán-i-fársí" in Browne's
> possession was sent him by the Azalí writer Shaykh Ahmad Rúhí Kirmání in 1891 (Ibid., p. 181); that two
> of the copies of "Bayán-i-fársí" in Nicolas' library were in the hand of Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 182); that one
> of Browne's two copies of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" was corrected by Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 185); and one of the two
> copies of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" which Nicolas owned, and which he used in his French translation of that work,
> contained annotations written by Mírzá Yahyá and others written at his direction by Ridván 'Alí (Ibid., p.
> 185). Inasmuch as all of these specific manuscripts contain verses which seem to point to 1235 rather than
> 1236 as the year of the Báb's birth, and they were transcribed by Mírzá Yahyá or one of his sons, it seems
> unlikely that the later date was a firmly established Azalí tradition. In summation, the evidence at our
> disposal clearly establishes the year 1235 as that of the Báb's birth.
> 
> (2)Nicolas quotes a passage from "Kitáb al-haramayn" (Note B, p. 453), in Arabic, in which the Báb states
> 
> that his father's name is "Muhammad Kalímát al-Ridá" and his paternal grandfather's name is "Ibráhím"
> and his paternal great-grandfather's name is "Nasru'lláh." ZARANDI (p. 14, 72) affirms that his father's
> name was Siyyid Muhammad- Ridá, and that both his father and mother were descendants of the Prophet
> Muhammad. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 2/4) simply gives the Báb's father's name — Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá.
> As for more recent histories, Shoghi Effendi prepared a hand-written genealogy of the Báb's family, which
> was published, with a key, in "The Dawn-breakers" (ZARANDI, pp. lviii, lix). According to this chart, the
> Báb’s father was Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá, his paternal grandfather was Mírzá Abu’l-Fath, his paternal
> great-grandfather was Mírzá Ibráhím, and his paternal great-great grandfather was Mírzá Nasru’lláh. This
> same chart also gives the name of the Báb's mother as Fátimih Bagum, his maternal grandfather as Mírzá
> Muhammad-Husayn, and his maternal great-grandfather as Mírzá 'Abid. The key to this chart explains
> that both Mírzá Nasru’lláh and Mírzá 'Ábid were descendants of the Imám Husayn. Inasmuch as the Imám
> Husayn was one of the sons of the Imám 'Alí, and the Imám 'Alí was Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law
> (husband of his daughter Fátimih), this would indicate that the Báb was related to the Prophet Muhammad
> through both sides of his family. It should be noted that most of the recognized descendants of the Prophet
> Muhammad (who, in the singular form, are commonly denominated “siyyid”) derive this inheritance
> through his daughter Fátimih, and are the offspring of her marriage with 'Alí, the Prophet's cousin. Balyuzi
> [Balyuzi] ("The Báb: The Herald of the Day of Days," George Ronald Publisher, 1973, p. 32) writes that
> the Báb was descended through his mother and her family from the Imám Husayn, and in a note to
> Chapter 2 (#1, p. 230) gives the Báb's father's name as Mír Muhammad-Ridá, his paternal grandfather as
> Mír Nasru'lláh, his paternal great-grandfather as Mír Fathu'lláh, and his paternal great-great grandfather as
> Mír Ibráhím. Balyuzi also states that the Báb's mother was named Fátimih Bagum, and that she was the
> daughter of Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (p. 33). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan gives the name of the Báb's mother as
> Fátimih Bagum (p. 30), and his maternal grandfather as Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (Ibid.). He quotes
> the Báb in "Kitáb al-fihrist" as calling his father Muhammad Ridá, his paternal grandfather Ibráhím, and
> his great-grandfather Fathu'lláh (p. 50).
> 
> Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 50) cites a passage from Súratu'l-qaraba (verses 13-15) in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá''", in
> which the Báb states that his family is descended from Fátimih, the daughter of Muhammad. Amanat
> likewise states (p. 110) that the Báb was descended from two families of Shírází siyyids, and he refers to
> genealogies of the Báb based upon the Báb's autobiographical statements in "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn"; in
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            17
> 
> Hájí Mírzá Habíbu'lláh Afnán's "Táríkh-i Amrí-yi Shíráz" [henceforth AFNAN], published in Persian
> online:
> http://www.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/arabic/vol4/shiraz/shiraz.htm — and published in English translation
> by Dr. Ahang Rabbani online: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/shiraz2
> 
> — in Muhammad 'Alí Faydí's published "Khándán-i-Afnán" (Tihrán, 1971) [henceforth KHANDAN];
> and another genealogy, which traces the Báb's ancestry back to the Imám Husayn and which is allegedly
> preserved by the Afnán family, according to three sources cited by Amanat (p. 110, n. 5). The first of these
> three sources is entered under the name Mírzá Hasan Shírází, in "Tabaqát A'lám al-Shí'a," part I: "Nuqabá'
> al-Bashar fí al-Qarn al-Rábi'a 'Ashar" (p. 443), authored by Áqá Buzurg [Muhammad Muhsin] Tihráni; the
> second source is "Fárs Námih-yi Násirí," by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Fasá'í (vol. II, n.p.); and the third source is
> "Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana" (p. 28), by Hájí Muhammad Ibn 'Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí
> [henceforth MU'IN]. There are two autograph manuscripts of this last-named history extant (MacEoin, p.
> 175), but Amanat was not able to locate this genealogy (op. cit., 110). He stated that the genealogies found
> in AFNAN and ZARANDI appear to be confused (p. 110, n. 5). In the case of ZARANDI it seems that
> Amanat is referring to Shoghi Effendi's genealogy, inasmuch as ZARANDI does not offer a genealogy of his
> own; furthermore, Amanat cites a genealogy on p. ix of “The Dawn-breakers” and there is no genealogy
> found on p. ix of this work — Shoghi Effendi's genealogy is on p. lviii (perhaps Amanat is citing another
> edition of this book?). A comparison of the genealogical chart published by Amanat (p. 112) with that
> compiled by Shoghi Effendi yields the following characteristics: Amanat lists the name of the Báb's father
> without change; the name of the Báb's paternal grandfather as Mír Ibráhím rather than Mírzá Abu'l-Fath;
> the name of his paternal great-grandfather as Mír Fathu'lláh rather than Mírzá Ibráhím; and his paternal
> great-great grandfather as Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín rather than Mírzá Nasru'lláh. Amanat also cites the father of
> Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín, as Mír Lutfullah, and his father as Mír Muhammad Mu'min Husayní Shírází Najafí
> (Ibid.). Amanat also gives the name of the Báb's maternal grandfather as Mír Siyyid Muhammad Husayn,
> and his maternal great-grandfather as Mír Zaynu'l-'Ábidín ('Ábid), which corresponds exactly to the names
> found in Shoghi Effendi's genealogy. Amanat also gives the name of the Báb's maternal great-great
> grandfather, Siyyid Muhammad (Ibid.). The matter of the Báb's genealogy is not, by any means, a closed
> book.
> 
> (3)In a note, Nicolas states that the Báb's father was engaged in haberdashery, the selling of small articles,
> 
> such as ribbons, thread, needles, and perhaps, men's garments. ZARANDI and 'ABDU'L-BAHA are both
> silent regarding the profession of the Báb's father. Munírih Khánum, 'Abdu'l-Bahá's wife reported that
> Khadíjih Khánum, the Báb's wife described her father-in-law — the Báb's father — as engaged in retail
> trade; this report is in KHANDAN (p. 162). Mírzá Ahmad Sharif Shírází Íshík-Áqásí (Amanat, p. 110), also
> called Mírzá Ahmad ibn Abu'l-Hasan Sharíf Shírází Díván Bagí (Amanat, p. xv), a close associate of the
> Afnán family (Amanat, p. 110), wrote a history in which stated that the Báb's father carried on a clothier's
> business in the bazaar of Shíráz (Amanat, p. 111, n. 8). This history [hitherto referred to as AHMAD] was
> translated in part by Áqá Mírzá Muhammad Khán Bahadur and published as 'Some New Notes on
> Babiism' in the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society" (n.v., July 1927, pp. 443-469; cited Amanat, pp. xv,
> 449). Mírzá Alexander Kazem-Beg [KAZEM-BEG] stated the same in one of his articles on the Bábís,
> published in "Journal Asiatique" (vol. VII, 1866, p. 334). Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Lisán al-Mulk
> [henceforth SIPIHR], in his "Násikhu't-Taváríkh" (vol. III, p. 39) states the same (cited in Amanat, op. cit.).
> Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání confirmed these three accounts in his unpublished "Táríkh-i Zhuhúr-i
> Díyánat-i Hadrat-i Báb va Hadrat-i Bahá'u'lláh" (p. 3; cited Amanat, p. 111, n. 8) [henceforth FADL].
> There are two manuscripts of Abu’l-Fadl’s history extant (MacEoin, p. 217). Balyuzi states that Siyyid (Mír)
> Muhammad-Ridá worked as a mercer, in the city of Shíráz (p. 32). Mercery is the commerce in textiles, in
> dry goods. Amanat affirms that the two families, the one related to the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, and
> the one related to his father, Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá, were both engaged in long-distance trade. However,
> he indicates that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá was a local trader (p. 111). Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá seems to
> have been a moderately prosperous merchant, having inherited a house and a shop in the Bázár-i-Vakíl,
> according to AFNAN as cited in KHANDAN (pp. 204-210). When he died, he left enough savings to
> support his wife Fátimih Bagum and his only son, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, the Báb (Amanat, p. 111).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              18
> 
> He became a fatherless orphan very early in his childhood(4), and was placed under the tutelage of
> his maternal uncle, Siyyid 'Alí(5). Under the direction of that uncle, he was occupied with the same
> commercial enterprise as his father(6).
> 
> (4)ZARANDI states that the Báb lost his father in early childhood (p. 72); 'ABDU'L-BAHA states the same
> 
> (p. 2/4). AFNAN (pp. 4,9; cited Amanat, p. 111, n. 11) reports that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá died when the
> Báb was nine years old (Balyuzi, p. 32). MU'IN indicates that the Báb's father died when he was an
> unweaned infant (p. 30; referred to by Amanat, p. 111, n. 11). FADL (p. 3) makes the same statement, as
> referred to by Amanat (p. 111, n. 11), and cited by Balyuzi (p. 32). Amanat flatly states that this report is
> inaccurate, favoring the account found in AFNAN, and Balyuzi also seems to favor this account (p. 32),
> suggesting that it agrees more nearly to that found in 'ABDU'L-BAHA. Amanat affirms that the Báb
> mentions neither the date of his father's death, nor the age of his father at time of death in any of his writings
> (p. 111, n. 11). One indication that Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá’s death occurred when the Báb had reached
> the age of nine is the report, found in SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39; cited Amanat, p. 114, n. 21), that he began to
> assist his father in Siyyid Muhammad-Ridá's shop at about eight or nine years of age. Amanat alleges (p.
> 114) that this would be normal behavior at this time and for boys of this age in the merchant class and
> Persian culture.
> 
> (5)According to the genealogies compiled by Shoghi Effendi (p. lviii, "The Dawn-breakers") and Amanat (p.
> 
> 112), the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, had three brothers — Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí ("Khál-i-A'zam"), Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad ("Khál-i-Asghar"), and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí. For readers unfamiliar with the
> title, “Hájí”, it should be noted that "Hájí" prefixed to a name traditionally indicates that the man in
> question has made the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, incumbent upon all Muslim males, according to
> their means. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that there are exceptions to this rule, at least in some areas
> of Írán. If a Muslim boy is born on a particular day of the month of Dhil-Hijjih, to his given name is
> automatically prefixed "Hájí". Manuchehri's father and grandmother were said to recall many
> traditional (Shí'í) Muslims living in the city of Yazd who never set foot outside of that city. But because
> they were born on particular days during the month of Dhil-Hijjih, they were referred to as Hájí-Hasan
> or Hájí-Husayn from one or two years of age.
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 73) reported that the Báb was reared by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí upon the death of his father.
> AFNAN and AHMAD reported that, of the three brothers of Fátimih Bagum, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí was
> the most willing to care for the young Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, his sister's only son (cited Amanat, p. 114, n.
> 26). According to the geneology published in "The Dawn-breakers," Fátimih Bagum's brother named Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad had three sons and two daughters, while her brother named Hájí Mírzá Hasan-
> 'Alí had four sons and one daughter. Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí had one son, Mírzá Jawad, and according to
> Amanat (p. 112), this son died in childhood. It is not surprising therefore, that Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí should
> have been the most inclined among these three brothers of Fátimih Begum to assume the fatherly duties of
> his deceased brother-in-law, as in the Báb he had found a second son. More details regarding Hájí Mírzá
> Siyyid 'Alí are found in ZARANDI (pp. 143, 151, 153-155, 160-161, 173, 175-176, 188, 192-193, 195, 197,
> 442, 446-449, 452-455, 458). ZUHUR (pp. 223-225) reproduces a letter from the Báb to his uncle Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (cited MacEoin, pp. 95-96). The relationship between Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí and the Báb
> in many ways recalls that between Hájí Mírzá Tálib and his nephew, the Prophet Muhammad. The
> Prophet Muhammad's father died when he was a child, and he was raised by his father’s brother, Hájí
> Mírzá Tálib, whose son, 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, Muhammad’s cousin, became thereby in effect his adoptive
> brother. The very special link between Muhammad and 'Alí thus dates from their childhood.
> 
> (6)ZARANDI (p. 76) reports that the Báb did not engage in commerce until Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí was
> 
> induced by his nephew's unmistakable and extraordinary intellectual brilliance to withdraw him from the
> tutelage of his teacher, Shaykh 'Ábid ("Shaykhuná"). 'ABDU'L-BAHA does not state that the Báb engaged
> in commerce in Shíráz. Muhammad 'Alí Faydí, in "Hadrat-i Nuqtah-i-Úlá" [His Holiness the Primal Point]
> (Tihrán, 1973) [henceforth FAYDI] reported (p. 82) that the Báb spent many hours in the bazaar learning
> the family trade in the company of his maternal uncles (cited in Amanat, p. 114, n. 28). FAYDI also wrote
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               19
> 
> Already at a young age, he was a contemplative and preferred silence, so much so that his
> beautiful countenance, the flash of his eyes and his modest and tranquil demeanor attracted from
> this time onward the attention of his fellow citizens(7). From [his childhood] religious questions had
> 
> that the Báb was not employed by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, but that he was a partner and independent in his
> commercial transactions (p. 85). MU'IN affirmed that when the Báb was taken out of school in order to
> work full-time in the bazaar, Shaykh 'Ábid, his teacher indicated his disapproval of this measure (cited
> Amanat, p. 115, n. 30). MU'IN also reported ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 76, n. 1; Amanat, p. 121, n. 67) that
> the Báb did not assume the independent exercise of his business affairs until he reached twenty years of age.
> Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) indicates that the Báb moved to Bushíhr when he was fifteen years old and
> stayed there for five years engaging in commerce, with his uncle for the first two of those years and on his
> own thereafter. It seems then that he arrived in Bushíhr just after the passing of Hájí Mírzá Muhammad
> Husayn, the Báb's maternal grandfather, at which time his sons gathered and resolved to do business in
> concert with one another (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, pp. 37-38). He cites a prayer of the Báb (Ibid., p. 53) in
> which he states that he lived in Shíráz for the first fifteen years of his life, then in Bushíhr for five years, and
> then traveled to the 'Atabát. Thus it seems that the Báb, according to these testimonies, left Bushíhr at the
> age of twenty.
> 
> (7)The   unusually attractive appearance and demeanor of the youthful Báb were described by his
> schoolmaster some years after his declaration, in a conversation with Hájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í (cited by
> Balyuzi, pp. 35-36). Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání reports a meeting between Shaykh 'Ábid and Siyyid
> Javád in his "Kashf al-Ghitá'" (p. 82), an historical work which was completed by his nephew Siyyid Mahdí
> Gulpáygání [henceforth KASHF], and published in Tashkent (cited in Amanat, p. 113, n. 18). Balyuzi (p.
> 231) and FAYDI (pp. 178-179) indicate that Shaykh 'Ábid wrote an account of the Báb's school days prior
> to his decease in 1263/1847 (Amanat, p. 113, n. 18), and Balyuzi (Ibid.) indicates that access to this account
> is impossible at this time because those who have possession of it are not friends of the Bábí and Bahá'í
> religions. Other reports, dating from Karbilá, when the Báb was around twenty-one years of age, describe
> his distinctive attributes. The author of one of these reports, Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání was
> widely recognized as the leader of the Shaykhí school after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and the
> conversion of numerous Shaykhís to the Cause of the Báb. He was a vociferous enemy of the Báb and his
> followers. In 1845, he wrote the following description of the Báb's character, in "Izháq al-Bátil" (pp. 105):
> "As it is reported, he possessed [qualities] of peacefulness, gravity, and dignity..." (translated in Amanat, p.
> 140). Amanat (p. 147-148, n. 203; citing his English translation of KAZEM-BEG, "Journal Asiatique," vol.
> VII, p. 339) cites another account: "If Kazem Beg's reference can be relied on, even during his stay in
> Karbilá, owing to his "singularity" and his "austerity" he acquired the epithet "majdhúb" (ecstatic)." Amanat
> continues with KAZEM-BEG:
> 
> "Even before [the Báb's] departure from the holy land [the 'Atabát], where devotion attracts
> Muslims from all over Írán, everybody talked about him as an extraordinary young man. People
> thought of him as possessing a mystical consciousness. When it came to his peculiarity and his
> incomprehensible utterances, they attributed them to his profound wisdom. It was especially
> through the Shírází pilgrims, the ordinary people who returned from Karbilá, that his fame spread
> in his homeland." (Amanat, p. 148, n. 204)
> 
> Amanat comments: "The chief reason for his growing reputation, Kazem Beg adds, was that 'on the
> threshold [of the shrine] of Husayn, he acquired the name of God’s elect.' His name was on everyone's lips.
> 'He is no longer like us sinners,' said Shírázís to each other. 'He has become famous...and can perform
> miracles.' Kazem Beg even believes that the family of the Báb were congratulated for such an auspicious
> development." (p. 148, n. 205) KAZEM-BEG's source is not known, but Amanat considers it unlikely that
> this account would have no basis in fact. AHMAD (p. 447) also attested to the reputation of the Báb for
> "piety and honesty" (cited Amanat, p. 148). The Báb himself seems to have referred to these impressions of
> his person prior to his declaration, as in this passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 11, p. 218):
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             20
> 
> an over-powering interest for him(8). At nineteen years of age(9), he wrote his first work, entitled
> "Risáliy-i-fiqhíyyih" (Treatise on Law), in which he demonstrated true piety and a knowledge of
> things Islamic which seemed to point towards a brilliant future in the ranks of Shí'í orthodoxy(10).
> 
> "Prior to the descent of the divine command, [people] testified to the godliness, nobility, and
> excellence of the Prophet of God [Muhammad]...In the same manner look at the Point of Bayán;
> prior to his revelation his merits were obvious to all those who knew him." (translated by Amanat,
> p. 148)
> 
> (8)Like other boys from the urban middle class, whose families could not afford private instructors, Siyyid 'Alí
> 
> Muhammad was sent to a "maktab" (Qur'ánic school), located in a structure called "Qahviy-i-Awliya'"
> which was situated in the quarter called Bázár-i-Murgh (Poultry Market), near to the house of Hájí Mírzá
> Siyyid 'Alí, the Báb's uncle (Balyuzi, p. 213). His schoolmaster seems to have borne several titles. Balyuzi
> states that he was known as Shaykh 'Ábid, Shaykhuná, and Shaykh-i-Anám, but that his given name was
> Muhammad, as attested in the Báb's "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (Balyuzi, pp. 230-231). The verse cited by Balyuzi
> is found in váhid VI: báb 11, as rendered into French by A.L.M. Nicolas as follows:
> 
> "Le resume de la onzieme porte: Dis: "O Mahommed, mon professeur, ne me tourmente pas, ne
> me frappe pas avant que je ne sois arrive a l'age de cinq ans: d'aucune facon ne me chatie, pas
> meme avec un de tes regards, car mon coeur est tres debile! Et apres que j'aurai eu mes cinq ans,
> quand tu veux me frapper, ne me fais pas sortir de la decence.
> "Quand tu veux me frapper, ne me frappe pas de plus de cinq coups. Ne frappe pas avec le baton
> sur ma chair: mets quelque chose entre elle et lui.
> "Si tu outrepasses cet ordre, ta femme t'est interdite dix-neuf jours, meme si tu as oublie cet ordre
> en agissant comme tu l'as fait.
> "Si tu n'as pas de femme, pour punition, tu dois donner dix-neuf miscals d'or a celui qu tu as frappe,
> si tu es des croyants. Et quand tu frappes, ne frappe que legerement.
> "Quand tu fais asseoir les enfants, fais-les asseoir sur des sieges ou des chaises ou des canapes: car le
> temps qu'ils sont assis sur leurs chaises, ne compte pas dans leur vie.
> "Permets aux enfants, ce qui leur est agreable (les jeux, etc.), et apprends-moi le chikeste, car cette
> ecriture est celle qui est aimee de Dieu..." ("Le Beyan Arabe," Paris:1905, pp. 162-163)
> 
> Balyuzi (p. 231) translated the first verse of this passage into English:
> 
> "Say O Muhammad , My teacher, do not beat me ere my years have gone beyond five."
> A translation of the entire passage from the French of Nicolas is attempted here:
> 
> "The summary of the eleventh door [báb]: Say: 'O Muhammad, my teacher, do not torment me,
> do not strike me before I reach the age of five years; do not chastise me in any way, even with one
> of your glances, for my heart is very tender! And after I will have reached five years of age, when
> you wish to strike me, do not do so beyond the bounds of decency.
> "'When you wish to strike me, do not strike me with more than five blows. Do not strike my flesh
> with the rod: place something between the two.
> "'If you should exceed this ordinance, your wife is forbidden to you for nineteen days, even if you
> forgot about this commandment in acting that way.
> "'If you do not have a wife, your punishment is to give nineteen misqals of gold to the one you have
> struck, if you are among the believers. And when you strike, do not strike except lightly.
> "'When you make children sit, have them sit upon benches or chairs or couches: for the time that
> they are seated upon their chairs does not count as part of their lives.
> "'Permit children what is enjoyable to them (games, etc.), and teach me shikaste, for this script is
> beloved of God…'" ("Le Beyan Arabe," Paris:1905, pp. 162-163)
> 
> Amanat gives the Báb's teacher these titles: Shaykh 'Ábid, Shaykh-i Anám, Shaykh-i Mu'allim and Shaykh
> Zaynu'l-'Ábidín (Amanat, p.113, n.13). Amanat (p. 113, n. 17) also cites AFNAN (p. 4) to the effect that
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            21
> 
> Shaykh 'Ábid was a follower of the Shaykhí school, a sympathy he seems to have had in common with the
> Báb's family (Amanat, pp. 113). At Shaykh 'Ábid's maktab (Qur'anic primary school) the Báb received an
> elementary education in the fundamentals of the Persian and Arabic languages (Amanat, p. 113). The
> Muslim chronicler 'Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, in "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" ("Book of False Prophets"
> henceforth referred to as I'TIDAD) — a manuscript history often cited by Nicolas, part of which was
> incorporated into "Fitna-yi Báb" by 'Abdu'l-Husayn Navá'í (published in Tihrán, 1972; cited by Amanat, p.
> 446; MacEoin, p. 253) — states that the Báb learned the "Persian sciences" but "only the elements of
> Arabic" (translated by Nicolas, p. 199, n. 144). SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39) also states, "in his youth, he was
> occupied with learning Persian and the elements of Arabic" (translated by Nicolas, p. 201, n. 147; cited
> Amanat, p. 114, n. 21). The schooling and childhood of the Báb are described by ZARANDI (pp. 75-76),
> by AFNAN (pp. 6-10), and by KASHF (pp. 83-84). All of these sources and the witnesses they cite report
> that the Báb was gifted with a rare, remarkable and precocious understanding of religious matters, as well as
> an extraordinary piety. Amanat (pp.113-121), and Balyuzi (pp.34-39) have described the childhood of the
> Báb in considerable detail, and Stephen Lambden refers to the schooling of the Báb in an article entitled
> 'An Episode in the Childhood of the Báb' (published in "Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History, Volume Three,
> In Írán," edited by Peter Smith, Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1986, pp. 1-31).
> 
> Mullá 'Abd al-Rahím Qazvíní, cited in Fádil-i-Mázindarání's "Zuhúr al-haqq" (vol. III, p. 172) [henceforth,
> ZUHUR], reported that when the Báb was about fifteen years old (circa 1250/1834), his uncle arranged for
> him to study under Mullá 'Abdu'l-Kháliq Yazdí (cited Amanat, p. 116, n. 38). Amanat (Ibid.) states that the
> Báb alluded to his study with this teacher, however he does not cite any source for this statement. Mullá
> Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Bárfurúshí (Amanat, pp. 116, 182), also called . Mullá Muhammad
> Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Mázindarání (Amanat, p. 459) was a Shaykhí teacher with whom Hájí Mullá
> Muhammad-'Alí Bárfurúshí (Quddús) studied prior to becoming the student of Siyyid Kázim (Amanat, pp.
> 100-101), and he was ultimately to be pro-Bábí (Amanat, p. 328). He alleged that the Báb did not study
> Arabic grammar beyond two rudimentary texts: 1)"al-Bahjat al-Mardíya fí Sharh al-Alfíya," by Jalál al-Dín
> Suyútí, a much-read commentary on the Arabic grammatical treatise by Ibn Málik called "al-Alfíya"; and
> 2)Háshiya of Mullá 'Abdu'lláh Yazdí, a marginal gloss on "Tahdhíb al-Mantiq wa'l-Kalám," by Sa'd al-Dín
> Taftázání, a standard work on logic — both of which were part of the elementary curriculum in Írán during
> the nineteenth century. Amanat cites Sharí'atmadár's "Asrár al-Shaháda" quoted in 'Abdu'l-Karím
> Sharí'atmadáríyán's "Sharh-i Zindigí (manuscript, p. 15) [henceforth, HAMZIH] as his source for this
> information (Amanat, p. 116, n. 39). One manuscript of this history is known to exist (MacEoin, pp. 165,
> 216). ZUHUR (p. 437) independently confirms these details (Amanat, p. 116, n. 39).
> 
> (9)Nicolas is the only account of the Báb's life which mentions his authoring "Risála al-fiqhíyyih" (or any
> 
> other book) at the age of nineteen. He does not cite his source for this information, as has been noted by
> MacEoin (p. 43). However, Nicolas does allege that Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání (whom he assumed to be the
> author of KAF), reported that the Báb was eighteen when he authored "Risála al-fiqhíyyih" (Nicolas, p. 189,
> n. 131). While AFNAN does not refer to this treatise by name, he does report Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbilá'í's
> visit to Bushíhr during this period (Balyuzi, pp. 39-40). He states that when the Báb's uncle asked his friend
> to advise his nephew to stop writing, arguing that it was in danger of provoking difficulties, Karbilá'í
> declined to do so (Ibid.). As to the accuracy of KAF, an extensive discussion of the authorship of this book in
> its various versions is found in "Kashf al-Ghitá Hiyal al-A'dá," left incomplete upon his death by Mírzá
> Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání and prepared for publication by his nephew Siyyid Mahdí Gulpáygání (earlier cited
> as KASHF). A condensed study of the manuscripts of this book is found in MacEoin’s "Sources for Early
> Bábí Doctrine and History" (pp. 131-161, 211-215). Brief remarks on the subject are also found in Amanat
> (pp. 423-424) and H.M. Balyuzi, "Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá'í Faith" (London:1970, passim.).
> 
> (10)The Shí'í orthodoxy to which Nicolas refers here is more specifically the clerical community associated
> 
> with the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í denomination, then (and still) the predominant variant of Islam in all Persian-
> speaking realms. This denomination recognizes a series of twelve men as the spiritual successors (called
> Imáms) to the Prophet Muhammad . This denomination generally rejects the leadership of the caliphs (from
> Arabic "khalíf"), whose authority is attested by all Sunní Muslims. The twelve Imáms are as follows ("The
> Dawn-breakers," pp. lii-liii): 1)'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, the first cousin, son-in-law and first disciple of
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            22
> 
> It is probable that this work was written in Búshihr, inasmuch as beginning at age eighteen or
> nineteen he was employed in that city, by his [guardian] uncle, to meet the needs of the latter’s
> commercial enterprise(11).
> 
> The Muslim and Bábí historians are in agreement concerning the sojourn of our hero in the great
> port of the Persian Gulf. They both insist upon the religious ardor which animated the young
> Siyyid, impelling him to inflict austerities(12) upon himself, such as are required by certain mystical
> 
> Muhammad, assassinated 40/661; 2)Hasan, eldest son of 'Alí and Fátimih, daughter of the Prophet
> Muhammad, poisoned 50/670; 3)Husayn, second son of 'Alí and Fátimih, killed in battle 61/680; 4)'Alí,
> called Zaynu'l-'Ábidín, son of Husayn and Shahribánú, poisoned; 5)Muhammad Báqir, son of Zaynu'l-
> 'Ábidín and Umm-i-'Abdu'lláh, daughter of the Imám Hasan (2), poisoned; 6)Ja'far as-Sádiq, son of
> Muhammad Báqir, poisoned; 7)Músá Kázim, son of Ja'far as-Sádiq, poisoned 183 A.H.; 8)'Alí ibn-Músa'r-
> Ridá, called Imám Ridá, poisoned 203 A.H.; 9)Muhammad Taqí, son of Imám Ridá, poisoned 220 A.H.;
> 10)'Alí Naqí, son of Muhammad Taqí, poisoned 254 A.H.; 11)Hasan 'Askarí, son of 'Alí Naqí, poisoned 260
> A.H.; 12)Muhammad, son of Hasan 'Askarí and Nargis Khátún, called Imám Mahdí, Hujjatu'lláh (Proof of
> God), Baqíyyatu'lláh (Remnant of God) and Qá'im-i-Ahl-i-Muhammad (He Who shall arise from the family
> of Muhammad), disappeared 260 A.H. It should be noted that the Imáms represented the family of
> Muhammad, inasmuch as 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib was his first cousin, his son-in-law, his de facto brother (when
> Muhammad was informally adopted by his uncle Hájí Abú Tálib), in loco parentis for many years, as
> Muhammad took care of 'Alí from the age of ten, in order to assist his aging uncle. Muhammad had four
> daughters and no sons, and only one of his daughters survived into maturity. Fátimih was her name, and
> she and 'Alí had two sons, Hasan and Husayn, the only male descendants of Muhammad. This is why the
> twelfth Imám, and hence the Imám Mahdí is called Qá'im-i-Ahl-i- Muhammad (he who shall arise from the
> family of Muhammad).
> 
> (11)"The Dawn-Breakers" (p. 77, n.1) cites "Mírzá Jání's History" from Appendix II of JADID (pp. 343-344),
> 
> which states that the Báb left Shíráz for Bushíhr at seventeen years of age, remaining there for five years
> engaged in commerce. "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 76, n.1), Amanat (p. 121, n. 67) and Balyuzi (p. 41) cite
> MU'IN to the effect that the Báb did not establish himself independently as a merchant until he turned
> twenty. This is confirmed by the notes of Abu'l-Qasim ibn Habibu'llah Afnan Ala'i [NOTES] (cited
> Amanat, p. 121, n. 67; published version, p. 38). AFNAN reported that the Báb joined Hájí Mírzá Siyyid
> 'Alí, his uncle, in business when he reached fifteen years of age, the Islamic age of maturity, and that soon
> thereafter he moved to Bushíhr (cited Balyuzi, p. 39). Balyuzi (p. 39) affirmed that extant commercial
> accounts written in the hand of the Báb prove that he left Shíráz for Bushíhr when he was nearly sixteen
> years old. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 37-38) indicated that subsequent to the passing of the Báb's maternal
> grandfather, Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Husayn, in 1250 A.H., his sons gathered and resolved to do business
> in concert with one another. In 1250 A.H. the Báb was fifteen years old, inasmuch as it has been established
> (see note (1) this Chapter) that he was born in 1235 A.H., and declared his prophethood at the age of
> twenty-five years, in 1260 A.H. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) writes that the Báb moved to Bushíhr when he
> was fifteen years old and stayed there for five years doing business, and cites a prayer revealed in Chihríq by
> the Báb (p. 53) in which these very facts are stated. The same author (p. 43) alike affirms that the Báb left
> Bushíhr and traveled for the first time to the 'Atabát, in 1257 A.H. It is possible that the Báb may have
> departed for Bushíhr at age fifteen, but returned to Shíráz for a time, and then departed again when he was
> closer to seventeen. It is also possible that he may have been calculating his five years in Bushíhr from the
> time he arrived for the second time in that city, perhaps at the age of seventeen. In this case, he would have
> been twenty-two when he returned to Shíráz (the second time) and this would seem to agree with the date of
> his marriage certificate [see note (30)]. The age of the Báb when he left for Bushíhr and when he returned to
> Shíráz are therefore still under investigation by historians. For further discussion of these dates, please see
> note (15).
> 
> Nicolas cites here the text of I'TIDAD: "Under the inspiration of the demon, and without much sense, he
> precipitated himself, contrary to the laws of Muhammad and of religion, into severe mortifications so as to
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                                 23
> 
> orders. The Muslims affirm that he exposed himself for long hours with uncovered head to the
> brilliant rays of the sun of these regions(13) — which, according to certain Súfís, will convey to one
> the knowledge of the secrets of God — so much so that finally his mind degenerated(14).
> 
> Tradition reports that his sojourn there was short(15), for he could not bear the climate: he
> remained there but one year, and returned to Shíráz, always preoccupied with religious
> meditations.
> 
> After some repose, he wished, as every good Shí'í must, to take part in the famous pilgrimage to
> Karbilá, and to accomplish there the numerous and complicated rituals which accompanied visits
> to the tombs of the holy Imáms(16).
> 
> acquire a little glory. It is said that he lived in Bushíhr, where it is excessively hot, and that in order to perfect
> himself, he ascended the roof terrace of his house, exposing his bare head to the sun and reciting there
> certain prayers, which resulted in his health and his intelligence being altered." See Amanat (p. 133) for an
> alternative translation of the same passage from I'TIDAD. Sepehr Manuchehri points out that this
> allegation was made by the 'ulamá' during the trial of the Báb in Tabríz, and that it was in order to claim
> that the Báb had gone "mad" and that this had been the cause of him advancing prophetic claims. He
> further notes that is highly unlikely that the Báb would have behaved in this fashion, inasmuch as the
> exposure of one's head was considered to be indecent, shameful and inexcusable.
> 
> (13)Nicolas and Balyuzi (p. 40) note that this assertion was contradicted by Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání's history.
> 
> The only version of this history with which Nicolas was familiar was KAF. Balyuzi does not indicate which
> version of this history he is citing in this regard. ZARANDI reports the very same phenomenon, but does
> not give it the same interpretation as I'TIDAD; he in particular notes the Báb's meditation and worship
> from dawn until sunrise and from midday until late in the afternoon on Fridays, the Muslim day of rest (pp.
> 77-79). These reports of the Báb's spiritual exercises in Bushíhr are cited in Balyuzi (p. 40) and Amanat (pp.
> 133-135).
> 
> (14)Nicolas notes: "It is not remarkable that this accusation of madness was directed against him by Muslims,
> 
> who were inflexible because of the respect that his title of Siyyid inspired in them. A descendant of the
> Prophet can be mad — deeply mysteriously and perhaps divinely so — but it is inadmissible that he would
> willingly engage in imposture or blasphemy. It is unnecessary to say here that the Báb was not mad: his
> work demonstrates this super-abundantly."
> 
> (15)Nicolas cited the statement of Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání (actually KAF) that the Báb sojourned in Bushíhr
> 
> for five years. Shoghi Effendi (p.77,n.1) likewise cited "Mírzá Jání's History" from Appendix II of JADID
> (pp.343-344), which states that the Báb left Shíráz for Bushíhr at seventeen years of age, remaining there for
> five years engaged in commerce. The Báb, in a letter written in Chihríq (1265/1849), cited in Murtadá
> Mudarrisí Chahárdihí [henceforth, MURTADA], "Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh,
> Ijtimá'" (Tihrán:1972, pp. 305-307), confirms that he spent five years in Bushíhr (cited Amanat, p. 136, n.
> 141). Balyuzi (p. 39) and Amanat (pp. 121,123) cite commercial accounts in the hand of the Báb which
> indicate that he resided in Bushíhr during the period 1250/1835-1256/1840, a period of six years. AFNAN
> stated that the Báb's sojourn in Bushíhr lasted for six years (Balyuzi, p. 41). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 38) states
> that the Báb resided in Bushíhr for five years, and cites a prayer of the Báb revealed in Chihríq (p. 53) in
> which the Báb himself testifies to this. Balyuzi relates a few events of the Báb's life in Bushíhr (pp. 39-41),
> while Amanat describes his residence there in some detail (pp. 121-135).
> 
> (16)The holy cities of 'Iráq, called the 'Atabát, to which Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims make pilgrimages, are, as
> 
> cited by Balyuzi (p. 41): 1)Najaf, site of the tomb of the first Imám, 'Alí ibn Abí Tálib, cousin of the Prophet
> Muhammad and husband of his daughter Fátimih; 2)Karbilá, site of the tomb of the third Imám, Husayn
> ibn 'Alí; 3)Kázimayn, near to Baghdád, site of the tombs of the seventh Imám, Músá al-Kázim, and the
> ninth Imám, Muhammad al-Taqí; and 4)Samarra, where the tombs of the tenth Imám, 'Alí al-Naqí, and
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           24
> 
> Mullá Sádiq, who was later to receive the title Muqaddas Khurásání(17) was found at this time
> frequenting the holy places—and this is how he describes his [earliest] meetings with the young
> Siyyid:
> 
> "One day I entered into the mosque of the confessor of the Faith and I saw there a young
> man absorbed in profound meditation. His attitude was such, his piety so evident and so
> manifest, the tears which flowed from his eyes so sincere, that I felt myself invincibly
> attracted to him. Not wishing to interrupt him in his devotions, I seated myself in a corner
> and awaited the conclusion of his prayers. The more I looked at him, the more I was
> conquered by his noble air, his modest countenance and something I cannot describe that
> seemed to be emitted from his entire person.
> 
> the eleventh Imám, Hasan al-'Askarí are situated. Thus, by visiting these four cities, the Shí'í pilgrim could
> pray near the holy shrines of six of the twelve Imáms.
> 
> (17)Mullá Sádiq, whose full name was Ákhúnd Mullá Sádiq Muqaddas Khurásání, an associate of the Báb
> 
> in Shíráz and Karbilá who became a Bábí, preached the arrival of the Qá'im from the pulpit of more than
> one mosque, and then fought at and survived the debacle at Shaykh Tabarsí. He recognized Bahá'u'lláh as
> "He Whom God will manifest" promised by the Báb, and Bahá'u'lláh named him "Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq" (the
> Most Holy Name of God). Mullá Sádiq convinced Hakím Masíh, a doctor residing in Hamadan, and the
> first Bábí and later Bahá'í of Jewish heritage, to become a believer. These particulars are found in Balyuzi
> (pp. 51, 78, 165, 239) and Amanat (pp. 136-139, 146, 151, 236n, 255, 260, 262-264, 286, 288-289, 311n,
> 315n). Mullá Sádiq is listed as among the teachers of the Bábí Cause, and as having endured tortures for his
> new Faith, in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 5, 6). Other references to his life are found in ZARANDI (pp. 100-101,
> 142-150, 179-180, 183-187); in Muhammad 'Alí Malik Khusraví, "Táríkh-i Shuhadá-yi Amr" (Tihrán,
> 1972, vol. II, p. 50)[henceforth, KHUSRAVI]; in AFNAN (pp. 17-19,34-36); in AHMAD (pp. 451-452;
> cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 282); in MU'IN (pp. 67-69); in JADID (pp. 40-42,201-202); in Shaykh Kázim
> Samandar, "Táríkh-i Samandar" (Tihrán, 1974-1975, pp. 163-164, 176) [henceforth, SAMANDAR]; in al-
> Qatíl ibn al-Karbilá'í (published as appendix to vol. III, ZUHUR, pp. 521) [henceforth, QATIL]; in Hasan
> Fu'ádí Bushrú'í, "Manázhir-i Táríkhi-yi nahdat-i amr-i Bahá'í dar Khurásán" (pp. 86-99) [henceforth,
> FU'ADI], using notes written by Mullá Sádiq's son, Ibn Asdaq; in MU'IN (p. 66-67); in ZUHUR (vol. III, p.
> 151,398-405); and in Mírzá Yahyá, "Mujmal-i badi' dar waqayi-i zuhur-i mani'," translated by Browne as
> "A Succinct Account of the Bábí Movement Written by Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azel" [henceforth, YAHYA],
> and published as Appendix III (pp. 2-26,397-419) to his edition of JADID. This last-named source is cited
> by Amanat (p. 236, n. 184), because it is the only historical account which claims that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí,
> rather than Mullá Sádiq Khurásání, was known as Muqaddas Khurásání. MacEoin ("Sources") does not
> cite any extant writings of Mullá Sádiq Khurásání. However, Mullá Sádiq's autobiography was preserved
> by his son, Ibn Asdaq (Amanat, p. 136, n. 134), and his eye-witness account of his meeting with the Báb is
> also found in KHUSRAVI (vol. II, p. 50), quoting Ibn Asdaq. It appears that Nicolas had access to Mullá
> Sádiq’s autobiography. Finally, there is the short biography of Mullá Sádiq, written by 'Abdu'l-Baha, and
> included in his "Tadhkirat al-Wafá' fí Tarjamat Hayát Qudamá' al-Ahibbá'" (Haifa:1924), translated into
> English by Marzieh Gail, the daughter of 'Alí Qulí-Khán, and published with the title "Memorials of the
> Faithful" (Wilmette:1971). In that biography "Memorials of the Faithful," pp. 5-8), this leading Bábí was
> called "Mullá Sádiq" (p. 5) and "Jináb-i-Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq" (p. 5). In it 'Abdu'l-Bahá, after having reported
> details of Mullá Sádiq’s services to the Bábí Cause, writes that Ismu'lláh'ul-Asdaq visited Bahá'u'lláh in
> Baghdád and again in 'Akká, implying that he recognized Bahá'u'lláh as "He Whom God shall make
> manifest" promised by the Báb (pp. 7-8). He and Táhirih are the only eminent Bábís who are included in
> “Memorials of the Faithful”.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            25
> 
> "He exited finally, and I followed him; a domestic servant, whom I found out later was
> called Mubárak(18), put on his shoes and together they departed without my being able —
> restrained by some unaccountable bashfulness — to question them.
> 
> "But I had noticed the hour, and I resolved to return the following day at the same hour in
> order to prepare myself for another meeting.
> 
> "I found him again, just as I had hoped, immersed in his pious meditation, and the
> impression which he produced in me was even stronger than that which I had felt the
> previous day.
> 
> "When he had finished, I approached and asked him, 'I wish to speak with you.' But he did
> not reply to me except with a sign which I interpreted as a refusal.(19)
> 
> "Ashamed at such a reception, I exited the sacred confines at the same time as he; but as
> soon as we were outside its limits, he summoned me and asked me to excuse him for
> having not responded to my request, inasmuch as he considered the mosque as a place too
> sacred for one to even think [let alone speak] about anything other than God.
> 
> "He said this in a manner so affable and so courteous that I was once more altogether
> conquered, and forgetting the slight resentment which had, for one instant, entered into
> my heart, I asked him, as my fellow countryman and pilgrim, to grant me the honor of
> visiting my home one Friday. 'On that day,' I said to him, 'our saintly professor, Siyyid
> Kázim Rashtí(20), honors my house with his presence and I will be very happy for you to
> hear him.'
> 
> (18)Mubárak (Balyuzi, p. 49, 57, 71; Amanat, p. 241), was the Ethiopian (ZARANDI, pp. 53, 62, 66, 68, 96,
> 
> 129, 133; Balyuzi, pp. 17, 49, 57, 84) or Abyssinian (Amanat, pp. 166-167, 241) servant of the Báb. He is
> mentioned in ZARANDI (p. 53), in connection with welcoming Mullá Husayn into the home of the Báb in
> Shíráz, just prior to sunset on 4 Jumáda al-Úlá 1260; serving food to the Báb and Mullá Husayn at the third
> hour after sunset, on 5 Jumáda al-Úlá (p. 62); on several occasions summoning Mullá Husayn from the
> mosque [masjid] where he was staying to the Báb's house where he would spend the night as the Báb
> revealed verses (p. 66); greeting Mullá Husayn and Mullá 'Alíy-i-Bastámí after the latter's vision enables him
> to recognize the Báb (p. 68); accompanying the Báb and his amanuensis, Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí
> (Quddús) (p. 96, 129) on pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, during which pilgrimage the Báb sacrificed
> three lambs in his name (p. 133). AHMAD (p. 448n) gives a different account of Mullá Husayn's meeting
> with the Báb, in which his Abyssinian servant (unnamed) approaches the traveler, and guides him to the
> Gumruk caravanserai, where he meets the Báb and begins their conversation, thereafter moving to his
> house (Amanat, pp. 166-167, n. 93). AFNAN (p. 37) also reported that Quddús and Mubárak accompanied
> the Báb on pilgrimage (cited Amanat, p. 241, n. 210).
> 
> (19)It should be noted that in FAYDI's version of Mullá Sádiq's second encounter with the Báb (p. 87), Mullá
> 
> Sádiq is not shown a sign to depart, but rather he leaves entirely of his own accord and out of respect for the
> Báb, in order not to disturb his meditations. According to FAYDI, Mullá Sádiq described his state, in
> Persian, "natavanestam harf-i bi-zanam," which might be rendered "I was unable to utter any words."
> 
> (20)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (1211/1795-1259/1844) was the leading disciple of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í [see
> 
> footnote (25)], and his chosen successor as head of the Shaykhí school of theology. He assumed leadership of
> the school from 1241/1825 until his death in 1259/1844. There is a vast bibliography associated with
> Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. To understand the association of the Siyyid with the Báb and his followers, the reader
> may consult ZARANDI (pp. 9, 11-19, 22, 24-39, 41-48, 50, 52, 56-57, 59, 70-72, 75, 83, 84, 97, 100, 102-
> 104, 125, 134, 156, 163-167, 177-178, 189, 235, 263-264, 269- 270, 316, 383, 405, 414-415, 423, 426, 437-
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             26
> 
> "'What greater happiness and joy is his who takes his place at a gathering than to hear
> mentioned the most exalted light of God!'(21) He replied.
> 
> "This encounter took place on a Tuesday. The following Friday, Siyyid Kázim came to my
> house, as was his practice, accompanied by all of his students. Prayers had already begun,
> and we had heard a sermon spoken from the height of the pulpit by Mullá Muhammad
> Báqir(22). Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í(23) had followed him; he elaborated from the same exalted
> 
> 438, 453, 614); Balyuzi (pp. 2-6); and Amanat (pp. 56-62, 65-69, 102, 138n, 139, 141, 146, 154-155, 157-
> 162, 180-181, 212, 217-218, 222, 226-227, 245, 306, 430). An excellent overview of his life and teachings is
> found in A.L.M. Nicolas, "Essay sur le Shaykhísme," tome II: "Seyyed Kazem Rechti," Paris: 1911. For the
> date of his death, please see footnote (57).
> 
> (21)Nicolas directs his reader to see Note C (pp. 453-454), in which he cites a Persian text of unidentified
> 
> origin that is transliterated as follows: "zahí sa'ádat va-zahí sharáfat kih insán va-rúd kand dar majlís kih dar
> án majlís dhikr núr alláh al-a'zam bishúd" and which Nicolas explains in these words: "'This highest light of
> God is Husayn' — these then are the insights of Rashtí on the martyr of Karbilá, who is called the
> 'musibete'." Apparently, Nicolas had reason to believe that Siyyid Kázim Rashtí referred to the Imám
> Husayn in this manner. Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) noted that the Báb often referred to the Imám
> Husayn as "núr alláh al-a'zam", and that Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims, that is, most Persian Muslims, usually
> use the term "Musíbat" for the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn in Karbilá. Steingass (p. 1255, Manshiram
> Manoharlal Publishers edition, New Delhi, 2000) translates as "misfortune, disaster, calamity, affliction")
> She translates the Persian text cited in Note C with the following: "It is a great honor and an ebullient joy to
> arrive in a gathering wherein mention of the highest light of God [Husayn] is being made."
> 
> (22)Mullá Muhammad Báqir, also called Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 381-396, 398, 400-401,
> 
> 403; Balyuzi, p. 26), was a nephew of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í (Balyuzi, p. 26). He must be distinguished
> from Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí [see (53)], who is also called Mullá Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 504-505). He is listed
> by ZARANDI (p. 80), as Muhammad-Báqir, among the "Hurúf-i-Hayy" (Letters of the Living), the first
> eighteen disciples appointed by the Báb, along with Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (p. 80). Amanat calls this Letter of
> the Living by his city of origin, Muhammad-Báqir Bushrú'í (p. 179) and Mullá Muhammad Báqir Bushrú'í
> (p. 176). Not mentioned by Nicolas, but also listed among the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80;
> Balyuzi, p. 26; Amanat, pp. 176, 179) is the brother of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and the uncle of Mullá
> Muhammad Báqir Bushrú'í, named Muhammad-Hasan (ZARANDI, p. 80), Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan-i-
> Bushrú'í (Balyuzi, p. 26), Mullá Hasan Bushrú'í (Amanat, p. 163), Mullá Muhammad Hasan (Amanat, p.
> 176), and Hasan Bushrú'í (Amanat, p. 179). MacEoin does not cite any extant writings authored by either
> the nephew or the brother of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í.
> 
> (23)Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, called "Bábu'l-Báb" (Gate of the Gate) by the Báb himself (ZARANDI, pp. 63;
> 
> Balyuzi, p. 21, 26; Amanat, p. 156, 172, 256; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 66), and appointed first Letter of the
> Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 26; Amanat, p. 175), was the first one to believe in the Báb's divine
> mission (ZARANDI, p. 63; Balyuzi, p. 21-22; Amanat, p. 172), and subsequently one of the most active
> teachers of his Cause. His discipleship in the Shaykhí school, under the tutelage of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí is
> described in ZARANDI (pp. 20-24); in Balyuzi (pp. 4, 7, 13, 15-16); and in Amanat (136n, 155-166).
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA listed Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í as the first in a list of Bábí teachers who spread the Bábí
> Cause throughout Persia; as humble before Quddús (p. 19); and as courageously defending the Bábís at
> Shaykh Tabarsí until he was mortally wounded (pp. 22-24). There is much information about Mullá
> Husayn Bushrú'í in these sources (ZARANDI, pp. 19-22, 24, 47-49, 51-52, 85, 55-57, 59, 61-63, 66-71, 80-
> 82, 85, 87, 92-94, 96-100, 103-108, 123, 125-129, 157-162, 170, 183, 240, 253-267, 288-291, 324-345, 347-
> 349, 351-359, 361, 363, 365-368, 377-387, 390, 397, 400, 405, 407, 413, 415, 430-432, 437-439, 449);
> Balyuzi, pp. 12-26, 48-57, 102, 131, 149, 150, 166, 168, 170-175; and Amanat, pp. 157, 160-161, 163-182,
> 200, 248, 255-256, 260-286, 325, 361, 365, 379, 393). Also, in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," A.L.M.
> Nicolas refers to Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í in Chapter V, and the entirety of Chapter II is devoted to "Molla
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             27
> 
> pulpit a commentary on the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn. Just then Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad entered.
> 
> "I was very surprised to see Siyyid Kázim Rashtí rise as soon as he perceived the one who
> had entered. All of his students naturally imitated him. This is a rather common sign of
> politeness in Persia, but one must pay close attention to the fact that this usage was
> contrary to the habits of the master, who, during sermons, paid not the least attention to
> new arrivals, even if they were among the most highly placed and the most powerful of
> persons.
> 
> "Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í himself was troubled, and interrupted his sermon." He who
> inspired such a strange emotion did not seem to have noticed it, and seated himself
> modestly near the door of the room(24).
> 
> "Siyyid Kázim invited him to seat himself in a more elevated place, but the young man
> refused and remained seated in the location he had chosen.
> 
> "Once the disturbance was calmed, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí directed Mullá Husayn to recite
> certain verses of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í(25). He obeyed, and these verses caused Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad to weep. His emotion affected the entire room, and all were moved to tears.
> 
> Houssein Bouchrouyehi le Báb-el-Báb". Furthermore, Ruhu'llah Mehrabkhani has written a full-length
> biography of this Letter of the Living, entitled "Mullá Husayn: Disciple at Dawn" (Los Angeles: Kalimat
> Press, 1987). Amanat (pp. 156, 429) and MacEoin (pp. 117-118) mention that some writings by Mullá
> Husayn Bushrú'í have survived, including an Arabic treatise (partially reproduced in ZUHUR, pp. 136-139)
> and a collection of traditions (hadíth) related to the appearance of the Qá'im, of which there are two
> manuscripts known to exist.
> (24)Nicolas notes: "Áqá Jání, whose zeal sometimes carries him away, states that Siyyid Kázim sensed in
> 
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad the awaited Master. Also, according to him, the sojourn of our hero in Karbilá was
> intended to be three months in length, but he remained for a year to visit all the pilgrimage sites." Nicolas is
> of course referring to Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, whom he supposes to be the author of KAF. ZARANDI
> (pp. 25-28) reproduces Shaykh Hasan-i-Zúnúzí's eye-witness account of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's paying a visit
> to the Báb, apparently shortly after the latter arrived in Karbilá. This account is reproduced verbatim in
> Balyuzi (pp. 42-44) but not mentioned by Amanat. If Siyyid Kázim visited the Báb shortly after his arrival,
> then it seems likely that the Báb visited Siyyid Kázim's class, at the invitation of Mullá Sádiq, sometime
> thereafter, as indicated in his autobiography (see Nicolas' text). Hence, if Siyyid Kázim was already
> predisposed to consider the Báb a person of high merit (and particularly if he sensed in the Báb the
> unmanifested Qá'im, as Shaykh Hasan-i-Zúnúzí and Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání have independently
> reported), it is not surprising that he should have interrupted his lecture and stood up to honor the arrival of
> the Báb at one of his lectures. Indeed, Mullá Sádiq remarks that Siyyid Kázim did not, prior to this event,
> interrupt his lectures or stand for anyone, including the most powerful and exalted of persons. He found this
> act therefore to be most unusual, but he did not suspect at that time that his professor sensed the divine
> mission of the Báb, nor does he indicate that he himself suspected any such mission at that time. If, as seems
> most likely, the Báb discontinued his commercial operations in Bushíhr towards the end of 1256/1840 or at
> the beginning of 1257/1841 (Amanat, p. 136), then he must have arrived in the 'Atabát early in 1257/1841.
> FADL reported that the Báb arrived there in spring 1841 (Balyuzi, p. 41). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan writes that
> the Báb went to the 'Atabát in 1257 A.H. (p. 43). According to a letter written by the Báb in Chihríq
> (1265/1849), reproduced in MURTADA, he spent a year in the 'Atabát, eight months in Karbilá and three
> months in various other places (cited in Amanat, p. 136, n. 141). AFNAN (p. 15) asserted that the Báb's
> sojourn in the 'Atabát (holy places) lasted eleven months (cited Balyuzi, p. 41; Amanat, p. 136). This account
> also agrees with KAF (cited by Nicolas in this note).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           28
> 
> "The devotional exercises having ended, tea and sherbet(26) were brought for the assembled
> students, but Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad declined to take anything at all.
> 
> "Finally Siyyid Kázim left to return to his home, followed by the whole assembly. We
> remained alone, the young Shírázi and I. I asked him then to seat himself in a place more
> worthy of his rank; he arose, and without hesitation, went to sit in the place which Siyyid
> Kázim had occupied. I then talked with him for a long time. Wishing to make of him a
> Shaykhí recruit, I spoke to him of the doctrine of our two Masters(27): I endeavored to
> 
> (25)Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í, the founder of the Shaykhí school, is stated by ZARANDI (p. 18) to have died in
> 
> the year 1242 A.H. (which is equivalent to 1826 A.D.) at the age of eighty-one (therefore positing a birth-
> date in 1161/1745. Shaykh Ahmad's dates are given by Amanat (p. 48) as 1166/1756-1241/1825 and by
> Balyuzi (p. 1) as 1743-1826. Shaykh Ahmad, his teachings and writings are discussed briefly in Balyuzi (pp.
> 1-2), and more extensively in ZARANDI (pp. 1-22, 50, 59, 65, 70, 75, 83, 84, 97, 101-104, 134, 140-141,
> 156, 177, 201, 264, 276-278, 405, 438), and Amanat (pp. 44, 45, 48-60, 62-64, 79, 97n, 103, 116, 132, 145,
> 160, 163, 275-276, 282, 285). For a detailed consideration of Shaykh Ahmad, the reader is referred to
> "Essai sur le Cheikhisme," by A.L.M. Nicolas, tome I: "Cheikh Ahmad Lahcahi" (Paris:1910). Also, tome
> III: "La Doctrine" (Paris:1911) and tome IV: "La Science de Dieu" (Paris:1911) may contribute to this
> subject. Also, the doctoral dissertations of Vahid Ra'fati (U.C.L.A.), Shaykh Harawi (S.U.N.Y. Purchase)
> and Aflatun Jalali (University of Manchester) contain important contributions to Western academic
> knowledge about this movement.
> 
> (26)According to Sepehr Manuchehri, Persian "sherbet" is defined in a standard Persian dictionary and
> 
> encylopedia ('Alí-Akbar Dehkhoda, "Loghat-námeh," Tihrán:1333 Shamsí) as a light, cool and mildly
> sweet refreshment available in a range of flavors that is served by Persian families to their visitors on hot
> summer days. Usually the visitor is given a choice — to cool down with a sherbet or to unwind with a
> dark tea.
> 
> (27)The "two Masters" referred to are Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. The translator
> 
> has moved Nicolas' original footnote, in order to provide in its place a short biographical note for
> Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í at the first appearance of his name. With regard to the question of whether and if
> so to what degree the Báb may have joined the scholars of the Shaykhí school in Karbilá, Nicolas quotes
> SIPIHR: "The Báb understood little of the lessons of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, and enrolled himself among
> the disciples of Shaykh Ahmad." Amanat translates the same passage in SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 39)
> somewhat differently: "he attended the teaching circle of Sayyid Kázim Rashtí...and benefitted from his
> words, and followed the path of Shaykh Ahmad…" (Amanat, p. 139, n. 160). Nicolas then cites
> TUNKABUNI: "And every day he took part in the classes of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí; he spent two years in
> this way." Amanat (p. 140) cites Browne's translation ("Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," vol. XXII,
> July 1889, p. 894) of this passage from TUNKABUNI (p. 59): "Mír 'Alí Muhammad also used to come
> to his lectures, and had with him pen and ink-stand, and whatever Sayyid Kázim said, of moist and dry,
> he used to write down in the same lecture." Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání, wrote in 1845, in
> "Izháq al-Bátil" (p. 104): "For a while he remained in the service of Sayyid [Rashtí], but due to the
> immense glory and loftiness of our center of faith and the protector of the splendid sharí'a, he was not
> then able to reveal what he had in his heart..." (translated in Amanat, p. 140). KAF indicates that the
> Báb occasionally attended the lectures of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (cited Amanat, p. 140). QATIL (p. 529),
> who was himself a student of Siyyid Kázim for ten years before becoming a Bábí, wrote in reply to
> Kirmání's attacks, that the Báb attended Siyyid Kázim's lectures three times — once at the beginning,
> once in the middle and once towards the end of his period in Karbilá (cited Amanat, pp. 140-141).
> QATIL (p. 529) likewise reported that he never heard the Báb mention any of the religious sciences
> while in Karbilá (Amanat, p. 141, n. 167). Mullá Ja'far Qazvíní, in his historical account published in
> "Táríkh-i Samandar va Mulhaqqát" (Tihrán:1975, pp. 446-500) [henceforth, QASVINI], a student of
> Siyyid Kázim and later a Bábí, also stated that he met the Báb three times in Siyyid Kázim's lectures
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                      29
> 
> convince him and to attract him to our sect, but he did not reply. Finally, he got up, took
> leave, and departed.
> 
> "Three days passed at the end of which I encountered the young Siyyid once more at the
> tomb of the Imám Husayn. This time, it was he who addressed me. 'My uncle(28) has just
> arrived,' he said to me, 'will you not come to see him?'
> 
> "I went there near evening, I found there many people, all of our countrymen having
> come, following the custom, to visit a new arrival.
> 
> "His Honor Siyyid 'Alí had me sit next to him while his nephew, seated by the samovar(29),
> distributed tea to his uncle's guests.
> 
> "I learned then that His Honor Siyyid 'Alí had come to Karbilá as much to make the
> pilgrimage as to bring his nephew back with him to Shíráz.
> 
> "I gave him the most comprehensive elegy concerning the young man and said to him,
> what I had been thinking, that I had never seen anyone unite in himself such brilliant and
> such solid qualities of spirit and of heart. 'It is true,' the elderly one replied, 'my nephew is
> remarkable from many points of view, but that which is a disgrace for us, is that he refuses
> to follow lessons and classes; he does not wish to learn, and as he does nothing here, I do
> not wish to leave him here any longer.'
> 
> "Still wishing to make of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad a Shaykhí, I conversed at length with his
> uncle and finished by promising that I would employ all my influence in order to make
> him attend and follow classes in a regular fashion.
> 
> "Yielding to my insistence and my promises, His Honor Siyyid 'Alí willingly consented to
> attempt the experience, and when his pilgrimage was ended, he returned to Shíráz, leaving
> his nephew in Karbilá.
> 
> "In spite of the promises which I had made, I could not resolve to watch over the young
> man, who reappeared but once more in Siyyid Kázim's class. Against my will, I felt
> intimidated by him, and even though I energetically reproached my own speechlessness, I
> could not, arrested by an inexplicable timidity, fulfill the role which I had brought upon
> myself.
> 
> (cited Amanat, p. 141, n. 167). AHMAD (p. 447) likewise stated that the Báb heard discourses of Siyyid
> Kázim once or twice during his visit to Karbilá (cited Amanat, p. 141).
> 
> (28)Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (denominated "Khál-i-A'zam" by the Báb), one of three maternal uncles of the
> 
> Báb, and his guardian after the decease of his father and until his maturity.
> 
> (29)"Samovar", a Russian word meaning literally "self-boiler" refers to a metal urn with a spigot and
> 
> internal tube for heating the water, used in making tea (and keeping it hot). This Russian word was
> adopted into the Persian language, and from thence into various European languages. In no other
> source does there appear to be a similar account of this private encounter between Mullá Sádiq and the
> Báb, subsequent to Siyyid Kázim's departure. However, we cannot assume that it is fictitious just
> because it is not corroborated. After all, who could have attested to such a private meeting, other than
> Mullá Sádiq and the Báb himself?
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           30
> 
> "One day I learned that he had left for Shíráz and bit by bit I stopped thinking about
> him(30)."
> 
> (30)Nicolas has just cited his translation of Mullá Sádiq Khurásání's account. Mullá Sádiq's autobiography
> 
> was preserved by his son, Ibn Asdaq. In this version it was quoted by AFNAN (pp. 17-19; cited Amanat, p.
> 139, n. 155). Mullá Sádiq stated that the Báb returned to Shíráz. AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, pp. 45-46)
> reported that the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum, was anxious to have her son at home again in Shíráz, and
> that she sent her brother Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí to the 'Atabát to persuade the Báb to return. When the Báb
> did not immediately agree to return, his uncle appealed to Hájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í to intervene. At last
> the Báb complied with this request and returned to Shíráz. AFNAN (pp. 19-20; cited Amanat, p. 146, n.
> 190) also reported that when the Báb did not leave, his uncle asked Siyyid Kázim to give his consent to the
> Báb's departure; and that when this consent was forthcoming, the Báb consented to depart for Shíráz.
> Inasmuch as it has been calculated that the Báb arrived in the 'Atabát in spring of 1257/1841, and that he
> remained there for eleven months or about a year, he must have departed for Shíráz in early 1258/1842.
> This is the date cited by Amanat (p. 146) and MacEoin (p. 44) for the Báb's return. It will be established in
> footnote (59) that the date of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's death was on 11 Dhu al-Hijja 1250, corresponding to 2
> January 1844, just twenty days before the beginning of the year 1260. If the Báb left the 'Atabát in early
> 1258/1842, he could not have been in that city when Siyyid Kázim died or after his passing. None of the
> Bábí sources report that the Báb returned to the 'Atabát during this period. However, some Muslim sources
> claim that the Báb did not leave the 'Atabát for Shíráz in 1258/1842, that he remained in that location until
> after the passing of Siyyid Kázim, in 1260/1844. Nicolas cites SIPIHR: "When Siyyid Kázim died, his
> disciples went with the Báb to Kúfa', where they prayed for forty days at the mosque. There the young
> Siyyid suddenly became seemingly mad, and little by little he began to attract these men and to attach them
> to himself as disciples. When he spoke with people from whom he feared nothing, he said: 'I am the
> lieutenant of God. Enter into the house by the door...' And as the tradition says that the Sáhib al-Zamán
> must appear at Mecca, he formed the project of going there." Nicolas alleged that TUNKABUNI has a
> similar account.
> 
> These accounts, from unsympathetic Muslim historians do not seem to be based upon documentary
> evidence. The marriage certificate of the Báb (reproduced in Balyuzi, facing p. 80 and mentioned p. 46),
> which is dated 18 Rajab 1258, corresponding to Friday (see Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), 26 August 1842
> (according to Iskandar Hai, e-mail on 2 November 1997; and Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), clearly establishes
> that the Báb left the 'Atabát and arrived in Shíráz in the year 1258/1842. MU'IN (p. 37) attested that the
> Báb was twenty-two years old when he married (cited by Shoghi Effendi, p. 76, n. 2). Munírih Khánum,
> 'Abdu'l-Bahá's wife recalled that the Báb married when he was twenty-three, as reported in KHANDAN
> (pp. 160-162; cited Amanat, p. 146, n. 191). Given the date of the marriage certificate, it appears that the
> latter report was the more accurate of the two. His wife, named Khadíjih Sultán Bagum (Abu'l-Qasim
> Afnan, p. 48) and Khadíjih Bagum (Balyuzi, p. 46; Amanat, p. 147), was the daughter of Hájí Mírzá 'Alí,
> the Báb's paternal uncle (Shoghi Effendi, p. 76, n. 3; Balyuzi, p. 46; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 48), whose sons
> were named Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasim (ZARANDI, p. 76; Balyuzi, p. 46). To reiterate,
> the father of the Báb's mother, his maternal grandfather, was named Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn (see
> genealogical chart in "The Dawn-breakers," p. lviii). His maternal grandfather had a brother named Mírzá
> 'Alí (Ibid.), and this brother had two sons, Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím, and two daughters,
> Zahrá Khánum and Khadíjih Khánum (Ibid.) The Bab married one of these daughters of his maternal
> uncle, Khadíjih Khánum, who was thus his first cousin (Ibid.). Mírzá Siyyid Hasan, one of the two brothers
> in law and male cousins of the Bab had a son named Mírzá Muhsin, who married one of the four daughters
> of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, son of Bahá'u'lláh, named Túbá Khánum, and their family name was Afnán (Ibid., p. 76,
> n. 3; Adib Taherzadeh, "The Child of the Covenant," George Ronald Publisher, 2000, p. 305). The Báb's
> other male cousin and brother in law, Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím had a son named Siyyid Muhammad-Husayn,
> one of whose two sons, Mírzá Hádí, married Díyá'íyyih Khánum, the eldest daughter of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and
> their family name was Rabbaní (see Ibid.). In these two marriages, the families of the Bab and Baha'u'llah
> were joined. One of the three sons of Mírzá Hádí and Díyá'íyyih Khánum was named Shoghi Rabbaní,
> and he was appointed Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith by 'Abdu'l-Bahá ("The Child of the Covenant," p. 305).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               31
> 
> The Báb's two brothers in law, who were also his cousins, Mírzá Siyyid Hasan and Mírzá Abu'l-Qasím, and
> their descendants are known as the "Afnán" (twigs). Likewise, the two maternal uncles of the Báb, Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad (called Khál-i-Asghar in "The Dawn-breakers," p. lix; called Khál-i-Akbar by
> Jonah Winters in http://bahai-library.org/histories/iqan.questions.html), and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí (called
> Afnán-i-Kabír by Adib Taherzadeh in "The Child of the Covenant," p. 305), and their descendants are
> regarded as members of the "Afnán" family. Only one of his maternal uncles, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-
> A'zam) recognized the Báb during his lifetime, soon after his declaration in 1844. Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-
> Husayn did not recognize the prophetic station of his nephew during the Báb's life-time, according to a
> letter written by the Báb reproduced in ZUHUR (pp. 223-225) and letters addressed to his brother Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí reproduced in KHANDAN (pp. 25-31). It appears that the third brother, Hájí Mírzá
> Hasan-'Alí also reserved judgment during his nephew's lifetime. Both of the Báb's uncles reportedly
> recognized the Báb's station after a visit to Bahá'u'lláh in Baghdád (Amanat, p. 212, n. 6) in 1861. The
> "Kitáb-i-Íqán" of Bahá'u'lláh was written during that visit in response to the questions posed by Hájí Mírzá
> Muhammad-Husayn. These questions are found in Persian in KHANDAN and are translated into English
> by Denis MacEoin at http://bahai-library.org/histories/iqan.questions.html
> 
> AFNAN (pp. 20-21) reports that Khál-i-A'zam Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí arranged the marriage of the Báb with
> his cousin Khadíjih Khánum on the urging of his sister and the Báb's mother, Fátimih Bagum in order to
> keep her son in Shíráz (cited Amanat, pp. 146-147, n. 192; Balyuzi, p. 46). A son was born to Khadíjih
> Bagum and the Báb, presumably in early summer 1259/1843, and they gave their son the name Ahmad.
> The Báb refers to Khadíjih Bagum (as Sara) and to their son Ahmad in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Commentary
> on the Súrah of Joseph), in two passages translated by Nicolas:
> 
> "En verite! Je me suis fiance sur le trone de Dieu avec Sara, c'est a dire avec la bien aimee. Car bien
> aimee vient de Bien Aime (Le Bien Aime est Muhammad. Cela veut dire que Sara etait une
> Siyyid.). En verite, j'ai fixe les anges des cieux et les habitants du Paradis, temoins de ces fiancailles.
> Sache que la bienveillance du Dhikr Sublime est grande, oh Bien Aimee! Car c'est une
> bienveillance qui vient de Dieu! l'Aime! Tu n'es pas, toi comme une femme ordinaire, si tu obeis a
> Dieu, au sujet du Dhikr Sublime! Connais l'immense verite du Verbe Sublime et glorifie toi de
> t'asseoir avec l'ami qui est le Cheri de Dieu tres haut! Certes la gloire te vient a toi de la part de
> Dieu, le Sage. Patiente dans l'ordre qui vient de Dieu sur le Báb et sa famille. Et, en verite, ton fils
> Ahmad a un asile dans le Paradis beni, aupres de la grande Fátimih." (Súratu'l-Qarabat, translated
> in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, pp. 10-11)
> 
> "Gloire a Dieu, qui, en verite, a donne a la Fraicheur des Yeux dans sa jeunesse un enfant nomme
> Ahmad. Et en verite, cet enfant, nous l'avons eleve vers Dieu!" (Súratu'l-'Abd, translated in Preface,
> "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, p. 11)
> 
> The present translator offers this provisional rendering of Nicolas' French:
> 
> "In truth! I am engaged upon the throne of God with Sara, that is to say with the well-beloved. For
> the well-beloved comes from the Well-Beloved (the Well-Beloved is Muhammad. This means that
> Sara was a Siyyid.). In truth, I chose the angels of the heavens and the inhabitants of Paradise as
> witnesses to this engagement. Know that the benevolence of the sublime Dhikr is great, O well-
> beloved! For it is a benevolence that comes from God! You are not an ordinary woman, if you obey
> God, regarding the sublime Dhikr! Know the immense Truth of the sublime Verb and rejoice that
> you sit with the friend who is the Beloved of God the Most High! Of a certainty, glory comes to you
> from God, the Wise. Be patient with the command that comes from God for the Báb and his
> family. And, in truth, your son Ahmad has assylum in the blessed Paradise, close to the great
> Fátimih." (Súratu'l-Qarabat, translated in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, pp. 10-11)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             32
> 
> We know that the young Siyyid became a Shaykhí. Muslim eye-witnesses indignantly report
> having seen him break, in his visits to the tombs, with the traditional ritual, to follow the rite
> imposed by the two Shaykhs(31). Thereafter, he himself elevated Shaykh Ahmad and Siyyid Kázim
> to the rank of precursors of the new Manifestation. Also, he called himself, repeatedly and in all of
> his works, the most humble student of the Rashtí(32).
> 
> "Glory to be God, Who, in truth, gave to the Delight of the Eyes [Qurratu'l-'Ayn] in his youth a
> child named Ahmad. And in truth, this child, we have raised him to God!" (Súratu'l-'Abd,
> translated in Preface, "Le Beyan Persan," tome II, p. 11)
> 
> Balyuzi (pp. 46-47) translated portions of these two passages from Arabic into English, here cited for the
> convenience of the reader:
> 
> "O well-beloved! Value highly the grace of Dhikr [the Báb], the Greatest, for it comes from God,
> the Loved One. Thou shalt not be a woman, like other women, if thou obeyest God in the Cause of
> Truth...and take pride in being the consort of the Well-Beloved, who is loved by God the Greatest.
> Sufficient unto thee is this glory which cometh unto thee from God, the All-Wise, the All-Praised.
> Be patient in all that God hath ordained concerning the Báb and His Family. Verily, thy son,
> Ahmad, is with Fátimih, the Sublime, in the sanctified Paradise."
> 
> "All praise be to God Who bestowed upon the Solace of the Eyes, in His youth, Ahmad. We did
> verily raise him up unto God."
> 
> In ZARANDI (p. 76) it is reported that Ahmad died in 1259 A.H. AFNAN reported that the child was still-
> born (cited Amanat, p. 46). In either case, given the widely reported character of the Báb, it is most unlikely
> that he would have deserted his wife during her pregnancy, or failed to be present in Shíráz at the time of
> the birth of their son. AHMAD (p. 448) and AFNAN (pp. 20-21) indeed affirm that the Báb settled in
> Shíráz with his wife Khadíjih Bagum and his mother Fátimih Bagum, taking a house of his own, and
> resuming his profession, with greater independence from his uncles. KAF (p. 10), AFNAN (pp. 22-23) and
> KHANDAN (p. 163) describe this period of the Báb's life as tranquil and increasingly preoccupied with
> spiritual matters (cited Amanat, p. 147, n. 196,197,198). While in captivity in Máh-Kú (1847), the Báb
> referred to the happy days he spent during this period in Shíráz ("Bayán-i-fársí," váhid VI: báb 11, p. 218).
> 
> (31)Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.
> 
> (32)With regard to the Báb being a student and a follower of Shaykh Kázim Rashtí, Nicolas translates the
> 
> following passage from TUNKABUNI (p. 59): "I met him, because one day I was seated above the tomb
> (on the side of the head) of [the Imám] Husayn with a very holy person. I saw this Siyyid come and stop at
> the threshold of the door to say his prayers there. These finished, he retired without having entered further
> therein. I asked of the person who was with me: "Who is this young man?" "It is," he replied to me, "Mírzá
> 'Alí Muhammad, a student of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí." I asked then: "Why is it in this fashion that he carried
> out a visit to the tombs?" — "It is because he considers this as more respectful." — "He is mistaken," I
> replied, "and he sins, for these visits are regulated by the Imáms themselves, who decided that we must get
> close to the tombs and embrace them." Nicolas continues with his translation: "Someone told me that he
> was one day seated at the tomb of Kázim ayn with a person who had accomplished the mortifications,
> when Mírzá 'Alí entered. "May God kill this Siyyid," cried my pious companion. And as I questioned him
> for the reason of this malediction, he said to me: "Soon this man will give credance to beliefs which will ruin
> the respect due to the heritage of Islam and which will make floods of blood flow." Amanat translated the
> first of these passages, and identified the Báb's ritual practices as reflecting "his Shaykhí leanings" (Amanat,
> p. 137, n. 147), and he also stated (Ibid.) that the same passage was translated by Browne ("Journal of the
> Royal Asiatic Society," vol. VII, July 1889, pp. 894-895).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               33
> 
> He [the Báb] returned then to Shíráz where he lived with his family. Who will tell us the anguish
> he had to endure, the moral agony which preceded the cry of his conscience in its revolt against
> the iniquities and the blasphemies of which he had been and was every day the witness?
> 
> Be that as it may and while he prepared himself for his apostleship(33), Siyyid Kázim Rashtí
> announced to his disciples the immanence of his own death and the subsequent appearance of the
> Truth(34).
> 
> "Siyyid Kázim," reports Muqaddas Khurásání and with him the Muslim and other Bábí
> historians, "had, every year, the custom of making a pilgrimage to Surre menreha(35). That year, he
> made his usual preparations, but one day he announced to his disciples that this was to be his last
> voyage, his farewell pilgrimage. And as all, struck with shock, began to weep, Karím Khán(36) more
> 
> While the Báb was clearly sympathetic to the teachings of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí,
> there simply is no evidence whatsoever that he was ever a student or a follower of this school. Bahá'u'lláh,
> expounding the Bábí perspective in "Kitáb -i-Íqán" (p. 65), states that Shaykh Ahmad and Siyyid Kázim
> were the twin heralds of the Báb. It seems to be in this context that the Báb's reference to Siyyid Kázim
> Rashtí in "Tafsír Súratu'l-Baqara" should be understood: "the revered scholar and my intimate teacher"
> (published in MURTADA, p. 319; cited Amanat, p. 141, n. 171).
> 
> (33)"Apostleship" in this case refers to his Messengership. This term is found in the Qur'án. In Súratu'l-
> 
> baqara, Muhammad is addressed as [rasúlan] "an apostle" (2:152); in Súratu'l-'imrán, Muhammad is called
> [al-rasúla] "the apostle" ((3:133), [rasúlun] "an apostle" (3:145), [al-rasúlu] "the apostle" (3:154), [rasúlan]
> "an apostle" (3:165), [al-rasúli] "the apostle" (3:173), as well as refering to the generic "apostle" [li-rasúlin]
> (3:184) and "apostles" [al-rusulu] (3:145) and [rusulun] (3:183,184); and in Súratu'l-ma'idah, the Prophet
> Muhammad is called "apostle" [al-rasúlu] (5:42,68), "the apostle" [al-rasúla] (5:93) and [al-rasúli]
> (5:100,105), "Our apostle" [rasúluná] (5:16,20) and [rasúliná] (5:93), "this apostle" [al-rasúli] (5:84), and
> "His apostle" [rasúlah] (5:34,57) and [rasúluh] (5:56); and also reference is made to "an apostle" [rasúlun]
> (5:71) sent to the children of Israel; to Jesus as "My apostle" [rasúlí] (5:112); and to "My apostles" [rusuli]
> (5:13, "Our apostles" [rusuluná] (5:33), "the apostles" [al-rusula] (5:110), "apostles" [al-rusuli] (5:20) and
> [rusulan] (5:71). The Arabic [rasúl] could be translated "messenger" as well as "apostle," but in either case,
> the use of this term to refer to a series of divine representatives sent to the children of Israel, including Jesus
> and Muhammad, is entirely consistent with the claims of the Báb. As Nicolas has demonstrated in a number
> of his works pertaining to the Báb, the Báb claimed to be an "apostle" or "messenger" of God, not only
> equal to but exceeding Muhammad and Jesus in the fullness of his divine Revelation.
> 
> (34)"Truth" in this case refers to the appearance or manifestation of God [al-haqq] on earth.
> 
> (35)"Surre menreha" seems to be a reference to a Shí'í shrine in the 'Atabát. See footnote (16) on 'Atabát.
> 
> (36)Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání (1225/1809-1288-1870), a follower of Siyyid Kázim
> 
> Rashtí who assumed leadership of the Shaykhí school after the death of his teacher and the conversion of
> many of his fellow students to the Cause of the Báb, is briefly mentioned in ZARANDI (p. 39), quoting
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb, as "one-eyed and sparsely-bearded" and Shaykh Abú-Turáb in turn cites the remark of
> Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (Ibid., p. 40) about the "heretical and atheistic doctrines…he [Karím Khán] now
> wishes me to endorse." Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 2/12/02) affirmed that Hájí Mírzá Muhammad
> Karím Khán Kirmání was called "Haft Káf" (Seven K's) by Bahá'u'lláh, indicating that he had seven
> attributes which start with the letter "K", including: Karím, Khán, Kirmání, Kúr (blind, because he had
> defective sight), Kachal (bald). He is also discussed in Balyuzi (pp. 52, 102, 134) and is more elaborately
> treated by Amanat (pp. 58, 60, 62, 63, 102, 117n, 140, 155-156, 165, 177, 216, 228, 247, 253-254, 279,
> 286-294, 430). MacEoin (p. 123) cites four works by this author, the purpose of which were to attack the
> Báb and his teachings: "Izháq al-Bátil"; "Tír-i shiháb"; "al-Shiháb al-tháqib"; and "Risála-yi radd-i Báb-i
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              34
> 
> murtád." The last-named of these works was composed for Násri'd-Dín Sháh. There are also references to
> the Báb and his teachings in his "Irshád al-'awámm," "Risála-yi Sultániyya," and "Risála-yi sí fasl."
> ZUHUR (p. 400) states that Kirmání attacked the Báb in no less than twelve works, but he does not list
> them by title (cited MacEoin, p. 123, n. 7). According to Kirmání himself, writing in "Risála-yi sí fasl" (pp.
> 34-35; translated by MacEoin, pp. 123-124, n. 7): "I have written five or six books in refutation of him [the
> Báb] and have sent them to different parts of Ádhirbáyján, 'Iráq 'Ajam, 'Iráq 'Arab, Hijáz, Khurásán, and
> India. I have also written letters to the 'ulamá' and sent petitions to officials of the victorious government [of
> Írán]. At times in Yazd and Kirmán, and once on a journey to Khurásán, I have made clear their unbelief
> from pulpits with proofs and evidences." Bahá'u'lláh devotes a few pages in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" to this arch-
> enemy of the Báb and the Bábí movement:
> 
> "Inasmuch as they have not apprehended the meaning of Knowledge, and have called by that
> name those images fashioned by their own fancy and which have sprung from the embodiments of
> ignorance, they therefore have inflicted upon the Source of Knowledge [the Báb] that which thou
> hast heard and witnessed.
> "For instance, a certain man [Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán-i Kirmání], reputed for his
> learning and attainments, and accounting himself as one of the pre-eminent leaders of his people
> [the Shaykhís], hath in his book [Irshád al-'awwám] denounced and vilified all the exponents of
> true learning. This is made abundantly clear by his explicit statements as well as by his allusions
> throughout his book. As We had frequently heard about him, We purposed to read some of his
> works. Although We never felt disposed to peruse other people's writings, yet as some had
> questionedUs concerning him, We felt it necessary to refer to his books, in order that We might
> answer Our questioners with knowledge and understanding. His works, in the Arabic tongue, were,
> however, not available, until one day a certain man informed Us that one of his compositions,
> entitled Irshádu'l-'Avám [Guidance unto the Ignorant], could be found in this city [Baghdád].
> From this title We perceived the odour of conceit and vainglory, inasmuch as he hath imagined
> himself a learned man and regarded the rest of the people ignorant. His worth was in fact made
> known by the very title he had chosen for his book. It became evident that its author was following
> the path of self and desire, and was lost in the wilderness of ignorance and folly. Methinks, he had
> forgotten the well-known traditions which sayeth: 'Knowledge is all that is knowable; and might and
> power, all creation.' Notwithstanding, We sent for the book, and kept it with Us a few days. It was
> probably referred to twice. The second time, We accidentally came upon the story of the 'Mi'ráj'
> [Ascent] of Muhammad, of Whom was spoken: 'But for Thee, I would not have created the
> spheres.' We noticed that he had enumerated some twenty or more sciences, the knowledge of
> which he considered to be essential for the comprehension of the mystery of the 'Mi'ráj'. We
> gathered from his statements that unless a man be deeply versed in them all, he can never attain to
> a proper understanding of this transcendent and exalted theme. Among the specified sciences were
> the science of metaphysical abstractions, of alchemy, and natural magic. Such vain and discarded
> learnings, this man hath regarded as the pre-requisites of the understanding of the sacred and
> abiding mysteries of divine Knowledge.
> "Gracious God! Such is the measure of his understanding. And yet, behold what cavils and
> calumnies he hath heaped upon those Embodiments of God's infinite knowledge! How well and
> true is the saying: 'Flingest thou thy calumnies unto the face of Them Who the one true God hath
> made the Trustees of the treasures of His seventh sphere?' Not one understanding heart or mind,
> not one among the wise and learned, hath taken notice of these preposterous statements. And yet,
> how clear and evident it is to every discerning heart that this so-called learning is and hath ever
> been, rejected by Him Who is the one true God. How can the knowledge of these sciences, which
> are so contemptible in the eyes of the truly learned, be regarded as essential to the apprehension of
> the mysteries of the 'Mi'ráj,' whilst the Lord of the 'Mi'ráj' Himself was never burdened with a single
> letter of these limited and obscure learnings, and never defiled His radiant heart with any of these
> fanciful illusions? How truly hath he said: 'All human attainment moveth upon a lame ass, whilst
> Truth, riding upon the wind, darteth across space.' By the righteousness of God! Whoso desireth to
> fathom the mystery of this ' Mi'ráj,' and craveth a drop from this ocean, if the mirror of his heart be
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             35
> 
> violently than the others, the aged Siyyid turned toward him, crying, 'Dog(37)! You do not wish that
> I go when after me will be manifested the absolute Truth?'"
> 
> It was not the first time that the aged Master had made a direct allusion to the next manifestation
> of the Sáhib al-Zamán(38). On the contrary, he was much preoccupied with this, according to
> Mírzá Jání, and explained the signs which must accompany his appearance(39). "It must be a young
> 
> already obscured by the dust of these learnings, he must needs cleanse and purify it ere the light of
> this mystery can be reflected therein." ("Kitáb-i-Íqán," pp. 184-187)
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh also mentions Hájí Mullá Karím Khán Kirmání in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#170):
> 
> "Call ye to mind Karím, and how, when We summoned him unto God, he waxed disdainful,
> prompted by his own desires; yet We had sent him that which was the solace to the eye of proof in
> the world of being and the fulfilment of God's testimony to all the denizens of earth and heaven. As
> a token of the grace of Him Who is the All-Possessing, the Most High, We bade him embrace the
> Truth. But he turned away until, as an act of justice from God, angels of wrath laid hold upon him.
> Unto this We truly were a witness."
> 
> ZARANDI (pp. 39-40) cites the eye-witness account of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, to the effect that Hájí Mírzá
> Karím Khán spent many years studying with Siyyid Kázim, but then obtained leave to leave his master's
> presence and return to Kirmán. If the account of Mullá Sádiq is to be trusted, it would appear that the
> encounter, which he claims to have witnessed, between Siyyid Kázim and Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán in
> Karbilá occurred considerably prior to the Siyyid's demise. While this very sharp rebuke may appear to be
> an unlikely occurrence, Shaykh Abú-Turáb also recalled words of Siyyid Kázim which were severely
> condemnatory of the arrogance and ignorance of Karím Khán, as well as prophetic of the latter's opposition
> to the promised Qá'im. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that Karím Khán was related to the Qájár
> clan, and that he combined leadership in the Shaykhí community with important ties to the government of
> Írán.
> 
> (37)In Arab culture and in many other communities, the dog is regarded with disdain, with disgust, with
> 
> disapproval, as the symbol of all that is lustful, unbridled, filthy and...well, you get the picture. There is no
> mention of dogs in the Qur'án, but this did not inhibit Muslims from developing on the whole anti-canine
> attitudes. Shaykh Kázim Rashtí's meaning is clear enough — Hájí Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán-i
> Kirmání, later to assume leadership of the Shaykhí school is being insulted in front of his peers, and, more
> than that, he is being told that he — who esteems himself as among the wisest of men — is without vision,
> without judgment, without spirit. Siyyid Kázim's rebuke appears to have been confirmed by Shaykh Abú-
> Turáb's account (in ZARANDI), and reiterated by Bahá'u'lláh (see the foregoing footnote).
> 
> (38)"Sáhib al-Zamán" (Lord of the Age) is one of the names employed by Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims to
> 
> characterize the Imám Mahdí, the return of the twelfth Imám, which was expected by many to occur in
> the year 1260 A.H., in fulfillment of thousands of Islamic traditions, and in harmony with a particular
> interpretation of certain verses in the Qur'án. He was also called the "Qá'im" (He Who will arise) in
> literature.
> 
> (39)The signs of the appearance of the "Sáhib al-Zamán" were collected by many Shí'í scholars, including
> 
> Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí, the "first to embrace the Faith in Khurásán...the most learned, the wisest, and
> the most eminent" among the "'ulamá'" (Muslim clergy) of that province (ZARANDI, p. 125). After his
> acceptance of the Báb as the promised "Sáhib al-Zamán," Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí "secluded himself for a
> considerable period of time in his own home, and there concentrated his energies upon the preparation of a
> learned and voluminous compilation of Islamic traditions and prophecies relating to the time and character
> of the promised Dispensation. He collected more than twelve thousand traditions of the most explicit
> character, the authenticity of which was universally recognized; and resolved to take whatever steps were
> required for the copying and the dissemination of that book. By encouraging his fellow-disciples to quote
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            36
> 
> man, a Hashimite, and not instructed in the sciences which one acquires in the schools."
> Sometimes he had even said, "I see him like a sun which arises."
> 
> Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib Isfáhání(40) and Sulaymán Khán Afshár Sá'ín Qal'a(41) reported this, and this
> is perhaps the means whereby the second of these two became so convinced [by the Báb] that [his
> 
> publicly from its contents, in all congregations and gatherings, he hoped he would be able to remove such
> hindrances as might impede the progress of the Cause he had at heart." (ZARANDI, p. 184). Shoghi
> Effendi, in "God Passes By" (Wilmette: 1970, pp. 12-13) paraphrases ZARANDI's account of Mírzá
> Ahmad-i-Azghandí's collection of hadith, affirming that Mírzá Ahmad was successful in circulating his
> collection of traditions and prophecies to his fellow-disciples, which is not evident to the reader of
> ZARANDI. In the Index to "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 679), Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí — who was also
> called simply Mírzá Ahmad (ZARANDI, p. 125-127, 184-185) — has been confused with Mírzá Ahmad-i-
> Kátib, one of the amanuenses of the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 504-506, 521, 586-588, 591-592). 'ABDU'L-
> BAHA (p. 5) lists Mírzá Ahmad of Azghand as one of the teachers of the Bábí Cause. ZARANDI (pp. 179-
> 180, 183-186) also mentions the maternal uncle of Mírzá Ahmad Azghandí, the leading mujtahid of Yazd
> and called Siyyid Husayn Azghandí. As Balyuzi has clarified (pp. 92, 151), the given name of Mírzá Ahmad-
> i-Kátib, also known as Mírzá Ahmad (Balyuzi, pp. 151-152, citing ZARANDI, pp. 504-506), was Mullá
> 'Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní (Balyuzi, pp. 102, 104, 115, 120, 151). Balyuzi makes only passing reference to
> Mírzá Ahmad-i Azghandí (p. 56), while Amanat mentions him twice (pp. 279, 281). Amanat (p. 279)
> interprets ZARANDI (p. 184) to mean that the original and only copy of Azghandí's compilation was
> destroyed before it could be duplicated.
> 
> (40)Hájí 'Abdu'l-Muttalib Isfáhání is not mentioned in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA, Balyuzi, Amanat or
> 
> MacEoin.
> 
> (41)Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (ZARANDI, p. 235, 391, 402; Amanat, p. 398, n. 98, 101; 399), was also called
> 
> Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI, pp. 235, 402; Amanat, pp. 247, n. 251, n. 253, 367); Mírzá Sulaymán (letter
> of the Báb, listed in MacEoin, p. 190; QATIL, p. 509); Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 125); Hájí
> Sulaymán Khán (The Bab, cited in ZUHUR, p. 271, see Amanat, p. 246, n. 240; ZARANDI, pp. 611,
> 613-619; Balyuzi, pp. 125, 134); Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar Sá'ín Qaliy (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 610); Hájí
> Sulaymán Khán-i Afshár Sá'ín Qal'a (Amanat, pp. 247, 398n, 399, 460); and Amír al-Umará' (Ibid., pp.
> 247, 460). He began as a Shaykhí related by marriage to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and son-in-law of Fath 'Alí
> Sháh (Amanat, p. 247), and visited his Master in Karbilá shortly before the latter's death to ask him when
> the Qá'im was expected to appear (ZUHUR, pp. 74-77; QATIL, p. 509 refering to Mírzá Sulaymán). He
> met the Báb on pilgrimage in Mecca, after his declaration (ZUHUR, p. 271); while still in the course of his
> pilgrimage, the Báb wrote Sulaymán Khán a letter from Medina, which is listed (letter #22) in his catalogue
> of writings, entitled "Kitáb al-fihrist," dated 15 Jumáda al-Akhir 1261/21 June 1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Two
> copies of this letter are extant (Amanat, p. 247, n. 253). MacEoin (pp. 190-192) actually lists four letters to
> Hájí Sulaymán Khán. The first letter, written in reply to six questions from Mírzá Sulaymán (Ibid., p. 190),
> may be the same text as the treatise referred to in "Fihrist-i Kutub-i Shaykh-i Ajall-i Auhad Marhúm-i
> Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í va Sá'ir-i Masháyikh-i 'Izham," by Abu'l-Qásim ibn Zayn al-'Ábidín Ibráhímí
> Kirmání, Sarkár Áqá [henceforth, FIHRIST] (Kirmán: undated; vol. II, pp. 311-312, no. 197; cited
> Amanat, p. 444), which was allegedly written by the Báb in reply to Sulaymán Khán's questions (Amanat, p.
> 247, n. 251). By the time of this pilgrimage, Sulaymán Khán had already shown sympathy for if not
> complete allegiance to Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán-i Kirmání (Amanat, p. 247; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 610),
> and henceforth he became entirely opposed to the Báb and his followers (Amanat, pp. 247-248). Sulaymán
> Khán served the Qajar dynasty as commander of the government troops which engaged the Bábís at
> Shaykh Tabarsí and Zanjan, as well as being appointed the special court envoy to Tabríz on the occasion of
> the Báb's execution (Amanat, p. 248, n. 254). This opposition to the Báb and his followers must have been
> bittersweet. Ridá Qulí Khán, Sulaymán Khán's son, whom he arranged to be married to the daughter of
> Siyyid Kázim, converted to the Bábí Cause (Amanat, p. 248). Contemporary sources for the life of
> Sulaymán Khán (cited Amanat, p. 248, n. 254) include KAF (p. 191), JADID (pp. 150-162), SIPIHR (vol.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             37
> 
> faith] was sustained up to the last moment of his horrible death. He had the habit of saying, "The
> Siyyid(42) promised me, that I would see the manifestation of the Sáhib al-Zamán. 'You will be
> there,' he said to me, 'and you will give him your faith.'"
> 
> Ákhúnd(43) Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, who was intimate with Kázim [Rashtí], insistently questioned
> him regarding how this manifestation would take place. The master replied to him with this verse
> from the "Mathnaví"(44): "I can not say more, but the Sun of Truth, from whatever Orient he
> arises, will illumine all the horizons, and the mirrors of the hearts of those who love good, he will
> prepare them in such fashion that they will receive the emanations of the light of knowledge."
> 
> Mírzá Jání, let us not forget, was one of the martyrs who succumbed after the attempt upon the life
> of His Majesty(45), and therefore could not have been informed of the attestations which the official
> court history received thereafter. He reported that most of the students of the deceased Siyyid lived
> in the mosque of Kúfa'(46). "There were," he said, "Bushrú'í, Mullá 'Alí Bastámí(47), Hájí Mullá
> 
> III, pp. 257-258) and "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí" (Tihrán:1959-1960, third edition, volume X, p. 445), by
> Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí [henceforth HIDAYAT].
> 
> (42)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.
> 
> (43)"Ákhúnd" is, according to Sepehr Manuchehri, the slang pronunciation of "Áqá Dars Khundeh"
> meaning "the gentleman who has studied." It appears to be related to "akhvánd" meaning "tutor, master,
> preacher" (Steingass:26). Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) stated that "Akhúnd" is "preacher", and is similar
> to Mullá and Shaykh in meaning.
> 
> (44)"Mathnaví" is a Persian term for a poetical form composed of couplets corresponding in measure, with
> 
> each consisting of a pair of rhymes. Fariba Ghayebi (email 2/12/02) attested that in the "Mathnaví," while
> every couplet rhymes differently, all couplets follow the same intonation. In this case, Nicolas is referring to
> the famous mystical poem of Jalálu'd-Dín Rúmí.
> 
> (45)An attempt was made by a follower of the Báb upon the life of Násiru'd-Dín Sháh, the ruling monarch of
> 
> the Persian kingdom, on 28 August 1852. One of the Bábís who was rounded up and murdered in the wake
> of this failed assassination was Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, according to various sources cited by Amanat (pp.
> 347-348, n. 70). Jání Kashání is alleged to have compiled the earliest history of the Bábís, which is,
> according to some historians, preserved unedited in KAF and in an edited version in JADID. According to
> ZARANDI (pp. 217-222,368,436), Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání — surnamed Parpá — entertained the Báb at
> his house in Kashán for three nights, when the Báb was being escorted from Isfáhán to Ádhirbáyján.
> ZARANDI (pp. 368-372) describes the journey which Jání Kashání undertook, accompanying
> Bahá'u'lláh and a company of other Bábís from Núr towards Shaykh Tabarsí in December of 1848, and
> Bahá'u'lláh's intercession on his behalf when this group of Bábís was apprehended by the acting
> governor of the town of Ámul. ZARANDI (pp. 435-437) reports being told by a fellow Bábí named
> Siyyid Husayn-i-Zavári'í, how this one spent a winter in Kashán and met Jání Kashání, but just missed
> meeting the Báb himself, when he was residing in his home. Other sources for the life of Jání Kashání
> are found in the footnotes to Amanat (pp. 134, 167, 271, 344-348, 356).
> 
> (46)Kúfa' is an ancient city in 'Iráq which is the location of the now-ruined "masjid" (mosque) where, in 39
> 
> A.H./656 A.D., the Imám 'Alí was killed with a poisoned sword (Amanat, pp. 163-164). According to a
> tradition related by Muhammad Báqir, the fifth Imám, cited in "al-Amalí" and recorded by Muhammad
> Báqir ibn Muhammad Taqí Majlisí in his enormous compilation of traditions entitled "Bihár al-Anwár"
> (vol. XXIII, pp. 19, 25), the Imám 'Alí walked the streets of Kúfa' admonishing the merchants thereof to be
> honest, patient and merciful in their commerce (cited Amanat, p. 125, n. 87). A well-known hadíth
> attributed to the sixth Imám, Ja'far as-Sádiq, stated that the Qá'im would first appear in Mecca, then in
> Medina, and finally repair to Kúfa', where he would be joined by his ancestors, the Prophet Muhammad,
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              38
> 
> the Imáms, the prophets and saints, and together they would wage "jihád" (holy war) against the infidels
> (Amanat, pp. 195-196). SIPIHR (vol. III, po, 39-40), TUNKABUNI, KAZEM-BEG (vol. VII, p. 388) and
> Count Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, in "Religions et philosophies dans l'Asie centrale" (Paris:1865, p. 146)
> affirmed that the Báb and his followers, after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, spent forty days praying and
> meditating at this mosque in Kúfa', and that afterwards they made a collective pilgrimage to Mecca and
> Medina, so that the Báb could announce himself there as the Qá'im. According to the Bábí chroniclers,
> some of the followers of Siyyid Kázim did spend forty days in the mosque at Kúfa' after his death [please see
> notes (57) and (60)]. Amanat (p. 163, n. 80) cites Sajjádí, "Farrhang-i Ma'árif" (pp. 238-240), who states that
> this forty-day retreat, called "i'tikáf" could take place in four places only: the "masjid al-harám" in Mecca;
> the "masjid al-nabí" in Medina; the "masjid" of Kúfa'; or the "masjid" of Basra (cited Amanat, p. 163, n. 80).
> It was apparently the Báb's intention, following his pilgrimage in 1844, to meet Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í in
> Kúfa', as indicated in his parting speech to the "Bábu'l-Báb" (ZARANDI, p. 96; quoted Balyuzi, pp. 49-50).
> He sent Mullá Husayn on a mission to Tihrán, and Mullá 'Alí Bastámí to the 'Atabát, with a group of
> disciples. BAGHDADI (translated in Balyuzi, pp. 60-61) states that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí appeared in Kúfa',
> distributing copies of the Báb's Writings among the Muslim clergy. Due to the state of uproar in which the
> 'Atabát had fallen as a result of Bastámí's intrepid proclamation and the clerical attacks it engendered, the
> Báb decided not to go to Kúfa' after the completion of his pilgrimage. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 158) indicates
> that the day on which the Báb made his decision not to go to Kúfa' was 15 Jamádi al-Thání 1261, and that
> this day is called Yam al-Bada' by Bábí historians, as it was the day on which the Báb seemingly abrogated
> the promise of divine revelation. The Báb wrote a long Tablet to Mullá 'Abdu'l-Kháliq Yazdí (see Ibid.),
> and explained therein that because of the rejection of his prophetic call and the jealousy of the religious
> leaders in the 'Atabát, and because the general population might rise up in opposition to the Bábís, he
> elected to forego this prophesied visit to Kúfa', in order to spare the believers. The Báb states (in Ibid.) that,
> contrary to his counsel, some of his followers proclaimed his advent openly in the 'Atabát, and that
> consequently his visit would surely cause problems for the Bábís. The announcement of the Qá'im had
> taken place, as predicted, but not in the manner predicted.
> 
> (47)Mullá 'Alí Bastámí, is mentioned in ZARANDI (pp. 69, 80), in Balyuzi (p. 27), and in Amanat (p. 175-
> 
> 176) as a Letter of the Living. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) lists Mullá 'Alí Bastámí among the teachers who
> proclaimed the advent of the Báb throughout Persia. Prior to his conversion, he was a student of Siyyid
> Kázim Rashtí residing in Karbilá, and upon the death of his Master, Mullá 'Alí Bastámí and others from
> their circle joined Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and his brother Mullá Hasan Bushrú'í in Kúfa' for forty days of
> prayer and contemplation (Amanat, p. 163). He was the second believer in the Báb, following Mullá
> Husayn Bushrú'í (ZARANDI, pp. 66-69; QATIL, p. 524; Amanat, p. 175, 212). The Báb sent him to the
> 'Atabát, along with some of the other converts to his Cause, to proclaim the manifestation of the Báb to
> their fellow Shaykhís and to the leading Shí'í mujtahidún (ZARANDI, p. 87). ZARANDI (pp. 87-92)
> reports a few anecdotes related to Bastámí's mission to the 'Atabát. Áqá Muhammad Mustafá ibn Shaykh
> Muhammad Shibl al-Baghdádi [henceforth, BAGHDADI], wrote a short biography of the Báb and his
> followers upon the urging of Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání (Balyuzi, p. 60), entitled "Risála amríyya"
> (MacEoin, p. 18, 21, 71, 111). Balyuzi (p. 232) reports that BAGHDADI was published in Cairo, along with
> another booklet, and that no date is attached thereto. Balyuzi (pp. 60-61) translates selected passages from
> BAGHDADI to describe Mullá 'Alí Bastámí's mission to the 'Atabát, which resulted in his arrest,
> confinement, trial in Baghdád and transportation to Istanbul. Shoghi Effendi cited BAGHDADI in a
> footnote to ZARANDI (pp. 91-92, n. 1). Balyuzi has given a detailed account of Bastámí's imprisonment
> and trial, based on documentary records, including the dispatches which Major Henry Rawlinson, the
> British Political Agent in Baghdád, addressed to Sir Stratford Canning, the British Ambassador in Istanbul,
> and to Lt.-Col. Sheil, the British Ambassador in Tihrán (Balyuzi, pp. 61-68). These events are described in
> great detail and with careful documentation of sources by Amanat (pp. 211-238). Amanat also depicts the
> consequences of Bastámí's failure to convert many in the 'Atabát (pp. 251-254). ZARANDI (p. 91) gives
> divers reports of Bastámí's death; and YAHYA (p. 401) states that he was poisoned and died in Badra'i, on
> his way to Istanbul. However, these accounts seem to be unreliable. Amanat (pp. 236-237), citing various
> documents and the research of Fádil Mázindarání (p. 237, n. 192-194), MacEoin (p. 236, n. 188) and
> Momen (p. 237, n. 190-191), report that Mullá 'Alí Bastámí was sentenced to forced labor in the Ottoman
> imperial naval yard in Istanbul, and that he died in confinement (Amanat, p. 237).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             39
> 
> Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí(48), Ákhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Jalíl Turk(49), Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Hádí(50), Mírzá
> Muhammad Hádí(51), His Honor Siyyid Husayn Yazdí(52), Mullá Hasan Bajistání(53), Mullá
> 
> (48)Hájí Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Bárfurúshí, was a Shaykhí student in Karbilá who was named the eighteenth
> 
> Letter of the Living by the Báb (ZARANDI, p. 80). JADID (p. 92) stated that his name was Hájí
> Muhammad 'Alíy-i-Hamzih (cited Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p. 413, n. 1). Shoghi Effendi
> stated that the Báb bestowed the title "Ismu'lláhu'l-Ákhar" (Last Name of God) upon his eighteenth and last
> Letter (Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p. 684), while Balyuzi (p. 24) affirmed that the Báb honored
> him with the title "Quddús" (Most Holy). A prayer (Visitation Tablet) revealed by the Báb for Bárfurúshí
> and other martyrs of Shaykh Tabarsí (preserved in a single manuscript in INBA no. 64, pp. 1-53; cited in
> Amanat, p. 184, n. 176) contains both of these titles. This prayer, if it is authentic, was revealed after the
> martyrdom of Bárfurúshí, which took place in 1849. ZARANDI (p. 293) reported that the appellation
> "Quddús" was conferred upon Bárfurúshí in a Tablet revealed by Bahá'u'lláh during the conference of
> Badasht, in summer 1848. ZARANDI reports Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í's account of the Báb's words to him
> just prior to his departure for Mecca and Medina, in late summer 1844, in which the Báb refers to his
> chosen companion on the pilgrimage as "Quddús" (pp. 86, 96). Either Mullá Husayn (or his chronicler,
> ZARANDI) has substituted the later appellation "Quddús" for the Báb's actual naming of his companion on
> pilgrimage (and in this case the citation of the Báb's words is a paraphrase rather than a literal rendering), or
> the Báb designated Bárfurúshí as "Quddús" from 1844, in which case Bahá'u'lláh reaffirmed the Báb's title
> of "Quddús" in his Tablet written at Badasht in 1848. In any event, both the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh referred
> to the eighteenth Letter of the Living by this title "Quddús" from the time of Badasht onwards (if not
> earlier). Details pertaining to his birth, his education and conversion to the Bábí Cause; his accompaniment
> of the Báb during his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina in 1845, his participation in the conference of
> Badasht in 1848; his arrest and release from prison in Barfurush; his participation in the defense of Shaykh
> Tabarsí from the onslaught of government forces in 1849; and his subsequent martyrdom are found in
> ZARANDI (pp. 72, 130-143, 145, 179-183, 261, 265, 290, 292, 351-355, 367, 381, 410-413); in 'ABDU'L-
> BAHA (pp. 18-19); in ZUHUR (pp. 406, 413, 408); KAF (p. 208); in SIPIHR (vol. III, pp. 238 ); and in
> FU'ADI (p. 74). A number of sources attest to the special devotion which apparently characterized the
> relationship between the Báb and Quddús, and his spiritual primacy among the disciples of the Báb
> (ZARANDI, pp. 430-431; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 19; MU'IN, p. 63; ZUHUR, p. 418; SIPIHR, vol. III, p.
> 238; KAZEM-BEG, vol. VII, p. 344n; Balyuzi, p. 150; Amanat, p. 241, n. 211). In the Báb's "Kitáb al-
> fihrist" (dated 21 June 1845, see MacEoin, p. 50), a letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad 'Alí (# xi) is listed
> (MacEoin, p. 51). While MacEoin did not indicate that this listed letter has been discovered extant, Mírzá
> Muhammad Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawlih, in "Tá'ríkh al-Bábíyya wa miftáh báb al-abwáb" (Cairo:1903)
> reproduced a letter from the Báb to Quddús (pp. 208-209) in the Persian translation of this work, by Hájí
> Shaykh Hasan Faríd Gulpáygání (published in Tihrán:1968; cited MacEoin, p. 97). Quddús is reported to
> have written prolifically after his conversion to the Bábí Cause in 1844, according to the testimony of
> Bahá'u'lláh (Letter to Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siráj Isfáhání, published in Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'idih-yi
> Ásmání", vol. VII, p. 97); ZARANDI (pp. 353, 357); KAF (p. 139); JADID (p. 44); and ZUHUR (p. 407).
> All of these sources are cited in MacEoin (pp. 105-106). Most of the writings of Quddús seem to have been
> lost or destroyed. Those which have escaped destruction are listed by MacEoin (pp. 106-107), and consist of
> several letters preserved in ZUHUR (pp. 407-418), most of which are apparently addressed to Mullá
> Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár Mázindarání (MacEoin, p. 106). Also included are three letters to
> Mullá Sa'íd Bárfurúshí, known as Sa'íd al-'Ulamá' (Amanat, p. 181, n. 163; p. 182, n. 169; p. 184, n.
> 178,179); three prayers composed for his companions (ZUHUR, pp. 426-430); and two manuscripts sent by
> Mírzá Yahyá (Subh-i-Azal)to Browne (currently British Library Or. 5110 and Cambridge Browne
> Collection F.43), and described by him in 'A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts,' ("Journal
> of the Royal Asiatic Society," vol. XXIV, 1892, pp. 483-487). ZARANDI (pp. 31, 70-72, 81, 86, 93-94, 96,
> 125-127, 129-147, 179-183, 261-266, 288, 292-299, 348-349, 351-359, 361, 363, 365-368, 377-412, 430-
> 432, 437-439) gives many details of Quddús' life. Some descriptive passages are also found in Balyuzi (pp.
> 48-49, 69-75, 165-177), and in Amanat (pp. 176-188, 211, 241, 244-250, 255, 325-327, 353, 395, 429).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             40
> 
> (49)Ahmad Mullá 'Abdu'l-Jalíl Turk is not found in ZARANDI, in Balyuzi or in Amanat. However, an
> 
> adherent of the Báb with a similar name is found — one of the Letters of the Living is listed as Mullá Jalíl-i-
> Urúmí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27), and as Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl Urúmí (Urdúbádí) in Amanat (p. 176)
> — and this may be the individual who is referred to here. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) cites Mullá Jalíl-i-Urúmí
> as one of the teachers of the Bábí Cause who traveled throughout Persia. Sepehr Manuchehri reported that
> the full name and place of birth of Mullá Jalíl-i-Urúmí is found in ZUHUR (volume III). Amanat (pp. 167,
> 170, 176-180, 211-213, 250, 320, 349-350) gives some details regarding this Bábí. QASVINI (pp. 472) cites
> Jalíl-i-Urúmí's account of the declaration of the Báb (Amanat, pp. 167, 170). Prior to becoming a student of
> Siyyid Kázim, Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl-i-Urúmí had belonged to an Ahl-i Haqq community in Ádhirbáyján
> (Amanat, p. 180). Urúmí was among the Bábís assigned, apparently under the leadership of Mullá 'Alí
> Bastámí, to announce the appearance of the Qá'im in the 'Atabát (Amanat, p. 211). QATIL (p. 511)
> reported that Urúmí took an indirect approach, preferring to prepare his listeners for the announcement,
> rather than making the announcement itself (Amanat, pp. 213-214). QATIL (p. 519) also stated that Urúmí
> won over Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, who served as Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's scribe, to the Cause of the Báb
> (Amanat, p. 250). Urúmí also travelled to Qazvín, where it is reported that he recruited a number of new
> adherents to the Báb, according to Áqá Muhammad Jawád's notes, reproduced in ZUHUR (p. 372; cited
> Amanat, p. 349, n. 81). Sepehr Manuchehri has indicated that 'Urúmí' is a foreshortened Persian word for
> 'Urúmíyyihi' meaning, 'from Urúmíyyih', a major city in western Ádhirbáyján. MacEoin reports (p. 191)
> the existence of a letter written by the Báb to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl, and it seems likely that this letter was in
> fact addressed to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl Urúmí, as no other Bábí with a similar name has been identified.
> 
> (50)Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Hádí appears to be one of the names of Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní, son of Hájí Mírzá 'Abdu'l-
> 
> Vahháb (Balyuzi, p. 27); Mírzá Hádí, son of Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb-i-Qazvíní (ZARANDI, p. 80); and
> Muhammad Hádí, son of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 320). He is denominated one of the Letters
> of the Living by ZARANDI (p. 80) and Balyuzi (p. 27), but not by Amanat. Balyuzi (p. 27) and Amanat (p.
> 320) also report that he was a brother of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní. Balyuzi (p. 27) and Amanat (p.
> 176, 179, 298, 320) identify Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní as a Letter of the Living. Balyuzi (p. 26) stated
> that Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí Qazvíní was the brother-in-law of Táhirih . ZARANDI (p. 273) refers to Siyyid
> 'Abdu'l-Hádí as betrothed to Táhirih 's daughter, and as one of her companions, as she traveled from
> Karbilá to Qazvín. He also reports that Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, one of the Letters of the Living was another
> one of those companions (Ibid.). Amanat (p. 298) reported that Marziya [Mardíya], the second daughter of
> Táhirih married the son of Mullá 'Abd al-Wahháb, a prominent Shaykhí leader in Qazvín. He indicated
> that the two sons of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní — Muhammad 'Alí and Muhammad Hádí — became Bábís
> (Amanat, p. 320). Inasmuch as Siyyid 'Abdu'l-Hádí has been identified in ZARANDI as betrothed to
> Táhirih 's daughter, and Mírzá Hádí has been identified in ZARANDI as the son of Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb
> Qazvíní; and as the husband of Mardíya, the second daughter of Táhirih is described as the son of Mullá
> 'Abd al-Wahháb of Qazvín (in Amanat); and the sons of 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní are called Muhammad
> 'Alí and Muhammad Hádí (in Amanat); and Mírzá Hádíy-i-Qazvíní is called the son of Hájí Mírzá 'Abdu'l-
> Vahháb, and brother of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (in Balyuzi and Amanat) — it seems most likely that this is
> the same person who is identified as a Letter of the Living. Balyuzi states that Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní,
> although a Letter of the Living, did not take an active part in the Bábí community, that he "taught the Faith
> with caution" (Balyuzi, p. 27). ZARANDI (p. 162) states that Mírzá Hádí was summoned along with Mírzá
> Muhammad-'Alí Nahri and Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní to meet with the Báb at the home of Hájí Mírzá
> Siyyid 'Alí — his former guardian — shortly before the Báb was forced to leave Shíráz for Isfáhán.
> According to Sepehr Manuchehri, ZUHUR (volume III) reports Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní refused to take part
> in the campaign at Shaykh Tabarsí, and this source gives a clear explanation of the exact relationship of
> Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní and Táhirih, and the names of others with whom he associated. According to Adib
> Taherzadeh ("The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh," volume II, p. 145; and "The Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh," p.
> 5), Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní ultimately followed Mírzá Yahyá rather than Bahá'u'lláh. Sepehr Manuchehri
> indicates that he made this choice in Adrianople (Edirne). MacEoin (p. 52) cites a prayer written in reply
> to questions from Mírzá Hádí Qazvíní and Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní, listed in the Báb's "Kitáb al-
> fihrist." He also lists a letter of the Báb to 'Abdu'l-Wahháb (MacEoin, p. 191), and this may be addressed to
> Mullá 'Abdu'l-Wahháb Qazvíní.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             41
> 
> Bashír(54), Mullá Báqir Turk(55), Mullá Ahmad Abdál(56), with some others(57). There [in the mosque
> of Kúfa'] they occupied themselves with strange and surprising austerities.(58)"
> 
> (51)Mírzá Muhammad Hádí seems to have been the brother of Mírzá Hádíy-i Qazvíní (Balyuzi, p. 27), the
> 
> son of Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb (SAMANDAR, p. 15; cited by Shoghi Effendi, "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 81, n. 1; Amanat, p. 298); also named Mírzá Muhammad -'Alí Qazvíní (ZARANDI, p. 81; Balyuzi, p. 26),
> Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 176), Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní (Amanat, p. 179), and
> apparently also Muhammad Hádí (Amanat, p. 326). He should not be confused with Muhammad Hádíy-i-
> Farhádí (ZARANDI, p. 284), who is also referred to as Muhammad-Hádí (Ibid., pp. 284-285). All sources
> agree that he was a Letter of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 81, 290-291; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176, 179,
> 298). MacEoin (p. 52) cites a prayer written in reply to questions from Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní and
> his brother Mírzá Hádí, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist," an early work of the Báb which gives a list of his writings
> up to 21 June 1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Amanat reports that Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní was one of the
> group of Bábís who was sent to the 'Atabát in 1844 (Amanat, pp. 211-212). ZARANDI (pp. 291-293) and
> Balyuzi (p. 168) write that Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní participated in the Badasht conference in 1848.
> Amanat (p. 326) states that Muhammad Hádí took part in this conference, and apparently he is referring to
> the same person.
> 
> (52)Siyyid Husayn Yazdí, was appointed one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p.
> 
> 27; Amanat, p. 176); and was also known as "'Azíz" (venerable) (Balyuzi, p. 27; MacEoin, p. 13), and
> "Kátib" (amanuensis, scribe) [Balyuzi, p. 27). Like so many of his fellow Letters, Siyyid Husayn Yazdí
> had been a Shaykhí student prior to his conversion to the Bábí Cause (MacEoin, p. 12). ZARANDI
> refers to Siyyid Husayn Yazdí in a number of passages (pp. 192-193, 212, 219, 227, 243-250, 252, 257,
> 507-509, 513-517, 629-631), most of which relate directly to his services as one of the Báb's scribes,
> which enabled him to be a constant companion to the Báb in his journeys and his imprisonments.
> ZARANDI (pp. 513-514) recounts that Siyyid Husayn Yazdí was with the Báb until he was executed,
> and that it was his wish to be martyred along with his Master (Ibid., p. 630). Such was Siyyid Husayn's
> knowledge of the Bábí teachings that the Báb addressed a Tablet to Mírzá Yahyá (Ibid., p. 629) urging
> him to seek enlightenment from this amanuensis. He was confined in the same prison, the Síyáh-Chál,
> as Bahá'u'lláh, until his death (Ibid., p. 631). 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 27) mentions Áqá Siyyid Husayn, the
> Báb's amanuensis but once, stating that he was found seated beside the Báb after the latter's
> disappearance following the first attempt at his execution. He was the principal amanuensis of the Báb
> (MacEoin, p. 12), and transcribed the "Bayán-i-fársí," the original manuscript of which is preserved in
> the International Bahá'í Archives (Balyuzi, p. 132; MacEoin, pp. 13, 182). Only one other manuscript in
> the handwriting of this scribe has been located, twenty-seven pages of the "Kitáb al-asmá'" (MacEoin, p.
> 188). Balyuzi (pp. 27, 115, 118, 124, 129, 132, 146, 156) and Amanat (pp. 176, 178-180, 216n, 374, 381,
> 401, 405, 434) have referred to this noble figure in the early history of the Bábí Cause.
> 
> (53)Mullá Hasan Bajistání was appointed one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27;
> 
> Amanat, p. 176). Amanat (p. 179) lists Mullá Bajistání as one of those Letters — along with Mírzá
> Muhammad Rawdih Khán Yazdí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176); Mullá Khudá-
> Bakhsh Qúchání, later named Mullá 'Alí (ZARANDI, p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176); and Sa'íd
> Hindí (ZARANDI, p. 80; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 5; Balyuzi, p. 27; Amanat, p. 176) — who were inactive
> Bábís or who defected from the Bábí Cause. Balyuzi (p. 27) reports that Mullá Hasan Bajistání became
> estranged from the Bábí Cause after the martyrdom of the Báb until he attained the presence of Bahá'u'lláh
> in Baghdád; thereafter he was confirmed in his faith, and ultimately became a Bahá'í. MacEoin (p. 191)
> notes the existence of a letter written by the Báb addressed to Mullá Hasan Bajistání.
> 
> (54)Mullá Bashír is not mentioned by this name in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA, Balyuzi, Amanat or
> 
> MacEoin. Bashír is a proper name and means "messenger of good news" in Arabic (Steingass, p. 190). In
> ZARANDI (p. 590) we find Mullá Báshí, also known as Mullá Ibráhím, who was martyred in Sultán-
> Ábád. Báshí is a Persian word derived from báshá, meaning "governor of a province, counsellor of state,
> great lord; also sometimes the gradn vazir; a kind of falcon, a hawk" (Steingass, p. 147). The Bábí named
> Mullá Báshí related to Nabíl Zarandí his memories of Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí (ZARANDI, pp. 588-590).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        42
> 
> While no other references to Mullá Báshí have been found in the sources consulted, there are a few
> more to Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí in ZARANDI (pp. 588-590). ZARANDI (p. 589) states that Siyyid Basír-i-
> Hindí learned of the Bábí Cause in the city of Mooltan (at that time a city in India, now in Pakistan),
> from Shaykh Sa'íd-i-Hindí, one of the Letters of the Living. JADID (pp. 245-246) reported that Siyyid
> Basír-i-Hindí was from India, blind from the age of seven, and that he first heard of the Báb in Bombay
> (cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 588-589, n. 1). KAF (pp. 255-258) refers to a blind Súfí from India
> named Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí who became a Bábí, and who subsequently traveled to Gílán, Anzalí,
> Qazvín, Tihrán, Kashán, and Núr, in which last-named location he spent four months in the company
> of Bahá'u'lláh, of Vahíd (whom MacEoin supposes to be Mírzá Yahyá), and of an individual
> denominated "Nuqtatu'l-Káf" and who is allegedly the author of this history of the Bábí Cause (cited
> MacEoin, pp. 150-151). All three of these sources (ZARANDI, JADID and KAF) report that Siyyid
> Basír-i-Hindí was blind and of Indian origin. According to ZARANDI, there were three distinct
> followers of the Báb who were of Indian birth — Shaykh Sa'íd-i-Hindí, one of the Letters of the Living;
> Siyyid Basír-i-Hindí; and the Súfí "darvísh" (renunciate) named "Qahru'lláh" (Force of God), who is
> described in ZARANDI (pp. 305-306), ZUHUR (volume III), and Balyuzi (p. 137).
> 
> (55)Mullá Báqir Turk seems to be the individual called Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, p. 368;
> 
> Balyuzi, pp. 27, 151, 168, 174; Amanat, p. 212, n. 7, p. 284, p. 383); Mullá Báqir (ZARANDI, pp. 504-
> 505; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 25); Mullá Muhammad Báqir Tabrízí (Amanat, pp. 176, 178, 306); and
> Muhammad Báqir Tabrízí (Amanat, p. 179). Balyuzi has explained that the individual referred to as
> Mullá Báqir in the story related by these two sources is Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (p. 151). One of the
> participants in the Badasht conference was Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (Balyuzi, p. 168). This Letter of the
> Living traveled with Bahá'u'lláh, with Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání and Mírzá Yahyá, intending to join the
> other Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí; that they were detained and imprisoned, and eventually permitted to
> return to Tihrán but not to proceed to Shaykh Tabarsí (ZARANDI, pp. 368-376; Balyuzi, p. 174). A
> couple of passages in MU'IN are based on first-hand statements by Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (cited in
> MacEoin, p. 176). ZUHUR (pp. 20-22) published a letter from the Báb to Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (cited
> MacEoin, p. 95). According to Sepehr Manuchehri, this letter was published in KASHF ("Kashf al-
> Ghitá'," the history begun by Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání and completed by Siyyid Mahdí
> Gulpáygání) rather than in ZUHUR. ZARANDI (p. 504-505) relates that forty days before the Báb was
> summoned to Tabríz, he entrusted all his Tablets and other documents, his pen-case, seals and agate
> rings, gathered together in a coffer, to Mullá Báqir, who was instructed to take these to Mírzá Ahmad,
> the Báb's amanuensis, along with a letter instructing him to convey them to Bahá'u'lláh in Tihrán. KAF
> (pp. 238-245) alleges — in a passage which has only been found in the manuscript version of this history
> that once belonged to A.L.M. Nicolas and is now in the Biblioteque Natonale de Paris — that all of
> these items were sent to Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (cited by MacEoin, p. 24, n. 79). This report in KAF
> is in conflict with the account in "God Passes By" (p. 167) in which Shoghi Effendi states that on 22
> Shavvál 1282 A.H. Bahá'u'lláh instructed his brother, Mírzá Músá, known as Áqáy-i-Kalím ("The
> Dawn-breakers," lxiii) while they were residing in Adrianople and shortly after a permanent separation
> was effected between the household of Bahá'u'lláh and that of his half-brother Mírzá Yahyá, to deliver
> to Mírzá Yahyá "certain relics he had long coveted, such as the seals, rings, and manuscripts in the
> handwriting of the Báb..." Muhammad Báqir was also the name of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í's nephew, as
> found in ZARANDI (pp. 50-55, 69). Other Bábís with similar names were: 1) Mírzá Muhammad Báqir-
> i-Qá'iní (Balyuzi, pp. 56, 175) who is also called Mullá Muhammad Báqir Qá'iní (Amanat, pp. 273-275,
> 279) and Harati (Ibid., p. 279, 458); and 2) Mullá Muhammad Qá'iní, known as Nabíl Qá'iní, Mullá
> Muhammad Báqir Qá'iní's nephew (Amanat, p. 279, n. 160), also called Fádil-i Qá'iní (MacEoin, p.
> 130), Áqá Muhammad Fádil-i Qá'iní and Nabíl-i-Akbar (MacEoin, pp. 160, 268). 'Abdu'l-Baha includes
> a biography of Nabíl-Qá'iní (Nabíl-i-Akbar) in "Tadhkirat al-Wafá'" (pp. 49-54 of the English translation
> entitled "Memorials of the Faithful"). Other sources for his life are listed by MacEoin (p. 160, n. 23),
> including: Ishráq Khávarí, "Ganj-i sháyigán" (Tihrán:1967-1968, pp. 141-144); Fádil-i Mázindarání,
> "Asrár al-athár" (Tihrán:1972-1973, vol. 5, pp. 12-15); and 'Azízu'lláh Sulaymání, "Masábíh-i hidáyat"
> (Tihrán:1947, vol. 1, pp. 275-350). 3) Áqá Muhammad Báqir-i-Tihráni, a merchant, brother of
> Mushiru't-Tujjar (a Bábí martyr) and the transcriber of a chronicle composed by Mírzá Luft-'Alí Shírází
> on the Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí (Balyuzi, pp. 239-240; MacEoin, p. 215, n. 12).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           43
> 
> Indeed, after the death of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, which took place in 1259(59), his disciples, after
> spending forty days(60) at Kúfa', set out throughout the Muslim world to find his successor. Hence
> 
> (56)Mullá Ahmad Abdál (Amanat, p. 99), was also known as Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál-i-Marághi'í (ZARANDI,
> 
> p. 80; Balyuzi, p. 26; MacEoin, pp. 83, 95, 178); Ahmad Abdál Marághihí (Amanat, p. 179); and Mullá
> Ahmad Abdál Marághihí (Amanat, pp. 176, 178, 181 n. 161, 285). He is identified as a Letter of the Living
> by ZARANDI (p. 80), Balyuzi (p. 26), Amanat (pp. 99, 176), and MacEoin (p. 83). Balyuzi (pp. 131-132)
> cites a letter written by Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál, probably to one of the uncles of the Báb, which asserts that
> the Russian government, like the Persian government, was afraid of the immense popularity of the Bábí
> Cause. MacEoin (p. 95) cites a letter of the Báb addressed to Mullá Ahmad Ibdál [Marághi'í], published in
> ZUHUR (pp. 53-54). "Táríkh-i amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján," by Áqá Haydar 'Alí Uskú'í (cited by MacEoin, p.
> 178) is a manuscript history of the Bábís in Ádhirbáyján which contains a biography of Mullá Ahmad Ibdál
> Marágha'í.
> 
> (57)Nicolas speaks of other Shaykhís who accompanied the ones he listed to their "i'tikáf" (retreat) in the
> 
> mosque of Kúfa'. Amanat reports (p. 163, n. 75) that there is no complete list, but that more than sixteen
> have been identified by compiling names from varied sources. ZUHUR and SIPIHR list new names, and
> MU'IN cites more than forty individuals, women among them, notably including Qurratu'l-'Ayn Táhirih
> (cited in Amanat, p. 163, n. 75). However, no historian to date has identified all of the participants in this
> spiritual exercise.
> 
> (58)The austerities practiced during the "i'tikáf" are described generally as "prayers and contemplation"
> 
> (Amanat, p. 163), while Qurratu'l-'Ayn speaks of "prayers and asceticism" in a "Risála" (cited Amanat, p.
> 164, n. 85). While Amanat does not detail these practices, it is evident that the Shaykhís engaged in certain
> exercises in order to prepare themselves, both spiritually and physically, for the journey ahead, a journey
> which they all believed would ultimately lead to the discovery and recognition of the One promised by their
> deceased master, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. For many if not all of these Shaykhís, this new master was the
> "Sáhib al-Zamán," the Imám Mahdí, the Qá'im. A journey of more momentous import could scarcely be
> imagined. They were preparing themselves to leave the valley of search (to employ a metaphor from
> Farídu'd-Dín 'Attar's "Mantíq ut-Tayr"), to enter the valley of passionate love for they could not imagine a
> more intense passion than to be united with the Promised One of God. And the "hudhud" (hoopoe) who led
> them to this valley of love was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í.
> 
> (59)Siyyid Kázim Rashtí passed away, according to ZARANDI (p. 45) "on the day of 'Arafih, in the year
> 
> 1259 A.H." MacEoin states (p. 47, n. 19) that 'Arafih 1259 is 9 Dhu'l-Hijja 1259 (31 December 1843).
> Amanat (p. 153, n. 2; p. 168, n. 97) and MacEoin (pp. 46-47, n. 19) have reported that his death took place
> on 11 Dhu'l-Hijja 1259 (2 January 1844), based on QATIL (cited in ZUHUR, p. 509); FIHRIST (vol. I, pp.
> 122, 159); chronograms reproduced in "Makárim al-Áthár dar Ahvál-i Rijál-i Daurih-yi Qájár," by
> Muhammad 'Alí Mu'allim Habíbábádí (Isfáhán:1958, vol. I, p. 220); a letter of the Báb from Máh-Kú to his
> uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Khál-i-A'zam (reproduced in ZUHUR, p. 223-225, 264; also INBA, n. 58, pp.
> 160-162), in which he states that Siyyid Rashtí died nineteen days before the commencement of revelation
> — which began at the start of the year 1260 — and 1 Muharram 1260 corresponds to 22 January 1844
> according to Shoghi Effendi in "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 47, n. 2), twenty days after 2 January; and a
> "tawqí'" (ordinance) authored by the Báb (cited in Hájí Husayn Qulí Jadíd al-Islám, "Minháj al-Tálibín fí al-
> Radd 'alá al-Firqa al-Hálika al-Bábíya" (Bombay:1902, pp. 101-104; cited Amanat, p. 168, n. 97).
> 
> (60)The "i'tikáf" (retreat) of forty days mentioned here is a traditional observance in Islam which may owe
> 
> its origin to Jewish and Christian mysticism. In the "Tanakh" (Hebrew Bible), there are forty day cycles
> recorded in connection with the flood (Genesis 7:17); the days of embalming of the patriarch Jacob by
> his son Joseph (Genesis 50:3); the falling of the manna and wandering in the wilderness of the children of
> Israel (Exodus 16:35, Numbers 14:34); the giving of the law to Moses on Mount Sinai (Exodus 24:18);
> Elijah's period of fasting (First Book of Kings 19:8); the grace period given the city of Nineveh (Jonah
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         44
> 
> they sought a person superior, or at least an equal to their deceased master. Before separating,
> many of them promised to inform each other of the happy success of their investigations, in the
> event that any one succeeded in finding the one whom the Qur'an and Siyyid Kázim had
> promised to them. Among these seekers, three were united by an indissoluble friendship: these
> were Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, Muqaddas Khurásání and Mullá 'Alí Gawhar(61).
> 
> Bábí tradition indicates that two years passed between the day on which Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
> left Karbilá and the day on which he announced to the world the mission with which he had been
> invested; that would bring us to the year 1258, and before the death of Kázim. But if we reckon
> that he arrived at the holy places at the end of his nineteenth year or perhaps in the midst of his
> twentieth year, then we are obliged to recognize that he must have sojourned in Karbilá for two
> 
> 3:4); and a prophetic period (found in Ezekiel 4:6 and 29:11). In the Gospels, the fasting and retreat of
> Jesus in the wilderness is forty days in length (Matthew 4:2). The employment of this spiritual exercise in
> Islamic mystical practice, in the Súfí "taríqa" (order) has been fully detailed in many publications, and
> need not be repeated here. That this retreat was not restricted to Súfís is evident from its employment by
> the Shaykhís, inasmuch as Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí were actually hostile to
> many Súfí practices and beliefs. Nor was this adopted by the Shaykhís merely as an extraordinary
> measure, because of the passing of their leader, Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. Based on various sources (p. 163,
> n. 77), Amanat notes that the Shaykhís used "i'tikáf…as a means for exploring the truth by abstinence
> from all desires and destruction of falsehood" including "devotion, nightly vigilance, and fasting" (p.
> 163). He likewise asserts that Shaykh Ahmad, Siyyid Kázim and Mullá Husayn are reported to have
> undertaken such retreats (Ibid.). Quddús also practiced "i'tikáf" once he became a student of Siyyid
> Kázim (Amanat, p. 182). Mullá Muhammad Hamzih Sharí'atmadár (d. 1281/1864), a student of
> Shaykh Ahmad (Amanat, p. 97), undertook the "i'tikáf" in the "masjid" of Kúfa' on the advice of Shaykh
> Ahmad (according to sources cited in Amanat, p. 98, n. 130 and p. 100, n. 145: ZUHUR, pp. 134-135;
> MURTADA, pp. 140-175; 'Abd al-Karím Sharí'atmadáríyán, "Sharh-i Zindigí-yi Mullá Muhammad
> Hamzih' Sharí'atmadár," citing "Asrár al-Shaháda" by Muhammad Hamzih' Sharí'atmadár,"
> manuscript in INBA 1009D). The forty day sojourn of a group of Siyyid Kázim's disciples in Kúfa',
> immediately following his funeral, is mentioned by Balyuzi in a single sentence (pp. 15-16). Amanat, as
> we have seen, devotes a few pages to this "i'tikáf" (pp. 163-166, 177, 344). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 59-
> 60) mentions only one "i'tikáf", that of Mullá Husayn in a mosque in Kúfa' prior to his traveling to
> Shíráz, right after the passing of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí.
> 
> (61)Mullá 'Alí Gawhar is probably Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar, who is described as one of the students of Siyyid
> 
> Kázim and "exceptionally corpulent" in ZARANDI (p. 39). Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar receives considerable
> attention in Amanat (pp. 62, 69, 154-155, 160, 165n, 219, 228-231, 247n, 263, 299-300, 306, 309).
> According to Amanat's findings, Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar, a long-time student of Siyyid Rashtí, and
> appointed by him as caretaker of his disciples for the first forty-five days after his passing, attempted
> unsuccessfully to attract the Shaykhís to his own leadership, and opposed the Báb and his followers. Abu'l-
> Qasim Afnan (p. 77) refers to this individual as Shaykh Hasan-i-Gawhar. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed
> out that the friendship reported by Nicolas between Mírzá Hasan-i-Gawhar and Mullá Husayn-i-
> Bushrú'í is highly debatable. Certainly, the sources consulted for this study do not confirm such a
> friendship. Manuchehri indicated that Gawhar may have become preoccupied with setting up his own
> leadership and come to view Mullá Husayn as a threat to his position among the Shaykhís, refusing to
> travel to Írán with him. On the other hand, Manuchehri states that a friendship between Mullá Sádiq
> Khurásání and Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í is confirmed by a multitude of sources. The Báb listed a letter to
> Mullá Hasan Gawhar in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (cited MacEoin, p. 51); however, this letter does not seem to have
> survived.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               45
> 
> and a half or three years(62), because he was not yet twenty-five years of age on the 5th of Jamádi
> al-Ákhar of the year 1260(63).
> 
> (62)Nicolas translates I'TIDAD: "He spent in this way two years (in Karbilá)." And SIPIHR: "He remained
> 
> there for two years." Please see footnotes (23) and (27) for other reports regarding the duration of the Báb's
> sojourn in Karbilá.
> 
> (63)Please see footnote (1) this Chapter for the birth-date of the Báb, and his age at the time of his declaration.
> 
> The date of that declaration was appparently established by the Báb himself in "Bayán-i-fársí," váhid II: báb
> 7, verse 30, which is translated by Shoghi Effendi, based on the manuscript in the hand of Siyyid Husayn
> Yazdí, the principal amanuensis and companion of the Báb ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 61, n.1):
> 
> "The beginning thereof was when two hours and eleven minutes [had passed] from the evening
> preceding the [day of the] fifth of Jamádiyu'l-Úlá, 1260 [A.H.], which is the year 1270 of the
> mission [of Muhammad]."
> 
> This verse was translated by Habib Taherzadeh, with the assistance of a committee at the Bahá'í World
> Centre ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," Haifa:1978, p. 107) as follows:
> 
> "the beginning of which was when two hours and eleven minutes had passed on the even of the fifth
> of Jumádiyu'l-Avval, 1260 A.H., which is the year 1270 of the Declaration of the Mission of
> Muhammad ."
> 
> The same passage is translated by A.L.M. Nicolas ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69):
> 
> "C'est cela ce que Dieu a promis dans le Qoran et le commencement (de ce jugement dernier) est a
> deux heures onze minutes de la nuit du 5 Djemadi el ewel de l'annee 1260 qui est l'annee 1270 a
> dater du jour ou fut suscite Mohammed. C'est a cet instant meme que commence le jugement
> dernier du Qoran qui aura lieu jusqu'au coucher de l'arbre de la Verite."
> 
> An English translation of this passage reads as follows:
> 
> "This is that which God promised in the Qur'án and the beginning (of this final judgment) is at two
> hours and eleven minutes [after the setting of the sun] in the night of the 5th of Jamádi al-Awal in
> the year 1260 which is the year 1270 dated from the spiritual awakening of Muhammad . It is at
> this very instant that the final judgment of the Qur'án begins, which will take place until the setting
> of the Tree of Reality."
> 
> In his "Summary of the Persian Bayán" ("Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," p. 330), Browne
> states, in his summary of the contents of váhid II: báb 7 of "Bayán-i-fársí," "the beginning of this
> Manifestation of the Bayán was when two hours and fifteen minutes had passed from the even of Friday the
> fifth of Jumáda'l-Úlá A.H. 1260...which is the year 1270 of the Call". It is apparent that the manuscripts of
> "Bayán-i-fársí" consulted by Browne contained an alternate number of minutes after sunset from the
> number cited in translations of other manuscripts by Shoghi Effendi, Habib Taherzadeh and Nicolas.
> MacEoin (p. 42), Amanat (p. 170, n. 107) and Browne (in Note C, pp. 222-226, to 'ABDU'L-BAHA) base
> their dating of the Báb's declaration on this verse alone. Balyuzi does not cite any authority for this date (pp.
> 17, 22).
> 
> Browne also cites "Bayán-i-fársí," váhid VI: báb 13 (in Note C, pp. 222-226), and his summary reference to
> this verse reads ("Selections," p. 383): "Had its maturity been at two hours of the night of Thursday the fifth
> of Jamádi'ul-Awwal it would not have appeared five minutes later." Nicolas' translation of this passage
> follows (tome 3:1913, p. 128):
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               46
> 
> "Et si cette perfection eut ete atteint a deux heures de la nuit du cinq Djemadi el ewel, la
> manifestation n'aurait pas eu lieu cinq minutes plus tard."
> 
> An English translation of this verse indicates that the text is identical to that cited by Browne:
> 
> "And if this perfection had been attained at 2 hours of the night on the 5th Jamádi al-Awwal, the
> manifestation would not have taken place five minutes later."
> 
> Nicolas states (Chapter II) that the day and time of the Báb's declaration was 5 Jamádi al-Ákhar 1260 at 2
> hours and 5 minutes of the night (after sunset), which he calculates as 11 June 1844, without citing any
> evidence in support of this specific timing. According to the authorities earlier cited for calculating
> Gregorian from Hijra dates, 5 Jamádi al-Ákhar 1260 actually corresponds to 2 June 1844. It seems very
> peculiar that Nicolas would have reported the Báb's declaration for this date and time, when his translation
> of "Bayán-i-fársí" contains a specific verse wherein the Báb establishes his declaration for an altogether date
> and time ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69). We might suppose that Nicolas may not have been
> apprized of this verse at the time that "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" was published (1905), six years
> before the publication of the first volume of his translation of the "Bayán-i-fársí" (1911). However, Nicolas
> attests that his translation of "Bayán-i-fársí" was first effected in 1889 ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I, p. i, n. 1),
> six years before the publication of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Furthermore, when he essayed a
> rendering of 5 Jamádi al-Awwal 1260 from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb 7), in his rendering of this Hijra
> date to its Gregorian equivalent, he made a faulty calculation — he makes it out to be 12 May 1844 rather
> than 22/23 May 1844 ("Le Beyan Persan," tome I, p. 69, n. 2).
> 
> As for the copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" used by Nicolas in preparing his translation of that work, according to
> MacEoin (p. 182), it has not been located. Only one of the three manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí" that Nicolas
> is known to have possessed has been located, and this copy is in the International Bahá'í Archives. Two of
> the three manuscripts, including the one he used to prepare his translation, were written in the hand of
> Mírzá Yahyá (MacEoin, p. 182). As in the case of the Báb's date of birth [please see note (1)], it appears that
> Nicolas' calculations are not trustworthy. As we have noted, all of the extant manuscripts of "Bayán-i-fársí"
> which have thus far been studied, including one of those used by Nicolas in his translation, yield the date
> cited by Shoghi Effendi, Browne, Amanat, and MacEoin as that of the declaration of the Báb. Inasmuch as
> all of the manuscript copies of "Bayán-i-fársí" have yet to be compared, this date might be regarded by some
> as tentative, if based exclusively on the text of "Bayán-i-fársí."
> 
> Of the early chronicles, the only one which gives a date for the Báb's declaration is ZARANDI (p. 61), and
> herein it is stated that this event took place on "the eve preceeding the sixty-fifth day after Naw-Rúz, which
> was also the eve of the sixth day of Khurdád, of the year Nahang." If Naw-Rúz fell on 20 March in the year
> 1844, then 23 May would have corresponded to the sixty-fifth day after Naw-Rúz, and the eve preceding
> that day would have fallen on 5 Jamádi al-Úlá). SIPIHR stated that Naw-Rúz 1260 fell on the 29th day of
> Safar of the Hijra calendar, and this corresponds to 20 March 1844 (www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html).
> 
> It should be noted that the declaration of the Báb was by no means the beginning of his revelation of verses.
> As has been noted earlier, the Báb, according to his own statement, prefixed to "Tafsír Súratu'l-Baqara,"
> began this work in the month of Dhu'l-Qa'da 1259 (November-December 1843), some six months prior to
> his declaration (MacEoin, p. 46, 47). In a letter written from Máh-Kú to his uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
> (manuscript in INBA, n. 58, pp. 160-162; reproduced in ZUHUR, pp. 223-225, 264), the Báb stated that
> his revelation of verses began with the commencement of the year 1260 (1 Muharram 1260 corresponds to
> 22 January 1844 according to "The Dawn-breakers," p. 47, n. 2). A similar statement is found in a "tawqí'"
> (ordinance) by the Báb cited in Hájí Husayn Qulí Jadíd al-Islám, "Minháj al-Tálibín fí al-Radd 'alá al-Firqa
> al-Hálika al-Bábíya" (Bombay:1902, pp. 101-104). Both of these sources are cited in Amanat (p. 168, n. 97).
> Another date is associated with the onset of this revelation, found in "Kitáb al-fihrist", which is internally
> dated as written on 21 June 1845 (INBA 6003C, p. 286 and INBA 4011C, p. 63; cited in MacEoin, p. 43):
> "the first day on which the spirit descended into his heart was the middle [i.e., the fifteenth] of the month of
> Rabí' al-Ákhar."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              47
> 
> This calculation agrees perfectly with Bábí tradition and invalidates the Muslim legend(64) which
> alleged that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was present in Karbilá at the time of the death of Rashtí, that
> he was seen there with a number of the disciples of the deceased master, and that after certain
> portentous events — destined to appeal to the imagination of the vulgar — they all went together
> to Mecca to fulfill there the prophecies announcing that the Imám Mahdí must come forth from
> the holy city, raising the bared saber and calling the people to the one true God. This comic tale
> does not tally with what we positively know about the history of the various persons who were
> entangled in this tragedy.
> 
> Another question must also be examined here — the lack of instruction of the Báb. All the authors,
> whether Muslim or Bábí affirm that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad did not learn Arabic(65). Alone, the
> author(66) of "Qisas al-'Ulamá'" writes: "When I was in Karbilá I went to the class of Siyyid Kázim.
> Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad came there with everything needed for writing, and wrote down all that
> the professor said." I am willing to believe this; but if our hero were capable of following such a
> class, of being interested in it and of taking notes, why does he represent him to us afterwards, in
> the famous gatherings of Isfáhán(67) and Tabríz(68), more ignorant than a child, more fearful than a
> 
> Nicolas (in Chapter Two), states that this verse is found in "Kitáb al-haramayn" but MacEoin explains that
> Nicolas' copies of "Kitáb al-fihrist" and "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" ("Kitáb al-haramayn") were intermixed.
> Nicolas writes of the interpolation of the two in his bibliography for "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" (pp.
> 47-48). Amanat (p. 168, n. 98) seems to confuse the issue, by supposing that "Kitáb al-haramayn" was a
> separate book, written later than "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn." MacEoin's explanation appears to be the most
> sensible based on the available evidence. "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 62, n. 1) reproduces Nicolas' reference,
> but seems to tie it to the date of the Báb's declaration. Furthermore, it should be noted that Nicolas
> calculated 15 Rabí al-Awwal 1260 to correspond to 24 March 1844, and according to our date conversion
> website (www.unizh.ch/ori/hegira.html), this Hijra date would fall on 4 April 1844, as attested also by
> Amanat (p. 168). It appears that, once more, Nicolas was confused in his rendering of dates.
> 
> (64)Nicolas writes, with regard to the Muslim chroniclers, like SIPIHR and I'TIDAD: "Certain Muslim
> 
> traditions claim however that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was found in Karbilá at the time of the death of
> Siyyid Kázim Rashtí. According to them he there and then claimed to his [teacher's] succession and went to
> Kúfa' with the principal students of the deceased. There, after forty days of fasting and prayer, he was
> recognized in this quality [of successor]. It was in this way that he claimed to be the intermediary between
> men and the Imám Mahdí. I must say that the book "Nuqtatu'l-Káf," which I persist in attributing to Mírzá
> Jání, seems to confirm this tradition because he also claims that his Master would have declared himself at
> Kúfa', if the population had been prepared to recognize him, and that it is because of the lack of readiness of
> the Muslims, that the order of God underwent a delay; the Báb declared himself later, at Mecca. But for
> many reasons, I consider the "Nuqtatu'l-Káf," as lightly suspect in certain of its parts." Please see footnotes
> (23) and (27) for the sources pertaining to the Báb's sojourn in the 'Atabát.
> 
> (65)Nicolas translates I'TIDAD: "At the start of his life, he occupied himself with acquiring the Persian
> 
> sciences, but he learned only the elements of Arabic." Please see footnote (8) for more details regarding the
> education of the Báb.
> 
> (66)The author of "Qisas al-'ulamá'" is Mírzá Muhammad ibn Sulaymán Tunkábuní, and we have
> designated this source as TUNKABUNI.
> 
> (67)Here reference is made to the examination of the Báb's claims in the city of Isfáhán (see Chapter Two).
> 
> (68)Here reference is made to the interrogation of the Báb by a group of Muslim clergy in the city of Tabríz
> 
> (see Chapter Four).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             48
> 
> sheep, and finally, incapable of conjugating even the most simple Arabic verb? He who wishes to
> prove too much, proves nothing at all; all these contradictions show nothing...but the bad faith of
> the Muslim authors(69).
> 
> We are therefore in the presence of an almost general affirmation of a virtually universal
> agreement, that the Báb did not even study the rudiments of Arabic grammar; furthermore, he
> says so himself(70):
> 
> "Learn from me my order on the subject of my Remembrance.
> 
> "In truth, the spirit has aided it in every thing with the permission of God, and in truth
> there is no other god but God, the Powerful, the Beloved.
> 
> "Hence, when the age of this young man arrived at the moment in which it is obligatory to
> study the sciences, in truth We made him succeed in the "Jaziratu'l-Bahr" according to the
> tradition of Muhammad, Prophet of God in the past. And he learned nothing of your
> sciences from any of you. In truth! His relationship to this science was as if he had just been
> born of his mother; he was a stranger on this path. He was Ahmad, from the atoms of the
> Prophet of God, which were the science of God."
> 
> How then to explain his prodigious literary production? The answer to this is of the greatest
> simplicity. For the Bábis, the Báb being a Prophet, what happened to him is what took place to
> Muhammad, which we(72) admit for the apostles: the descent of the Holy Spirit taught all languages
> to them; it was God Who spoke by the mouth of the Arabian Prophet — the three cases are
> identical, and with him who has faith no discussion is possible.
> 
> The Muslims, for their part, simply say that the Báb had collaborators, and I regret to have found
> Europeans expressing the same opinion. First of all, this affirmation is contrary to historical truth,
> which is a grave error. We see, during the course of this story, the Báb beaten, pursued,
> 
> (69)Nicolas writes: "I am very well aware that Mr. de Gobineau (Joseph Arthur, le Comte de Gobineau,
> 
> author of "Les Religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," Paris:1865) is, himself also, of the opinion
> that the Arabic of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad is a a faulty Arabic, but I question the judgment of our [French]
> former minister at Tihrán, who did not know a word of this language, nor of Persian, which does not
> restrain the practice of attaching the title of "scholar" to his name. Scholar at a good price, for his book,
> "Religions and philosophies in Central Asia" — which is mistakenly taken as an original work — is nothing
> other than a very eloquent translation, but sometimes faulty, of the "Násikhu't-Taváríkh" [SIPIHR] made
> not by the author, but by a [Persian] Jew who knew a little French named Lalezar, and who was the
> professor of Mr. de Gobineau. As for the translation of the Arabic book of the "Precepts" (the Bayán, so says
> Mr. de Gobineau, which should suffice to denote his ignorance), I forewarn the reader that it is two-thirds
> incomprehensible and that the last third says exactly the opposite of the [orginal Arabic] text itself." Suffice
> it to say that Nicolas was not fond of M. de Gobineau! Please see the Introduction to this volume for more
> details. While the reference is not so very obvious, it appears that Nicolas thought it ironic that Gobineau
> should have employed a Jew to make his translations for him, inasmuch as Gobineau was a vociferous
> exponent of the racist doctrine which would consign the Jewish people, among many others, to the waste-
> bin of history.
> 
> (70)Nicolas does not give the source for this quotation from the Báb's Writings.
> 
> (72)Nicolas here assumes that his readers are Christians, and inasmuch as most were fellow francophones,
> 
> French men and women, his assumption would have been bonified.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          49
> 
> imprisoned in solitary confinement, and his pen does not stop. Secondly, which one of his disciples
> would have pandered their works under his name, and why would he do so? To flee a terrible
> responsibility, for there could be no other reason. But when do we see in the course of this story a
> single one of his followers who hesitated — for even one second — before facing the consequences
> of his actions? And what consequences! Death by torture. To hide from death, in order to throw
> oneself in its direction through another door would be to singularly resemble the one who jumps
> into the river to avoid being moistened by the rain.
> 
> There are therefore but two hypotheses to advance: either Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad learned Arabic
> during his sojourn of two or three years in Karbilá, but then this would have been known, and the
> Muslims would not affirm that he did not learn it(73); or one must admit the reality of a
> phenomenon the causes of which escape our comprehension.
> 
> Finally, and to finish with this question, being myself incapable of appreciating the Arabic of Siyyid
> 'Alí Muhammad, and to relate it — to his advantage or to his detriment — to that of the
> "Qur'an", I solicited the opinion of an Arabist of the highest standing, His Excellency Shams al-
> Dín Bey, the Ambassador of the Sublime Porte(74) in Tihrán, asking him to please tell me, leaving
> aside all question of religion, what he thought of the language of the Báb. He declared to me with
> much warmth and sincerity that he found it very beautiful, very elevated, sometimes faulty, but of
> a great poetry and of a perfect eloquence.
> 
> This was exactly the view of Mr. Houdas, the professor of colloquial Arabic at the École des
> Languages Orientales Vivantes(75).
> 
> (73)Nicolas once more translates I'TIDAD: "At the start of his life, he occupied himself with acquiring the
> 
> Persian sciences, but he did not learn the elements of Arabic"; and SIPIHR: "In his childhood, he occupied
> himself with learning Persian and the elements of Arabic." The reader is urged to consult footnote (8), this
> Chapter.
> 
> (74)The "Sublime Porte" denotes the government of the Ottoman Empire, the capital of that Empire, and
> 
> the seat of the Sultán (Emperor), in Istanbul (Constantinople).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           50
> 
> Chapter Two
> 
> The Declaration — The Pilgrimage — His Name
> 
> Meanwhile in Shíráz, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad reflected for a long time upon the teaching which he
> had received in Karbilá and upon the corruption there, in the midst of which those mulláhá(1) and
> mujtahidún(2) made religion a springboard from which to achieve wealth and honors.
> 
> The spectacle of these turpidities, these disgraces, vices and lies of the clerical order disgusted his
> pure and sincere soul. He felt the need of bringing about a profound reform in the public morals,
> but hesitated, more than once, before the prospect of the revolution that must needs be unleashed
> in order to deliver the bodies and the intellects of his countrymen from the bondage of
> brutalization and violence that weighed upon all of Persia for the greatest profit of an elite of
> pleasure seekers and for the greatest shame of the true religion of the Prophet(3). His perplexity
> must have been profound, his anguish terrible, and he needed the threefold support of which
> Horace speaks(4) so that he could precipitate himself with lowered head into that ocean of
> superstitions and hatreds that must finally engulf him. This is one of the most magnificent
> examples of courage that has been given to humanity to contemplate, and it is also an admirable
> proof of the love that our hero felt for his fellow men. He sacrificed himself for humanity — for it
> he gave his body and his soul; for it he submitted to privations, affronts, injuries, torture and
> martyrdom. He sealed with his blood the pact of universal fraternity, and like Jesus, he paid with
> his life for announcing a reign of concord, of equity and of the love of fellow being. More than any
> other, he knew what formidable dangers he was accumulating to his own risk, and he could judge
> for himself the exasperation to which fanaticism, cleverly excited, could attain. But all of the
> reflections which he entertained on this subject were not strong enough to turn him away from the
> 
> (1)"mulláhá" is the plural form of the Persian word "mullá." The Steingass Persian-English Dictionary
> 
> (New Delhi,India:1981) defines "mullá" as "a schoolmaster, doctor, learned man, a judge, a priest" (p.
> 1303); in this context, the meaning Nicolas refers to is that which most closely approximates
> "clergyman" — which, in the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í tradition, has somewhat different connotations than the
> Protestant "minister," the Roman Catholic or Eastern Orthodox "priest" and the Jewish "rabbi." The
> reader is referred to the entry for "mullá" in the "Encyclopaedia of Islám."
> 
> (2)"mujtahidún" is the plural form of the Arabic word "mujtahid." The Wehr Arabic-English Dictionary
> 
> edited by Cowan (Ithaca, New York:1994) defines "mujtahid" as "a legist formulating independent
> decisions in legal or theological matters, based on the interpretation and application of the four 'usúl'" (p.
> 169); the four 'usúl' — usually called "usúl al-fiqh" or "principles of the law" — are listed by
> Wehr/Cowan (p. 23) as 1)Qur'án; 2)"sunna" (the "tradition" also called "hadíth" composed of recorded
> sayings attributed to the Prophet Muhammad and, in Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám, those associated with his
> descendants, the twelve Imáms); 3)"qiyás" meaning "analogy"; and 4)"ijmá'" translated as "consensus."
> This term is derived from "ijtihád" which Wehr/Cowan (p. 169) as "effort, exertion, endeavor, pains,
> trouble; application, industry, diligence; (Islámic law) independent judgment in a legal or theological
> question, based on the interpretation and application of the four usúl, as opposed to taqlíd, q.v.;
> individual judgment." For further information on "ijtihád," "mujtahidún" and the four "usúl," the reader
> is referred to the entries for these terms in the "Encyclopaedia of Islám." For definitions of "taqlíd" the
> reader is referred to the same reference work, and to note (91) in Chapter Three.
> 
> (3)Muhammad , the Messenger of God, the Prophet of Islám.
> 
> (4)THIS CITATION HAS NOT YET BEEN LOCATED.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             51
> 
> path upon which he had already resolved to venture — fear had no hold on his soul, and tranquil,
> without deigning to glance in arrears, calm, in full possession of himself, he stepped into the
> furnace.
> 
> It was on the night of 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar(5) of the year 1260, at two hours and five minutes(6) of the
> evening(7), that having for a last time supplicated the Most Exalted(8) to indicate to him what he
> must do, he cried out(9):
> 
> "God has created me to instruct these ignorant ones, and to save them from the
> estrangement into which they have plunged!" (10)
> 
> From that moment, he burned his boats(11). He proclaimed himself to be the Door(12) that conducts
> to the knowledge of divine Truths. Thereby he referred to that affirmation of official theology(13)
> 
> (5)According to most sources, the Báb's declaration took place on 5 Jumáda al-Awwal rather than, as Nicolas
> 
> states, on 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar. Please see note (61) of Chapter One for details.
> 
> (6)According to Nicolas, the declaration of the Báb took place at 2 hours and 5 minutes in the evening (that
> 
> is, after sunset); other sources cite 2 hours and 11 minutes, or 2 hours and 15 minutes. Please see note (61) of
> Chapter One for details.
> 
> (7)"Evening" in this case refers to the period that begins at sunset. One day ends and another begins,
> 
> according to the Islámic calendar, at sunset. While unfamiliar to many other religionists and
> nationalities, this reckoning of the day is common to Jews, Muslims and Bahá'ís. Nicolas provides at this
> point in the text his calculation of 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 according to the Gregorian calendar, and
> arrives at 11 June 1844. As reported in note (63) of Chapter One, more recent scholars have indicated
> that 5 Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 corresponds to 2 June 1844. Please see this note (63) for more details.
> 
> (8)"a'líy" is an adjectival form of the Arabic word "'aluw" meaning in this form "high, tall, elevated; exalted,
> 
> sublime, lofty, august, excellent" according to Wehr/Cowan (p. 749). When preceded by a definite article,
> "al-'Alíy" refers to God, meaning "the Most High, the Supreme." This is one of the names and attributes of
> God. It is also especially associated with the person and revelation of the Báb, by himself and by Bahá'u'lláh
> as well. One reason for this association is that it refers to the given name of the Báb — 'Alíy" — which, until
> the time of the Báb's ministry, was associated for a thousand years with the Imám 'Alí, the first of the twelve
> Imáms of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. The Báb and Bahá'u'lláh indicate that this name of God is incomparably
> exalted above its prior connotations through the appearance and revelation of the Most Exalted ['Alíy], the
> Báb.
> 
> (9)Nicolas may be quoting the Báb, in which case he has not identified the provenance of this citation; or, he
> 
> may be voicing what he considers to be the Báb's sentiments on this occasion.
> 
> (10)Nicolas does not cite words of the Báb, except when they have been recorded in writing by the Báb
> 
> himself. It appears then that these words are from the Súrat al-Muluk, the first chapter of "Qayyúmu'l-
> Asmá'", which was, according to various accounts, revealed during the night of 5 Jumáda al-Awwal
> 1260/22-23 May 1844. Please see note (43) this Chapter, and note (16) Chapter Three for more details
> related to "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".
> 
> (11)This is a French expression which means the same as the English idiom: "he burned his bridges."
> 
> (12)The Arabic word translated here as "Door" is "Báb." Wehr/Cowan indicates (p. 98) that the root of this
> 
> word is the verb "b-w-b" which has the connotation "to divide into chapters or sections; to arrange in
> groups, arrange systematically, class, classify"; while the same source defines the noun "Báb" as "door, gate,
> opening, gateway, entrance, chapter, section, column, rubric, group, class, category, field." The Báb
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          52
> 
> according to which, with the passing of Muhammad and the twelve Imáms, the door of divine
> science had been closed; and humanity, having nobody left to consult in order to attain certitude
> regarding the mysteries of God, was thereafter obliged to content itself with probabilities. He
> summarily declared that this Door was open once again, that he was himself this Door; and that
> they who wished to attain to certainties regarding the divine nature had but to address themselves
> to him.
> 
> He wrote to the principal 'ulamá'(14), those whom he considered to be sincere in their faith and
> honest — for they can be found, "rari nantes in gurgite vasto"(15):
> 
> "Come to me, you who search, for the Door of divine knowledge is open in my person."(16)
> 
> While awaiting their replies, in the mosque of the blacksmiths(17), adjoining his house, he
> commenced his preaching, which included attacks upon the degeneracy of the established clergy.
> This was, for him, the cause of an unmitigated wrath, for he had a vigorous hatred of vice, which,
> in turn, released against him the fury of those who felt themselves touched by his blows.
> 
> It was at this moment that Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í arrived at Shíráz, having left Karbilá, as we
> have said, seeking him whose advent Siyyid Kázim Rashtí had announced. He rapidly attained
> certitude that he had found this one in the person of the young Siyyid, and thereafter showed
> towards him such respect, obedience, and devotion as was ultimately to bring about his own death.
> 
> indicated for himself the latter meaning, "door" or "gate", when he spoke of himself as "al-Báb"; he used the
> same word "Báb" to denominate the subdivisions of each chapter (called "wáhid" in Arabic and pronounced
> "váhid" in Persian) of certain of his works (including "Haykal al-dín," "Kitáb al-asmá'," "Bayán al-'arabíyya"
> and "Bayán-i-fársí"). This latter use of "Báb" is very common in Arabic literature.
> 
> (13)Nicolas makes reference here to the official theology of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims.
> 
> (14)"'ulamá'"  is the plural form of an Arabic word, "'Alím" meaning "learned, erudite; scholar, savant,
> scientist; (in Islám) theologian and expert in canonical law" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 745). It is this latter Islámic
> meaning which Nicolas is employing in this biography. As we have seen, the term "mullá" is more inclusive
> than "'Alím" and even more specific is the term "mujtahid".
> 
> (15)An English translation of this Latin phrase of undetermined origin: YET TO BE IDENTIFIED.
> 
> (16)The original of this text has yet to be identified as to origin. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 107) mentions
> 
> four different letters written by the Báb to the principal 'ulamá': 1) to the principal 'ulamá' of Isfáhán; 2)
> to the principal 'ulamá of Tabríz written in Chihríq; 3) to the principal 'ulamá' of Tabríz from an
> unknown location; 4) to the principal 'ulamá' of Írán. The last of these four, called "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" is
> cited in Abu'l-Qasim Afnan's book (pp. 107-111), and is stated by this author to have been revealed
> shortly after the Báb's return from pilgrimage. Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 26 February 2002) could not
> find the phrase cited here by Nicolas, so apparently it was penned in one of the other letters to the
> 'ulamá'. See note (56) in Chapter Four for details regarding the Tablet to the 'ulamá' revealed by the
> Báb in Máh-Kú.
> 
> (17)Nicolas refines his own translation as follows: "Or rather, the fabricants of sabers." We may observe that
> 
> the fashioning of swords was a useful occupation in a country that had much need of defensive (and
> apparently also of offensive) weapons, and which was still more likely to use the sword, in the mid-19th
> century, than to wield the firearm.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            53
> 
> He was thus the first believer, "Awwal min amín"(18), a title by which he was as often designated as
> by that of "Báb al-báb"(19), given him afterwards by his Master.
> 
> We will report elsewhere the story of his conversion, in order not to delay our narrative, but we are
> nevertheless obliged to stop here for a moment in order to explain the modalities of the
> “Declaration” — a subject which we will develop in the second volume(20).
> 
> The 5th of Jumáda al-Ákhar 1260 is not as it has been believed up to now the day upon which the
> Báb, suddenly illumined by the Spirit of God, understood and announced the mission with which
> he had been charged. This descent of the prophetic spirit took place some time before then, but
> the Báb concealed it so to speak within himself, and, its gestation having come to an end [at this
> time], he [openly] proclaimed to the world his summons to peace and fraternity. The date of this
> descent is given to us with precision in the "Kitáb al-haramayn":
> 
> "Say, O company, hear the order of the Eternity of God coming from his slave. In truth,
> this slave is a slave who was born the 1st Muharram of the year 1236.
> 
> "And in truth, today is the day of the month which is the month before Rajab of the year
> 1261. This was written in the Book of God."(21)
> 
> (18)"Awwal min amín" which means the "first of the faithful" is a title which the Báb bestowed upon Mullá
> 
> Husayn. Previous to the Báb's declaration, this title was associated exclusively with the Imám 'Alí, who was,
> according to Islámic tradition, the first man to believe in Muhammad's divine mission. It is recorded that
> the first woman to recognize his mission was Muhammad’s wife Khadíjih. Nicolas cites an unidentified
> passage from the writings of the Báb, as evidence of this identity, name and station for Mullá Husayn
> Bushrú'í. An English translation of Nicolas' French text:
> 
> "Say: 'In truth I have fixed from now, until the day to which God will permit me, the first who has
> believed in me as a witness and aid for you.'"
> 
> For more details concerning Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, please see note (22) of Chapter One.
> 
> (19)"Báb al-báb" means "Door of the door" (see note (12) for more details regarding the meaning of “Báb”).
> 
> In reference to this title of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, Nicolas cites and critiques the comments of le Comte de
> Gobineau, in his book entitled "Les Religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale" (Paris:1865): "Mr.
> Comte de Gobineau writes that the Báb, abandoning this title, adopted that of Point. 'The title of Báb, thus
> at liberty, was given to Bushrú'í.' Bushrú'í never had the two titles which are given to him here [by
> Gobineau], and as for that [title] of the Báb, we will see what it signified, and the impossibility that he who
> possessed it should cast off no matter which one of his titles."
> 
> (20)Nicolas refers here, as elsewhere in this biography, to a second volume. Inasmuch as a second volume
> 
> with the title of this work was not published at any time in subsequent years, it appears that Nicolas may
> have further developed these themes in other contexts. Also published in 1905 was his translation of the
> Báb's "Bayán al-'arabíyya" as "Le Beyan Arabe" (Paris:Leroux). Nicolas' "Avant-Propos" to this translation,
> which is 101 pages in length, comprising the first half of the entire volume, may well comprise that
> continuation and development of “Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb” of which he spoke here as a second
> volume. In any case, subsequent to the publication of this present volume, the "Avant-Propos" in question
> will be made available in English with appropriate annotations.
> 
> (21)Nicolas writes: "The half of the month which is before Rijib is 15 Jumáda al-Ákhar."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           54
> 
> "In truth, the first day on which the spirit descended into the heart of this slave was the 15th
> of the month of Rabí al-Awwal. And until today, in which God forbids you my verses,
> fifteen months have been written in the Book of God."(22)
> 
> The sermons of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, while vociferous, were not numerous — he had
> little time [to make them], for he departed(23) in the month of Sha'bán(24) to make his
> pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving behind him a stupified Shíráz.
> 
> Tradition would have it that he was accompanied on his voyage by various persons. I am unaware
> of the number and will limit myself to mentioning the name of his uncle, that of Bushrú'í and of
> Bárfurúshí(25). They went to Búshihr, where they took their places on a sailboat which was to
> (22)Nicolas writes: "The 15th of the month of Rabí al-Awwal of the preceeding year, which is to say 1260,
> 
> which is equivalent to the 21 March 1844."
> 
> Fariba Ghayebi (25 February 2002) pointed out that from 15 Rabí al-Awwal 1260 to 5 Jamádíyu'l-Úlá (the
> date of the declaration of the Báb) are forty-nine days, and hence that the former date corresponds to 5
> April 1844 in the Gregorian calendar, not 21 March 1844, as alleged by Nicolas. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 59)
> quotes a paragraph from a Tablet of the Báb addressed to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Quddús, which states
> that the first descent of the spirit upon the innermost heart [fu'ad] of the Báb took place during the month of
> Rabí al-Awwal, but without specifying the day of this descent. This same author mentions that at this very
> time Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was engaged in a forty-day "i'tikáf" in Kufa. Fariba Ghayebi (email dated 26
> February 2002) notes that between Rabí al-Awwal and Muharram 1261 there are nine months, not fifteen
> months as stated in Nicolas' copy of "Kitáb al-haramayn". See note (28) for more details related to the
> revelation of this book.
> 
> (23)The Báb left the city of Shíráz to undertake his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina on 26 Sha'bán 1260 (10
> 
> September 1844) according to the Báb's "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited Amanat, p. 239, n. 198; Abu'l-Qasim
> Afnan, p. 86); or during the month of Shavvál 1260 according to MU'IN (cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 129, n. 1). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 86) quotes the text of "Khutba al-Jidda" as establishing the date of the
> Báb's arrival in Medina on 7 Muharram 1261.
> 
> (24)Nicolas, who did not cite the "Khutba al-Jidda", nevertheless regarded Sha'bán as the month in which the
> 
> Báb departed Shíráz on pilgrimage.
> 
> (25)Amanat (p. 221, n. 210) cites "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 18), stating that the Báb described his only
> 
> companions on pilgrimage to be Quddús and Mubárak. Nicolas translates this passage from the “Bayán” as
> follows (tome II:1913, p. 164):
> 
> "Celui qui le connut et qui fit le pelerinage avec lui est celui-la meme sur lequel huit unites ont
> passees et Dieu l'honora aupres de ses anges au plus haut des cieux a cause de la facon dont il s'etait
> separe de tous, et son acte d'etre sans reproche dans le contentement de Dieu. Ce n'est pas qu'une
> grace speciale lui ait ete accordee car cette grace a ete accordee a tous. Mais tous sont dans
> l'ignorance de cette grace, car dans cette annee meme la manifestation du Livre du commentaire de
> la Sourate de Joseph parvint a tous(42)."
> 
> An English rendering of this passage reveals the following traits:
> 
> "He who recognized him and who took the pilgrimage with him is the same one upon whom eight
> unities have passed and God will honor him before His angels in the highest heavens because of the
> fashion in which he separated himself from all things, and his action is being without reproach in
> the contentment of God. It is not that a special grace was accorded to him, for this grace was
> accorded to all. But all are ignorant of this grace, for in this same year the Book of the Commentary
> on the Súrah of Joseph became manifest to all(42)."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               55
> 
> conduct them to Mascat. The winds were contrary, the voyage dragged on and lasted twelve days;
> the heat was oppressive, and soon the lack of water afflicted the passengers with the torments of
> thirst(26). Happily the boat was charged with a cargo of little lemons cultivated in Shíráz, which
> permitted our hero to sustain himself.
> 
> He retained from his voyage the very worst impression(27) —
> 
> "Know that the ways of the sea are painful — we do not wish them for our faithful ones.
> Voyage upon routes by land."
> 
> While this passage does identify only one person as the companion of the Báb on pilgrimage, it does not
> name that person, and Nicolas ("Le Beyan Persan," tome 3, p. 164, n. 1) thought that this companion of the
> Báb was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í. ZARANDI (pp. 86, 129) states that the Báb was accompanied by two
> persons only on his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina — his Ethiopian servant (please see Chapter One,
> note (18) for more detail) and Quddús, the eighteenth Letter of the Living. AFNAN (p. 37) likewise
> identified the pilgrimage party in this manner (cited Amanat, p. 241, n. 210). Amanat (Ibid.) cites the reports
> of Nicolas and MU'IN (p. 73) which name other companions, and indicates that these reports are
> erroneous. SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 238) and KAZEM-BEG (vol. VII, pp. 344n, 477-478n) claim that Quddús
> joined the Báb in the midst of the hájj, but this is not substantiated by other sources (Amanat, Ibid.).
> 
> (26)Nicolas cites a passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16) in the original Persian (p. 454, Note D),
> 
> which he translated into French as follows ("Le Beyan Persan," tome II:1913, p. 154):
> 
> "C'est ainsi que moi-meme, j'ai vu dans le voyage de la Meqqe, un personnage qui depensait des
> sommes considerables, mais hesitait devant la depense d'un verre d'eau pour son compagnon de
> route qui habitait avec lui. Cela se passait sur le bateau, et l'eau y etait rare, de telle sorte que moi-
> meme, dans le voyage de Bouchir a Mascat, qui dura quinze jours pendant lesquels on ne put faire
> d'eau, je dus me contenter de citrons doux.."
> 
> An English translation of this passage reads as follows:
> 
> "It is thus that I myself saw during the pilgrimage, a person who spent considerable sums of money,
> but who hesitated to share a glass of water with the fellow traveler who lived with him. This
> happened on the ship, and water was very rare there, so much so that I had to content myself with
> sweet lemons, during the voyage from Búshihr to Mascat, which lasted for fifteen days during
> which one could not find water."
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 131) cites the same passage from "Bayán-i-fársí" in an abbreviated fashion, and Amanat (p.
> 241) and Balyuzi (p. 71) likewise refer to this verse. It is curious that Nicolas states that this sea voyage lasted
> twelve days, while the Báb writes in "Bayán-i-fársí" that the voyage from Búshihr to Mascat was fifteen days
> in length. Amanat (p. 240), basing his account on "Khutba al-Jidda" (p. 239, n. 198) indicates that the Báb
> and his companions arrived in Búshihr on 6 Ramadán/20 September, boarding a ship for Jidda two weeks
> later. He also states, citing various sources (p. 241, n. 214) that the sea voyage lasted seventy-one days
> altogether, stopping in Kangan, Muscat and Mocha before arriving at Jidda. Hájí Abu'l-Hasan Shírází, one
> of the fellow passengers of the Báb, who later became a Bábí, told ZARANDI (p. 130) that this voyage
> lasted in total approximately two months.
> 
> (27)Tore Kjeilen, writes in an article on Babism in his "Encyclopaedia of the Orient" (http://i-
> cias.com/e.o/babism.htm) that among contemporary Bábís in Uzbekistan "travelling is restricted,
> especially sea travels."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             56
> 
> — he wrote in the "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn"(28), addressing his uncle(29), as we shall see later on.
> He returned in lengthy fashion to this subject in the "Bayán”(30). We must not believe that this is
> childishness; the sentiment which guided the Báb in his horror of the sea was more noble and
> more elevated. Struck by the egoism of the pilgrims, the exasperated egoism of stress, and by the
> dangers attending a voyage upon the sea, as well as generally by the state of filth in which the
> voyagers were obliged to live on deck, he wished to avoid giving men such occasions whereby they
> might give vent to their bad instincts and might ill-treat each other. We know that the Apostle
> expressly recommends politeness, indeed, the most refined courtesy in social relations(31):
> 
> "Do not sadden whoever it may be for whatever reason."
> 
> (28)"Kitáb  bayn al-haramayn" is best known as "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (ZARANDI, p. 137;
> MacEoin, pp. 60-61; Amanat, pp. 137, 246-249; Balyuzi, p. 73; Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 450). It was
> written between the cities of Mecca and Medina, as indicated by the title — "Epistle between the two
> holy places" — and is listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51), which latter book is dated 21 June
> 1845 (MacEoin, p. 50). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 450) writes that "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" was revealed
> during the first night of Muharram 1261. Inasmuch as the Báb journeyed to Mecca for the pilgrimage, it
> is certain that he was there during Dhi'l-Hijjih 1260, the month prior to Muharram (the first month of
> the Islamic year, hence 1261 A.H.), and thus it is entirely credible that he would have written a Tablet
> between Mecca and Medina [bayna'l-haramayn] on 1 Muharram 1261. Ten manuscripts of this work
> have been located, two of which are dated 1845 (MacEoin, pp. 61, 197-198). This book was addressed
> to a fellow pilgrim, Mírzá Muhammad Husayn Muhít-i Kirmání, in reply to his questions according to
> various sources (ZARQANI, pp. 134-138; MacEoin, pp. 60-61; Amanat, pp. 246-247; Balyuzi, pp. 72-
> 74). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 577) reports that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání and Mírzá Muhít were the two
> recipients of this work. He indicates that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání visited the Báb in Mecca and asked him
> some questions, which were answered in a long Tablet (most of which is now lost) received by this
> interlocutor in Medina, a short paragraph from which is cited (p. 609).
> 
> (29)Nicolas may have confused the Báb's uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) with Siyyid 'Alí
> Kirmání, who is mentioned by name in "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (Amanat, p. 241, n. 210). The
> circumstances of the writing of this work are regarded as well established by historians, and due to the
> nature of this work, it was certainly not written for the Báb's uncle. While it is possible that the Báb wrote
> another work, perhaps entitled "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn" or "Kitáb al-haramayn" and addressed to his
> uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, no copy of such a work has been preserved to the present. There is no
> mention of this title in "Kitáb al-fihrist" in any case, making it very unlikely that the Báb could have
> composed such a work during his pilgrimage. "Kitáb al-fihrist" contains a list of the works written by the
> Báb "between the beginning of the year 1260 to the middle of the first month of the year 1262" which
> MacEoin reckons from 22 January 1844 to 14 January 1846 (MacEoin, p. 50). Inasmuch as the Báb
> departed from Medina, his pilgrimage completed, on 6 February 1845 (Amanat, p. 243, citing "Khutbat al-
> Jidda"), everything he wrote during the pilgrimage should be found listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist." It seems likely
> that pages from a letter addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Khál-i-A'zam, were interspersed with the pages
> of Nicolas' copy of "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn". Indeed, Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 131) informs us that the Báb
> wrote a letter to his uncle from the city of Burazján, which is between Búshihr and Shíráz, on his way back
> from pilgrimage, which is dated 24 Jamádi al-Thání 1261.
> 
> (30)The Báb indeed dwells on the subject of pilgrimage journeys in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16) and
> 
> refers to other kinds of voyages in the same book (váhid VI: báb 17).
> 
> (31)Nicolas once more cites an unidentified passage from the writings of the Báb.
> 
> Fariba Ghayebi (email 26/2/02) pointed out that this verse is found in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 16),
> with the Persian wording: "dar hích hál bar hích nafsí huzn várid nayá varíd". In the very next verse it states
> that the reason for not saddening anyone is that the hearts of the believers are close to God.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              57
> 
> He was able, during this voyage, to himself attest to the nastiness of man and his brutality when he
> finds himself faced with difficult circumstances(32):
> 
> "For the saddest thing that I saw during my pilgrimage to Mecca were the constant
> disputes of the pilgrims amongst themselves, disputes which removed from them the
> general blessings of their pilgrimage."
> 
> He arrived at Mascat where he rested a few days, during which he sought to convert the people of
> the land — without success. He addressed himself to one among them, probably a clergyman and
> of elevated rank, through whose conversion might be brought about that of his fellow citizens —
> this I suppose, for he does not refer to this subject in any detail. It is certain that he would not have
> sought to convert the first comer, one who would not have had any influence over the other
> inhabitants of the town. That he attempted a conversion and that he did not succeed therein, is
> indisputable, because he affirms this himself(33):
> 
> (32)Nicolas translates another unidentified passage regarding the conduct of his fellow pilgrims.
> 
> This same passage is found translated by Amanat (p. 242), and derives from "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb
> 16). This passage seems to have been re-translated by Nicolas prior to the publication of "Le Beyan Persan"
> (tome II:1913, pp. 154-155), as there it is found with this wording:
> 
> "Rien n'est plus important dans la route du pelerinage que d'acquerir des qualites, de facon que
> celui qui fait le pelerinage avec quelqu'un ne voit (ni n'occasionne) de tourment, ainsi que je l'ai vu
> dans la route de la Meqqe. J'y ai vu des actes plus vils qu'aucun acte aux yeux de Dieu, et qui
> etaient cause que la bonne action qu'ils faisaient (en allant en pelerinage) etait vaine. C'etaient des
> disputes entre pelerins! En tout etat de cause des disputes de ce genre sont interdites."
> 
> This may be translated into English as follows:
> 
> "Nothing is more important in the path of pilgrimage than to acquire qualities, in such fashion that
> he who undertakes the pilgrimage with anyone does not see (nor bring upon himself) any torment,
> even as I saw on the way to Mecca. On that way I saw acts more vile than any act imaginable in
> the eyes of God, and which were the cause whereby the good actions that they carried out (in going
> on the pilgrimage) were nullified. It was the disputes among pilgrims! In all circumstances disputes
> of this kind are forbidden."
> 
> (33)Nicolas does not identify the provenance of this passage either, but it will be identified in note (35).
> 
> Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 79) wrote that the Báb declared his prophetic mission to the people of Mecca, and
> also on board the ship from Jidda to Mascat. Most of his fellow passengers were Persians, and upon their
> return to their hometowns, they spread the news that one calling himself the Qá'im had appeared. The Báb
> (cited in Ibid.), addressed his fellow passengers in this manner: "wa-kalika qad kán hakim alláh láhal safínsah
> illá nafámínham annah qad ámín báyátaná wa-kán min al-mantaqín". A provisional translation of these
> verses by Fariba Ghayebi (email 6 March 2002): "It was God’s judgment (hukm) upon all those on board,
> save one. In truth he believed in our verses and was one of the pure souls (taghwá)." One of the reasons
> for the Báb's sojourn in Mascat, according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 80), was to proclaim his prophetic
> station to Shaykh Sulaymán, a famous and powerful Sunní mujtahid. He did not become a Bábí. According
> to Afnan (pp. 80, 110), these lines in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" apply to Shaykh Sulaymán: "walaqád nazal dhikr
> alláh ard masqat wa-balagh hakím alláh ilá rajal manhim la'llah yatadhikr báyátaná wa-kán min al-
> mahatidín qul anba' huwáh ba'd qad tall ayátaná wánah rí hakim al-kitáb lan al-mu'atidín".
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             58
> 
> "The mention of God, in truth, descended upon the land of Masqat, and caused the order
> of God to arrive to one of the inhabitants of the land. It was proven that he understood our
> verses and he became one of those who are guided."
> 
> "Say: This man obeys his passions after having read our verses. And in truth, this man is,
> according to the order of the Book, among the number of the Transgressors." (34)
> 
> "Say: At Mascat we have not seen people of the Book who have aided him, for they are lost
> ignorant ones. And it was the same for all(35) those who were found on the boat, if there is
> not one among them who believed in our verses and became of those who fear God."
> 
> He continued on his way and arrived at Mecca, where he devoted himself to those practices
> prescribed for the visit to the house of God(36). The Muslim reports, and also the Bábí ones — but
> these latter with a certain hesitation, depict him one day with his back to the wall of the Ka'bih,
> drawing his sword and proclaiming the arrival of the Imám Mahdí who must conquer all upon the
> surface of the globe.
> 
> One must not hesitate to believe in this. The Muslims, convinced that our hero is nothing but a
> false prophet and a pretender, accuse him at every moment of conforming his conduct to the
> fulfillment of those prophecies which regulate almost all of the movements of the "Sáhib
> 
> (34)Nicolas indicates that this passage is related to a verse from Súrat al-Qalam in the Qur'án (68:11-14):
> 
> "And yield not to any mean swearer,
> "Backbiter, one who goes about slandering,
> "Forbidder of good, transgressor, sinful,
> "Ill-mannered and, in addition to that, of doubtful birth."
> (Maulawi Sher Ali, translator)
> 
> The word found in the Qur'án to which the Báb refers in this passage is "mu'tadin" (transgressor).
> 
> (35)Nicolas directs his reader to Note E (p. 454) which he identifies as the original Arabic text of a passage
> 
> found in "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." Note E is here cited in its entirety, in transliteration:
> 
> walaqád nazal dhikr alláh ard masqat wa-balagh hakím
> alláh ilá rajal manhim la'llah yatadhikr báyátaná wa-kán
> min al-mahatidín
> qul anba' huwáh ba'd qad talí ayátaná wánah rí hakím
> al-kitáb lan al-mu'atidín [the transgressors]
> qul má narí ahal al-kitáb fihá ráfiqah ilá qúm núr
> jáhalín wa-kathalika qad kán hakím alláh láhal safínsah
> illá nafámínham annah qad ámín báyátaná wa-kán min
> al-mantaqín
> 
> A close comparison of this text with that translated by Nicolas and then rendered into English in (33)
> indicates that this is indeed the Arabic original. Fariba Ghayebi (26/2/02) pointed out that this passage is
> cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 80, 110), and that it is part of "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (cited in full by Afnan, pp.
> 107-111), rather than from "Sahífa bayn al-haramayn". It seems that, in some cases, the manuscripts
> available to Nicolas may have intermixed texts from diverse works.
> 
> (36)The "house of God" is usually called "baytu'l-harám" (the sacred house), and refers to Ka'bih, the black
> 
> stone which is the central shrine associated with the holy city of Mecca.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            59
> 
> al-Zamán"(37). In acting thus, the Báb gave himself at least the exterior appearance of being the
> Prophet of the end of times(38), and could, by this very fact, attract the attention of the commoners.
> From this point of view, the question is very simple. Amidst the mass of the hadíth(39) which
> announce the conquest of the globe by Islám, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad would have chosen the
> easiest ones to realize, and would thus have made himself a "guide to the perfect Mahdí" to which
> he would have conformed his conduct.
> 
> Truly, the Muslims make light of their adversary. In looking over the books of Mr. Browne(40), one
> could become convinced, particularly in reading the transcripts of the meetings in Isfahán and in
> 
> (37)"Sáhib al-Zamán" is explained in Chapter One, note (36) and the prophecies related to "Sáhib al-
> 
> Zamán" are noted briefly in note (37). A more detailed account of these prophecies is found in Nicolas,
> "L'Islám Chiite ou Islám Persan," Chapitre III: "L'Imám Mehdi — Le Chiisme Actuel" (pp. 145-188) in
> "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb"; and Amanat (pp. 89-102, 193-201 passim.). Sáhib al-Zamán is also
> called Imám Mahdí — please see note (43).
> 
> (38)The Báb refers to his fulfillment of prophecies, and to his prophetic station in innumerable passages found
> 
> throughout his Writings. In one of his books, the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs), he goes into this
> matter in considerable detail. There is a a much shorter work in Arabic which goes by the title "Dalá'il al-
> sab'a" and this seems to be comprise an invocation and a summary of the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih." There
> are three known manuscripts of this Arabic work (MacEoin, pp. 87-87, 185), one of which was used in
> producing a lithographed edition of "Dalá'il al-sab'ah" and its Persian counterpart "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"
> (MacEoin, p. 185; Amanat, p. 443). The Báb himself indicated that the Persian "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" was written
> in Máh-Kú (cited MacEoin, p. 86, n. 43), but its intended recipient has not been reliably identified
> (MacEoin, p. 87). There are thirteen manuscripts of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" known to be extant (MacEoin, p. 185),
> and one of these was the basis for the publication of this work with "Dalá'il al-sab'ah" mentioned earlier.
> Passages from "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" have been rendered into English by Shoghi Effendi ("Selections from the
> Writings of the Báb," Haifa:1976, pp. 117, 123; identified on p. 223); by Habib Taherzadeh with the
> assistance of a committee at the Bahá'í World Centre (in Ibid., pp. 117-126); and by Edward Granville
> Browne ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note C, p. 221). A.L.M. Nicolas translated the entirety of "Dalá'il-i-
> sab'ih" into French, and this translation was published in Paris in 1902. Excerpts from Nicolas' translation
> were cited as footnotes by Shoghi Effendi in "The Dawn-breakers" (pp. 17-18, n. 2; p. 23, n. 5; p. 24, n. 1;
> p. 196, n. 2; p. 249, n. 1; p. 252, n. 2; p. 259, n. 1; p. 495, n. 2). A provisional translation of Nicolas’
> rendering of the entire book from French into English, with annotations, will be published in a subsequent
> volume of this series of Babi Studies.
> 
> (39)"hadíth" is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 190) as "prophetic tradition, narrative relating deeds and
> utterances of the Prophet [Muhammad] and his Companions" and, in the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í context, it also
> includes the traditions associated with the twelve Imáms. Another term used to identify these traditions is
> "sunna" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 505), which more frequently identifies the law based upon "hadíth" than the
> "hadíth" itself.
> 
> (40)Edward Granville Browne (1862-1926), Fellow at Pembroke College, Cambridge University (1887-1902),
> 
> and Sir Thomas Adams's Professor of Arabic at Cambridge University (1902-1926), amassed one of the
> most extensive collections of Bábí, Azalí and Bahá'í literature in existence (see E.G. Browne and R.A.
> Nicholson, "A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental MSS. belonging to the late E.G. Browne," Cambridge,
> 1932). Professor Browne dedicated a number of years to the study of the Báb and his followers. His
> publications on this subject include:
> 
> "The Bábís of Persia. I. Sketch of their History, and Personal Experiences amongst them. II. Their
> Literature and Doctrines," in "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society" (JRAS), volume 21, 1889, pp. 485-526,
> 881-1009 (reprinted with annotations in Momen, editor, "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne"
> (SWEGB), pp. 145-315).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          60
> 
> Tabríz(41), that the greatest argument of the mulláhá against the mission of the Báb, consists in
> their criticism of the names of his father and his mother...and the Báb does not know what to
> answer. These are child's play, unworthy of those who invented and wrote them.
> 
> "A Traveller's Narrative Written to Illustrate the Episode of the Báb," edited and translated from the
> Persian text of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, two volumes (vol. I, Persian text; vol. II, English translation and notes),
> Cambridge, 1891 (reprinted in one volume, Amsterdam, 1975).
> 
> "Some Remarks on the Bábí Texts edited by Baron Victor Rosen," in JRAS, volume 24, 1892, pp. 259-332.
> 
> "A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts," in JRAS, volume 24, 1892, pp. 433-499, 637-710.
> 
> 'Bábísm,' in "Religious Systems of the World," 1892 (reprinted in Momen, editor, SWEGB, pp. 407-427).
> 
> "A Year Amongst the Persians," London, 1893 (reprinted 1926; new edition, 1984).
> 
> "The Táríkh-i-Jadíd or New History of Mírzá 'Alí Muhammad the Báb," edited and translated from the
> Persian text of Mírzá Husayn-i-Hamadání, Cambridge, 1893 (reprinted Amsterdam, 1975).
> 
> "Personal Reminiscences of the Bábí Insurrection at Zanján in 1850, edited and translated from the Persian
> text of Áqá 'Abdu'l-Ahad-i-Zanjání," translated, in JRAS, volume 29, 1897, pp. 761-827.
> 
> "A Literary History of Persia," four volumes, Cambridge and London, 1902-1924.
> 
> "Báb, Bábís," in "Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics," volume II, 1909, pp. 299-308.
> 
> "Nuqtatu'l-Káf," editor of text alleged to be written by Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání, London and Leiden, 1910.
> "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion," Cambridge, 1918.
> 
> "A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental MSS. Belonging to the Late E.G. Browne," completed by R.A.
> Nicholson, Cambridge, 1932.
> 
> For more information about E.G. Browne's life and work, please see the following link: http://bahai-
> library.org/encyclopedia/browne.html
> 
> (41)There seem to have been three occasions on which the Báb was summoned to account for the public
> 
> reports of his claims to be the "Gate" to the Imám Mahdí, or the Imám Mahdí and the Qá'im himself. The
> first is reported to have taken place in Shíráz, after the Báb's return from pilgrimage, and is reported by
> ZARANDI (pp. 142-143), AHMAD (pp. 452-453), KAF (p. 112), SIPIHR (pp. 42-44), MU'IN (pp. 69-93),
> and GOBINEAU (pp. 151-155). Amanat makes brief reference to this Shírází tribunal and cites the sources
> noted here (p. 255, n. 283). In Isfáhán in 1847, the Báb took part in a second debate with a number of the
> mujtahidún, which was reported, according to Amanat (p. 258, n. 291): in ZARANDI (pp. 207-208); KAF
> (pp. 116-118); SIPIHR (volume III, pp. 44-47); ZUHUR (pp. 93-94); 'Abdu'l-Husayn Áyatí Taftí Ávárih
> (henceforth AVARIH), "al-Kawákib al-Durríyya fí Ma'áthir al-Bahá'íyya" (Cairo:1327/1948, two volumes;
> volume I, pp. 73-105); and in the recollections of Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáhání (INBA Lib. MS. No.
> 1028D; also cited Amanat, p. 427), called "Khátirát" by MacEoin (p. 180). Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím
> Isfáhání, also called Áqá Siyyid Rahím Isfáhání (MacEoin, p. 91) and Siyyid Rahím (MacEoin, p. 183),
> seems to have been first a Bábí and subsequently an Azalí scribe, and is reported by the Azalís to have
> transcribed at least one copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" (MacEoin, pp. 91, 183). Balyuzi also describes this meeting
> in Isfáhán (pp. 112-113). Amanat does not mention any transcript of the debate, but Nicolas claims that
> Browne published such a transcript; it is evident though that the transcript published by Browne was of a
> tribunal in Tabríz (please see below), not Isfáhán. The outcome of this gathering was that the Muslim clergy
> gathered and issued a verdict calling for the Báb to be executed as a heretic (Balyuzi, p. 113; Amanat, p.
> 258). There does not seem to be a record of this latter meeting of the mujtahidún. Siyyid Muhammad
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           61
> 
> While the Bábís generally admit this account of the Báb at Mecca, it does not follow that it is
> authentic. The history of the Apostle [the Báb] is very little known, and I astonished many Bábís,
> and among the greatest, in reading to them the names of the grandfather and the grandmother of
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, or in furnishing for them one of the details which I picked up from the
> "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," a book of extreme rarity and which they had not read. The surviving
> followers are not knowledgeable except for that which concerns the acts of their fathers; and from
> 
> Imám Jum'ih Khátúnábádí, the chief religious dignitary of the city of Isfáhán, and the Báb's host for much
> of his sojourn in that city, followed up this meeting by issuing a countervailing verdict of insanity (Amanat,
> pp. 257-58; Balyuzi, p. 113), which averted the Báb being condemned to death in Isfáhán. The text (or a
> portion) of the Imám Jum'ih's "fatwá" (order) is found in ZARANDI (p. 209). The third tribunal convened
> to examine the claims of the Báb was that of Tabríz, in July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387; Balyuzi, p. 139). Edward
> Granville Browne published what was allegedly the official transcript of this meeting in Tabríz ("Materials
> for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 248-55), along with the Báb's "tawba-namih" [recantation text]
> (Ibid., pp. 256-258). Balyuzi (p. 141) states that Browne derived this transcript from the accounts found in
> SIPIHR, TUNKABUNI, and in the Supplement authored by Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Hidáyat (henceforth
> HIDAYAT) and appended to "Rawdatu'l-Safá'-yi Nasírí," by Mirkhúnd (edition cited Amanat, p. 444:
> volumes VIII-X, Tihrán, 1959-60;). Balyuzi (pp. 142-143) affirms that these three Muslim authors derived
> their information from a tract written by Hájí Mírzá Mahmúd (Balyuzi, p. 140), also called Mullá Mahmúd
> (Amanat, p. 387), the Nizámu'l-'ulamá', chief tutor of the Crown Prince, Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá (Ibid., p. 140),
> who presided over that tribunal (Ibid., p. 143). Amanat (p. 389, n. 67) states that Browne's transcript was
> based on a document supplied to him by Hippolyte Dreyfus, the first French Bahá'í , and of unidentified
> source. This is confirmed by a perusal of Browne's "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 247-
> 48). Amanat (Ibid.) furthermore alleges that HIDAYAT (volume X, pp. 423-430) based his account on the
> Nizám'ul-'ulamá's report, and that SIPIHR (pp. 277-290) published a shorter and abridged version, along
> with additional material from TUNKABUNI (pp. 126-130). Amanat (p. 387, 388) also asserts that the
> Nizámu'l-'ulamá' was a Shaykhí, and that the other two chief clerical participants in this trial, Mullá
> Muhammad Mámáqání and Mullá Murtadá Harandí ('Alam al-Hudá) were also acclaimed votaries of the
> Shaykhí school. Balyuzi notes (p. 143) that Shaykh Muhammad Taqí, the son of Mullá Muhammad
> Mámáqání, and himself present at this tribunal, wrote, in a book intended to refute the claims of the Báb,
> that the account written by the Nizámu'l-'ulamá' was full of misrepresentations, which he criticized and
> corrected. He further alleges that the Nizámu'l-'ulamá' "collected as many copies as he could of his own
> tract and destroyed them" (Ibid.). Amanat (p. 388, n. 64; p. 389, n. 67) also refers to Mullá Muhammad
> Taqí Mámáqání's account, excerpts of which were published in MURTADA (pp. 308-315). Amanat (Ibid.)
> cites other sources for this tribunal, including ZARANDI (pp. 314-322); and the "Abwáb al-hudá" of
> Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí, which is cited in MU'IN (pp. 201-207), KAF (pp. 135-138), and
> ZUHUR (pp. 73-74, 116-119). He also affirms that the alleged "tauba-namih" (recantation) of the Báb
> which was sent to Browne by Hippolyte Dreyfus and published by Browne in "Materials" was "apparently
> traced to the Majlis Library in Tehran", was subsequently published by F. Ádamíyat, in "Amír Kabír va
> Írán" (Tihrán:1969, p. 441) and has henceforth "become part and parcel of all anti-Bábí-Bahá'í polemics
> and an effective weapon in the growing arsenal of fictitious documentation" (Amanat, p. 392, n. 82).
> Understating his case, Amanat (p. 392) affirms that both the transcript of the trial and the written
> recantation are documents of doubtful authenticity and veracity. Sepehr Manuchehri reports that the text of
> the authentic "tawba-namih" of the Báb is found in "Kashf al-Ghitá." He furthermore describes the manner
> in which this document came to be published. His great grandfather was a member of the first National
> Spiritual Assembly of Írán, appointed by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. He made contact with a member of the Iranian
> "Majlis" (Parliament), a Zoroastrian, who showed him the original text of what has been alleged to be
> the Báb's "tawba-namih", which was in the Parlimentary Library in Tihrán. His great-grandfather
> immediately wrote to 'Abdu'l-Bahá, who instructed that a copy of this document be made in the event
> that the original document could not be secured. A copy of the "tauba-namih" was sent to Mírzá Abu'l-
> Fadl Gulpaygání, and this was printed in "Kashf al-Ghitá".
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          62
> 
> this point of view I was served principally (and one cannot imagine better), by the son of
> Muqaddas Khurásání(42).
> 
> Thus, in that which concerns the question that occupies us, we must not forget that from the start
> the Bábís — I speak of the common folk — did not know the details of the new doctrine(43). They
> 
> (42)Ibn Asdáq, the son of Mullá Sádiq Muqaddas-i-Khurásání ("Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdáq"), wrote a biography of
> 
> his father (Amanat, p. 136, n. 143) based on Mullá Sádiq's recollections. This biography is not listed by
> MacEoin, nor is a manuscript of this work referred to by Amanat or Balyuzi. However, Amanat (Ibid.)
> states that this biography is quoted by Nicolas and by KHUSRAVI (volume II, p. 50).
> 
> (43)Nicolas writes: "The Báb says so himself. In the beginning he spoke the language of the Qur'án (see the
> 
> "Seven Proofs") then bit by bit he unveiled his thought, but with what precautions! We may judge this by a
> passage taken from the prayer for the festival of Qadir, on Friday, and on the 5th of the month of Jamádi al-
> Awwal:
> 
> "O mon Dieu! je te prends a temoin Toi et celui qui est aupres de Toi parmi les Temoins que, en
> verite Mohammed a rempli la mission que tu lui avais donnee...Donne O mon Dieu sa recompense
> a Mohammed pour avoir repandu ton ordre, recompense dont tu as le secret...
> "O mon Dieu! c'est toi-meme qui m'as fait connaitre ce      degre, et si tu ne te faisais pas connaitre,
> je ne t'eusse pas connu...Tu m'as garde pour faire lever tes saints du milieu de leur ignorance.
> Aujourd'hui ta religion est parfaite, et celui en qui l'on peut voir ton etre meme s'est manifeste."
> (Sahife-Makhzoumie)
> 
> An English translation of this citation from the Báb's "Sahífa makhzúna" (also called "Du'a-yi Sahífa"), of
> which there are seven manuscripts still extant (MacEoin, pp. 59-60, 198) is here essayed:
> 
> "O my God! I take Thee as a witness, Thou and he who is before Thee among the Witnesses that,
> verily, Muhammad fulfilled the mission which Thou gavest to him...Give, O my God his due
> reward to Muhammad for having propagated Thy order, the reward of which Thou hast the
> secret...
> "O my God! It is Thou Thyself Who has made me know this degree and if Thou did not make
> Thyself known, I would not have known Thee...Thou hast retained me to make Thy saints arise
> from the midst of their ignorance. Today Thy religion is perfect, and he in whom one can see Thy
> very being has been manifested."
> 
> Writers have described this progressive unfoldment of his mission in two ways: either as indicating a
> development of the Báb's own self-conceptions, or as a gradual revelation of the full nature of his prophetic
> station. The latter explanation is adhered to by Nicolas, as well as by all Bábí and non-academic Bahá'í
> historians. They argue that while the Báb may have been cautious in revealing his station as a Prophet of
> God, whose laws superceded those of the Qur'án and the "hadíth," this does not imply that he was unaware
> of his own prophetic calling at an early stage in his ministry. Nor, they assert, does this indicate that his
> claims were unknown to his followers, or that they were unable to understand his teachings.
> 
> The Báb himself claims, in the course of describing his pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina (in 1844-1845) in
> "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 18), that his "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" was widely circulated during the first year of
> his ministry. This passage has been translated by Nicolas as follows ("Le Beyan Persan," tome II:1913, p.
> 164):
> 
> "Mais tous sont dans l'ignorance de cette grace, car dans cette annee meme la manifestation du
> Livre du commentaire de la Sourate de Joseph parvint a tous. Or quand ils regarderent ils Le virent
> sans compagnon et ils reculerent."
> 
> An English translation of these verses:
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             63
> 
> were purely and simply convinced that the Imám Mahdí (44) had appeared, who, with his sword in
> one hand, and the Qur'án in the other, was going to bend all the peoples of the earth to the law of
> 
> "But all are ignorant of this grace, for in this same year the Book of the Commentary on the Súrah
> of Joseph ["Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"] became manifest to all. And when they looked upon it, they saw
> him to be without companion and they retreated."
> 
> Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 445) writes that the first Chapter, entitled Súrat al-Mulúk, of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"
> (also known as "Tafsír Súrat Yúsuf", and "Ahsan al-Qisas") was revealed during the night of 5 Jamádíyu'l-
> Úlá 1260. The whole book, which is comprised of 111 chapters (each one of which is called Súrah, like the
> Qur'án), was, according to Afnan (Ibid.) revealed in forty days from that initial date. Please see note (9) this
> Chapter and note (16) Chapter Three for more details on "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'".
> 
> The wide dissemination of this book is attested by various accounts associated with individual Bábís,
> including Mullá Alíy-i-Bastámí and Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í (MacEoin, p. 56; Amanat pp. 211-219, 269,
> 272-273, 299, 357). The "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb, while not the repository of most of his laws or
> distinctive teachings, contains many indications of the author’s claims to a divine mission and station. In
> 1862, the two unconverted uncles of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad and Hájí Mírzá Hasan-'Alí
> visited Baghdád, apparently en route to Karbilá. While in Baghdad, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad
> addressed certain questions to Bahá'u'lláh, who was then acknowledged as one of the leading Bábís.
> Bahá'u'lláh wrote a reply to these questions in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 138), and
> therein he referred to the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb as "the first, the greatest and mightiest of all
> books" (p. 231). Shoghi Effendi has translated passages from "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" which attest to the
> prophetic station of the Báb, as well as his role as the herald of a subsequent Revelation:
> 
> "'I am the Mystic Fane,'" the Báb thus proclaims His station in the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', 'which
> the Hand of Omnipotence hath reared. I am the Lamp which the Finger of God hath lit within
> its niche and caused to shine with deathless splendor. I am the Flame of that supernal Light that
> glowed upon Sinai in the gladsome Spot, and lay concealed in the midst of the Burning Bush.'
> 'O Qurratu'l-'Ayn!' He addressing Himself in that same commentary, exclaims, 'I recognize in
> Thee none other except the "Great Announcement" — the Announcement voiced by the
> Concourse on high. By this name, I bear witness, they that circle the Throne of Glory have ever
> known Thee.' 'With each and every Prophet, Whom We have sent down in the past,' He further
> adds, 'We have established a separate Covenant concerning the "Remembrance of God" and
> His Day. Manifest, in the realm of glory and through the power of truth, are the
> "Remembrance of God" and His Day before the eyes of the angels that circle His mercy-seat.'
> 'Should it be Our wish,' He again affirms, 'it is in Our power to compel, through the agency of
> but one letter of Our Revelation, the world and all that is therein to recognize, in less than the
> twinkling of an eye, the truth of Our Cause.'" (Shoghi Effendi, "The World Order of
> Bahá'u'lláh," p. 126)
> 
> (44)Nicolas writes regarding the Bábís: "They believed this [that the Báb was the Imám Mahdí] from the
> 
> time of the council of Badasht. There their eyes were opened, only to close once again afterwards. The
> Bábís still have the same opinion, but no longer the knowledgeable ones." Inasmuch as Nicolas does not
> explain himself further, one must conclude that he is referring to the Azalí Bábís, without specifying the
> nature of their views. The "Imám Mahdí" is the title given to the twelfth Imám, Muhammad ibn Hasan-
> i-'Askarí, who is also called "Hujjatu'lláh" (the Proof of God), "Baqíyyatu'lláh" (the Remnant of God),
> and "Qá'im-i-Ahl-i-Muhammad " (Shoghi Effendi, Introduction, "The Dawn-breakers," p. xxx; Edward
> Granville Browne, Note O, p. 297, cited in Ibid., p. lii). He succeeded his father as Imám in 260 A.H.
> and promptly disappeared (Ibid., p. xxx; Edward Granville Browne, Note O, p. 298, "A Traveller's
> Narrative," cited in Ibid., p. liii). Many prophecies preserved by the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í sect of Islám
> indicate that the Imám Mahdí will reappear in the future. It is to those prophecies that Nicolas makes
> reference here. The Imám Mahdí is hence the Promised One of this branch of Shí'í Islám. The
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          64
> 
> Islám. Therefore, and through a mental operation identical to that which the Muslims followed,
> but this time in a reverse sense, they naively believed that the new apostle accomplished, because
> they were predicted, all the acts incumbent upon the Imám Mahdí. It was exactly the same for
> Christ(45). The rabbis opposed to him showed the sacred texts to demonstrate that he did not fulfill
> the conditions required of the Messiah. Jesus answered them — consult the spirit, not the letter;
> and his followers — understanding also as little of this teaching as his adversaries — created for
> him a geneology, and invented an infinity of episodes to prove that he was, within the narrow
> bounds of the letter, the promised and awaited Messiah. Thus, neither the adversaries, nor the
> followers understood the teaching of the Master. Alone, at the start of the Bábí Faith, the beautiful
> Qurratu'l-'Ayn(46) responded to Hájí Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Andarmání(47) and to Hájí Mullá
> 
> Promised One expected by Sunní Muslims has the title "Mahdí" and there are innumerable prophecies
> associated with this One. However, inasmuch as the Muslims to which the Báb addressed himself were
> of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í sect, the Sunní prophecies do not concern us here. ZARANDI (p. 184) cites the
> compilation of Mírzá Ahmad Azghandí, comprising 12,000 traditions related to the coming of the Imám
> Mahdí. This compilation seems to have been destroyed, and regarding this the reader is referred to note
> (37), Chapter One. An anonymous compilation of 70 traditions, mostly from the "'Awálimal-'ulúm wa'l-
> ma'árif wa'l-ahwál min al-áyát wa'l-akhbár wa'l-aqwál" of Shaykh 'Abdu'lláh ibn Núru'lláh al-Bahrání,
> with commentary, is found in a "Risála" by a Bábí apologist (cited MacEoin, p. 109). For sources
> regarding the Imám Mahdí, who is also called "Sáhib al-Zamán," please see note (37).
> 
> (45)Nicolas makes a statement here that seems to go beyond the purview of the dispassionate historian
> 
> and venture into the realm of apologetics. Perhaps it will be useful for the reader to take into
> consideration Nicolas' statement, in an interview on 7 February 1939 with Miss Edith Sanderson,
> published in "The Bahá'í World" (volume VIII, 1938-1940, pp. 885-887), that he is a Bábí. Also, in
> response to an unidentified Bahá'í female writer, possibly the same Miss Sanderson, Nicolas expressed
> his joy when informed that Shoghi Effendi, and the followers of Bahá'u'lláh as a whole recognized the
> Báb as an independent Manifestation of God, and not just as the forerunner of Bahá'u'lláh ("The Bahá'í
> World," volume VI, 1934-1936, pp. 481-482; reprinted in seven subsequent volumes of this publication).
> The full texts of the interview and the letter in question as found in "The Bahá'í World" are to be found
> in the Introduction to this biography. While Nicolas does not seem to have distorted any of the historical
> evidence which he encountered in favor of the Báb, it is nevertheless important that he be understood as
> a sympathetic student of the Bábí Faith, and one who was inclined neither to underrate its importance
> nor to take sides in the Azalí-Bahá'í controversy.
> 
> (46)Qurratu'l-'Ayn, the most prominent female adherent of the Báb, and the only female Letter of the Living,
> 
> was born Fátimih Zarrín Táj Baraghání, surnamed Umm Salma (Amanat, p. 295). ZARANDI (p. 628)
> gives her name as Fátmih and Umm-i-Salmih, as well as Zakíyyih. She received her appellation "Qurratu'l-
> 'Ayn" (Solace of the Eye) from Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, her teacher in Karbilá and the successor to Shaykh
> Ahmad Ahsá’í as leader and guide of the Shaykhí school, not, as is commonly supposed, because of her
> great physical beauty, but rather in all likelihood because of her outstanding achievements as a public
> speaker, essayist and poetess. According to ZARANDI (p. 83), Siyyid Kázim praised her understanding of
> Shaykhí tenets with the words "ya qurrat al-'ayní wa rúh al-fu'adí" which Shoghi Effendi translated as "the
> delight of my eye and the soul of my heart." The expression is derived from two Qur'anic verses, one from
> Súrat al-furqán (25:75), and the other from Súrat al-sajdah (32:18), reproduced as follows:
> 
> wa-alládhína yaqúlúna rabbanáhab laná min azwájiná wa-dhurriyyatiná qurrata a'yunin
> 
> "And those who say, 'Our Lord, grant us of our wives and children the delight of our eyes...'"
> (Qur'án 25:75, Maulana Sher Ali translation)
> 
> falá ta'lamu nafsun má ukhfiya lahum min qurrati a'yunin jazá'an
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             65
> 
> "And no soul knows what joy of the eyes is kept hidden for them..." (Qur'án 32:18, Maulana Sher
> Ali translation)
> 
> Amanat (p. 298, n. 17) points out that the appellation "Qurratu'l-'Ayn is a common Arabic term of
> endearment sometimes given by the religious teachers to their favorite students." It is in this religious context
> that this name should be understood. The only female Letter of the Living was given the title "Táhirih" (the
> pure) by the Báb (Amanat, pp. 295, 307), in a letter from Máh-Kú in mid-1847, cited by Áqá Muhammad
> Mustafá ibn Shaykh Muhammad Shibl al-Baghdádí (henceforth BAGHDADI), in "Risála amríyya" (along
> with Ahmad Sohrab, "Risála"; Cairo:1338, pp. 109-110). The Báb apparently wrote another epistle,
> published in ZUHUR (pp. 331-334), in which this disciple is called "hujjat alá al-kull," translated by
> Amanat as "the proof for all" (p. 307, n. 78). ZARANDI (p. 293) indicates that Bahá'u'lláh conferred new
> names upon the participants of the conference of Badasht, and upon Qurratu'l-'Ayn the title of Táhirih, and
> that, subsequent to this conference, "to each of those who had convened at Badasht a special Tablet was
> revealed by the Báb, each of whom He addressed by the name recently conferred upon him." Inasmuch as
> Badasht represented the occasion in which the Bábí leadership made a formal break with the old
> Dispensation of the Qur'án and proclaimed the new Dispensation of the Bayán, it may be that it was at this
> time that Qurratu'l-'Ayn assumed this new title formally and exclusively, that is, what may have been an
> optional mode of reference in the past became her newly-established name for the new Bábí Dispensation.
> ZARANDI (pp. 80-84, 269-273, 275, 278-280, 283-286, 288, 291-300, 459-461, 621-629) makes copious
> mention of Táhirih. Amanat (pp. 295-296, n. 2) lists the sources for Táhirih's life with which he is
> acquainted, including the "Maktúb" of Shaykh Sultán-i-Karbilá'í (in ZUHUR, pp. 245-259); KAF;
> SIPIHR; HIDAYAT; KAZEM-BEG (volume VII, pp. 473-476); GOBINEAU (pp. 167-169, 293-294, etc.);
> SAMANDAR; BAGHDADI; JADID; WAFA (pp. 291-330 in the original Persian; pp. 190-203 in the
> English translation); KASHF (pp. 92-111); MU'IN; AVARIH; ZUHUR; KHUSRAVI (volume III); 'Alí al-
> Wardí, "Lamahát Ijtimá'íya min Táríkh al-'Iráq al-Hadíth" (Baghdád, 1971, volume II, pp. 152-190);
> 'Abbúd Sálihí, "Qurrat al-'Ayn, 'alá Haqíqatihá wa Wáqi'ihá"; and Mullá Ahmad Hisárí Khurásání,
> "'Aqá'id al-Shaykhíya". Amanat devotes Chapter VII (pp. 295-331) in "Resurrection and Renewal" to
> Táhirih, along with references in other chapters (pp. 164, 163n, 176-180, 215-216, 234, 282, 350-351, 429-
> 430). Balyuzi (pp. 24-27, 58, 124, 162-171, 176, 230) contains comparatively few references to Táhirih.
> MacEoin (p. 107; Amanat, p. 296, n. 2) touches upon her role in the early history of the Bábí movement in
> his doctoral dissertation for Cambridge University ("From Shaykhism to Babism," pp. 194-196, 203-207).
> Nicolas, in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb," devotes Chapitre IV (pp. 263-287) and Chapitre XII (pp.
> 446-452) to Táhirih. His account, which "seems to be based on oral reports (sometimes very similar to
> SAMANDAR), is the fullest in a European language" (Amanat, p. 296, n. 2). It is translated into English
> and published as "Qourrèt-oul-Aïne" in "Táhirih in History: Perspectives on Qurratu’l-‘Ayn from East and
> West" (Los Angeles:2004), along with several other essays written by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Shoghi Effendi, Sabir
> Afaqi, Muhammad Iqbal, M. Hidayat Hosain, Mohammed Ishaque, Mohammad Ali Saddiqui, Masudu’l-
> Hasan, Khwaja Masud, Suleyman Nazif, E. G. Browne, Abbas Amanat, Farzaneh Milani, Susan Stiles
> Maneck, Negar Mottahedeh, Jan Teofil Jasion, and Denis MacEoin. Amanat (p. 301, n. 41) lists some of the
> sources of Táhirih's extant writings, and MacEoin (pp. 107-116) discusses her writings in considerable detail.
> Two collections of her poetry in English translations have been published in recent years: "The Poetry of
> Táhirih" translated and edited by John Hatcher and Amrollah Hemmat (Oxford:2002); "Táhirih: A
> Portrait in Poetry " translated and edited by Amin Banani, with Jascha Kessler and Anthony A. Lee (Los
> Angeles:2004). Essays about Táhirih have been published in a great variety of venues, including, most
> recently, in Negar Mottahedeh’s book entitled "Representing the Unrepresentable: Historical Images of
> National Reform from the Qajars to the Islamic Republic of Iran" (Syracuse:2008). There are two popular
> accounts of Táhirih's life written by Bahá'í women. The first of these is "Táhirih, the Pure" by Martha Root
> (Karachi:1938; reprint in Los Angeles:1981), based on written and oral sources accessible to its author. The
> second is "Táhirih" by Clara Edge (Michigan:1964), a fictionalized account of the Bábí heroine.
> 
> (47)Hájí Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Andarmání is mentioned again by Nicolas (Chapitre XII, p. 449), in
> 
> which he is described as one of the two clerics who passed a death sentence upon Táhirih, a sentence which
> was upheld by Násiri'd-Dín Shah. The only account of her interrogation by Mullá Muhammad Andarmání
> and of his death sentence is that found in Nicolas (Ibid.; cited by Amanat, p. 329, n. 199).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              66
> 
> 'Alí Kaní(48), who were charged with winning her back to Islám, and who confronted her with texts
> announcing the coming of the Mahdí from the towns of Jábulqá and Jábulsá(49), with: "Leave then
> to children these insanities unworthy of you and of me — the question is more lofty"(50).
> 
> Furthermore, the Báb claimed to be the interpreter not only of the inner meaning, but of the
> innermost of the inner meaning of the Qur'án. He explained not only the letter, not only the spirit,
> but the very soul of the Book of God; and it is from Him that one must await the realization of
> such prophecies as are based upon nothing, of which the basis is nothing but ignorance, fanaticism
> or the bad faith of those who have collected them(51). If one opens the "Bayán," if one reads
> 
> (48)HájíMullá 'Alí Kání is mentioned also in Nicolas (Chapitre XII, p. 449), as the other cleric who
> interrogated Táhirih and then passed a death sentence upon her. Amanat has noted (p. 329, n. 200) that it is
> unlikely that the Grand Vazír of the Shah, Mírzá Áqá Khán Núrí would have been in favor of this death
> sentence, inasmuch as his wife, his sister and others among the women of his household were allegedly
> sympathetic to Táhirih (MU'IN, p. 10; KHUSRAVI, volume III, p. 191; J.E. Polak, "Persien, das Land und
> seine Bewohner," Leipzig:1865, volume I, p. 353).
> 
> (49)These two cities are stated in some traditions to be the locations from which the Imám Mahdí would
> 
> appear. According to Edward Granville Browne (Note O, p. 298, "A Traveller's Narrative," cited in
> Introduction, "The Dawn-breakers," p. liii), the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'ís believe that the Imám Mahdí lives in
> Jábulqá or Jábulsá. Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í interpreted these realms, apparently identified as "Jábalqá" and
> "Jábarsá" in his writings, to be lower regions in the intermediate world ('alám al-mithál), the first in the East
> and the second in the West (Amanat, p. 53). This intermediate world is a visionary world experienced by
> mystics in meditation, visions and dreams, rather than a physical world of material locations. Hence these
> two cities are described in Shaykhí literature as places in the mystical landscape without specific physical
> equivalents. Siyyid Kázim Rashtí warned his followers not to expect that the Qá'im would appear from
> either of these cities (ZARANDI, p. 25). In making this statement, Siyyid Kázim, like Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í
> before him, gave an allegorical interpretation to those hadíth which referred to the place of residence of the
> Imám Mahdí. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 16-17) refers to the complaints of the Muslim clergy throughout Persia,
> that the literal fulfilment of prophecies associated with the Imám Mahdí, including those pertaining to
> Jábulqá and Jábulsá had not accompanied the declaration and subsequent ministry of the Báb. He also
> briefly discusses (pp. 17-18) the treatises authored by the leading Bábí teachers in response to these
> complaints, explaining the true meaning of these terms as revealed by the Báb.
> 
> (50)Nicolas does not cite the source of these words, but we must suppose that they are derived from the
> 
> same oral source which supplied him with the names of the two mujtahidún, Mullá Muhammad
> Andarmání and Mullá 'Alí Kání, who interrogated Táhirih and sentenced her to death.
> 
> (51)Nicolas writes: "I allude especially to Majlísí here, whose voluminous work is bereft of all critical spirit —
> 
> a monument of hypocrisy and of prevarication." The work to which Nicolas refers here is "Bihár al-Anwár,"
> of Muhammad Baqír ibn Muhammad Taqí Majlísí (25 volumes, published in Tihran:1885-1897).
> Bahá'u'lláh quotes one hadíth from "Bihár al-Anwár" in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (p. 243), not because he considers it
> to provide an authoritative proof of the prophetic claims of the Báb, but in the following spirit (pp. 237,
> 256):
> 
> "Although We did not intend to make mention of the traditions of a bygone age, yet, because of
> Our love for thee, We will cite a few which are applicable to Our argument..."
> 
> "These things We mention only that the people may not be dismayed because of certain
> traditions and utterances, which have not yet been literally fulfilled, that they may rather
> attribute their perplexity to their own lack of understanding, and not to the non-fulfilment of the
> promises in the traditions, inasmuch as the meaning intended by the Imáms of the Faith is not
> known by this people, as evidenced by the traditions themselves."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            67
> 
> through it — what does one see there? Nothing throughout but a new explanation of the terms
> used in all the religions: the Fire of Hell, Paradise, the Balance of God, Death, the Final Judgment,
> etc. And the man who interprets in such a magisterial manner the superstitions of another age
> would not have wasted his time in responding to pretenses of this kind!(52)
> 
> I refuse on my own part to believe in them(53) and besides, we do not have a single authority which
> affirms them. We do not find in all the dialectic of the Báb and the Bábís anything but a profound
> contempt for these hadíth which are false and forged at will; whereas they strive to explain those
> which are authentic, but these only, citing the actual facts of the new religion(54).
> 
> Besides, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad would have spoken of this incident; there is no trace thereof in the
> "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn"(55).
> 
> If we search this work for an allusion to the acts of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, we stop at these
> passages(56):
> 
> "O my God! I implore Thy witness for that which I said in the Masjid al-Haram, near the
> Ka'bih, Thy sacred sanctuary, to him who questioned me on the subject of the verses, in
> 
> (52)Nicolas
> is referring particularly to "Bayán-i-fársí" which contains allegorical interpretations of many
> Quranic verses (and by implication many verses in other Scriptures) that refer to these various topics:
> 
> 1)Fire of Hell, in váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 4, báb 5, báb 6, báb 9, báb 10, báb 12, báb 13, báb 16,
> báb 17; váhid III: báb 3, báb 17; váhid V: báb 4; váhid VI: báb 7; váhid VII: báb 18, báb 19; váhid
> VIII: báb 11
> 2)Paradise, in váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 4, báb 6, báb 8, báb 9, báb 10, báb 13, báb 16; váhid III:
> báb 8, báb 13, báb 17; váhid IV: báb 4, báb 11; váh@id V: báb 4; váhid VI: báb 1, báb 15, báb 16;
> váhid VII: báb 19; váh@id VIII: báb 11
> 3)Balance of God, in váhid II: báb 13.
> 4)Death, in váhid II, báb 8; váhid V: báb 3
> 5)Final Judgment, called Day of the Resurrection, in váhid II: báb 14; váhid VIII: báb 3; váhid VII:
> báb 19
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh continued with this principle of allegorical interpretation of certain Scriptural verses in "Kitáb-i-
> Íqán" and in other Writings.
> 
> (53)Nicolas states that he personally does not believe in the veracity of the traditions, which are fantastic and
> 
> which could not possibly be fulfilled literally except through a miraculous manifestation of the divine, one
> which is contradictory to the record of both religious and natural history.
> 
> (54)This the Báb does, especially in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs).
> 
> (55)In other words, "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" makes no mention of the fanciful and false hadíth to which
> 
> Nicolas is referring here.
> 
> (56)Nicolascites these passages, without identifying their provenance, but just after mentioning "Kitáb
> bayna'l-haramayn".
> 
> Amanat (p. 246) translates verses from "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" (Browne Or. MSS. F.7(9), pp. 14-16)
> which correspond exactly to the first paragraph cited above by Nicolas. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 112) cites the
> Arabic original of these verses in his biography of the Báb.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          68
> 
> answering by these verses relative to what Thou caused to descend upon Thy friend
> Muhammad in the Qur'án of the past.
> 
> "If one argues with thee on this subject, since thou hast received the perfect knowledge,
> respond: 'Come let us call our children and yours, my wives and yours, let us come and
> you and then let us call upon the Lord each one from his side and call His malediction
> upon the liars.'"(57)
> 
> "I swear by Thy truth, and Thou art God, and there is no other God but Thee, that men
> did not even reap this saying, but the testimony of God suffices in this question."
> 
> "Thus, O instructed questioner, did I not say to you in the Masjid al-Haram(58), opposite
> the Ka'bih, and we were at the western side, at the place where you were found, before the
> 
> (57)Nicolas finds in this verse a reference to Súrat al-'imrán, and apparently to this verse:
> 
> "When Alláh said, 'O Jesus, I will cause thee to die a natural death and will exalt thee to Myself,
> and will clear thee from the charges of those who disbelieve, and will place those who follow thee
> above those who disbelieve, until the Day of Resurrection; then to Me shall be your return, and I
> will judge between you concerning that wherein you differ." (Qur'án III:56, English translation by
> Maulawi Sher Ali)
> 
> Nicolas writes in reference to this citation: "This kind of judgment of God is called 'mubáhala.' The
> reasoning of the Báb is the most simple: As Muhammad, I am a Man. (Qur'án XIV:12; XVIII:111; XLI:7)
> Like him [Muhammad] bereft of the power to do what you call miracles. The only miracle that I can
> accomplish is the only one which he [Muhammad] himself carried out — the [revelation of] verses. You
> have believed in yours [verses], which prepared the way for me, for you have seen that according to the
> promise of the Qur'án, during 1270 years nobody was capable of causing them [verses] to descend from
> heaven. And now I say to you, as Muhammad said to you: Either you believe in these verses, and then you
> are saved, or you do not believe and then you are liars, for you deny the absolute truth — unless I am
> myself a liar, pretending falsely to receive divine revelation, which is impossible for my verses are my proof,
> as they were for Muhammad. But furthermore, because this is your belief, come, come all, and pray to God
> to decide between us as He did for the preceding prophets. (This is an allusion to the discussions of Moses
> with the magicians, and of those of all the prophets with the unbelievers of their times: Abraham and the
> firey furnace, Lot transported into another country, Noah saved from the deluge, etc.)"
> 
> Amanat (p. 246, n. 241) points out that the Báb has quoted a verse from the Qur'án at the close of this
> paragraph, which he identifies as from Súrat al-'imrán, verse 61:
> 
> "Now whoso disputes with thee concerning him, after what has come to thee of knowledge, say
> to him, 'Come, let us call our sons and your sons, and our women and your women, and our
> people and your people; then let us pray fervently and invoke the curse of Allah on those who
> lie.'" (Qur'án 3:61, English translation by Maulawi Sher Ali)
> 
> (58)Masjid al-Haram is the "holy mosque" in Mecca, which is frequented by all Muslim pilgrims. It is located
> 
> adjacent to the Ka'bih — "Hajar al-Aswád" (the Black Stone), which is also called "Bayt al-haram" (Sacred
> House). The Báb is here refering to his two conversations with Mullá Muhammad Husayn Muhít Kirmání,
> in which he challenged this sceptic to "mubáhala." However, this individual was not the only one addressed
> by the Báb on that occasion. In a Tablet cited in ZUHUR (p. 271), the Báb stated: "I accomplished the
> proof of mubáhala in Masjid al-Haram in the presence of eye-witnesses, and the one who was
> addressed...was Muhít" and he continues: "Those who heard such a call, I believe, were Hájj Sayyid 'Alí
> Kirmání, Hájj Sayyid Muhammad Khurásání, Hájj Sulaymán Khán, and Hájj Muhammad 'Alí
> Mázandarání, and there were others as well" (cited Amanat, pp. 245-246, and p. 246, n. 240).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             69
> 
> minbar, during the night of the 15th day of the month of Dhu al-Hijja al-Haram(59), three
> hours after the setting of the sun, did I not say to you: 'Accept my request, come, make
> "mubáhala"(60)near the Black Stone, for, in the name of all men, you charge yourself with
> the mandate of denying me, so that God may decide the truth between us — and God
> knows what I say.'
> 
> "Did I not make at another time this same proposition to you in the Masjid al-Haram
> between the minbar and the maqám(61), opposite the Ka'bih?
> 
> "Did I not, in the very house of Mecca itself, which is the dwelling place of the Truth(62),
> renew three times this offer to you?"
> 
> The terms here are very clear, and very distinct; the details are precise, and there is no question
> either of a sword, or of the Imám Mahdí, which the Báb would not have failed to mention if it had
> any utility whatsoever, or any importance in his eyes.
> 
> The very fact that he proposes "Mubáhala" to one of his contradictors reveals to us that
> throughout his pilgrimage he continued a proclamation which seems not to have been heeded.
> 
> Whatever may have been, the Báb, his pilgrimage having come to a close, prepared himself to
> return to Persia. It was perhaps at this moment, or perhaps, upon his regaining Búshihr, after
> having revealed mid-sea the "Kitáb-i-Rúh"(63), that he dreamed of organizing the events which
> were henceforth to take place.
> 
> (59)Besides specifying the exact time and place at which the Báb declared "mubáhala," this passage recalls the
> 
> "mubáhala" of Muhammad, which took place on 23 Dhu al-Hijja in the year 10 A.H., called thenceforth
> "yawm al-mubáhala" (the day of mubáhala), when the Prophet challenged the Christians of Najrán to this
> ultimate test of divine truth. Amanat (p. 245, n. 237) points out this similarity, and also that the verse quoted
> by the Báb (Qur'án III:62) refers to this "mubáhala" in particular. While Amanat (Ibid.) indicates that
> "mubáhala" was practiced between rivals in the Muslim community, in the case of the Báb in Mecca it is
> evident that he regarded himself as reviving the "mubáhala" of the new Prophet in contest with the followers
> of the previous Prophet.
> 
> (60)"Mubáhala" is defined by Amanat (p. 245, n. 237) as a "direct appeal to irrevocable divine arbitration"
> 
> which is effected through "mutual execration by means of humble and sincere prayer (bahala: to curse and
> ibtihál: lamentation and prayer), in hope of divine arbitration between good and evil." The prophet Elijah
> seems to be the first to have practiced "mubáhala," as is described in the First Book of Kings (18:20-39).
> 
> (61)"Minbar" means "pulpit" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1102), and refers here to the Masjid al-Haram. "Maqám"
> 
> means "sacred place" and here the Báb is indicating the Ka'bih.
> 
> (62)"Al-Haqq" (Truth, Reality) is an attribute of God (Wehr/Cowan, p. 224), and here indicates the
> 
> presence of God, which is believed by Muslims to be indwelling in the Ka'bih. The Súrat al-hijr (Qur'án
> 15:86), Súrat al-zumár (Qur'án 39:6), and Súrat al-ahqáf (Qur'án 46:4) state that God created the
> universe, the heavens and the earth with "al-haqq" (the truth). This has been interpreted by some
> commentators to indicate that the medium whereby God has brought into being all creation is the
> Truth. This seems to be the meaning of the Báb, for it is most unlikely, given his uncompromising
> monotheism, that he would have claimed that God Himself dwells in the Ka'bih.
> 
> (63)Nicolas cites these verses regarding "Kitáb-i-Rúh":
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             70
> 
> Here are the terms in which he invites his uncle(64) to preach the new doctrine(65):
> 
> "In the name of God, the Clement, the Merciful.
> 
> "Read the book(66) of the 'Mention of the Name of your Lord' [Dhikr al-Ism al-Rabbuka].
> There is no God but Him, Who is Exalted and Wise. And this book is a book which
> descended from the Baqíyyat'u'lláh(67), the Imám of the evident Truth.
> 
> "In truth this book is an order which contains no doubt: it descends from God, the Very
> Exalted, the Wise. And, in truth, He is the Truth in the heavens and upon the earth.
> 
> "He recites for you the Book of your Lord which contains an order of the inflexible
> Balance, and in truth this is the voice of your Lord in the heavens and upon the earth. He
> calls men to the way of God, the Glorious, the Praised.
> 
> "So read the "Kitáb-i-Rúh," this book which I caused to descend mid-sea, during the return of the
> Mention of God, in seven hundred solid verses."
> ("Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn")
> 
> The Báb lists "Kitáb al-Rúh" in "Kitáb al-fihrist" and indicates that it is composed of 700 Súras, and 7000
> verses (MacEoin, p. 52). This work, which is also called "Kitáb al-'adl" (Mazandarani, "Asrár al-athár,"
> volume IV, p. 45; cited MacEoin, p. 61, n. 83), was 900 suras in length according to the Báb's "Kitáb al-
> 'ulamá'" (cited MacEoin, p. 61, n. 82). There are at least five manuscripts of this work extant at this time
> (MacEoin, pp. 61, 189), but one of these manuscripts contains only 98 suras, while another contains 415
> suras (p. 189). There is a reference to "Kitáb al-Rúh" in Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p.
> 107).
> 
> (64)Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam), the Báb's uncle who was a Bábí by this time.
> 
> (65)Nicolas alleged that "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" was addressed to the Báb's uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí.
> 
> Other authorities (ZARANDI, p. 137; MacEoin, p. 21, 54, 60; Amanat, p. 246, n. 241) assure us that
> "Sahífa bayna'l-haramayn" was written in answer to certain questions posed by Mullá Muhammad Husayn
> Muhít Kirmání. Amanat (p. 241, n. 210) also indicates that Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání is referred to in "Sahífa
> bayna'l-haramayn" and suggests that Nicolas' claim that this work was addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
> (Shírází) is based on a misattribution due to the similarity between two names. However, this does not
> explain the direct reference, referred to in note (80), to the Báb's maternal uncle. Nicolas asserts ("Seyyed Ali
> Mohammed dit le Báb," p. 221) that the first Súrah of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn" was addressed to the
> uncle of the Báb. He also attests (Ibid., p. 222) that the fourth Súrah of this Book was addressed to Hájí
> Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání. Amanat (p. 249, n. 263) indicates that the former portion of this work was addressed to
> Mírzá Muhít Kirmání, while the second portion is a direct address to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání. It is entirely
> possible then, that one portion of this work was addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, another portion to Hájí
> Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, with a third intended for Mírzá Muhít Kirmání.
> 
> (66)Nicolas comments on this verse: "I translate 'Kitáb' by the word 'Book,' because that has become the
> 
> habitual practice, but this word Book must be taken here to mean 'writing.'"
> 
> (67)"Baqíyyatu'lláh" (the Remnant of God) is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí. Hence, it can apply to
> 
> the historical twelfth Imám, and also to the Promised One of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. For more
> information, please see notes (37) and (44).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            71
> 
> "Know that whosoever hears one of these new verses, his works will not be accepted unless
> he declares his faith in the verses of his Lord and if he becomes of those who prostrate
> themselves…
> 
> "And in truth a single verse of the verses which We now cause to descend upon you is
> equal to the verses of (all the prophets) of the past and to all the verses which afterwards all
> men will ask of the Baqíyyat'u'lláh.
> 
> "This book suffices to prove the the quality of the Hujjat [proof] of the Dhikr(68) for all who
> are upon the earth.
> 
> "If God makes a verse descend, nobody has the right to say anything at all about it.
> 
> "And, in truth, I do not establish a single difference in the order of the Book. All are under
> His orders and adore God.
> 
> "We have tested men by the truth, as We have tested those who were before them: all have
> thus taken their place from the Book and all will return to God.
> 
> "In truth, those who obey the verses of God and leave in the direction of the blessed
> land(69), these are those who were [rightly] guided.
> 
> "In truth, those who have treated Our verses as lies and have obeyed their passions, those
> ones are worthy of the word of chastisement, and they do not know it.
> 
> "Know, O you who have truly obeyed Me, and give the good news of the spirit which
> comes from Me, and in truth, this spirit is a great blessing.
> 
> "God, your merciful Lord has written your names in the leaf of the 'Arsh(70), and, in truth,
> this inscription is a great blessing.
> 
> (68)"Hujjat al-Dhikr" (the Proof of the Remembrance) is a reference to a name of the Imám Mahdí,
> "Hujjatu'lláh" and also a reference to the Báb, who often characterized himself as "Dhikr" (the
> Remembrance) or "Dhikru'lláh" (the Remembrance of God). Fariba Ghayebi (26/2/02) writes that
> "Hujjat" is found in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" and "Bayán-i-fársí", while both "Hujjat" and "Dhikru'lláh" are used
> in a Tablet of the Báb addressed to Mullá Nurúz 'Alí (cited Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 286). There is also a
> reference to "Dhikr al-Akbar" from "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the Báb (Súrat Rad, verse 7, cited Abu'l-Qasim
> Afnan, p. 66).
> 
> (69)Nicolas notes that the "holy land" in the Báb’s Dispensation is the city of Shíráz. "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid
> 
> IV: Báb 16, Báb 17, Báb 18, Báb 19) and "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (váhid IV: báb 16, báb 17, báb 18, báb
> 19) discuss various aspects of pilgrimage to the house of the Báb which was ordained to supercede
> pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. Bahá'u'lláh reaffirms this law in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#32, Q25, Q29,
> Q32), calling for pilgrimage to the house of the Báb in Shíráz, and supplementing this locus of sacred
> visitation with his own residence in Baghdád. Neither location is presently a place of pilgrimage because
> of circumstances beyond the control of the believers.
> 
> (70)Nicolas may have translated an Arabic word with "Arch" in French, the equivalent of Ark in English, in
> 
> which case the Arabic original, if derived from the Qur'án, may be found in Súrat al-húd (Qur'án XI:38-
> 39), and Súrat al-mu'minún (Qur'án XXIII:28) in reference to the Prophet Noah, and called "fulka"; or in
> Súrat tá-há (Qur'án XX:40) in reference to the infant Moses, and called "tábúti." Neither of these meanings
> seem to make any sense in this passage. There is another possibility, which is that Nicolas was transliterating
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                      72
> 
> "Say: O troops! Come close to Him Who is seated upon the 'Arsh in the sublime haram(71).
> Then all of you go out following the order of God (from your homes?) and enter the land of
> refuge(72) — so that all of you may be inscribed in the ranks of those who have received the
> blessing.
> 
> "Know, O pure and good Siyyid(73), who fears God! Invite men to justice; cause the order
> of this Book to come to those who are upon this land (there), and to those who are in the
> vicinity of this land, so that he who must die will die(74) at the new Hujjat(75); so that he may
> be saved who had been saved by the previous verses [Qur'án]. And God, your Lord, is He
> Who hears, the Wise.
> 
> "To those who accuse God of lying in saying that the Mention of the Name of Your Lord
> [Dhikr al-Ism al-Rabbuka] pilfers what was in the Qur'án, say: 'God is pure and free (of
> that which you accuse Him) and His rank is exalted. When God permits it to His slave, He
> causes to descend in every word the equivalent of a Qur'án.' And God Who is your Lord, is
> the Powerful and the Glorious.
> 
> a Persian or an Arabic word. In this case, the word is "'arsh" which means "throne" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 704)
> in Arabic, and "the throne of God" (among other meanings found in Steingass, pp. 842-843). The translator
> has used this term in this context inasmuch as it fits the passage much more conveniently. While "'arsh" is
> not found in the Qur'án, it was commonly used among Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims to denote the presence
> of the divine, as indicated for example by the title of Mullá Sadra's "Hikmatu'l-'Arshíyyah" which Balyuzi
> (pp. 113, 236) translates as "Celestial or Divine Philosophy." Another Arabic word which has the same
> meaning as "'arsh" is found in the Qur'án and in a famous passage, in Súrat al-baqara (II:255/256):
> 
> wasi'a kursíyyuhu as-samamúti wa'l-árda
> 
> "His throne is as vast as the heavens and the earth..."
> (Qur'án II:255/256, English translation by N.J.Dawood)
> 
> "Kursíy" means "chair; throne; seat" (Wehr/Cowan) and may be related to the Hebrew word "kise'" ("seat"
> in Ben-Yehudah). Further research into this question is needed before the meaning intended by the Báb can
> be fully grasped.
> 
> (71)The sublime "haram" (holy place) referred to seems to be the spiritual world rather than any particular
> 
> physical location. In one of his Tablets, the Báb referred to Quddús as the throne from which he made his
> night voyage to heaven. It seems likely that the person seated on the "'Arsh" is the Báb himself.
> 
> (72)The land of refuge is the city of Shíráz.
> 
> (73)While it is not evident here that the Báb is addressing Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, please see note (64) for
> 
> clarification.
> 
> (74)Nicolas explains this verse: "He who dies in the new testimony, is he who does not believe in the new
> 
> prophet; he who is saved by the antecedent [abrogated] verses is he who, having understood the true
> meaning of the Qur'án, has given his faith to Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad."
> 
> (75)The new "Hujjat" (proof) is the new Prophet of God and his Book. Please see notes (44) and (68) this
> 
> Chapter for more detailed references to "Hujjat".
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           73
> 
> "In truth, [O Siyyid] obey the order of the revelation and bring such [verses] as this Book
> to those who, in truth, inhabit the ways(76); that thereby they may understand the verses of
> God and become among those who are [rightly] guided.
> 
> "Know that, in truth, the ways of the sea are difficult: we do not wish them for our
> followers. Go by the ways of land(77) and say: 'That which God wishes (will be). There is no
> power but in God, this God who holds in His hand all the orders. There is no God, except
> Him, the Loving, He Who has need of nobody.'
> 
> "And if you are not afraid of the order of Baghdád(78), make efforts in the ways of your
> Lord, with wisdom and with solid verses for those who inhabit Baghdad among the 'ulamá'
> who reject. Thereby they may comprehend the order of God and become Muslims(79).
> 
> "O troops, pay attention! How can you say on the subject of My slave: 'all that is vain'? In
> truth, this slave has come to you with verses, which, like those of the Qur'án, are clear and
> evident, and this, after you yourselves had been convinced of the order of God.
> 
> "Be patient! In truth, the day of the separation (between the good and the bad) is real. And
> I ordain in the midst of men with the permission of your Lord. And this day is not a day of
> violence, God is the All-Powerful, the Wise.
> 
> "Fear God, O men! Then present yourselves between the two hands of God — if you can
> do so, bring (verses) equal to (those) of this Book. In this case your religion will be for you,
> and, for me, the religion of God, the Glorious, the Praised.
> 
> "And if you cannot do so, and of a certainty, you will not be able to do so, even if you all
> helped each the other, then turn away from the falsehood in which you find yourselves.
> 
> "Enter by the door of God, in prostrating yourselves, and perhaps you will be saved. And if
> you do not enter therein, then hold yourselves according to the order of God in the
> 
> (76)Nicolasinterprets the Báb's meaning: "'As this book' means the verses which you are carrying, my
> writings. Those who live along the way are those, inhabiting the towns or the villages, whom the messenger
> will meet upon his way."
> 
> (77)Nicolas explains: "This passage places the redaction of this Súrah between Mecca and Medina. Would
> 
> the Báb, at this moment, have sent his uncle ahead of him, by land routes which come to an end in
> Baghdád?"
> 
> (78)Nicolasdoes not explain this reference to an order in Baghdad. It seems likely that the Báb was
> acknowledging the arrest, trial and conviction of Mullá 'Alí-i-Bastámí, one of the Letters of the Living,
> which occurred in Baghdád between late October 1844 (Amanat, p. 219) and 13 January 1845 (Ibid., p.
> 230), while the Báb was on pilgrimage. Accounts of this first arrest of a Bábí missionary are found in
> ZARANDI (pp. 87-92), Balyuzi (Chapter IV, pp. 58-68), and Amanat (pp. 211-238).
> 
> (79)Nicolas states: "I think that this means: 'If truly you are not afraid that the Sunní 'ulamá' will rise up
> 
> against you, go to Baghdád, and as you go, preach my doctrine, but do so with wisdom.' It is also possible
> that it means that the Sunní 'ulamá' were — according to the understanding of the Báb — even more
> intransigently fanatical than their colleagues in Persia, because of their proximity to the holy places, Najaf
> and Karbilá. Perhaps it refers to an incident about which I am not acquainted."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         74
> 
> Qur'án, and call for the justice of God, that it may rain down chastisement upon those who
> lie and who have become evil ones.
> 
> "Basing yourself on this order, bring this order on your way and do not fear anyone in the
> days of your Lord. In truth, this is the blessing of God upon him.
> 
> "And, in truth, if you die or if you are killed, you will return to God.
> 
> "Cause fear to that one who, in truth, has treated as lies the verses of his Lord, who has
> obeyed his passions and who has thus become among the transgressors.
> 
> "Bring the greeting of the Mention [Dhikr] to those who have already believed and tell
> them: 'Leave (your homes, directing yourselves) towards the blessed land (Shíráz) so that
> you will be among the pious.'
> 
> "And send such as this book to those who have obeyed Our religion and who are earnest.
> 
> "In truth, for one among you it is necessary that he teach in the house of the Báb of God
> [the house of the Báb in Shíráz] from our earlier verses, and, in truth, this is an important
> matter…
> 
> "O my maternal uncle(80), read this book and wait in this town(81) as long as you wish —
> then leave for your town (Shíráz). In truth you are of those who have proven their faith
> in following this Book. Say: 'Praise be to God, the Ordainer of the worlds.'"
> 
> As we can see, from this point onwards the Báb prepares his [prophetic] announcement — he
> ordains a messenger to distribute his works, to preach to the population at large; at the same time
> he makes it a strict duty incumbent upon all those who have thenceforth believed in him to meet in
> Shíráz. Also he gives the order to recommence the giving of sermons in his house and I think that
> this refers to the mosque of the makers of swords(82).
> 
> Mr. de Gobineau, Mr. Browne, all the Muslim authors, and the generality of the Bábís think that
> during the course of his life the Báb presented himself under diverse aspects, first under that of the
> Door(83), then under that of the Point(84).
> (80)Only one of the maternal uncles of the Báb was a Bábí at this time, and this was Hájí Mírzá Siyyid
> 
> 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam).
> 
> (81)It is not known to which city the Báb refers; however, inasmuch as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí may have been
> 
> attending to his commercial interests in Búshihr, this may have been the location in question.
> 
> (82)Nicolas
> states that this was the Mosque of the makers of swords in Shíráz, what he denominates
> "Shemshirgueran." MacEoin (p. 62) refers to the Shamshírgarán mosque. Sepehr Manuchehri identified
> Shamshírgarán as the name of the neighborhood in the city of Shíráz in which the house of Báb was
> located. He also indicated that there was a mosque with this name in the vicinity of the Báb’s house.
> 
> (83)Edward Granville Browne (Note O, pp. 296-299, "A Traveller's Narrative", cited in Introduction, "The
> 
> Dawn-breakers," p. liii) indicates that following the disappearance of the twelfth Imám in 260 A.H. a series
> of four "Abwáb" (Gates) were appointed who served for over sixty-nine years as the human channels to the
> hidden Imám, Muhammad ibn Hasan al-'Askarí. These four "Abwáb" were named Abú-'Umar-'Uthmán
> ibn-i-Sa'íd 'Umarí; Abú-Ja'far Muhammad-ibn-i-'Uthmán; Husayn-ibn-i-Rúh Naw-bakhtí; and Abu'l-
> Hasan 'Alí-ibn-i-Muhammad Símarí. George Townshend explained that the assumption of the title "Báb"
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             75
> 
> I shared this opinion myself, not in a very clear and precise fashion, but nevertheless with sufficient
> explicitness to have written, on page four (iv) of the Preface to the "Book of the Seven Proofs"(85),
> 
> by Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was misunderstood by some of the Muslims of his time. In the Introduction to
> "The Dawn-breakers" (pp. xxx-xxxi) he writes:
> 
> "They imagined His meaning to be that He was a fifth Gate in succession to Abu'l-Hasan-'Alí. His
> true meaning, however, as He Himself clearly announced, was very different. He was the Qá'im;
> but the Qá'im, though a High Prophet, stood in relation to a succeeding and greater Manifestation
> as did John the Baptist to the Christ. He was the Forerunner of One yet more mighty than Himself.
> He was to decrease; that Mighty One was to increase. And as John the Baptist had been the Herald
> or Gate of the Christ, so was the Báb the Herald or Gate of Bahá'u'lláh."
> 
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 4, 6-7) confirms this interpretation of this title of the Báb:
> 
> "Now what He intended by the term Báb [Gate] was this, that He was the channel of grace from
> some great Person still behind the veil of glory, Who was the possessor of countless and boundless
> perfections, by Whose will He moved, and to the bond of Whose love He clung..."
> "It was then supposed that He claimed to be the medium of grace from His Highness the Lord of
> the Age [Sáhib al-Zamán] (upon Him be peace); but afterwards it became known and evident that
> His meaning was the Gatehood [Bábíyyat] of another city and the mediumship of the graces of
> another Person Whose qualities and attributes were contained in His books and treatises."
> 
> The Báb himself describes his gradual disclosure of his prophetic station in this passage:
> 
> "Consider the manifold favours vouchsafed by the Promised One, and the effusions of His
> bounty which have pervaded the concourse of the followers of Islám to enable them to attain
> unto salvation. Indeed observe how He Who representeth the origin of creation, He Who is the
> exponent of the verse, 'I, in very truth, am God', identified Himself as the Gate [Bab] for the
> advent of the promised Qá'im, a descendant of Muhammad, and in His first Book enjoined the
> observance of the laws of the Qur'án, so that the people might not be seized with perturbation
> by reason of a new Book and a new Revelation and might regard His Faith as similar to their
> own, perchance they would not turn away from the Truth and ignore the thing for which they
> had been called into being." ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," p. 119)
> 
> (84)The Point, or "Nuqta" in Arabic and "Nuqtih" in Persian, is one of the titles which the Báb assumed,
> 
> particularly during the latter half of his short ministry. In fact, he generally called himself " Nuqtih-i-Bayán"
> (Point of the Exposition), as found in many verses of "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid II: báb 4, báb 7,
> báb 9, báb 12, báb 15, báb 17; váhid III: báb 13, báb 17; váhid IV: báb 12, báb 18; váhid V: báb 16; váhid
> VI: báb 1, báb 13, báb 18; váhid VII: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2, báb 4, báb 17; váhid IX: báb 2, báb 3).
> There is only one reference to "Nuqtih-i-Úlá" (Primal Point) in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VI: báb 15), but this is
> the title which seems to have been most commonly used by Bábís in speaking of the Báb. Shoghi Effendi has
> translated a passage from the Báb's letter to Muhammad Sháh from the fortress of Máh-Kú, in which the
> author declares: "I am the Primal Point" ("The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh," p. 126). The widespread use of
> this title among Persian Bahá'ís may be derived from Bahá'u'lláh's copious usage of this title, as can be
> witnessed in Shoghi Effendi's translations of his words in "The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh" (pp. 107, 125,
> 138, 139). In "Bayán-i-fársí," the term "Nuqtih" has a more universal significance, referring in most passages
> of this Book to the station of Prophethood in every Dispensation rather than exclusively to the báb (váhid I:
> báb 15; váhid II: báb 11, báb 16; váhid III: báb 1, báb 7, báb 8, báb 10, báb 12; váhid IV: báb 12; váhid V:
> báb 3; váhid VIII: báb 5). Another title, "Nuqtih-i-Furqán" is applied to the Prophet Muhammad in
> "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             76
> 
> the following phrase: "The Báb qualifies himself here as Imám Mahdí and rejects the title of Báb
> with which he had invested himself."
> 
> I must admit here that I was mistaken and my only excuse is to have been mistaken in numerous
> company.
> 
> What does this title of "Door" signify? We have seen, without having had the need to search very
> far, the Prophet say(86):
> 
> (85)Nicolas refers to his translation of "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" — "Les Sept Preuves de la Mission du Báb" — which
> 
> was published in 1902, three years before the publication of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" (1905).
> 
> (86)'I am the City of knowledge and 'Alí is the Door' is a hadíth (a tradition, an oral statement) attributed to
> 
> the Prophet Muhammad. The original wording in Arabic is “Ana al-madinatu'l-'ilm wa 'Alí al-Báb”. Dr.
> Khazeh Fananapazir (email 17/1/02) indicated that Sunní references to this hadíth are numerous:
> 
> "Sahih al-Tirmidhi, volume 5: pp. 201,637; al-Mustadrak, by al-Hakim, volume 3: pp. 126-127, 226;
> Chapter of the Virtues of 'Alí, narrated on the authority of two reliable reporters: first Ibn 'Abbás, whose
> report has been transmitted through two different chains of authorities, and second Jabir Ibn 'Abdu'lláh
> al-Ansari; Fadha'il al-Sahaba, by Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, volume 2: p. 635, Tradition #1081; Jami' al-
> Saghir, by Jalalu'd-Dín al-Suyuti, volume 1: pp. 107,374; Jami' al-Jawami'; Táríkh al-Khulafá, p. 171;
> al-Kabír, by al-Tabarani (d. 360); al-Awsat Ma'rifah al-Sahaba, by al-Hafidh Abu Nu'aym al-Isfáhání;
> Ihyá al-'Ulúm, by al-Ghazzali; History of Ibn Kathir, volume 7: p. 358; History of Ibn Asakir; Tarikh,
> by al-Khatíb al-Baghdádí, volume 2: p. 337, volume 4: p. 348, volume 7: p. 173, volume 11: pp. 48-50,
> volume 13: p. 204; al-Isti'ab, by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, volume 3: p. 38, volume 2: p. 461; Usdul Ghabah, by
> Ibn al-Athir, volume 4: p. 22; Tahdhib al-Athár, by Ibn Jarir al-Tabari; Majma' al-Zawa'id, by al-
> Haythami, volume 9; p. 114; Bahr al-Asatíd, by al-Hafidh Abu Muhammad Hasan Samarghandi (d.
> 491); Siraj al-Munír, by al-Hafidh 'Alí Ibn Ahmad Azizi Shafi'i (d.1070), volume 2: p. 63; Manaqib, by
> 'Alí Ibn Muhammad Ibn Tayyib al-Jalábi Ibn Magházi (d. 483); Firdaws al-Akhbar, by Abu Shuja'a
> Shirwayh Hamadani al-Daylami (d. 509); Maqtal al-Husayn, by Khatíb Kharazmi (d. 568), volume 1: p.
> 43; Manaqib, by Khatíb Kharazmi (d. 568), p. 49; Alif Ba'a, by Abul Hajjáj Yúsuf Ibn Muhammad
> Andulisi (d.605), volume 1: p. 222; Matalib al-Su'ul, by Abu Salim Muhammad Ibn Talhih Shafi'i (d.
> 652), p. 22; Jawahi al-Aghdi'in, by Núr al-Dín al-Shafi'i (d. 911); Yanabi' al-Mawaddah, by al-Qundúzi
> al-Hanafi, in Chapter 14; Tadhkirat al-Khawas al-Ummah, by Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 654), p. 29; Kunz
> al-Barahín, by Shaykh Khathri; Kifayat al-Talib, by Yúsuf al-Ganji al-Shafi'i (d. 658), Chapter 58; Kanz
> al-Ummal, by al-Muttaqí al-Hindi, part 15, p13, Traditions #348-379 in al-Sawa'iq al-Muhriqah, by
> Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Chapter 9, section 2, p. 189; Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Siddíq al-Hasani al-
> Maghribi, in Fat'h al-Mulk al-'Alí bi Sihah Hadíth-i-Báb-i-Madinat al-'Ilm" (Matba' al-Islámiyyah,
> Egypt, 1354 AH.); Ibn Adi on the authority of Ibn Umar; al-Bazzar on the authority of Jabir Ibn
> 'Abdullah al-Ansari."
> 
> Dr. Fananapazir pointed out that this "tradition also supports the infallibility of Imám 'Alí (beside what
> is conveyed by Qur'án 33:33 on the issue of infallibility of Ahlu'l-Bayt). The [cause] of non-intentional
> mistakes is lack of knowledge, i.e., not to know what is right to do at the time. Therefore, if Imám 'Alí
> contained all the knowledge of the Prophet, it [stands to] reason that if the Prophet was infallible, so is
> Imám 'Alí."
> Dr. Fananapazir also reports that al-Tirmidhi ("Sahih al-Tirmidhi," volume 5: pp 201,637) recorded a
> similar hadíth:
> 
> "The Messenger of Allah said: 'I am the House of Wisdom and Ali is it's door.'"
> 
> "Al-Tirmidhi cites Ibn Jarir al-Tabari [as] recorder [of] this tradition and wrote: 'We believe this
> tradition to be genuine and authentic.' Sources for this hadíth are al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          77
> 
> "I am the City of knowledge and 'Alí is the Door."
> 
> The doctrine of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í has taken possession of this saying, has embroidered
> thereupon complicated designs and this has resulted, in the final analysis, in the twelve Imáms
> being perceived as successive Doors, partaking of a direct and divine heritage of inspiration. The
> twelfth Imám having disappeared, the Door of the divine science was closed, and men had nothing
> more upon which to base themselves except the "reasoning" of their religious leaders, the
> mujtahidún. All this is clear and precise, and even the terms which I employ are of common usage
> in Persia.
> 
> Then the Báb arrives who declares himself to be the Door of divine knowledge, and by this very
> fact he claimed to be renewing the interrupted chain, of ascending once more, according to the
> Shí'í beliefs, to the earliest epoch of Islám, retrieving all the traditions, and continuing, across the
> centuries, the work commenced by Muhammad .
> 
> The Báb invents nothing here, because the prophecies announce the reappearance of an Imám
> known under the name of Imám Mahdí, Imám Qá'im, Qá'im of the family of Muhammad, Sáhib
> al-Zamán, etc.
> 
> And, to claim for oneself the title "Door," is to claim also the title of Sáhib al-Zamán.
> 
> Unfortunately, here as well as in many other cases, the chaos of the superstitions of Persia
> intervened. First of all, the universally admitted idea is that the Imám Mahdí must make Islám
> reign, and thus make the Qur'án supreme over all the surface of the earth.
> 
> Islám and the Qur'án, for the Persians, purely and simply connote the religion which they already
> have in hand, the Book which they already possess. Therefore Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad, who
> presents a new religion and a new book, cannot be other than an impostor.
> 
> But if one takes the words Islám and Qur'án in their true meaning, the pictures changes. "Islám" is
> resignation to God, to the religion of God, and it is in this sense that the Persians are justified in
> saying that Abraham, Moses, and Jesus were Muslims. Qur'án means "the reading", "the Book" —
> would one claim that the immense knowledge of God is enclosed altogether in the narrow confines
> of the Book to which this name has been given? No, for if it were the recourse to mujtahidún
> would be needless.
> 
> I do not believe it indispensable for me to dwell upon this subject. The explanation which I have
> given here shall suffice I think to make it understood how to interpret and to translate for oneself
> all the Persian beliefs on the subject of the Imám Mahdí.
> 
> Thus, and by the very fact of his claim to be the Báb, Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad claims the title of
> Sáhib al-Zamán.
> 
> Ummal (volume 6: p. 401); Jami' al-Saghir, by Jalalu'd-Dín al-Suyuti (volume 1: p. 170); and Jami' al-
> Jawami' al-Sawa'iq al-Muhriqah, by Ibn Hajar Haythami (Chapter 9, section 2, p. 189)."
> 
> In allegedly referring to this hadíth, the Báb seems to be claiming to have a station similar to that of the
> Imám 'Alí, and hence identical with that of the Imám Mahdí, the Qá'im expected by Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í
> Muslims. Nicolas cites this hadíth a second time, in Chapter Four, note (38).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             78
> 
> But, what does he do from that moment on?(87) Without hesitation, without fear he descends
> verses. And, if we go back through the story of the ages, we will meet but a single person gifted
> with this power, and this is Muhammad!
> 
> Further, in the "Kitáb al-haramayn" itself our hero declares that the diverse testimonies — read
> “prophets” — of God which have succeeded one another have done so in an ascending fashion;
> that is to say that the predecessor — already more elevated than the one he succeeds — is inferior
> to his successor. If we translate this principle into names, we have Muhammad as the predecessor,
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad as successor.
> 
> Having thus — from the beginning, and I insist upon this point — proclaimed his mission, there is
> nothing left to claim and he will claim nothing more thereafter; his history is there to affirm this.
> 
> We see him, in his first works, giving himself the names of Báb, of Mention, of the Name of your
> Lord, of the Speech of God, etc. These other titles do not come from anything other than the
> normal development of his doctrine, such as the title of Nuqtat'u'lláh for example(88).
> 
> Moreover, let us examíne the different Surahs which compose the collection entitled "Kitáb bayn
> al-haramayn."
> 
> The first Súrah of this work, which was previously cited in its entirety, is addressed to the uncle of
> the Siyyid.
> 
> The second Súrah, which I have called "The Interdiction" contains the following passage:
> 
> "Do all of the verses of all of the prophets equal one of the verses which We send to you?
> No, I swear by your God! In truth! We testify that the greater part of men do not
> understand and do not invest their faith. They are without intelligence — may God kill
> them! !(90)
> 
> (87)From 5 Jamádi al-Awwal 1260 A.H., corresponding to 22/23 May 1844 A.D.
> 
> (88)Nicolas explains the various titles of the Báb, and cites the Báb himself as a witness to the truth of his
> 
> claim: "So that one will not go about believing that there is a contradiction between what I say and what the
> Báb himself affirms in the above-mentioned passage of the Book of Seven Proofs" (Nicolas' translation):
> 
> "See how the awaited Exalted One manifested His truth before the eyes of the Muslims in order to
> open before them the way of salvation. She, the first radiation of creation, She, the mirror of good,
> condescended to present Herself under the appearance of the Door which conducts to the
> knowledge of the hidden descendent of Muhammad. In His first book He spoke in the name of the
> laws of the Qur'án so that men would not be troubled by the new text and the new law..."
> 
> Nicolas continues with his explanation: "This is exactly the reasoning that Jesus used with the Jews when he
> said to them: 'I did not come to abolish the Law but to fulfill it.' [Gospel of Matthew 5:17] What this is, in
> the two cases [alike] is not the law as it exists among men, defiled by the discussions of the doctors [clergy],
> and burdened with a mass of accessory superstitions, but of the law of God that was given to the preceding
> prophet and which men did not know how to observe."
> 
> (90)This may strike many a reader as reminiscent of certain Biblical and Qur'anic verses which call for the
> 
> death of unbelievers. However, the Báb has explained in his Writings that by "death" is meant spiritual non-
> existence, that is, a state of being in which the human being is deprived of the blessings of the spiritual
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         79
> 
> "One would say that these people are further astray than any donkey and, in truth, the
> donkey understands how he eats barley and they do not comprehend anything, and will
> not be guided!
> 
> "I attest by Him who created you and who made me His testimony over you, a verse of my
> verses proves the order of God for all those who are upon the surface of the earth."
> 
> The third Súrah is a compilation of hadíth, which does not interest us for the moment.
> 
> The fourth is that which is addressed to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání(91).
> 
> And finally, the fifth, which is the object of the present study, and from which we have cited large
> portions, contains the following words:
> 
> "So I have accepted your order, O my God! Because you instructed me regarding the
> word of creation, so that the believers might know, by the order of your verses of
> acceptance, the word which separates the true from the false (93)."
> 
> "God embraces all things — perhaps this book is a sublime Qur'án of the knowledge of
> God, so that the Unitarians might testify, in the verses of your slave, to the word of the
> Book. And we have counted all things in the evident book so that the faithful may enter
> 
> realms, which can only be reached by the believers. In this context, the Báb's statement recalls the words
> attributed to Jesus in the Gospel of Luke (9:60):
> 
> "Let the dead bury their dead: but go thou and preach the kingdom of God."
> 
> (91)Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání is mentioned only once in MacEoin (p. 50), where he is listed as having
> 
> received a letter from the Báb which its author listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist." Amanat (pp. 155, 165n, 241n,
> 246n, 249n, 250-251) gives a little more detail regarding this individual. Amanat asserts that Siyyid 'Alí
> Kirmání was Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's secretary, and he cites QATIL (p. 518) who states that Siyyid
> Kirmání forged a tract in Rashtí's name in order to justify the leadership claims of Hájí Muhammad
> Karím Khán Kirmání (Amanat, p. 155). Amanat (p. 165, n. 89) affirms that Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání
> (whom he calls here Mullá 'Alí Kirmání) later admitted to this forgery and was forced to flee to Mecca
> for refuge. The Báb stated (ZUHUR, P. 271) that Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání was among those who
> witnessed his "mubáhala" with Mullá Muhammad Husayn Muhít Kirmání in the Masjid al-Haram
> (cited Amanat, p. 246, n. 240).
> (93)Nicolas comments on these verses: "The word which separates the true from the false — that is the title
> 
> given to the Qur'án when it is called the 'furqán'." Wehr/Cowan defines "furqán" as a verb (p. 829) "to
> separate, part, divide, sever, sunder" and also as a noun (p. 830) meaning "proof evidence" and, with the
> definite article "al-furqán" denoting the Qur'án — the proof of God, the proof of the prophethood of
> Muhammad , the proof of God's covenant with humankind. One of the chapters of the Qur'án is named
> Súrat al-furqán (#25), probably after the opening verse which identifies the Qur'án as "al-furqán":
> 
> tabraka al-ladhiy najjala al-furqána 'alá 'abdihi liyakúna lil'alamiyna nadhiyrá
> "Blessed be He Who has revealed al-furqán to His servant, that he may warn the nations..."
> (Qur'án 25:1, English translation by N.J. Dawood)
> 
> In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid I: báb 15; váhid VIII: báb 2), the Báb identifies Muhammad as "Nuqtih-i-Furqán"
> — the Point of the Furqán.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           80
> 
> into the door of the house of your haram(94), because of the order which you caused to
> descend in the preceding Qur'án(95): 'Enter by the Door in prostrating yourselves and say:
> 'Indulgence, O my Lord' and He will pardon you your sins. Verily, we heap up the benefits
> of our favors.'
> 
> "In truth! The people of the Qur'án have said when the (My) book of the Mention of the
> name of your Lord descended that which was said in truth by the associates of the past (at
> the moment of the descent of the Qur'án).
> 
> "And I do not find any difference upon the way of God. And you will see no change in any
> of the words of God!
> 
> "Return to me, as did those who turned towards the Prophets of God, and do not fear
> anything, in truth, God does not destroy the recompense of those who do what is right.
> 
> "In truth, the word of your Lord, (the Báb) does not call men by himself, but he calls
> humanity towards that which the envoys and prophets before him have invited them.
> 
> "And when God wishes, He will explain by the mediation of His Dhikr (the Báb) what was
> decreed for him in the Book.
> 
> "In truth, if God wishes it, He can manifest from his slave all that he wishes, as much as He
> wishes: and I, I do not want anything other than what God, your Lord, wanted in the past.
> 
> "Before the presence of the Mention of the name of your Lord, there is no Testimony, if it
> is not a Testimony which comes from me (God), greater than the testimony of the past.
> 
> "Remove, without any sign that descends in your heart, from the Door of God the veils of
> proofs and arguments."
> 
> As we can see, the Báb is the Door, but he is also a Prophet, greater(96) than Muhammad, and God
> will explain afterwards, through the mediation of the Báb, what was decreed for the Báb in His
> knowledge. There is then no contradiction in the curriculum vitae of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad and
> certainly it is a grave error on the part of the Muslims to wish to destroy him with this accusation.
> 
> (94)The "gate/door of the house of his haram" means the "gate/door of the house of his household/holy
> 
> place" and seems to refer to the Báb as descendant of the holy house (family) of Muhammad .
> 
> (95)The Báb is citing Súrat al-baqara of the Qur'án:
> 
> wádkhulúá'l-bába sujjadán wa-qúlúá hittatun naghfí lakum khatayakum wa-sanazídu'l-muhsinína
> 
> "and enter the gate submissively and say: 'God! Forgive us our sins.' We shall forgive you your sins
> and We shall give increase to those who do good."
> (Qur'án 2:59, English translation by Maulawi Sher Ali)
> (96)Nicolas cites I'TIDAD regarding the station which the Báb claimed: "In appearance, this Siyyid [the Báb]
> 
> was a Shaykhí, but he believed himself to be more elevated [in station] than Siyyid Kázim, than Shaykh
> Ahmad, and even than the [twelve] Imáms and the Prophet [Muhammad]." In this regard at least, the
> Muslim historians seem to have gotten their facts straight.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             81
> 
> Chapter Three
> 
> The Return to Shíráz — The Imprisonment — The Cholera — Flight to Isfáhán
> 
> Now our hero returned to Búshihr. It was Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í whom he [the Báb] chose to
> send to Isfáhán to search for Muqaddas Khurásání(1). He confided to his messenger the text of the
> 
> (1)Muqaddas Khurásání: please see note (17) in Chapter One. ZARANDI (p. 96) reports that Mullá Husayn
> 
> Bushrú'í was sent to Isfáhán, and also to Káshán, Tihrán, Khurásán and thence to 'Iráq by the Báb prior to
> his pilgrimage. ZARANDI (pp. 97-101) also reports that during Mullá Husayn's sojourn in Isfáhán, he
> introduced a number of individuals to the new movement, including Muqaddas Khurásání, also called
> Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání and Ismu'lláhu'l-Asdaq. Furthermore, according to ZARANDI (p. 101), Mullá
> Husayn directed Muqaddas Khurásání to proceed to Kirmán to announce to Hájí Mírzá Karím Khán (see
> note (34) in Chapter One) the appearance of the Qá'im; and to travel thereafter to Shíráz, where Mullá
> Husayn would join him, and where they would both be reunited with the Báb. Also according to
> ZARANDI (pp.143-144), after completing his pilgrimage and arriving in Búshihr, the Báb sent Quddús to
> Shíráz, and there Quddús met Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání, "to whom he entrusted a copy of the 'Khasá'il-i-
> Sab'ih" (Seven Qualifications). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 82) and FAYZI (p. 153; cited MacEoin, p. 62) state
> that the Báb authored "Risálih Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" (cited in full by Afnan, p. 99) for Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí
> rather than Muqaddas Khurásání when the Báb returned to Búshihr from the 'Atabát. Afnan (p. 82-83)
> indicates that the Báb wrote other letters at this time, one addressed to Mullá Sádiq-i-Khurásání and
> another addressed to Muhammad Sháh. ZARANDI (p. 143) reports that Quddús delivered a letter from
> the Báb to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, as well as acquainting him with the declaration of his nephew. According
> to MacEoin (p. 62, n. 85), it is this letter which Nicolas has translated in Chapter Two and which is found in
> English in note (64). If this is the letter in question then it appears that at least one letter had become
> amalgamated with Nicolas' manuscript of "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." MacEoin notes (pp. 61-62) that
> "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" was composed by the Báb during his pilgrimage, and ZARANDI indicates that in
> "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" the Báb "set forth the essential requirements from those who had attained to the
> knowledge of the new Revelation and had recognized its claim" (p. 143), and prescribes the following
> addition to the traditional "adhán"(p. 144):
> 
> "I bear witness that He whose name is 'Alí-Qabl-i-Muhammad is the servant of the Baqíyyatu'lláh."
> 
> Shoghi Effendi has written a footnote (in “The Dawn-breakers,” p. 144, n. 2) indicating that “'Alí Qabl-i-
> Muhammad” (literally, "'Alí before Muhammad") is a reference to the name of the Báb ('Alí Muhammad).
> He has also pointed the reader to his Glossary (“The Dawn-breakers,” p. 674), in which he translates
> "Baqíyyatu'lláh" as "Remnant of God" and indicates that it is a title which referred sometimes to the Báb
> and sometimes to "Him Whom God shall manifest" (that is, to Bahá'u'lláh). For further information on
> "Baqíyyatu'lláh" please see note (43) in Chapter Two. MacEoin (p. 62) was not able to locate a manuscript
> of “Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih”, but noted that FAYZI (pp. 53-54) and 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Ishráq-Khávarí ("Muhádirát,"
> volume II, pp. 785-786) refer to its contents in detail, and he presumed that therefore they must had have
> access at some time to the text. The addition to the "adhán" reported by both of these authors, allegedly
> derived from the text of this work, is as follows — citing the Arabic transliteration of MacEoin (MacEoin, p.
> 62), and my own translation into English:
> 
> ashhadu anna 'Alíy-an qabla Muhammad 'abdu Baqíyyat Alláh
> 
> "I bear witness that 'Alí before Muhammad is the servant of the Remnant of God."
> 
> Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 99) actually cites this "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" in full, and, as described by Fariba Ghayebi
> (email 5/3/02), this letter of the Báb refers to seven [sab'ih] qualifications [khasá'il] of the true believer at
> that time:
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            82
> 
> beginning of his Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph(2), and some prayers(3), and said to him, "As
> soon as Muqaddas Khurásání reads these, he will declare his faith in their author, but I do not
> 
> First: having the prayer for protection of the Báb, which is in the form of a circle [dá'ira], in one's
> possession
> Second: abstention from smoking [qalyán], including anything that can be smoked [dukhán] and
> hashish [ghilyán]
> Third: drinking tea
> Fourth: addition to the adhán
> Fifth: prostrating in prayer on dust from the tomb of the Imám Husayn
> Sixth: saying of "Ziyárat Jami'í" on Fridays and Holy Days
> Seventh: wearing a ring, engraved with the following verse:
> "There is no God but God, Muhammad is His Prophet, and 'Alí is the Guardian 273"
> 
> (2)Nicolas translates from I'TIDAD: "And he gave to his disciple the product of his madness, so as to
> 
> propagate it in place of the Qur'án and of the 'Sahífa al-sajjádíyya'." Wehr/Cowan (p. 589) defines "Sahífa"
> as "page; surface" and (p. 463) "sajjád" as "worshipper" and related to "masjid" which is "mosque" and
> therefore the place of worship. Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 18/1/02) attributes the "Sahífa al-Kamílah
> al-Sajjádíyya" to the 4th Imám, named 'Alí Zayn al-'Abidín ibn al-Husayn, and indicates that it can be found
> at www.al-Islám.org/sahifa/kamila.html . Dr. J.R.I. Cole (email 21/1/02) indicates that it is attributed to
> the 4th Imám, named Zayn al-'Abidín and he points to the website cited above and also
> www.geocities.com/ahlulbayt14/s-s.html. Professor J.R.I. Cole (email 25/1/02) also recommended an
> English translation, published with Arabic text facing the English, by W.C. Chittick, entitled "The Psalms of
> Islám: Al-Sahifat al-Kamilat al-Sajjadiyya" (London: Muhammadi Trust, 1988).
> 
> Nicolas does not clearly indicate the source of his identification of the Writings given by Quddús to
> Muqaddas Khurásání. It is entirely probable that he would have given Mullá Sádiq a copy of the
> Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph, inasmuch as this Book had been completed by the Báb forty days
> after his declaration (ZUHUR, p. 285; cited MacEoin, p. 56), and was copied and disseminated widely by
> the time of his pilgrimage (please see note (42) in Chapter Two). The "Tafsír Súratu Yúsuf" (Commentary
> on the Súrah of Joseph) is the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (“The Self-Subsisting of Names”), and the first chapter of
> this work, entitled "Súrat al-Mulúk," was written by the Báb in the presence of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í on 5
> Jamádi al-Awal 1260 (ZARANDI, pp. 61-63), at the time of his prophetic declaration. JADID (p. 39)
> reports that this chapter was already completed when Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í perused it, and Mírzá Yahyá
> (Subh-i-Azal) told Edward Granville Browne that Mullá Husayn became convinced of the Báb's claim by
> perusing this work (Browne, "A Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts," JRAS, vol. 24, 1892,
> p. 699). "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' is composed of 111 chapters, corresponding to the number of verses in the
> Qur'anic "Súratu Yúsuf" and is several hundred pages in length (MacEoin, p. 56).
> 
> (3)In various of his writings, the Báb mentions that he has revealed five different grades or kinds of divine
> 
> words. In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid III: báb 17; váhid VI: báb 1; váhid IX: báb 2), the Báb cites these five
> grades as follows (with the French equivalents of Nicolas, and in the order found in his translation of this
> Book): 1)"áyát" (versets: verses); 2)"munáját" (oraisons or oraisons jaculatoires: prayers); 3)"tafsír"
> (commentaries: commentaries); 4)"khutba" (sermons) or "suwar 'ilmíyya" (questions scientifiques: technical
> treatises); 5)"fársí" (paroles en persan: words in Persian). In Browne's "A Summary of the Persian Bayán"
> (completed and edited by Moojan Momen, in "Selections from the Writings of E.G.Browne," pp. 349, 374-
> 375, 403), we find the same five grades and in the same order as indicated by Nicolas. Edward Granville
> Browne wrote: "Amongst Bábí manuscripts we do not infrequently come across volumes bearing this title
> [Five Grades] and containing selections from each of these 'Five Grades'" ("Materials for the Study of the
> Bábí Religion," p. 207). One of the collections of all five grades, which bears the title "Kitáb-i panj sha'n"
> (Book of Five Grades), and is also called "Shu'ún-i khamsa" (Five Grades), is regarded by Shoghi Effendi as
> "one of His last works" ("God Passes By," p. 51). There are at least eleven manuscripts of this work that are
> known to exist, and on the basis of one manuscript it was lithographed by the Azalí Bábís (MacEoin, pp. 93-
> 95, 189-190). In this book (see MacEoin, p. 93), the Báb organized seventeen groups each composed of five
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        83
> 
> want you to tell him my name — so that he will discover this for himself. You will tell him to go to
> Shíráz where he will receive my orders."
> 
> It was as the Báb had pronounced(4), and the very day following his conversion, Muqaddas left
> Isfáhán on foot with his friend Habíb(5), setting out in the direction of Shíráz. Three days after their
> arrival, Muqaddas received a letter from the apostle(6) in which was contained the following order:
> 
> "Pray in the Mosque in which the verses descended from thy Lord and teach Our verses in
> that same Mosque(7)...and pronounce in a loud voice My name in the adhán(8), after the
> three confessions [of faith] in the following manner...'And I confess that 'Alí before Nabíl is
> the Mirror of the breath of God(9).'"
> 
> He [the Báb] ordained that he also incline himself, in the midst of his prayers, towards his [the
> Báb's] house which thereby became the new Qiblih(10).
> 
> passages according to these five grades of divine words: 1)"áyát" (verses); 2)"munáját" (prayers); 3)"khutba"
> (homilies); 4)"tafsír" (commentaries); and 5)"fársí" (Persian-language writings).
> 
> (4)Nicolas notes: "See later on the story of this conversion."
> 
> (5)The friend of Muqaddas Khurásání named "Habíb" (friend) is identified later in the text as Quddús, and
> 
> this Letter of the Living is described in note (46) of Chapter One.
> 
> (6)For an explanation of the term "apostle" please see note (31) in Chapter One. That the Báb wrote a letter
> 
> to Muqaddas Khurásání at this time is nowhere else mentioned by any of the historians of the Bábí
> movement. There is no reference to such a letter in MacEoin, Amanat, Balyuzi, Shoghi Effendi or even in
> Nicolas' own bibliography of sources for "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Nevertheless, it seems that
> Nicolas either had a copy of this letter — from which he was quoting the addition to the "adhán" — or that
> he received an oral report to this effect from a source he regarded as reliable.
> 
> (7)Nicolas reminds the reader that this is the "Mosque of the fashioners of swords." This Mosque is called
> 
> "Masjid-i-Shamshírgarán" by MacEoin (p. 62). ZARANDI (p. 144) reports with certainty and MacEoin (p.
> 62) affirms as possible that the first introduction of the altered "adhán" occurred at "Masjid-i-Naw" (New
> Mosque) rather than at "Masjid-i-Shamshírgarán".
> 
> (8)"adhán" is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 14) as "call to prayer" and represents the opening formula which
> 
> is recited by all Muslims as they begin their prayers — five times daily. This formula differs between the
> Shí'í and Sunní sects, as the Shí'ís include one or more of their Imáms in the "adhán" whereas the Sunní do
> not include any of their "khulafá'" (caliphs), let alone the Shí'í Imáms.
> 
> (9)Nicolas notes: "Ibn Asdaq, according to his memoirs, the original [manuscript] of which was without
> 
> doubt in Mashhad." Muqaddas was born and bred in Mashhad according to Kázim Qazvíní in
> SAMANDAR (p. 162-171). FU'ADI (pp. 86-99), like Nicolas, uses Ibn Asdaq as a source. ZARANDI (pp.
> 100-101) and JADID (pp. 40-42) apparently learned about events in Muqaddas' life directly from the man
> himself (cited Amanat, p. 262, n. 10) rather than from his son. It seems then that Nicolas' transcription of
> Ibn Asdaq's recollections, or Ibn Asdaq's memory of his father's words was slightly faulty, inasmuch as this
> account of the altered formula is not entirely similiar to that found in ZARANDI, which is confirmed by the
> descriptions of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" by FAYZI and Ishráq-Khávarí.
> 
> (10)The "Qiblih" rendered "qibla" in Arabic, is defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 868) as "direction to which
> 
> Muslims turn in praying" and here refers to a change of direction that seems to have been ordained by the
> Báb. ZARANDI (pp. 144-145) does not indicate that Muqaddas Khurásání turned to the new Qiblih at the
> same time as altering the "adhán"; nor does MacEoin (pp. 62-63) report that "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" required
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           84
> 
> The Mosque was small, but Muqaddas had mats placed there, in the sanctuary itself as well as in
> the exterior court, so as to receive all the people who had been attracted by the announcement of
> his arrival(11).
> 
> He thus commenced the sacred service, before the gathered faithful, following the traditional
> practice, then suddenly faced the direction of the house of the Báb, at the very same time that
> three muezzins(12) whom he had previously instructed, caused the air to ring with these words from
> the height of the minarets(13):
> 
> such a radical change. In the "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb refers to the "Ka'bih" of Islám (váhid IV: báb 12),
> indicating that it has been annulled in his Dispensation, along with all other Muslim shrines, with the
> appearance of a new Manifestation of God. The Báb affirms that the true "Ka'bih" is the Manifestation of
> God Himself. In the same vein, the Báb states (váhid IV: báb 16) that the "House of God" in each
> Dispensation is that location which is designated as such by the Prophet of God. In the Bábí Dispensation
> (váhid IV: báb 14), the holy shrines are to be the houses associated with the Báb and the eighteen Letters of
> the Living. It is not permitted (váhid IV: báb 17) to sell lands adjacent to the House of God (apparently in
> this instance the Báb is referring to his own house, in Shíráz), and these lands may be seized by eminent
> domain in order to build beautiful dependencies required by the House of God. Pilgrimage to the House of
> God is ordained after the Manifestation of God leaves this plane of existence and repairs to the spiritual
> worlds; and such pilgrimage is declared to be a changeless ordinance, eternal in the past and likewise in the
> future (váhid V: báb 2). Furthermore, the Báb associates the "Ka'bih" with the "House of God" and "Him
> Whom God shall manifest" with God Himself (váhid IV: báb 2). This teaching is specifically confirmed by
> Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (K137) in these words:
> 
> "O people of the Bayán! Fear ye the Most Merciful and consider what He hath revealed in
> another passage. He said: "The Qiblih is indeed He Whom God will make manifest; whenever
> He moveth, it moveth, until He shall come to rest." Thus was it set down by the Supreme
> Ordainer when He desired to make mention of this Most Great Beauty."
> 
> (11)The arrival of Muqaddas Khurásání in Shíráz apparently attracted many people. Nicolas does not
> explain the reason for this. ZARANDI (pp. 144-145) reports that Muqaddas was the Imám Jum'ih of
> Masjid-i Naw in Shíráz, and that he scandalized his congregation by sounding the "adhán" prescribed
> by the Báb. This may help to explain the attraction of Shírázís to him upon his return. If one considers
> that Muqaddas apparently traveled from Isfáhán to Kirmán and that he endeavored to convert many
> persons during this journey, including Hájí Mullá Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni — who was already
> at that time an influential Shaykhí leader — and that he then journeyed from Kirmán to Shíráz,
> announcing the "good news" along his way, it is not surprising to find many Shírázís who would have heard
> of his exploits nor that some would wish to see him in person and hear him speak. Another reason why his
> arrival may have attracted a large number of people was because the Shaykhí movement was well
> represented in Shíráz, and Muqaddas was regarded as one of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí's senior students
> (Amanat, p. 263).
> 
> (12)Usually transliterated as "muezzin," the Arabic word "mu'adhdhin" ("mu'adhdhún" in plural form) is
> 
> defined by Wehr/Cowan (p. 14) as "announcer of the hour of prayer." As such, this word is derived from
> "adhán," the "call to prayer."
> 
> (13)Universally transliterated as "minaret," the Arabic word "ma'dhana" ("ma'ádhin" in plural form) has but
> 
> one meaning in Wehr/Cowan (p. 14), namely "minaret."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            85
> 
> "I confess that there is no other god but God, that Muhammad is the prophet of God, that
> 'Alí is the Valí of God(14), and that 'Alí before Nabíl is the Mirror of the breath of God!"
> 
> This done, Muqaddas quickly ascended the minbar(15), read some of the verses of the Báb’s
> Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph, and proceeded then to explicate the famous words(16):
> 
> "O Kings, O sons of Kings, do not take possession, any of you, of whatsoever belongs to
> God."
> 
> War was declared and the official clergy did not delay in responding to these provocations. After
> three days of cries, of tumult, of threats and of injuries during which the Bábí missionary continued
> the task he had assumed, the theology students(17), the 'ulamá'(18), and the common folk of a general
> populace which had been deceitfully excited, went forth and voiced their grievances at the feet of
> Mírzá Husayn Khán(19), the adjudant báshí, Governor of the town.
> 
> (14)This is an integral part of the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í "adhán" which declares the Imám 'Alí to be the "walí" —
> 
> literally the "friend; helper; protector" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1289) — in that sense the caretaker of Islám after
> the Prophet Muhammad.
> 
> (15)"Minbar" is an Arabic term denoting a "pulpit; rostrum" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 1102) and is always applied in
> 
> this text to that feature in a mosque. In "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb forbade the use of pulpits, and this ordinance
> is confirmed by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#154), and elucidated by 'Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi
> (KA:n168).
> 
> (16)Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 127) says that Muqaddas Khurásání recited this verse in the mosque in Shíráz.
> 
> Nicolas does not indicate the source of these "famous words": "O Kings, O sons of Kings, do not take
> possession, any of you, of whatsoever belongs to God." Sepehr Manuchehri (email 21/2/02) identified
> these words as comprising the opening verse of the Súrah of Kings in the "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" of the
> Báb. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 127, 153) gives a different source for this verse — Súrat al-Mulk, verse 20.
> Afnan (p. 445) identifies Súrat al-Mulk as the first Chapter of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' ". This same verse was
> translated into English by Habíb Taherzadeh and a Committee appointed by the Universal House of
> Justice. When it was published, it was identified as from Chapter 1, "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'": "O concourse
> of kings and of the sons of kings! Lay aside, one and all, your dominion which belongeth unto God...Let
> not thy sovereignty deceive thee, O Sháh, for `every soul shall taste of death,' and this, in very truth,
> hath been written down as a decree of God." ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," Bahá'i World
> Centre, 1982, Excerpts from the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', p. 41) For more information on "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'
> " please see notes (9) and (43) in Chapter Two.
> 
> (17)In this context "theology students" refers to Muslims who were studying in the Islámic "madrasa" which is
> 
> defined (Wehr/Cowan, p. 321) as "a religious boarding school associated with a mosque" and the purpose
> of which is to prepare young men for positions in the Shí'í clergy.
> 
> (18)For a definition of 'ulamá' please see note (14) in Chapter Two.
> 
> (19)Husayn Khán Nizám al-Dawlih Ájúdán-Báshí, the Governor of the province of Fárs and city of Shíráz its
> 
> capital city) is described by the Báb in what Amanat (p. 255, n. 283) calls a "letter to Muhammad Sháh" but
> which does not seem to correspond to any of the letters to Muhammad Sháh discussed by MacEoin (pp. 58-
> 59, 64, 97, 192-193). The Báb calls this individual "vicious and sinister" and indicates that due to his
> frequent alcoholic intoxication, the Governor "was never able to pass sound judgment" (INBA no. 64, 115;
> cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 283). ZARANDI (p. 145) states that Husayn Khán-i-Íravání was surnamed
> Ájúdán-Báshí, and affirms, along with AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 98), that he was generally designated as
> Sáhib-Ikhtíyár. According to JADID (p. 204), Husayn Khán was also designated Nizám al-Dawlih. This is
> reported by Amanat (p. 255); MacEoin (p. 49); and Balyuzi (pp. 68, 79, 83, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 97, 98,
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           86
> 
> On the night of that very same day, Husayn Khán gathered together the principal doctors of Islám
> and caused this Areopagite(20) Muqaddas and Habíb — better known under the name of Quddús
> — to be brought before this court(21):
> 
> "I have learned," he said to them, "that you have changed the Qiblih?"
> 
> 104, 105, 123). It appears that Husayn Khán was born in the same town, Íraván, as Hájí Mírzá Áqásí —
> please see note (64) of this Chapter.
> 
> (20)Nicolas notes: "This gathering took place on 6 August 1845." Shoghi Effendi cites Nicolas' date in a
> 
> footnote to his translation of ZARANDI ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 146, n. 2). It has been earlier noted that
> Nicolas' dates cannot be relied upon. Amanat, MacEoin and Balyuzi do not assign a date to this event.
> However, ZARANDI (pp. 143-148) states that this trial took place prior to the return of the Báb to Shíráz
> from pilgrimage. SIPIHR (p. 42) reported that the Báb returned to Shíráz on 21 September 1845, and until
> recently it was thought that this dating was accurate. But a letter dated 30 June 1845 and written by the Báb
> to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) in Shíráz from Kunar-Takhta, about one week's journey from
> Shíráz on the road from Búshihr was discovered (Balyuzi, p. 105), and this seems to indicate that the Báb
> arrived in Shíráz by early July, over two months earlier than earlier supposed. Amanat indicates that the
> Báb arrived in Shíráz in late June 1845, without giving any source for this statement (Amanat, p. 255).
> ZARANDI (p. 155) reports that some time after the Báb returned from pilgrimage he celebrated Naw-Rúz,
> the first since he had declared his mission, on 10 Rabí al-Awal 1261/19 March 1845. This is plainly
> impossible, for, according to "Khutba al-Jiddah" (cited MacEoin, p. 48; also in Ishráq-Khávarí , vol. II, pp.
> 729-731), the Báb sailed for Írán on 24 Safar 1261/4 March 1845, and the voyage to Búshihr took around
> two and a half months, with the Báb remaining in Búshihr for just over one month before setting out for
> Shíráz. This schedule would have given Quddús around a month and a half to travel from Búshihr to
> Isfáhán and thence to Shíráz. During this short time span, Muqaddas and Quddús preached, were arrested,
> tried, punished and expelled from Shíráz. For neither one was left in Shíráz when the Báb returned, mostly
> likely in early July 1845. It seems much more likely that Muqaddas was converted by Mullá Husayn
> Bushrú'í in Isfáhán in summer or autumn of 1844, and that he proceeded to Kirmán thereafter, rather the
> scenario described here — in which Muqaddas was converted in Isfáhán by Quddús in June 1845 and
> managed somehow to travel to Shíráz and get into alot of trouble and get kicked out by the beginning of
> July. It would have been impossible for Muqaddas to have been converted by Quddús in June 1845, then to
> have visited Kirmán, and arrived in Shíráz and taken part in the events that history chronicles, all in the
> course of a single month! It seems most likely, given this schedule of dates, that Quddús went directly to
> Shíráz, giving a copy of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" to Muqaddas shortly after his arrival, resulting in the events
> which have been reported, between early June and early July. The trial in question probably took place
> sometime in mid-to-late June 1845. There is a report of this trial and subsequent punishment which was
> printed in the "Literary Gazette" (15 November 1845) and reprinted in the London "Times" (19 November
> 1845) — the dispatch is dated 23 June 1845 (Balyuzi, p. 76), and indicates that the punishment of the Bábís
> took place over the course of two days.
> 
> Just an aside, with regard to Nicolas' characterization of Muqaddas as an "Areopagite" — this is any
> member of the high court of Athens, and by implication any supreme court. Muqaddas was not a mujtahid,
> but he had received his "ijáza" from Siyyid Kázim Rashtí in April 1843 (Amanat, p. 263), and this entitled
> him to certain special prerogatives as a Muslim cleric. As has been earlier noted (11), Muqaddas was the
> Imám Jum'ih of the Masjid-i-Naw in Shíráz.
> 
> (21)This transcript is not included among those discussed in note (40) of Chapter Two, inasmuch as it
> 
> pertains to the trial of Muqaddas and Quddús rather than to the trial of the Báb. Nicolas does not indicate
> the source of the transcript he translates in this text. No other historian has apparently discovered such a
> transcript. ZARANDI (pp. 145-147) reproduces a very differently worded exchange, but covers essentially
> the same points.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          87
> 
> "Yes."
> 
> "You have also modified the formula of the adhán?"
> 
> "Yes."
> 
> "You have recited and explained new verses?"
> 
> "Yes."
> 
> "What significance do you give to these words: 'O kings, O sons of kings...'(22)?"
> 
> "They mean: 'O Sultán(23), do not possess the good things of this earth without the
> permission of the true proprietor who has manifested himself today.'"
> 
> "This young Shírázi?"
> 
> "Yes."
> 
> "So Muhammad Sháh must not reign without asking him for permission to do so? And when
> this will be, the terrestial globe will it fall in ashes? So I am no longer the governor of this town,
> unless I ask him for this government?"
> 
> "You have said so."
> 
> Husayn Khán became furious, and the 'ulamá' profited from this in order to render a fatwá(24)
> condemning the two blasphemers to death. However, the governor not wishing to consent to
> this(25), contented himself with stripping Muqaddas of his vestments, conducting him to a garden
> 
> (22)Nicolas identifies the source of this verse: "Citation from the Commentary on the Súrah of Joseph."
> 
> Indeed, in ZARANDI (p. 146), a verse with similar import is cited. According to this latter account, the
> Governor of Shíráz addressed Muqaddas Khurásání in these words:
> 
> "Tell me, if you are aware of the opening passage of the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' wherein the Siyyid-i-
> Báb addresses the rulers and kings of the earth in these terms: 'Divest yourselves of the robe of
> sovereignty, for He Who is the King in truth, hath been made manifest! The Kingdom is God's, the
> Most Exalted. Thus hath the Pen of the Most High decreed!'"
> 
> (23)"Sultán" is an Arabic word meaning "power; reign; authority; mandate; (absolute) ruler" (Wehr/Cowan,
> 
> p. 493), and in this context it refers to the Sháh (king) of Írán, specifically Muhammad Sháh of the Qájár
> dynasty.
> 
> (24)"fatwá" is Arabic for "formal legal opinion" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 815), and inasmuch as orthodoxy and
> 
> heresy are determined according to religious law, this was a legal decision made by Muslim clerics and
> based upon the "canon law of Islám," called "al-sharí'a" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 544).
> 
> (25)The events leading up to and resulting in the trial of Muqaddas, and Quddús, and which resulted in their
> 
> punishment and expulsion from Shíráz are described in the following sources(cited in Amanat, p. 255, n.
> 282): ZARANDI (pp. 143-148), AHMAD (pp. 451-452), MU'IN (pp. 67-69), JADID (pp. 201-202), and an
> article published in the "Literary Gazette" and reprinted in the London "Times" (Balyuzi, pp. 77-78).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             88
> 
> and making certain he was given, in his presence, five hundred blows of a rod(26). This done, his
> beard was burnt(27) and he was imprisoned with Quddús who, himself, received twelve blows(28).
> 
> The next day their noses were pierced, a string was passed through the punctures and they were
> promenaded for three days through the bazaars(29), in the midst of the laughter, the gibes, the
> insults and the blows of the populace. Finally they were expelled from the town and sought refuge
> in Saadieh(30), where the Báb went to find them(31).
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 146) makes no mention of the 'ulamá' but reports that the punishment inflicted upon
> Muqaddas and Quddús was decreed by Husayn Khán-i-Íravání, the Governor of the province of Fárs.
> 
> (26)ZARANDI (p. 146) states that the "fatwá" required that Muqaddas be scourged with 1000 lashes, and
> 
> one witness (p. 147) expressed astonishment that so aged and frail a person as this could have withstood
> "fifty such savage strokes" let alone a thousand! The details of the punishment were relayed to Nabíl by
> Muqaddas himself.
> 
> (27)ZARANDI (p. 146) alike states that the beards of Muqaddas and Quddús were burnt, that their noses
> 
> were pierced and threaded with cords, and that they were led through the city of Shíráz. 'ABDU'L-BAHA
> (p. 6) affirms that these two Bábís were joined in these injuries by a third convert, Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Ardistání
> (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 146, n. 3). The newspaper article printed in the "Literary Gazette" and
> reprinted in the "London Times" asserted that there were four who were arrested, tried, found guilty and
> punished by having their beards burned on one day; that their faces were blackened and noses were pierced
> and that they were led by cords throughout the city of Shíráz on the second day. This was followed, in the
> evening of that second day, with their expulsion from the city (Balyuzi, pp. 76-77).
> 
> (28)These are not lashings but boxing of the ears. There is no other account of Quddús receiving blows on
> 
> this occasion.
> 
> (29)Nicolas and the newspaper article separately report the duration of this punishment as two days, and
> 
> ZARANDI is silent on this question — it would appear from his accounts that he was more impressed with
> the burning of their beards, the puncture of their noses, and particularly with the blows inflicted upon
> Muqaddas than on the number of days the Bábís spent being paraded about Shíráz.
> 
> (30)Saadieh is not mentioned by any of the other historians, or by any of the sources cited here. Perhaps none
> 
> of them considered this sojourn to be of any significance. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that Saadieh
> is one of the gateways leading into and out of the walled city of Shíráz. It is located near the tomb of the
> great Persian poet Sa'adí (1184-1291), a native of Shíráz, and the tomb itself was located on the outskirts
> of the city. That gateway is now located well within the city limits, as this urban community has greatly
> expanded in the intervening century and a half.
> 
> (31)Surely the other historians or chroniclers would have noted this event if the Báb had indeed visited a
> 
> group of Bábí missionaries in that place. There does not seem to be a record of such a visit, except in this
> book. It seems to have been based on an oral tradition, which no other author has mentioned. Nicolas
> affirms: "The Bábí tradition energetically denies that Husayn Khán sent cavalry to Búshihr to bring back
> the apostle; or, when it is admitted that he did so, it is said that these [cavaliers] did not encounter the Báb,
> and that he returned voluntarily to Shíráz. In any case the sending of the cavalry took place, according to
> the Muslims, fourteen days after the gathering which we have just described and it was three days later that
> the Báb returned to Shíráz. See Note F at the end of the volume." Note F (p. 455) cites a short text in
> Arabic, which is reproduced here for the edification of the informed reader:
> 
> If the trial of Muqaddas, Quddús and the other Bábís took place on 23 June, fourteen days following this
> would arrive at 7 July. Around this date the cavalry would have been sent to locate the Báb, and about 10
> July he would have arrived in Shíráz. This fits very comfortably into the time scheme we have adopted.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            89
> 
> He prevailed upon them to enter the town with him under the cover of night, and brought them
> secretly into his own house. Once they were secure, he threw himself upon their necks weeping,
> trembling and crying out(32):
> 
> "Alas! I do not know how to look upon you, O you who have suffered for me!"
> 
> He wept in this way for some time, and verses were descended in their honor.
> 
> In the extant writings of the Báb we find an echo of the suffering he felt from these violent actions
> [towards his followers](33):
> 
> "O people of the Qur'án, you have accomplished, in the days of God, acts which nobody
> ever accomplished before you.
> 
> "In truth it is for you that the envoys of the Mention of God have come, coming from Our
> part, with testimonial verses, and carriers of the inner meaning of the "Qur'án"; they had
> pages written in the way of the people of the "Bayán" and, in truth, you openly turned
> away from the verses of God, and you have, in spite of all that is right, tormented the
> envoys of the Mention of God(34), at the same time that you declare yourselves to be sincere
> in the religion of Alláh(35)! You have acquired evil by your acts, your hands have become
> full of sin during the days of God(36)."
> 
> Muqaddas and Quddús remained hidden for three days in the house of the Báb, receiving their
> instructions for the voyage that they were to make to Yazd and to Khurásán(37).
> 
> (32)While this event has not been reported by any other historian or chronicler, it nevertheless resonates with
> 
> another story which is familiar to students of religion — the reunion of Joseph with his brothers, after he
> subjects them to hardship in order to assure that he will be reunited with his father Jacob and younger
> brother Benjamin.
> 
> (33)Once more Nicolas cites from "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn".
> 
> (34)"Mention of God" is one of the “prophetic” names of the Báb — "Dhikru'lláh."
> 
> (35)"Alláh" means "God (as the One and Only)" in Arabic (Wehr/Cowan, p. 30). The word for a "(pagan)
> 
> god" (Ibid.) is "Alih" and for "goddess" (Ibid.) is "Alihat." The adjective derived from "Alláh" is "illáhí"
> (Ibid.), meaning "divine."
> 
> (36)Nicolas notes: "The days of God are the days in which the Testimony of God [Prophet] — in this
> 
> instance the Báb — is living." In "Bayán-i-fársí" this concept is found under a different name — the
> Resurrection Day (váhid II: báb 7; váhid VIII: báb 3; váhid IX: báb 3). The Báb also calls the Resurrection
> Day the "Most Great Day" (váhid VII: báb 19). He assures his followers that there will be other
> Resurrection Days after the Manifestation of Him Whom God shall make manifest (váhid VIII: báb 3). Dr.
> Khazeh Fananapazir wrote an article (published electronically at bahai-library.org/articles/day.god.html,
> and in an edited version in "Scripture and Revelation," George Ronald Publisher, 1997), entitled "The Day
> of God (Yawmu'lláh) and the Days of God (Ayyámu'lláh)", in which he reviews and correlates the many
> verses in the Bible, the Qur'án and the Bábí and Bahá'i Writings that touch upon this theme.
> (37)It appears that after having been expelled from Shíráz in mid-June 1845, Muqaddas and Quddús
> 
> repaired to the village of Saadieh outside of the city for an interval to heal their wounds and await orders
> from the Báb. Once they received instructions from their Master, they journeyed for a few days in one
> another's company and then parted, Quddús departing for Kirmán and Muqaddas setting out for Yazd
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       90
> 
> They went then to Yazd where they remained for the duration of forty days, restricting themselves
> to discussions with prominent persons, civic as well as religious and military. Without doubt they
> believed the terrain favorable, for they planned a large gathering. They caused it to be announced
> throughout the town — at full voice(38), and by circulating written notices — that whosoever
> wished to see the envoy of the Imám Qá'im had but to go the following Friday to the Mosque of
> Musulla: "There will be said what must be said, there will be revealed what must be revealed."
> 
> Everything had been prepared for this circumstance — a platform had been set up, and upon this
> platform a chair had been placed for Muqaddas. The crowd was enormous and ardent — its
> over-excited religious passions caused it to vibrate like a single man. Scarcely had the Bábí
> missionary begun to make known the appearance of the new apostle than all precipitated
> themselves upon him with an immense cry: "To death! To death!" He was struck, he was trampled
> under foot. Among his assailants, a Siyyid, Siyyid Azghandí(39), made himself noticed by his
> violence. He seemed to envelope his victim, bending over him as if to devour him, while in reality
> he covered him with his body and sheltered him from the fanaticized crowd. He did this so well
> that he succeeded in pushing Muqaddas into his house, where he kept him some days, and made
> him depart in secret.
> 
> Violence of this kind did not calm the enthusiasm of our two missionaries. Having failed in Yazd,
> they went to Kirmán(40), where they recommenced their discussions. There took place an ardent
> contest between Muqaddas and Karím Khán(41), who, as we know, had assumed the rank of head
> of the Shaykhi sect after the death of Kázim. The discussion took place in the presence of a
> 
> (ZARANDI, p. 180). Quddús arrived in mid-1845 according to "Iqádh al-Gháfil va Ibtal al-Bátil dar radd-i
> Báb-i Khusrán-ma'áb," by Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni (written in 1866 by order of Násiri'd-
> Dín Sháh, published in Bombay, 1896). If he departed Shíráz in mid-July, he would have arrived in Kirmán
> by early August at the latest. Quddús sought to convince Karím Khán and the other Shaykhís in Kirmán of
> the truth of the Báb's claims. His attempts are described in ZARANDI (pp. 180-182), and by Amanat (pp.
> 287-288). Muqaddas went first to Yazd, and his activities in that city are described in ZARANDI (pp. 183-
> 187). See note (40) for the continuation of Muqaddas's journeying.
> 
> (38)The spreading of the news would have been effected by individuals who functioned as town criers or by
> 
> persons hired for this purpose by the Bábí missionaries.
> 
> (39)Siyyid Azghandí is not to be confused with the prominent Bábí named Mírzá Ahmad-i-Azghandí — see
> 
> note (37) in First Chapter. Siyyid Husayn-i-Azghandí was the foremost mujtahid of Yazd, and the maternal
> uncle of Mírzá Ahmad-i-Azghandí, and both the protector of the Bábís and opponent of Karím Khán
> (ZARANDI, pp. 184-187). ZARANDI (p. 186) tells the same story as found in Nicolas, but with a few
> differences in the details.
> 
> (40)It seems that Muqaddas was travelling with Mullá Yúsuf-i-Ardibílí, and together they journeyed from
> 
> Yazd to Kirmán (ZARANDI, p. 187), arriving shortly after the departure of Quddús (SAMANDAR, p.
> 167; Amanat, p. 288, n. 228). Muqaddas, as ever, was a fearless exponent of the new Faith, and his
> challenge to Karím Khán was fierce and uncompromising. Quddús left Yazd for Ardikan, Nayin, Ardistan,
> Isfáhán, Káshán, Qum and Tihrán (ZARANDI, p. 182). Muqaddas eventually departed Kirmán and
> proceeded, according to plan, to Khurásán. Quddús died in the battle of Shaykh Tabarsí, in the province of
> Mázindarán, but Muqaddas survived this debacle (WAFA, p. 7; Balyuzi, p. 239), to die, many years later, in
> Hamadán (WAFA, p. 8).
> 
> (41)Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmáni (1810-1871) — Amanat, p. 287 — is described in note (34) of
> 
> Chapter One.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             91
> 
> numerous audience and Karím challenged his adversary to prove the truth of the mission of the
> Báb.
> 
> "If you do so," he told him, "I will myself convert, and my students along with me; but, if
> you do not succeed, I will cause it to be proclaimed in the bazaars: 'Here is he who treads
> under foot the holy law of Islám.'"
> 
> "I know who you are, Karím," Muqaddas replied to him. "Do you not remember your
> master Siyyid Kázim and what he said to you(42): 'Dog! Do you not want me to die so that
> after me should appear the absolute truth?!' And here today, impelled by your passion for
> wealth and glory, you lie to yourself."
> 
> Begun in this tone, the discussion was destined to be brief. Indeed, the students of Kirmán drew
> their knives and rushed upon the one who had insulted their leader. Most fortunately the
> Governor of the town himself interceded, had Muqaddas arrested and conducted to his palace. He
> kept him there for a certain time, and, when passions were a little calmed, he sent him off by night,
> accompanied for some distance by ten cavaliers.
> 
> Thence he left with Quddús, and took the road for Khurásán. At Bushrú'í they met up with Mullá
> Husayn Bushrú'í, with whom they continued their voyage.
> 
> We have seen(43) that as soon as the Báb arrived in Búshihr, Mullá Husayn left his master to go to
> Isfáhán, where he was to meet Muqaddas and send him to Shíráz. From there he was to stop in at
> Tihrán where he was to attempt to see the King, and finally he arrived in Khurásán to preach the
> new doctrine in that place. We will leave him here for a moment, where we will find him after
> having retraced the story of what was meanwhile happening in Shíráz. This town had become the
> theater of passionate discussions that profoundly troubled the general peace. The curious, pilgrims,
> and lovers of scandal gathered here, discussed the news, approving or blaming, praising the young
> Siyyid or covering him with maledictions or insults. Everyone was excited, nervous, maddened.
> The Mulláhá(44) saw with a bitter disquiet an augmentation in the number of those following the
> new doctrine — their clientele — and perceived therefore that their own resources were being
> diminished to that degree. It seemed evident to them that a prolonged tolerance could well empty
> the mosques of their faithful who were convinced that if Islám would not defend itself it thereby
> admitted itself vanquished. On the other hand, Husayn Khán, Nizám al-Dawlih(45), Governor of
> Shíráz, feared that if he let things go, the scandal would become such, that after some time it
> 
> (42)Muqaddas reminded Karím Khán of the words addressed by Siyyid Kázim Rashtí to his fellow Shaykhí
> 
> in Karbilá, which are found translated in note (35) of Chapter One.
> 
> (43)The sources seem to be confused on this question. Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was in Isfáhán for some time,
> 
> and there he met and converted Muqaddas according to ZARANDI (p. 100). Quddús was traveling with
> the Báb on pilgrimage, and parted from him at Búshihr in order to proceed to Shíráz, where he met
> Muqaddas, according to ZARANDI (p. 144), there entrusting him with a copy of "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih" which
> altered the "adhán" (Ibid.) Hence, this sentence from Nicolas appears to be confused, mixing up two of the
> principal disciples of the Báb. See note (1) this Chapter for a more detailed reference to "Khasá'il-i-Sab'ih".
> 
> (44)"Mulláhá": for a definition please see note (1) in Chapter Two.
> 
> (45)"Nizám al-Dawlih" is a title of Husayn Khán, the Governor of Fárs. Please see note (19), this Chapter.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             92
> 
> would become impossible to contain. This would be no less than to risk personal disgrace(46). And
> furthermore, the Báb did not content himself with preaching; he called to him all men of good
> will(47):
> 
> "And he who knows the Word of God and who does not come to His aid at the moment
> of violence is exactly like him who has turned away from the testimony of His Holiness
> Husayn, son of 'Alí at Karbilá. Those ones are impious(48)."
> 
> The civic interests hence being in accord with the "heavenly" interests, Nizám al-Dawlih and
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb(49), the Imám Jum'ih, were of the opinion that an affront must be inflicted
> 
> (46)Disgrace, that is, losing face in public is a calamity for the men of many cultures, including in traditional
> 
> Persian society. It is particularly onerous for one who is in a position of power and privilege, and subject to
> the pleasure of higher-ups who will not suffer the disgrace of their subordinates with good humor.
> 
> (47)Nicolas does not identify the source of these verses. It is evident that the Báb is calling upon mankind to
> 
> defend him and his Cause, to take up arms if necessary, but not to conquer but rather to defend the holy
> religion of God. Many historians have misunderstood the intentions of the Báb and the Bábís, and have
> mistakenly regarded the Báb as favoring "jihád" (holy war) against all infidels, and thought the Bábí
> upheavals to be revolutionary or subversive in nature. The Báb was certainly in favor of "jihád" but only in
> principle — he never sanctioned a "holy war" during his short ministry, and not for lack of opportunity
> either. The kind of "jihád" he seems to have looked favorably upon would be waged by believing (Bábí)
> monarchs in the course of extending the realms that would fall under the sway of the current law of God.
> Nor is it likely that any of the Bábí upheavals would have occurred if the citizenry, clergy and government
> had not been implacably opposed to the Bábí movement, and intent upon eliminating as many Bábís as
> possible. The Bábís did not respond to religious genocide with non-violence — the Báb did not order them
> to do so, nor had the Prophet Muhammad, for whom many Bábís continued to have a reverence that most
> Westerners seem to be incapable of understanding. Bahá'u'lláh, on the other hand, insisted upon the rule of
> non-violence among his followers, but nevertheless he favored the use of violence by nation states acting in
> concert in order to stop aggressors from attacking their neighbors.
> 
> (48)Nicolas indicates that these verses are cited from "Kitáb bayna'l-haramayn." He could not have employed
> 
> a more potent symbol in the context of Persian society. The popular adoration for the Imám Husayn far
> exceeds their feeling for the Prophet Muhammad, let alone any of the other Imáms. The message therefore
> is powerfully conceived — if they do not heed the Báb and come to his defense then it is as if they were
> responsible for what happened to their best-beloved of saints, the Imám Husayn.
> 
> (49)Either there is a typographical error in the printed text of Nicolas' book, or its author has mis-transcribed
> 
> the name of this individual. He has written Shaykh Abú Tarab rather than Shaykh Abú-Turáb. This error
> is corrected in Shoghi Effendi's citation of this passage from Nicolas ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 148, n. 1).
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám Jum'ih of Shíráz, was a friend of the uncles of the Báb (Amanat, p. 255).
> Amanat (p. 255) and Balyuzi (p. 69, 89, 94-96, 99) both report that Shaykh Abú-Turáb repeatedly shielded
> the Báb from the attacks of his enemies, mostly Muslim clerics, in Shíráz. A fellow Shírází and pilgrim,
> Shaykh Abú-Háshim, the brother of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, traveled with the Báb on the boat from Búshihr to
> Jiddah (Balyuzi, p. 69; Amanat, p. 242, n. 221), and he was so insulting to the Báb that the captain of that
> vessel would have thrown him overboard had the Báb not interceded on his behalf (MU'IN, p. 73; cited
> Amanat, p. 242, n. 222). AFNAN (pp. 38-39) stated that Shaykh Abú-Háshim made more trouble for the
> Báb upon his return to Shíráz by reporting his actions to the 'ulamá' (cited Amanat, p. 242, n. 223). Balyuzi
> (p. 103) reports that one of the early converts to the Bábí Cause in Shíráz was a youthful nephew of Shaykh
> Abú-Turáb, named Shaykh 'Alí -Mírzá, and that another early convert, Hájí Muhammad-Bisat, was a close
> friend of the Imám-Jum'ih. Balyuzi (p. 233) also noted that Hájí Shaykh Yahyá , the son of Shaykh Abú-
> Turáb, succeeded him as Imám-Jum'ih of Shíráz, and that he shielded the Bahá'ís as his father had
> protected the Báb. There is another Shaykh Abú-Turáb who is not to be confused with the Imám-Jum'ih.
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 5) identifies the latter Shaykh Abú-Turáb as a native of Ishtihárd. SAMANDAR (p. 32)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                              93
> 
> upon the innovator(50) which would discredit him in the eyes of the populace. Perhaps in this way
> they might succeed in calming things.
> 
> likewise fixes his place of origin as Ishtihárd, and further indicates that he was one of the leading disciples of
> Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, that he married the sister of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, and ultimately died a martyr to
> the Bábí Cause in the Tihrán prison (cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 39, n. 1). ZARANDI (pp. 39-40)
> reproduces one of Shaykh Abú-Turáb Ishtihárdi's memoirs regarding Siyyid Kázim Rashtí and Hájí Mírzá
> Karím Khán Kirmáni. ZARANDI (p. 40) also confirms that Shaykh Abú-Turáb converted to the Bábí
> Faith, and was imprisoned in the same prison (the "Síyáh-Chál") as Bahá'u'lláh in 1852, where he ultimately
> perished, a martyr to the Cause of God. ZARANDI (pp. 293-296) quotes Shaykh Abú-Turáb concerning
> the events of the conference of Badasht, and he states that Shaykh Abú-Turáb was "one of the best-
> informed as to the nature of the developments in Badasht" (Ibid., p. 293). ZARANDI (p. 299) also reports
> that Bahá'u'lláh appointed Shaykh Abú-Turáb to watch over Táhirih and "ensure her protection and
> safety" in Núr, ostensibly at his family property in the village of Tákur, to which they repaired following the
> conclusion of the Badasht conference. ZARANDI (pp. 347-349) states that Shaykh Abú-Turáb arrived in
> Shaykh Tabarsí where he reported that Bahá'u'lláh had entered the village from whence hailed another
> Bábí named Nazar Khán. He follows this with Mullá Mírzá Muhammad-i-Furughí's account of Shaykh
> Abú-Turáb's meeting at Shaykh Tabarsí with Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í. He next reports (p. 348-349) that
> Bahá'u'lláh came to Shaykh Tabarsí, and that after a short visit he returned to the village of Nazar Khán
> with this believer and with Shaykh Abú-Turáb. It appears that Shaykh Abú-Turáb was a companion to
> Bahá'u'lláh on certain of his journeys, although there is no further mention of him in ZARANDI, and he is
> entirely ignored by the historians. If Shaykh Abú-Turáb was not engaged at the time of this particular
> journey with looking after Táhirih , we may surmise that Táhirih was by then either out of danger or that
> she had already been captured by her enemies. WAFA (p. 202) reports that Táhirih was captured after the
> breakup of the Badasht conference and sent under guard to Tihrán. This being the case, it seems that
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb somehow escaped confinement, for we find him, some time after Badasht, traveling
> with Bahá'u'lláh to Shaykh Tabarsí. For a definition of the title "Imám-Jum'ih," please see note (80) of this
> Chapter.
> 
> (50)The  innovator in question is the Báb. The events related to the trial of the Báb and those which
> precipitated and ensued from it (cited in Amanat, p. 255, n. 283) are found in ZARANDI (pp. 143-148,
> 151-154), AHMAD (pp. 452-453), SIPIHR (vol. III, pp. 42-44), MU'IN (pp. 69-93), KAF (p. 112) and
> GOBINEAU (pp. 151-155). Balyuzi draws from three sources for his account of this trial of the Báb in
> Shíráz: ZARANDI (pp. 153-154; cited Balyuzi, pp. 94-96), 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 6-7; cited Balyuzi, p. 96)
> and AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, pp. 96-99). The Báb was apparently obliged to make a public recantation, at
> the Masjid-i-Vakil, of his alleged claim to be the representative or deputy of the Imám Mahdí, as reported
> by ZARANDI (p. 154), AFNAN (pp. 50-54), SIPIHR (p. 44), AHMAD (p. 453) and cited by Amanat (p.
> 255, n. 284). It seems likely that the Báb was also required to pen a written recantation of such claims,
> which has been found in one manuscript (INBA no. 91,169-170; cited Amanat, p. 255, n. 285). It has been
> noted that the Báb denied being the representative and the Báb of the Imám Mahdí, but that he was not
> apparently required to renounce his claim to being the Qá'im — perhaps the 'ulamá' were not informed of
> this claim at that time? In any case, both ZARANDI (pp. 155-156) and AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 97-98)
> indicate that the Báb's sermon in the Mosque of Vakil served to strengthen the faith of his followers in the
> audience, as well as to attract new believers to his Cause. ZARANDI (pp. 155-157) notes the attraction of
> Shaykh 'Alí-Mírzá, the youthful nephew of the Imám-Jum'ih, of Muhammad-Karím, of Mírzá Áqáy-i-
> Rikab-Saz, of Mírzá Rahim-i-Khabbaz, Hájí Abú'l-Hasan -i-Bazzaz, and of Hájí Muhammad-Bisat.
> Balyuzi (p. 103) lists Shaykh 'Alí -Mírzá, Mírzá-Áqáy-i-Rikab-Saz, Luft-'Alí Mírzá, Áqá Muhammad-
> Karím, Mírzá Rahim, Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Karím, Mashhadi Abú'l-Qasim-i-Labbaf, Mírzá Mihdi and his son
> Mírzá 'Alí-Akbar, and affirms that "most of these native Bábís of Shíráz embraced the Faith after hearing
> the Báb from the pulpit of the Mosque of Vakil." Hence, it seems that what the 'ulamá' and Governor
> wished to turn into a public defeat and humiliation for the Báb and a discouragement to his followers was
> transformed into a public demonstration of his profound influence upon selected souls and a confirmation of
> his truthfulness and integrity for his previous adherents.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           94
> 
> This was convened a great gathering of the 'ulamá' and the principal merchants of the town. The
> Báb was brought before this court. Shaykh Abú-Turáb could not master the anger which the sight
> of the Siyyid inspired in him, and he began the meeting with invectives. He ended by asking
> him(51):
> 
> "Who then are you and why do you excite so much disorder?"
> 
> "I am," answered the apostle, "delegated by God to conduct men to truth and to salvation.
> What do you upbraid Me for? And what have I taught that is bad for the creatures of
> God?"
> 
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb, furious with the extent of his(52) calm and audacity, struck him with his staff.
> He became very excited and particularly beat him on the head. The other participants, full of
> disgust at this scandalous scene, put it to an end by declaring that such violence was indecent and
> that they must insist upon its termination out of respect for their own selves. The Báb was sent
> home(53), advised to keep quiet and to preach no longer. Furthermore it was declared that his uncle
> would be held personally responsible for his [nephew’s] upsetting actions. So Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí took
> his nephew into his house, where he shut him in so that nobody saw him. The religious
> authorities(54), little experienced in this sort of thing, hoped that they had thus succeeded in
> stopping the movement which had manifested itself in such a menacing manner.
> 
> (51)Nicolas does not cite his source for this exchange, and it is not found in these words in ZARANDI,
> 
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA, AFNAN — it probably represents an oral tradition.
> (52)According to AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 98), the person who struck the Báb was not Shaykh Abú-Turáb,
> 
> the Imám-Jum'ih, but rather an individual he calls Shaykh Husayn; also, the blow did not fall upon the Báb
> but rather upon the shoulder of Mírzá Abú'l-Hasan Khán, the Mushiru'l-Mulk, the Vizier of Fárs (after his
> father, Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí, according to Balyuzi, p. 98n), who interposed himself between the assailant
> and his intended victim. Shaykh Husayn is called the "Tyrant" by AFNAN (cited Balyuzi, p. 97). It seems
> likely that the assailant was none other than Husayn Khán, the Governor of Fárs, inasmuch as ZARANDI
> (p. 150), 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 6), and other sources — please see note (50) — and the historian Balyuzi (p.
> 89) report that during his first meeting with the Báb after the latter's return to Shíráz from pilgrimage,
> Husayn Khán ordered his attendant to strike the Báb a blow in the face, which was so severe that it knocked
> the turban off his head. Hence, this kind of behavior seems to have been in character for Husayn Khán,
> while it would most certainly not have been characteristic of Shaykh Abú-Turáb.
> 
> (53)Nicolas recalls: "I do not remember in which European work I read that after the arrest of the Báb, his
> 
> sister ascended the terrace of his house and laughed so hard that she was asked the cause of her joy. 'It is,'
> she said, 'that these mad ones want to kill him, and that they do not doubt that he will revive after forty
> days.' This anecdote is taken from "Qisas al-'ulamá'" [TUNKABÚNI] but does not apply at all to the Báb
> of whom we speak here. The author in question says, in fact, "This religion of the Báb is furthermore not so
> new since Siyyid Ni'amat'u'llah Jazairi states in his 'Envar Numanieh'..." — and this Siyyid lived two
> hundred years before the manifestation of 1260 [A.H.]; he indeed writes that he was born in 1050 [A.H.]
> and that he was the student of A. Jamal Khonnsari, of Mullá Muhin Feiz — the celebrated student of Mullá
> Sadrá, of Shaykh Hasan — son of Shaykh Zayn al-Din, and especially of Mullá Muhammad Báqir Majlisi
> — the compiler of the hadíth, of whom he was the favorite."
> 
> (54)Nicolas affirms: "However, this occurred after Hájí Mírzá Nasir — whom we will meet again in the
> 
> events of Nayríz — tried in several instances and violently to require that he kiss the hand of Shaykh Abú-
> Turáb — which the Báb refused to do." Bahá'u'lláh forbad the practice of kissing hands in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas"
> (#34), and in his Tablets he also prohibited other practices which abase one person in relation to another,
> including prostration (see "Kitáb-i-Aqdas," n57).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            95
> 
> The contrary resulted, and this sacrifice served but to extend the progress of the sect. Hereafter
> public attention was attracted in an imperative fashion to the events that were going on in Shíráz.
> Everyone wished to know what this was about and everybody was interested in the affair, one way
> or another — disorder reached its summit.
> 
> It is then that it was decided to strike a great blow. The Mulláhá thought of forcing the Báb to
> make a public retraction of his doctrine. He was thus sought in his house, and after the imposition
> of the most horrible torments, he was conducted to the great mosque.
> 
> The Báb mounted the pulpit and there proclaimed his mission in a discourse so full of conviction,
> of force, of energy and of eloquence that all the spectators were stunned(55).
> (55)Nicolas writes: "’It was thus,’ says “A Traveler's Narrative,” ‘that he declared that he was not the Imám
> 
> al-Zamán, the hidden Mahdí, as it had been believed until then. He said that he was the intermediary or
> more exactly the precursor of another.’ This represents a play on words — the author of the narrative, a
> zealous Bahá'i, wishes by this to affirm the mission of Bahá [Bahá'u'lláh]. Certainly the Báb, as we will see,
> announces the coming of Him Whom God shall make manifest, declares himself to be his slave, but only
> because the prophets which succeed each other follow an ascending progression. Jesus is greater than
> Moses, Muhammad than Jesus, the Báb than Muhammad , and Him Whom God shall make manifest will
> be greater than the Báb. If Moses is the precursor of Jesus, this one [Jesus] of Muhammad , the Báb is the
> precursor of Him Whom God shall make manifest. But it is not this meaning that we give to the word
> precursor, and we assign this [other] role to Saint John the Baptist towards Christ. It is to singularly
> diminish the rank that the Báb has assigned himself to reduce him to the role of the Baptist. Those who
> have studied the second divine manifestation, that of Bahá [Bahá'u'lláh], easily realize that the Bahá'ís have
> followed the way that was indicated to them and have finished by identifying the Báb with Elijah, and Bahá
> [Bahá'u'lláh] with Christ. It seems to forget this fundamental principle of the New Religion magnificently
> formulated by the Báb in the 'Seven Proofs':
> 
> '…dans le passe, toutes les fois que la necessite s'en est fait sentir Dieu a envoye en ce bas monde un
> prophete, porteur d'un Livre contenant des revelations celestes; il en agita de meme dans l'avenir,
> toutes les fois qu'il en sera besoin.'"
> 
> An English translation of these verses from "Dala'il-i-Sab'ih":
> 
> "in the past, every time that the necessity was felt, God sent into this lower world a Prophet,
> carrying a Book containing celestial revelations; He will do so also in the future, every time that it
> will be needed."
> 
> Edward Granville Browne translated the passage cited by Nicolas from 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 6-7), as
> follows:
> 
> "It was then supposed that he claimed to be the medium of grace from His Highness the Lord of
> the Age (upon Him be peace); but afterwards it became known and evident that His meaning was
> the Gatehood (Bábíyyat) of another city and the mediumship of the graces of another Person
> Whose qualities and attributes were contained in His books and treatises."
> 
> In "God Passes By" (p. 242), Shoghi Effendi affirms that 'Abdu'l-Bahá was the author of "A Traveler's
> Narrative" (‘ABDU’L-BAHA), which he characterized as "the ablest and most valuable presentation of the
> early history of the Faith and of its tenets". This appreciation found expression in a letter written on the
> behalf of Shoghi Effendi (26 March 1930, to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'is of Canada and
> the United States, in which he writes of Professor E.G. Browne’s translation of this work from the original
> Persian to elegant English): "the most authentic history of the early days we have — being the Master's
> words — and also because it has a good and scholarly rendering and far superior to many of the other
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             96
> 
> translations of the Master's words we have" (cited in a Memorandum addressed to the author by the
> Research Department of the Bahá'i World Centre and dated 15 December 1994).
> 
> With regard to the substance of Nicolas' footnote, in "Some Answered Questions," which was first published
> in Persian and simultaneously in English and French translations in 1908, hence shortly after the
> publication of this biography (1905), 'Abdu'l-Bahá consecrated many pages to "prove to the thoughtful by
> reasonable arguments the prophethood of Moses, of Christ, and of the other Divine Manifestations" (p. 13).
> One chapter (VIII) of that volume is devoted to the "proofs" of the Báb, in which he is described as
> imparting "divine education to an unenlightened multitude" and producing "marvelous results on the
> thoughts, morals, customs, and conditions of the Persians". In this same chapter 'Abdu'l-Bahá also affirms
> that the Báb "announced the glad tidings of the manifestation of the Sun of Bahá' to His followers, and
> prepared them to believe" (p. 31).
> 
> The great-grandson of Bahá'u'lláh, grandson of 'Abdu'l-Bahá and Guardian of the Bahá'i Faith, Shoghi
> Effendi has explained the Bahá'i conception of the twofold station of the Báb in "The World Order of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (p. 123), an excerpt of which is cited here, while the full text is reproduced in Appendix I:
> 
> "That the Báb, the inaugurator of the Bábí Dispensation, is fully entitled to rank as one of the self-
> sufficient Manifestations of God, that He has been invested with sovereign power and authority,
> and exercises all the rights and prerogatives of independent Prophethood, is yet another
> fundamental verity which the Message of Bahá'u'lláh insistently proclaims and which its followers
> must uncompromisingly uphold. That He is not to be regarded merely as an inspired Precursor of
> the Bahá'i Revelation, that in His person, as He Himself bears witness in the Persian Bayán, the
> object of all the Prophets gone before Him has been fulfilled, is a truth which I feel it my duty to
> demonstrate and emphasize...
> "There can be no doubt that the claim to the twofold station ordained for the Báb by the Almighty,
> a claim which He Himself has so boldly advanced, which Bahá'u'lláh has repeatedly affirmed, and
> to which the Will and Testament of 'Abdu'l-Bahá has finally given the sanction of its testimony,
> constitutes the most distinctive feature of the Bahá'i Dispensation. It is further evidence of its
> uniqueness, a tremendous accession to the strength, to the mysterious power and authority with
> which this holy cycle has been invested. Indeed the greatness of the Báb consists primarily, not in
> His being the divinely-appointed Forerunner of so transcendent a Revelation, but rather in His
> having been invested with the powers inherent in the inaugurator of a separate religious
> Dispensation, and in His wielding, to a degree unrivalled by the Messengers gone before Him,
> the scepter of independent Prophethood."
> 
> Shoghi Effendi elaborates on this theme in the continuation of this essay (Ibid., pp. 123-128), and returns to
> it in "God Passes By" (pp. 29-31, 97-99). That Nicolas did not understand the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh and
> 'Abdu'l-Bahá with regard to this twofold station of the Báb is evident from this footnote and other comments
> scattered throughout his many publications on the Bábí Faith. That many of the Bahá'ís with whom he
> came into contact may also have been confused is also possible. However, as he had much more extensive
> contact with Mírzá Yahyá Azal and his followers than with the Bahá'is, it is very possible that his incomplete
> understanding of this twofold station was derived from their influence. It was clearly beneficial to the aims of
> the Azalis to create dissonance and discontinuity between the teachings of the Báb and those of Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> While Nicolas was for many years under the impression that the Bahá'ís did not appreciate the prophetic
> station of the Báb, at some point in the 1930s Edith Sanderson, one of the Bahá'ís resident in France, sent
> Nicolas a copy of some of Shoghi Effendi's writings on the Báb, which elicited this response, a portion of
> which was cited in the Introduction to this volume, and which was reproduced in its original French in
> "Appreciations of the Bahá'i Faith" (p. 61). It is cited in full in the Introduction to this volume, and
> excerpted here for the convenience of the reader:
> 
> "I do not know how to thank you nor how to express the joy that inundates my heart. Thus it is that
> we must not only admit the existence but also love and admire the Báb. Poor great Prophet born
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           97
> 
> After this public meeting, provoked by the stupidity of the Mulláhá, and which attracted numerous
> partisans to him, trouble was brewing deeply in all the provinces of Persia, and the battle assumed
> such a grave character that Muhammad Sháh(56) sent to Shíráz a man in whom he had complete
> 
> deep within Persia without any education and who, alone in the world, surrounded by enemies,
> succeeded by the force of his genius to create a universal and wise religion. That Bahá'u'lláh has,
> subsequently, succeeded him, so be it, but I wish for the sublimity of the Báb to be admired, who
> besides paid with his life, with his blood for the reform he preached. Cite me another example,
> comparable. Finally, I can die tranquil. Glory to Shoghi Effendi who has calmed my torment and
> my anxieties, glory to him who recognizes the worth of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad called the Báb.
> "I am so happy that I kiss your hands which have written my address on the envelope which brings
> the message from Shoghi. Thank you, Mademoiselle. Thank you from the bottom of my heart."
> 
> This extraordinary letter is referred to by Ruhiyyih Rabbani, the wife of Shoghi Effendi, in her biography of
> the Guardian:
> "An interesting example of this is reflected in a letter of A.L.M. Nicolas, the French scholar who
> translated the Bayán of the Báb into French and who might correctly be described as a Bábí.
> For many years he was under the impression that the Bahá'ís had ignored the greatness and
> belittled the station of the Báb. When he discovered that Shoghi Effendi in his writings exalted
> the Báb, perpetuated His memory through a book such as Nabíl's Narrative, and repeatedly
> translated His words into English, his attitude completely changed. In a letter to one of the old
> believers in France he wrote: 'Now I can die quietly…Glory to Shoghi Effendi who has calmed
> my torment and my anxiety, glory to him who recognizes the worth of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad
> called the Báb. I am so content that I kiss your hands which traced my address on the envelope
> which brought me the message of Shoghi. Thank you Mademoiselle, thank you from the bottom
> of my heart.'" ("The Priceless Pearl," p. 204)
> 
> (56)Muhammad Sháh was the reigning monarch of Persia from the death of his father, Fath 'Alí Sháh, in
> 
> 1834, until his own passing on 4 September 1848 ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 7, n. 5). Hence, the first fifteen years
> of the Báb's life were spent under Fath 'Alí Sháh, and fourteen years including the first four years of the
> ministry of the Báb were under the rule of Muhammad Sháh and his Grand Vizier, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí.
> Muhammad Sháh was addressed for the first time by the Báb in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' " (Sura 1, f.2b of the
> Cambridge Browne Collection F.11 manuscript — cited MacEoin, p. 19; Sura 1, f.3b of Ibid. — cited
> Amanat, p. 203, n. 281). The Báb wrote several letters to Muhammad Sháh, as discussed by MacEoin (pp.
> 58, 83, 92, 192-193), and Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 102, 262, 299, 354). The first letter was written,
> according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 102), in Búshihr. See note (1) this Chapter for more information
> regarding this Tablet. Sometime in Rabí ' al-Awal 1263/February-March 1847 (MacEoin, p. 82), after the
> decease of Manúchihr Khán, Gurgin Khán, his successor informed Muhammad Sháh of the continued
> presence of the Báb in Isfáhán and Muhammad Sháh issued a decree summoning the Báb to Tihrán
> (ZARANDI, p. 215). According to 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11), Gurgin Khán informed Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the
> Grand Vizier of Muhammad Sháh rather than the His Majesty, and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí gave the order of
> summons. Once the Báb was en route to Tihrán and had arrived at the fortress of Kinar-Gird, Hájí Mírzá
> Áqásí sent the Báb a message instructing him to proceed to the village of Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 226;
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 11; Balyuzi, p. 119). Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was himself the owner of Kulayn, and the tent
> that was pitched outside the village to accommodate the Báb was also his (ZARANDI, p. 227; Balyuzi, p.
> 119). ZARANDI (p. 227) reports that the Báb arrived in Kulayn on 11 Rabí 'al-Thání 1263, which
> corresponds to 29 March 1847 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 227, n. 2). The Báb tarried in the village of
> Kulayn for twenty days ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 11; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 229, n. 1) or a fortnight
> (ZARANDI, p. 229). According to 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 230, n. 1),
> FAYZI (p. 213) and GOBINEAU (p. 124; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 230, n. 1), the Báb wrote a letter
> to Muhammad Sháh requesting a private audience with His Majesty, a circumstance which is not reported
> by ZARANDI. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 262) indicates that the Báb wrote this letter from Siyah Duhn, in a
> mix of Arabic and Persian. If he wrote this petition in Kulayn, it was probably sometime soon after his
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            98
> 
> confidence, in order to prepare for him a report of what he would see and understand. This envoy
> was Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí(57).
> 
> This person was, as his name indicates, born in Dáráb, near Shíráz. His Father, Siyyid Ja'far(58),
> surnamed Kashfí(59), was one of the greatest and the most celebrated 'ulamá' of the epoch. His high
> 
> arrival in that town, inasmuch as Muhammad Sháh wrote a second decree, apparently in reply to the Báb's
> letter ('ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 11-12; SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-259), dated in
> that same month, Rabí ' al-Thání 1263/April 1847 (SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-
> 259; "The Dawn-breakers," p. 231, n. 1). Balyuzi (p. 121) states that nearly three weeks had passed since the
> Báb's arrival in Kulayn before he wrote to Muhammad Sháh, but this is very unlikely because of the dating
> of Muhammad Sháh's response to his petition. The imperial decree was issued in His Majesty's own
> handwriting ('ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 12), and in this letter He stated that due to His imminent departure from
> the capital, a private audience would not be possible at that time, and that the Báb was to proceed to Máh-
> Kú and await the opportune moment for such a meeting (ZARANDI, pp. 229-231; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p.
> 12; SAMANDAR, pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, pp. 258-259). Three versions of the text of this decree are
> extant: one is found in SAMANDAR (Ibid.), another in ZARANDI (pp. 230-231), and a third (which does
> not claim to be other than a paraphrase) is cited in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 12). It seems that Muhammad Sháh
> was amenable to a meeting with the Báb, but that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, who, as his Súfí "pir" (master) had
> great influence over the Sovereign, feeling his position potentially threatened by the charismatic personality
> of the Báb, convinced Muhammad Sháh to transfer the Báb to that remote location in Ádhirbáyján
> (ZARANDI, pp. 231-232; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 11-12; MU'IN, p. 129 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 232n). ZARANDI (pp. 121-122, 171, 177, 214-215, 229-232, 253-254, 525, 531-532, 537-539) makes
> copious reference to Muhammad Sháh, and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 7-9, 11-12, 15-16, 20) also refers to His
> Majesty. Likewise, we find references to Muhammad Sháh in Amanat (pp. 20-24, 28-29, 78-79, 92, 122,
> 203-204, 258-259, 262, 273, 338-339, 382, 394), MacEoin (pp. 17-19, 58, 83, 92, 116, 192-193), and
> Balyuzi (pp. 10, 12, 80, 81, 83, 90, 93, 99, 100, 102, 109, 112, 113, 115, 117, 121-123, 135, 137, 139, 147-
> 149, 165, 170, 175, 178, 185, 211, 221, 230, 233).
> 
> (57)Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, entitled Vahíd by the Báb (Balyuzi, p. 94), was born the son of Siyyid Ja'far-i-Kashfí
> 
> (Balyuzi, p. 70 and is described by ZARANDI (p. 171) as "the most learned, the most eloquent, and the
> most influential" of the subjects of Muhammad Sháh, and by 'Abdu'l-Bahá (in an untitled manuscript
> related to the martyrdoms in Persia) as having "committed to memory no less than thirty thousand
> traditions" and as "highly esteemed and admired by all classes of people" (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 171, n. 2). Dárábí was sent by Muhammad Sháh to examine the claims of the Báb, and, in the process of
> doing so, he became convinced of the truth of those claims (ZARANDI, pp. 171-176; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p.
> 7). From Shíráz he went first to Burújird to inform his Father of the Bábí Cause (ZARANDI, p. 177;
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 7). Dárábí spread the teachings in Burújird and in Kurdistan (ZARANDI, p. 465), and
> afterwards he went to Tihrán (JADID, p. 115; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 465, n. 1), where he
> frequently visited Bahá'u'lláh (ZARANDI, p. 465). Thereafter he proceeded to Qazvin, to Qum, Káshán,
> Isfáhán, Ardistan, Ardikan, and Yazd, and finally to Nayríz to announce the presence and explain the
> teachings of the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 465-466). In Nayríz he served as the leader of the Bábís in the heroic
> struggle with their genocidal opponents which ended with his martyrdom (ZARANDI, pp. 478-495;
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA, pp. 24-25), just ten days before that of the Báb (ZARANDI, p. 499). MacEoin (p. 117)
> has identified some writings which most likely came from the hand of Dárábí, including "Risala-yi
> istidlaliyya" (ZUHUR, p. 471), two Arabic "máqálas" (ZUHUR, pp. 471-477), and possibly "Risala-yi
> ashtat" (unpublished manuscript in Bahá'i International Archives). Balyuzi (p. 94n) states that a letter
> survives in the handwriting of Dárábí, addressed to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad , one of the uncles of the
> Báb who did not become a Bábí until his questions were answered by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (p. 138).
> Many other details pertaining to Dárábí's life are found in ZARANDI (pp. 171-177, 465-486, 488-491, 493-
> 501, 527, 580, 596, 643, 653); 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 7, 24-25); MacEoin (pp. 11, 13, 54, 71, 104, 117);
> Amanat (pp. 256, 278, 286, 315, 350, 369); and Balyuzi (pp. 70, 90-94, 99, 101, 103, 178-182, 205, 215,
> 240).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                               99
> 
> moral values, his character, his pure manners had attracted to him universal esteem and
> consideration. His knowledge had earned him the glorious surname of "Kashfí" which means "he
> who discovers," and, in this case, "he who discovers and explains the divine secrets." Brought up
> by him, his son did not delay in equaling him in all respects. He shared henceforth the favor that
> his Father enjoyed, and he went to Tihrán, preceded by his name and his reputation. There he
> became the table-companion of the prince Tahmasp Mírzá, Mu'ayyad al-Dawlih(60), the grandson
> of Fath 'Alí Sháh(61) by his father Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá(62). The government(63) rendered homage
> to his knowledge and his merit and he was consulted more than once in difficult circumstances.
> 
> It was of him that Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí(64) thought when they wished to find an
> honest emissary whose faithfulness was not in doubt.
> (58)Siyyid Ja'far (d. 1267/1851), the father of Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, was a distinguished and highly respected
> 
> Muslim cleric in his town of Burújird. Balyuzi (p. 70, 90) noted that Siyyid Ja'far-i-Kashfí went on
> pilgrimage in the same year as the Báb, and indeed, Abú'l-Hasan reported in AFNAN (p. 40; cited Amanat,
> p. 247, n. 248) that Siyyid Ja'far saw and heard the declaration of the Báb in Mecca and did not become a
> believer. His son went to Burújird to inform Siyyid Ja'far of the stupendous announcement of the Báb, and
> he later reported that Kashfí "was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Message I had brought him" but
> "preferred, however, to be left alone and to be allowed to pursue his own way" (ZARANDI, p. 177). His son
> met his death in 1850 and the following year his Father passed away.
> 
> (59)Siyyid Ja'far was called "Kashfí" (the Discloser) "because of his skill in the interpretation of the Qur'án and
> 
> the visions which he claimed to have" ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 177, n. 2), and "because of the powers of
> divination attributed to him" (Balyuzi, p. 94n), and is also described as an "intuitionist" (Amanat, p. 47).
> ZUHUR (volume III) contains information on the Kashfí family.
> (60)Prince Tahmasp Mírzá, Mu'ayyad al-Dawlih, is not mentioned in any of the historical sources.
> 
> (61)Fath-'Alí Sháh, the second monarch of the Qájár dynasty, reigned as Sháh of Persia from 1797-1834
> 
> (Amanat, p. 18, 20), or from 1798-1834 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. lxi).
> 
> (62)Muhammad 'Alí Mírzá, known as Áqá Muhammad Sháh, the first monarch of the Qájár dynasty,
> 
> reigned 1795-1797, and was assassinated in 1797 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. lxi).
> 
> (63)The government in this case is the Sháh (king).
> 
> (64)Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, also called Mullá 'Abbás Íravání (Amanat, p. 79, n. 42; p. 451), served as the Grand
> 
> Vizier of Muhammad Sháh from 1835 until the monarch's passing in 1848 (Amanat, p. 20). In a long
> footnote to "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 231, n. 2), Shoghi Effendi cites FADL (n.p.), MU'IN (p. 120),
> GOBINEAU (pp. 132-133), Fadl-Qulí Khán Hidayát's "Majma'u'l-Fusahá'" (n.p.), and Clements R.
> Markham's "A General Sketch of the History of Persia" (London:1874, p. 473) on the subject of Hájí
> Mírzá Áqásí. According to Hidayát, cited above, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was born 'Abbás-'Alí in the town of
> Íraván, the son of Mírzá Muslim, one of the well-known Muslim clergymen of that town; and he studied
> in Karbilá with Fakhru'd-Dín 'Abdu's-Samad-i-Hamadání, returning to Ádhirbáyján, whence he began
> to climb the ladder of favor which ultimately resulted in his being appointed Grand Vizier of
> Muhammad Sháh. FAYZI (p. 216) indicates that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was born in Baku. He does not seem
> to have been an effective administrator, as attested by the Báb (ZUHUR, p. 88; cited Amanat, pp. 382-
> 383, n. 40), and confirmed in a number of other sources cited by Amanat (pp. 20-21, n. 46). Hájí Mírzá
> Áqásí was a Súfí, and so was Muhammad Sháh, both of them members of the Ni'matulláhí taríqa
> (order) (Amanat, p. 79). It was state policy during his administration to award provincial posts for a year
> or two solely to those who were prepared to pay the most for the privilege (Amanat, p. 20) and to
> appease the Shí'í clergy with money as well as deferential words (Amanat, p. 101). Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was
> Muhammad Sháh's Súfí "pír" (teacher), and therefore wielded great influence over the monarch,
> according to Amanat (p. 204, n. 285). The Báb ordered Áqásí in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súra 1, fol. 3a;
> cited Amanat, p. 204, n. 283) to withdraw his influence from the Sháh, and, in the same Book (Ibid.), he
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          100
> 
> The Sháh made him the gift of a horse and advanced him the cost of the voyage.
> 
> Arriving in Shíráz, the royal messenger went to see the Báb several times. Desiring to study his host
> well, Siyyid Yahyá spoke with him, the first two times that he saw him, of different things. On the
> third visit he posed him some difficult questions regarding dogma and ritual. His questioner
> answered them in a satisfactory fashion. He then asked him to write a commentary upon the 108th
> Súrah of the Qur'án(65) which carries the title of "Kawthar"(66).
> 
> warns the Sháh of the idolatrous ideology of his Grand Vizier. Áqásí was on very hostile terms with
> Manúchihr Khán (Amanat, p. 257), the Governor of Isfáhán. Amanat asserts (p. 258) that Manúchihr
> Khán wished to remove Áqásí from power, to bring about a face-to face meeting between the Báb and
> Muhammad Sháh, to arrange for the Báb's marriage to the Sháh's sister, and to facilitate the
> promulgation of the Bábí Cause in Persia and in lands beyond its borders. For more details, please see
> note (79). Amanat reports (p. 261-262; p. 273, n. 118-119 — citing SIPIHR, p. 235) that in late Rajab
> 1260/August 1844, Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í arrived in Tihrán and delivered a copy of the first Súra
> (Súrat al-Malik) of "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" to Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. The same source
> indicates that Mullá Husayn requested an audience with the monarch in order to personally deliver the
> Báb's message, but that this offer was rebuffed. ZUHUR (p. 163; cited MacEoin, p. 17, n. 36) reports
> that Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí 'Azím brought "eighteen copies of Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', the Tafsír on the
> Hadíth al-jariyya, and other sermons and prayers from Shíráz to Tihrán in order to convert
> Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, his Prime Minister. Áqásí, it is said, gave these works to Mírzá
> Mahmúd Mujtahid, other 'ulamá', and government officials." It was Áqásí who postponed and
> ultimately blocked any meeting between the Báb and Muhammad Sháh; who persuaded the Sháh to
> order the Báb's confinement to Máh-Kú, and his transfer to Chihríq; and who engineering the trial of
> the Báb in Tabríz, which resulted in his execution on the charge of heresy (Amanat, pp. 387-391).
> According to Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 37), shortly after the death of Muhammad Sháh, Hájí
> Mírzá Áqásí was "stripped of the treasures he had amassed, fell into disgrace, was expelled from the
> capital, and sought refuge in Karbilá" whre he fell "prey to disease, poverty and gnawing sorrow" (Ibid.,
> p. 82). MacEoin (pp. 58, 64, 83, 92, 192) describes a "khutba" and a number of letters written by the
> Báb and addressed to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, some of which are still extant. There are many sources which
> report the details of Áqásí's life and influence he wielded upon the Báb and his followers. Primary
> sources include ZARANDI (pp. 120, 121, 204, 226, 231, 244, 254, 259, 280, 301, 323, 525, 531), KAF
> (pp. 131-132; cited MacEoin, p. 16, n. 29, 32; p. 92, n. 70), JADID (p. 239; cited MacEoin, p. 16, n. 31),
> SAMANDAR (p. 99 — cited MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24; pp. 101-102 — cited Amanat, p. 259, n. 293), and
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 11-12, 14, 15-17); and secondary historical studies, including the works of Shoghi
> Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 6, 13, 15, 37, 82), Fádil-i-Mázindarání (ZUHUR, p. 163), Amanat (pp.
> 20-23, 27, 79, 101, 204, 223, 234, 257-259, 262, 273, 319, 363, 378, 380, 382-383n, 387, 411), Balyuzi
> (pp. 11-13, 93, 111-112, 114, 117, 119, 121-123, 128, 131-132, 136-137, 139-140, 147-148, 199), and
> MacEoin (pp. 16-17, 58, 64, 82-83, 92, 192).
> 
> (65)"Súrat al-Kawthar" is the 108th chapter of the Qur'án and is three verses in length. In the English
> 
> translation by Mohammed Marmaduke Pickthall, it is as follows (“The Meaning of the Glorious Koran,”
> Meridian, 1997, p. 452):
> 
> In the Name of Alláh, the Beneficent, the Merciful.
> Lo! We have given thee Abundance [kawthar]; So pray unto thy Lord, and sacrifice.
> Lo! It is thy insulter (and not thou) who is without posterity.
> 
> (66)The Báb's "Tafsír Súrat al-Kawthar," a work of over two hundred pages in length, was apparently written
> 
> for Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí (Vahíd) and the perusal of which reportedly convinced this Siyyid of the truth of
> the Báb's claims (ZARANDI, pp. 174-176). MacEoin notes (p. 71, n. 115-116) that neither KAF nor JADID
> refer to this work in connection with Dárábí's meetings with the Báb, but that they do indicate that this work
> was composed for him. MacEoin (pp. 71, 201-202) quotes various sources to the effect that this Book was
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            101
> 
> Without objection, without a moment of delay, the Báb, in his presence, took his pen and, without
> any sort of hesitation, wrote a Commentary of such nature that the royal envoy felt bewilderment
> overwhelm him.
> 
> Certainly the fact of writing "currente calamo"(67) a new commentary upon a Súrah, the meaning
> of which is so obscure, must have struck Siyyid Yahyá with astonishment; but what surprised him
> as being even more peculiar was to find, in this commentary, the explanation that he himself had
> discovered in his meditations upon these three verses. Thus he met in the Reformer an
> interpretation of which he had believed himself to be the only one to imagine and which he had
> communicated to no one.
> 
> This fact troubled him and he retired to his lodgings. He reflected for a long time about what he
> had seen and heard, weighed the pros and the cons, and, finding them to be the same in weight,
> the good Persian that he was, he referred the matter to God. He thus decided that the next day he
> would go to the Báb, that he would knock softly at the door. If, out of the ordinary, it was the Báb
> himself who came to open for him, and if, contrary to the usages ruling in Persia, this one took him
> by the hand to invite him to enter and conducted him to the reception room, then the Báb was
> truly the Prophet of God. If things did not pass as he had fixed them in his imagination, then
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was nothing but a charlatan. It was thus for God to regulate things in such
> fashion so as not to leave a person as considerable as Siyyid Yahyá in uncertainty.
> 
> Thus, the next day, he went to the home of the apostle, knocked and could not restrain a shudder
> of surprise when, as the door opened, he found himself face to face with the Báb, who had himself
> come to greet him. This latter one took him by the hand, conducted him to the room and did not
> release him until he had seated himself. Siyyid Yahyá prostrated himself and recognized the
> Prophet, to whom he declared himself the slave.
> 
> His master ordered him to go forth and preach in Burújird(68), then at Tihrán(69) and at Yazd(70),
> after which he was to return to Shíráz(71).
> 
> widely circulated during the ministry of the Báb, and asserts that at least twelve manuscripts of "Tafsír Súrat
> al-Kawthar" have survived.
> 
> (67)The expression "currente calamo" is Italian and translates into English as "the moving pen". It is a
> 
> reference to the unchangeable decree of God, as distinct from the impending decree, called "ajal-i-mu'allaq"
> (this information was provided by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir in an email dated 24 January 2002). The
> circumstances of Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí's conversion to the Bábí Cause are found described by Hájí Siyyid
> Javád-i-Karbilá'í in Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl-i-Gulpaygání's "Kashf al-Ghitá.
> 
> (68)Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 24/1/02) reports that Burújird is a city located in central Írán, near
> 
> Malayer (in the vicinity of Isfáhán), a celebrated epicenter of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. The sojourn of Siyyid
> Yahyá Dárábí in Burújird is described in note (57).
> 
> (69)Tihrán is the capital city of Persia, the residence of the Sháh and of his court. It was also the principal
> 
> residence of Bahá'u'lláh at this time. The sojourn of Dárábí in Tihrán is described in note (57).
> 
> (70)Yazd is a city located almost in the center of Persia, from all four directions. The sojourn of Dárábí in
> 
> Yazd is described in note (57).
> 
> (71)This return to Shíráz is not reported in ZARANDI, 'ABDU'L-BAHA or in any of the other sources
> 
> studied.
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> 
> He obeyed and went to Burújird where he informed his father Siyyid Ja'far of what had happened.
> He wrote a description of his conversion to Muhammad Sháh to whom he communicated his
> letter through the intermediation of Mírzá Luft 'Alí (72), a gentleman of the chamber of His
> Majesty. From then on, free of all official attachment, he fulfilled the program which had been
> assigned to him [by the Báb] and began his preaching. Some 'ulamá' considered him mad, others
> thought that he had been bewitched. We will see later that he paid for his conversion with his
> life(73).
> 
> Meanwhile the troubles, the passionate discussions, the scandal continued in Shíráz, so much that,
> bothered by all this uproar, and anxious about the effects it might have, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí gave an
> order to Husayn Khán Nizám al-Dawlih to finish with this Reformer, to have him secretly killed.
> 
> Nizám al-Dawlih ordered the Chief of police to come and talk with him. They were in agreement
> that one could not dream of effecting a public act of violence, which would be, first of all,
> disobedient to the orders from Tihrán and which would thereafter precipitate great dangers, in
> view of this trouble-maker's rank of Siyyid(74). The Prefect of police proposed then to address
> himself to the thieves and assassins with whom his profession brought him daily into contact, and
> to propose to them this murder with assurance of financial reward(75). This project was agreed to
> 
> (72)Mírzá Luft 'Alí Pishkidmat Salmasi (Amanat, p. 456) also called Mírzá Luft 'Alí Salmasi (Amanat, p.
> 367), was a steward in the court of Muhammad Sháh and a convert to the Bábí Cause from the province
> of Ádhirbáyján (Ibid.). ZUHUR (p. 66; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 195) states that following his conversion
> through the influence of Vahíd, he was instructed to deliver the Báb's letters to Muhammad Sháh and
> Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, and that as a result of his attempt to do so, he was dismissed from service and
> removed to Salmas, where he hosted the Báb in 1266/1850. Salmas, near Chihríq, was the location of
> his estate, and he hosted the Báb twice, when the Báb was en route to Tabríz (Amanat, p. 384). MU'IN
> (pp. 175, 223; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 47) confirms that Mírzá Luft 'Alí was dismissed because of his
> propagation of the Bábí Cause, and states that this occurred in early 1847, while the Báb was residing
> just outside of Tihrán. Amanat (p. 367) indicates that prior to his conversion to the Bábí Cause, Mírzá
> Luft 'Alí Salmasi may have been an adherent of the Ahl-i-Haqq community, which was powerfully
> represented in his home province of Ádhirbáyján. This Bábí seems to be distinct from Luft 'Alí Mírzá
> Shírází, whom MacEoin (p. 162, n. 35) identifies as a Súfí descended from the Afsharid family, citing
> KHUSRAVI (vol. II, pp. 89-94) as his source. KHUSRAVI (vol. III, pp. 273-275; cited MacEoin, p.
> 162, n. 36) also asserts that Luft 'Alí Mírzá Shírází wrote a chronicle of the Shaykh Tabarsí debacle, in
> which he was both a participant and a survivor. MacEoin (p. 162, 215-216) lists five manuscripts of this
> chronicle. Balyuzi (pp. 239-240) likewise reports the existence of a history of the debacle at Shaykh
> Tabarsí, which he identifies as having been written by Mírzá Luft 'Alí or Luft 'Alí Mírzá of Shíráz, a
> descendant of the Afsharid monarchs; he calls him one of the survivors of the Shaykh Tabarsí conflict,
> indicates that he escaped in the company of Muqaddas Khurásání, but was martyred in August 1852.
> While the two Bábís have similar names, one is from Salmas in Ádhirbáyján and possibly from the Ahl-i-
> Haqq community there, while the other is from Shíráz in Fárs and allegedly a Súfí.
> 
> (73)Nicolas notes that this took place during the clash in the city of Nayríz.
> 
> (74)A "Siyyid" as a descendant of the holy family of Muhammad was greatly respected and indeed revered by
> 
> all Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Muslims. It was practically unthinkable that a "Siyyid" should be accused, let alone
> executed for heresy.
> 
> (75)While the circumstances are entirely different, one is invariably reminded of the sale of Joseph to the
> 
> Ishmaelites which was effected by his brother Judah (Yehudah), as noted in the Book of Genesis (37:26-28);
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          103
> 
> and it was decided to gather together a certain number of these people who would precipitate
> themselves together, at night, upon the house of the Báb to kill him.
> 
> "In this eventuality," said the Governor, "we will deplore the accident for which we will not
> seem to be responsible in any way."
> 
> The Chief of police gathered without difficulty the brigands necessary for the operation and after
> thoroughly explaining what he expected from them and the measures of prudence that the
> situation required, he left them free to take the necessary dispositions. These ones deferred the date
> of the assassination for eight days so as to find a favorable moment.
> 
> In the meantime, cholera had broken out in the town and it quickly made a progress so terrible
> that all the inhabitants fled and dispersed. The Governor and the Chief of police had been among
> the first to take cover from the scourge by abandoning those whom they administered.
> 
> Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad(76) also left the town, accompanied by his secretary Siyyid Kázim
> Zanjání(77), and took the road for Isfáhán, in March 1846(78). Having arrived at the last station
> before this town, he had the wisdom to write to its Governor, the Georgian, Manúchihr Khán
> 
> and the monetary transaction which effected the betrayal of Jesus to the authorities, carried out by Judas
> (Yehudah), which is described in the Gospels of Matthew (26:14-16), of Mark (14:10-11), and Luke (22:3-6).
> 
> (76)Nicolas affirms: "All the Muslim authors are in agreement that it was Manúchihr Khán, the Governor of
> 
> Isfáhán whom he [the Báb] sought [in Isfáhán]."
> 
> (77)Siyyid Kázim Zanjání is noted here as the secretary of the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 195) reported that Siyyid
> 
> Kázim-i-Zanjání was together with the Báb and His uncle in the home of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí in Shíráz
> when the chief constable of that city, named 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán broke into the house and arrested all of
> its occupants with the exception of its owner. Balyuzi (p. 104) repeats ZARANDI's report without
> attribution. ZARANDI (pp. 197-198) attested that the Báb having been transferred to the home of 'Abdu'l-
> Hamíd Khán, sent Siyyid Kázim to his uncle's home to request that the latter visit him. This is not reported
> by Balyuzi. ZARANDI (p. 199) and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 9) stated that Siyyid Kázim-i-Zanjání
> accompanied the Báb as he departed Shíráz for Isfáhán; ZARANDI (p. 199) also reported that the Báb
> wrote a letter to Manúchihr Khán, the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih when he and his companion had arrived
> outside of Isfáhán, and that Siyyid Kázim delivered that letter to the Governor. Balyuzi (p. 106, 109) repeats
> these details, but without attribution. Finally, Balyuzi (p. 185) affirms that Siyyid Kázim-i-Zanjání died a
> martyr in the battle of Shaykh Tabarsí. MacEoin (p. 126) notes that the "most interesting and important
> anti-Bábí polemics in manuscript are several works written by Hájí Mírzá Abú'l-Qasím ibn Áqá Siyyid
> Kázim Zanjání (1224-92/1809-75)." Is it possible that this was the son of Siyyid Kázim Zanjání, the Bábí
> who was with the Báb in Shíráz upon his return from pilgrimage, and who was martyred at Shaykh
> Tabarsí? Stranger things have happened.
> 
> (78)The date of the Báb's departure for Isfáhán from Shíráz is cited by ZARANDI (p. 199) as the summer of
> 
> 1262/1846; by Balyuzi as autumn of 1846 (p. 106), probably shortly after 22 September 1846 (p. 104n);
> JADID (p. 204; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 195, n. 1; MacEoin, p. 49) indicates that this voyage took
> place shortly after 23 September 1845. It seems likely that JADID is a year removed from the true date, that
> the Báb must have left shortly after the onset of cholera, and probably then by 30 September 1846. There
> are more details regarding the circumstances of the departure of the Báb from Shíráz, to be found in
> ZARANDI, FAIZI and Amanat.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           104
> 
> Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih(79), informing him in advance of his arrival and asking him to fix his place of
> residence.
> 
> (79)Manúchihr Khán, the Mu'tamid al-Dawlih, Governor of Isfáhán, Luristán and Khuzistán (Amanat, p.
> 
> 336) was a Georgian eunuch of Christian background (Amanat, p. 257; Balyuzi, p. 108). Amanat (p. 257, n.
> 290) recommends a number of sources for Manúchihr Khán's life — court chronicles including HIDAYÁT
> (volume X), SIPIHR (volumes II, III), Ahmad Mírzá 'Azud al-Dawla's "Táríkh-i-'Azudi" (Tirhan:1949), and
> Ridá Qulí Mírzá's "Safar Namih" (Tihrán:1967, pp. 9-170); European accounts including Sir A. Henry
> Layard, "Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana, and Babylonia" (London:1887, pp. 114-117), H.A. Stern's
> "Dawning of Light in the East" (London:1854, pp. 149-161); and Bábí chronicles including KAF (p. 116),
> MU'IN (pp. 102-107), JADID (pp. 208-216), and ZUHUR (pp. 90-94). For a Muslim account which
> indicates Manúchihr Khán's general interest in religious debates, see AHMAD (p. 455). Shoghi Effendi
> ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 199, n. 2) cites Clements R. Markham's "A General Sketch of the History of
> Persia" (London:1874, p. 487). According to the Báb's "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited MacEoin, p. 48), he and his
> associates left Shíráz on 26 Sha'bán 1260/10 September 1844 for "Hijáz " (that is, Mecca and Medina).
> ZARANDI (p. 96) indicates that Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was sent, and it can be implied from the text that
> this occurred shortly before his own departure or at the same time, on a journey which was to pass through
> Isfáhán, Káshán, Tihrán and Khurásán, and terminate in 'Íráq, where the Báb intended to reunite with his
> first disciple. Amanat (p. 260) dates Mullá Husayn's departure to late Jumáda al-Thání 1260/July 1844.
> AHMAD (pp. 499-500) indicated that Mullá Husayn had been proclaiming the appearance of the Imám
> Mahdí in Shíráz prior to his departure on this journey, but without indicating the person in whom this
> appearance was manifest, i.e., without naming the Báb. According to the words of the Báb cited by
> ZARANDI (p. 96), Mullá Husayn was, "by the aid of God" to "remove the veils from the eyes of the
> wayward and to cleanse the minds of the malevolent" and not, at this point, to proclaim openly the identity
> of the Promised One. ZARANDI (pp. 97-98) indicates that Mullá Husayn proclaimed the Bábí Cause in
> Isfáhán, and that he was opposed by the students of the recently deceased mujtahid, Hájí Siyyid
> Muhammad-Báqir, and that they sought the support of their late master's son, Hájí Siyyid Asadu'lláh, and,
> failing this, the approval of another eminent divine, Hájí Muhammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí, who also refused
> to censure Mullá Husayn. They then appealed to Manúchihr Khán, and he refused to interfere in these
> matters and "warned them to abstain from mischief and to cease disturbing the peace and tranquillity of the
> messenger" (Ibid., p. 98). This seems to have been Manúchihr Khán's first contact with a Bábí and the
> claims of the Báb; however, we cannot know whether Manúchihr Khán and Mullá Husayn ever met, or the
> extent to which Manúchihr Khán was informed regarding the claims of the Báb at this time. Balyuzi (p. 50)
> makes passing reference to this incident, and Amanat (pp. 266-268) writes about it in more detail. SIPIHR
> (volume III, p. 234; cited and translated Amanat, p. 268, n. 76) reported that in responding to the complaint
> of the theological students, Manúchihr Khán "acknowledged that the Báb is a pious man and maintained
> that it could be that he is the deputy of the Hidden Imám." Ahmad Sohrab, in "al-Risála al-Tis' 'Ashríyya, fí
> Táríkh Hadrat al-A'lá" (Cairo:1919, p. 26; cited Amanat, p. 97, n. 128) reports that Manúchihr Khán
> employed an astrologer, by the name of Mírzá Áqá Munajjim Isfáháni, who predicted that incredible events
> would take place during the year 1260 A.H.; this prediction may have had some bearing on Manúchihr
> Khán's response to the theological students. Accounts of Manúchihr Khán's contact with the Báb himself
> are found in ZARANDI (pp. 199-200, 202-214), and 'ABDU'L-BAHA (pp. 9-11), and are discussed in
> Balyuzi (pp. 109-116), MacEoin (pp. 76-81), Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 301-303), and Amanat (pp. 254-258).
> To Manúchihr Khán, the Báb wrote a letter (ZARANDI, p. 199; Balyuzi, p. 109; MacEoin, p. 193) and an
> extended work, entitled "Risála fí'l-nubuwwa al-khássa", on the specific mission of the Prophet Muhammad
> — please see note (83). In his Tablet addressed to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (cited by Abu'l-Qasim
> Afnan, p. 299), dated circa 1264 (by Armin Eschraghi on 24/1/02), the Báb "speaks about Manúchihr
> Khán favorably and says [that] he realized…the truth of the Cause — "bar haqíqat-i-amr muttali' shudih"
> — and served the friends of God well: "ánchih lázimih-yi 'ubúdiyyat wa khulús bi-nisbat-i-awliyá alláh búd
> bi-jámí áward…" (Ibid.). In this same Tablet, the Báb also indicates that Manúchihr Khán was severely
> criticised because of his Bábí leanings by the ignorant ("juhhál"). Eschraghi (Ibid.) cited his source for this
> Tablet as INBA 64 (p. 115 for this passage; the whole Tablet occupies pp. 103-126). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan
> (pp. 301, 303) stated that one night Manúchihr Khán visited the Báb in private and asked the Báb to accept
> all of his possessions after his passing, including his rings. The Báb referred to this and indicated that he
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        105
> 
> This Governor was an intelligent and liberal man; perhaps he was also curious to see one about
> whom all of Persia spoke. He replied to the Báb by acknowledging receipt of his letter and in
> recommending that he go to the house of Mír Siyyid Muhammad(80). At the same time he directed
> this latter one in advance to welcome the guest whom he had bestowed upon him.
> 
> The Prophet(81) obeyed and went directly to the house that was assigned to him.
> 
> One day, upon the request of his host, he wrote a Commentary(82) — in the same manner as that
> written in the presence of Siyyid Yahyá — on the Súrah al-'Asr, the 103rd of the Qur'án(83).
> 
> refused to accept Manúchihr Khán's possessions at that time and had no desire for them at any time.
> Eschraghi (op.cit.) recommended biographical sources for Manúchihr Khán in Bámdád's "Rijál-i-Írán"
> (volume IV, pp. 159-163); Fádil-i-Mázindarání, ZUHUR (volume III, pp. 90-94); and Abbas Amanat,
> "Resurrection and Renewal" (passim.).
> 
> (80)Mír Siyyid Muhammad was the name of the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, who was also entitled "Sultánu'l-
> 
> 'ulamá' (King of the 'ulamá'), according to Nicolas, and to FADL (p. 66; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 199,
> n. 3). Neither ZARANDI nor 'ABDU'L-BAHA name the Imám-Jum'ih. Balyuzi (p. 109) refers to Siyyid
> Muhammad as the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, while MacEoin (p. 76, n. 1) gives his name as Mír Siyyid
> Muhammad (and cites Hamíd Algar's "Religion and State in Írán, 1785-1906," Berkeley, 1969, pp. 167,
> 180), and Amanat gives his name and title as Siyyid Muhammad Imám Jum'ih Khatunabádí (p. 257), as
> Mír Muhammad Khatunabádí (p. 265) and Muhammad Husayn Imám-Jum'ih (p. 341). None of these
> historians explain the titles given to the Imám-Jum'ih, such as "Mír," "Sultánu'l-'ulamá'" and
> "Khatunabádí." Dr. J.R.I. Cole (email 25/1/02) wrote: "Mír actually means Sayyid, being a contraction of
> Amír, both indicating descent from the Prophet [Muhammad]…He or his family were from Khatunabád.
> A name based on such place-name affiliation is called a nisbah. And, in premodern times, one often had a
> title, whether a court title (Sayf al-Dawlah) or, among the clergy, a religious one. Sultán al-'Ulamá' means
> 'Emperor of the Clergy,' and indicates that he was very well respected. Siyyid Muhammad Nasirabádí in
> Lucknow, his contemporary, was also called Sultán al-'Ulamá'." Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email 24/1/02)
> wrote regarding this name: "Khatunabádí is the family name of all of that particular Mullá clan in Isfáhán.
> They achieved standing from the Safavi period…Sultán al-'Ulamá' was an honorific title in that family from
> the Safavids onwards…The Khatunabádís were related to Majlísí ancestrally." Dr. Fananapazir also
> pointed out that Bahá'u'lláh referred to a relative of Mír Siyyid Muhammad, who, at a later date, was
> appointed the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán, and whom he called the "She Serpent" in the "Epistle to the Son of
> the Wolf" (p. 100): "O My Supreme Pen! Call Thou to remembrance the She Serpent (Imám-Jum'ih of
> Isfáhán) whose cruelty hath caused all created things to groan, and the limbs of the holy ones to quake."
> 
> The sojourn of the Báb in the home of the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán is described in some detail by
> ZARANDI (pp. 199-208). That sojourn lasted for forty days (ZARANDI, p. 208), and during that time the
> Báb wrote his "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" — please see note (82) — and his "Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa" —
> please see note (83). Mír Siyyid Muhammad seems to have been a tolerant and sympathetic personality, and
> the Báb apparently transferred his residence to the palace of the Governor at Manúchihr Khán's request,
> after the Imám-Jum'ih and other members of the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán had received letters from the Grand
> Vizier, in which he expressed his profound disapproval of the Báb and of any kindness and sympathy which
> had been shown him (ZARANDI, pp. 204-205). During this epoch, the "Imám-Jum'ih" was the principal
> Muslim cleric in each Persian city or province. As reported by Clements R. Markham ("A General Sketch
> of the History of Persia," London:1974, p. 465; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 199, n. 3), the office of
> Sadru's-Sudur, the chief priest of the Safavid dynasty, was abolished by Nadír Sháh and replaced by the
> office of Imám-Jum'ih. The same source identified the Imám-Jum'ih of Isfáhán as the "principal
> ecclesiastical dignity of Persia" (Ibid.).
> 
> (81)"The Prophet" here refers to the Báb.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                             106
> 
> Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih was informed and he himself went to see the Báb, with whom he spoke on
> diverse points of religion and especially on the Nubuwwat-i-Khassih(84). The Governor of Isfáhán
> 
> (82)The Báb's "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" was written after dinner one night at the residence of the Imám-
> 
> Jum'ih, in the presence of Mír Siyyid Muhammad and his companions, including Mullá Muhammad-
> Taqíy-i-Harátí, and it was apparently equal in length to one third of the Qur'án (ZARANDI, pp. 201-
> 202), which is comprised of 6246 verses (MacEoin, p. 15, n. 28). According to KAF (p. 116), a clock was
> set to time the speed of the Báb's writing, and on this basis it was estimated that he had written 1000
> verses every 6 hours. Inasmuch as the Báb is alleged by ZARANDI to have written the whole
> commentary, which, according to his calculation, numbered some 2000 verses altogether, in the course
> of one evening, according to this account the Báb actually wrote down these verses at double (or perhaps
> even triple) the miraculous speed reported by KAF. It should be noted that the Báb claimed in the
> "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb 1) that he had revealed 2000 verses in 5 hours (Nicolas translation, tome I,
> p. 43). It seems likely that it was at this tempo that he wrote "Tafsír Súrat al-'Asr" — if it was indeed
> completed in the course of that night. MacEoin (p. 202) lists ten manuscripts of this work, including one
> in the hand of the Bahá'í scribe Zayn al-Muqarrabín.
> 
> (83)"Súrat al-'Asr" (Chapter of the Declining Day) is the 103rd Chapter of the Qur'án and is composed of
> 
> three verses:
> 
> "In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful!
> "By the declining day,
> "Perdition shall be the lot of man,
> "Save those who have faith and do good works, and exhort one another to steadfastness."
> 
> (84)"Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa" was written at the request of Manúchihr Khán according to
> ZARANDI, p. 202-204; 'ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 10); Balyuzi, p. 111; Amanat, p. 257; MacEoin, pp. 76-77,
> 196). It pertains to the specific mission of Muhammad, including his station as "khátama'n-nabiyyína" (Seal
> of the Prophets), referred to in "Súrat al-ahzab" (Qur'án XXXIII:40). This treatise was fifty pages in length
> and written in less than two hours (ZARANDI, p. 202), and a manuscript copy in the Raqi' style is fifty-one
> pages in length (Abu'l-Qasim Afnan, p. 448). Armin Eschraghi (email dated 24/1/02) wrote that
> manuscripts of this work vary considerably in length, with part of the surviving draft in the Báb's "revelation
> writing" comprising 13-14 pages, and copies ranging from 30 to 80 pages long. This work is here described
> by ZARANDI (pp. 202-203):
> 
> "The originality of His dissertation, the vigour and vividness of its style, the accuracy of its minutest
> details, invested His treatment of that noble theme with an excellence which no one among those
> who were present on that occasion could have failed to perceive."
> 
> While Manúchihr Khán was already a Muslim, having been converted from Christianity as a child
> according to some reports (Sir A. Henry Layard, "Early Adventures in Persia, etc." (London:1887, vol. I, pp.
> 311-312 — cited Balyuzi, p. 108; Amanat, p. 257), nevertheless, his acceptance of Islám does not seem to
> have been altogether wholehearted (Armin Eschraghi in email 24/1/02). ZARANDI (p. 204) states that
> Manúchihr Khán spoke these words after reading "Risalá fí'l-Nubuwwa al-Khassa":
> 
> "'Hear me!' he exclaimed. 'Members of this revered assembly, I take you as my witnesses. Never
> until this day have I in my heart been firmly convinced of the truth of Islám. I can henceforth,
> thanks to this exposition penned by this Youth, declare myself a firm believer in the Faith
> proclaimed by the Apostle of God [Muhammad]. I solemnly testify to my belief in the reality of the
> superhuman power with which this Youth is endowed, a power which no amount of learning can
> ever impart.' With these words he brought the meeting to an end."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         107
> 
> was very surprised at the superiority of his interlocutor and ordered the convening of a council of
> 'ulamá' who would be charged with examining the Reformer; he wanted the transcript of this
> meeting to be written down so that this could be sent to His Majesty. But the 'ulamá' declined this
> invitation, remarking that a discussion upon such a matter was contrary to religion.
> 
> "In effect," they said, "if we could imagine for an instant that Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad could
> possibly be right in his affirmations, we would call forth a council to examine any doubtful
> particular; but, as all the evidence indicates that the pretensions of our adversary are in
> flagrant contradiction to the Qur'án and the laws of God, we do not have any reason to
> gather in order to render justice to an impostor who merits death alone."
> 
> They insisted upon this point and declared to the Governor that the Báb was impious, and that he
> must either banish him from the town or have him executed.
> 
> Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih remarked that this was a religious affair that was not within his competence.
> 
> "You must discourse with him yourselves: if he is an impostor, prove it; if on the contrary
> what he says is true, believe in him." But the clergy refused again.
> 
> The Muslim historians claim that at this point the theologian 'Alí Muhammad Mahdí(85), the
> philosopher Mírzá Muhammad Hasan Núrí(86), and Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad(87) consented to try
> this adventure. A meeting was fixed at night in the presence of Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih.
> 
> This twin declaration on his part — to the truth of Muhammad 's prophetic station and mission and to the
> divine gifts which were manifested in the Báb — was subsequently to mature into a wholehearted embrace
> of the Bábí Cause (ZARANDI, pp. 212-214).
> 
> (85)'Alí Muhammad Mahdí is called Muhammad Mihdí by ZARANDI (p. 207), and Áqá Muhammad-
> 
> Mihdí by 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 10) and Balyuzi (p. 111); the son of Hájí Muhammad Kalbásí by Nicolas
> (here, in a footnote), the son of Hájí Muhammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí and known as "Safihu'l-'ulamá'"
> (Foolish One of the Learned) according to Balyuzi (p. 111, 113). He was apparently one of the most
> vociferous opponents of the Báb in Isfáhán, who insulted and criticized the Báb from his pulpit. That his
> father, also known as Muhammad Ibráhím Karbásí [Kalbásí] (Amanat, pp. 267-268) would have refused to
> condone such behavior has already been indicated, in note (79). However, his illustrious father passed away
> on 8 Jamádi al-Úlá 1261/15 May 1845 (Áqá Buzurg Muhammad Muhsin Tihrání, "Tabáqát A'lám al-
> Shí'a," Tihrán:1966, volume II: part I, p. 14; cited Amanat, p. 267, n. 60), over four months prior to the
> Báb's arrival in Isfáhán, and hence he was unable to influence his son's actions. Muhammad-Mahdí took
> part in the examination of the Báb at the home of the Imám-Jum'ih (ZARANDI, p. 207; 'ABDU'L-BAHA,
> p. 10; Balyuzi, p. 113), and presumably also in the subsequent issue of a death sentence upon the Báb on the
> charge of heresy. The Imám-Jum'ih did not believe that this charge was warranted, and he felt himself
> constrained to overturn the death sentence by a declaring that the Báb was insane (ZARANDI, p. 209;
> ZUHUR, p. 95; Balyuzi, p. 113; Amanat, pp. 258-259, n. 292). However, this was not a matter decided in
> Isfáhán alone. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was contacted by the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán with regard to the claims of the
> Báb and their sentence of heresy, and the Grand Vizier wrote to them, assuring his support, and requesting
> that the Governor send the Báb to Tihrán. The text of this letter, dated Muharram 1263/January 1847, is
> reproduced in I'TIDAD (pp. 121-122; cited Amanat, pp. 258-259, n. 292), and paraphrased in
> SAMANDAR (pp. 101-102; cited Amanat, p. 259, n. 293).
> 
> (86)Mírzá Muhammad Hasan Núrí was, according to Nicolas's footnote here, the "son of Mullá 'Alí Núrí."
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 207) calls him Mírzá Hasan-i-Núrí, and identifies him as a noted [Neo-]Platonist
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          108
> 
> philosopher, who asked the Báb to elucidate the meaning of certain passages in "Hikmat al-'Arshíyya" of
> Sadru'd-Dín Muhammad Shírází (d. 1050/1640), generally known as Mullá Sadrá. This work has been
> translated into English by J.W. Morris and published as "The Wisdom of the Throne" (Princeton:1981).
> Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í wrote a commentary on this work of Mullá Sadrá, and on another of his works
> entitled "Masha'ir" (Balyuzi, p. 236). The commentary by Shaykh Ahmad is entitled "Sharh al-'Arshíyya"
> and there is a recently published edition available (Tihrán:1982, pp. 79ff) although no English translation as
> yet (MacEoin, p. 78, n. 8). According to ZARANDI (p. 207), the Báb replied to each of the questions posed
> him by this philosopher, and he informs his readers that Mírzá Hasan-i-Núrí was unable to understand the
> meaning of the answers that he received. Balyuzi (pp. 112-113) relates the same story as ZARANDI, while
> Amanat (p. 257) does not give a detailed account of this meeting. However, Amanat (p. 258, n. 291) does
> give other sources for the religious debates in which the Báb participated in Isfáhán, including KAF (pp.
> 116-118), SIPIHR (volume III, pp. 44-47), AVARIH (pp. 73-105), ZUHUR (pp. 93-94) and the "Khátirát"
> (Memoirs) of Áqá Siyyid 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáhání (cited Amanat, p. 258, 427). Mírzá Muhammad Hasan
> Núrí is to be distinguished from Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan, described as "one of the most celebrated
> ecclesiastics of Shí'íh Islám" (ZARANDI, p. 90), who pronounced Mullá 'Alíy-i-Bastámí a heretic after
> hearing him proclaim the mission of the Báb in the city of Najaf (Ibid.) Bahá'u'lláh refers to Shaykh
> Muhammad-Hasan in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#166), calling him "among the most learned divines of his day"
> and recalls the spiritual blindness of most of the Muslim clergy at the appearance of the Báb:
> 
> "When the True One was made manifest, this shaykh, along with others of his calling, rejected
> Him, while a sifter of wheat and barley accepted Him and turned unto the Lord.    Though      he
> was occupied both night and day in setting down what he conceived to be the laws and ordinances
> of God, yet when he Who is the Unconstrained appeared, not one letter thereof availed him, or he
> would not have turned away from a Countenance that hath illumined the faces of the well-favoured
> of the Lord."
> 
> The "sifter of wheat and barley" to whom Bahá'u'lláh referred, is mentioned in the Báb's "Bayán-i-fársí"
> (váhid VIII: báb 14), and his conversion is described in ZARANDI (p. 99), MU'IN (p. 98) and AVARIH
> (volume I, p. 71), as cited in Amanat (p. 357, n. 143-147). Amanat (p. 357) translates the passage in "Bayán-
> i-fársí" as follows:
> 
> "Look at the Land of Sád [Isfáhán] which in appearance is the greatest of lands where in each
> corner of its schools numerous students are found under the name of knowledge and itjihád, yet, at
> the time of refining Gandum Pakkun will put on the garb of primacy. This is the secret of the word
> of the People of the House [the twelve Imáms] regarding the time of the Manifestation when they
> say: 'The lowest of the people shall become the most exalted and the most exalted shall become the
> lowest.'"
> 
> Nicolas translates this passage in "Le Beyan Persan" (tome IV:1914, p. 113), and ZARANDI (p. 99) gives a
> paraphrase of this passage from "Bayán-i-fársí". The name of this Bábí is noted by Amanat (pp. 356-357) as
> Ja'far Gandum Pakkun (Ja'far the sifter of wheat). He died a martyr to the Bábí Cause in Shaykh Tabarsí
> according to ZARANDI (p. 99) and KAF (p. 202, cited Amanat, p. 357, n. 146).
> 
> (87)Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad, referred to here seems to be the Imám-Jum'ih, whom Nicolas earlier — please
> 
> see note (80) — named Mír Siyyid Muhammad. This we know because present at this gathering were a
> number of the 'ulamá' of Isfáhán, and, according to ZARANDI (pp. 207-208), subsequent to the departure
> of Muhammad Mihdí, Manúchihr Khán spoke with the Imám-Jum'ih, and arranged the transfer of the Báb
> to the Governor's residence in order to assure his safety. After this conversation, ZARANDI (p. 208) reports
> that the Imám-Jum'ih, Mír Siyyid Muhammad, "returned alone to his house."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            109
> 
> A transcript, or at least a description of this meeting was preserved for us in the "Násikh
> al-Tawáríkh"(88) and Mr. Browne has included it in one of his works(89).
> 
> I will remark that Bábí tradition absolutely denies the authenticity of this meeting; it affirms that
> the clergy persisted in refusing any official interview with the Báb. On the other hand, the
> questions(90) which were posed to the Reformer verge upon absurdity. It is strange that, face to face
> with a man who claims himself to be, they say, the Imám al-Zamán, a theologian like Muhammad
> Mahdí thinks of asking him:
> 
> "The men who are ornamented with Faith in Muhammad are encompassed in the two
> following ways: either they derive their conviction from the very hadíth to which they
> conform their acts, and those are mujtahidún(91); or they follow the precepts of a religious
> leader, and those are the muqallidún(92). Among which must one count you?"
> 
> And the Báb allegedly replied: "I do not have any need of the opinions of anyone in order
> to regulate my actions, but I regard it as wicked for a man to act in any way except through
> reliance upon his own reasonings."
> 
> (88)According to Nicolas, "Násikh al-Tawáríkh" — which source is identified throughout this history by its
> 
> author's name, SIPIHR — reproduces a transcript of this informal tribunal convened at the home of
> Manúchihr Khán. Amanat (p. 258, n. 291) notes the location of this alleged transcript in SIPIHR (volume
> III, pp. 44-47).
> 
> (89)Here and in an earlier location — Chapter Two, note (41) — Nicolas refers to E.G. Browne's
> publication of the transcript made of this meeting. It is evident however from an examination of the
> transcript published by Browne, in "Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion" (pp. 255-258), that it
> pertains to a tribunal convened in Tabríz, and not to this gathering in Isfáhán. Shoghi Effendi (The
> Dawn-breakers," p. 207, n. 1) points the reader who would wish for more information regarding this
> later examination to Note M appended to Browne's translation of "A Traveller's Narrative" (volume II,
> pp. 277-290), and to GOBINEAU (pp. 65-73). Both sources provide translations of SIPIHR, and
> Browne also translates JADID, QISAS and RAWDAT. In Browne's "Materials for the Study of the Bábí
> Religion" (pp. 248-260) we find other documents related to the Tabríz trial, including an account by
> Amír Aslán, the maternal uncle of Násiru'd-Dín Mírzá, the Crown Prince (pp. 248-256); a purported
> recantation of the Báb at that trial (pp. 256-258); and the alleged verdict (fatwá) of the 'ulamá' (pp. 258-
> 260).
> 
> (90)It is interesting to note Nicolas' insistence that Bábí tradition, in his experience, denied the very existence
> 
> of this meeting. Not only did ZARANDI report this meeting, but, as cited in note (85), KAF, AVARIH,
> ZUHUR and Áqá 'Abd al-Rahím Isfáháni also gave Bábí accounts of this event.
> 
> (91)Please see note (2) in Chapter One.
> 
> (92)"muqallidún" is the plural form of "muqallid" which Wehr/Cowan (p. 920) defines as "blind follower;
> 
> believer in authority; adherent of taqlíd." "Taqlíd" is defined (Ibid.) as "imitation; copying; blind,
> unquestioning adoption (of concepts or ideas); uncritical faith (e.g., in a source's authoritativeness)." The
> nature of the Báb's response to this query is such as to identify him as disapproving of the "muqallidún" and
> of "taqlíd" and approving of the spirit of "ijtihád" although not necessarily of the specific methods and
> standards of the Shí'í mujtahidún. Throughout the writings of Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá are found
> copious references to this theme, and "taqlíd" and the "muqallid" are consistently censured as representing
> the darkness of superstition and the blindness of imitation which prevent individuals from discovering the
> truth for themselves. Please see note (2) in Chapter Two for definitions of "ijtihád" and "mujtahid."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                            110
> 
> "Be that as it may," Muhammad Mahdí allegedly replied, "but you know that the door of
> divine knowledge is closed(93) and that the proof of God is hidden(94). Therefore, without
> having seen the Imám Mahdí, without having heard his explanations, how can you act
> with certitude? Tell me, what is the source of that certitude?"
> 
> Surely a bizarre question and which well merits the disdainful reply of the Báb: "You are
> but a child whose knowledge is borrowed from others. How can you interrogate me and
> discuss with me things about which you are ignorant(95)?"
> 
> It is thus that, Muhammad having fallen silent, Mírzá Muhammad Hasan, who followed the
> philosophical doctrine of Mullá Sadrá(96), questioned the Báb in order to incite him to explain
> three Miracles(97), which explanation would be sufficient to convince him, the questioner.
> (93)Nicolas notes: "Muhammad Mahdí does not seem to doubt for an instant that his respondent claims to be
> 
> precisely this "Báb" (Gate)."
> 
> (94)The proof of God, "Hujjatu'lláh," is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí. Please see note (44) in Chapter
> 
> Two.
> 
> (95)Nicolas writes: "Whatever may be the case, the response of the Báb is well within the range of his
> 
> doctrine. In effect, the door of divine knowledge was closed after the disappearance of the twelfth Imám;
> since then certain portions of the Book of God have remained obscure and certain matters have not been
> foreseen by the Apostle [Muhammad] or his twelve Imáms. One then must seek, be it the explanation of
> these obscure passages, or be it the rule of conduct which must be followed in the case of matters which
> were not foreseen. Men, deprived from that time of the divine lights, have not been able up to now to find a
> solution except through reasoning. This reasoning is based upon their complete knowledge of the hadíth
> [traditions associated with the Prophet Muhammad and the twelve Imáms], upon their exact interpretation,
> and upon the analogy which one can find between a particular new matter and a particular word of the
> Prophet or of the Imáms. The solution — necessarily uncertain — hereby arrived at assumes the force of
> law; that is the doctrine of the "mujtahidún," that is to say, the official doctrine of Persia. The Báb rises up
> against this pretension: First, because he who follows this course may do so without knowing all the hadíth;
> Secondly, because he may be mistaken regarding their interpretation; Thirdly, he may find a theological
> position therein no trace of which is to be found in actuality; Fourthly, he may accept as authentic a hadíth,
> the authenticity of which is questionable or illusory. Finally, in these matters the reasoning of man is nothing
> other than human reasoning, that is to say, it is defective." Hence, while the Báb approves of the spirit of
> "ijtihád", of independent enquiry, he does not approve of the methods adopted by the "mujtahidún" in
> order to arrive at the truth. They are human methods, and they are liable to human error. Bahá'u'lláh refers
> to this theme in many of his Tablets, including "Kitáb-i-Íqán" (pp. 3-4, 255-256) and "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" (#99).
> 'Abdu'l-Bahá speaks on the criteria and standards of investigating divine reality in a number of his talks, as
> recorded in "Some Answered Questions" (Chapter LXXXIII: pp. 341-343) in "The Promulgation of
> Universal Peace" (pp. 20-22, 253-257, 355-361), and in his Tablet of the Innermost Heart ("Min Makátíb-i-
> `Abdu'l-Bahá," 83-86).
> 
> (96)Mullá Sadrá, whose full name was Sadru'd-Dín Muhammad Shírází (d. 1050/1640), was the founder of
> 
> the Isfáhání school of spiritual philosophy or theosophy, known as "hikmat ilahí" and derived principally
> from the interpretations of Pythagoras and Plato (as well as various Persian theosophists) by Shiháb al-Dín
> Yahyá Suhrawardí, known as Shaykh Ishráq (d. 1191). Most scholars agree that Mullá Sadrá's line of
> theosophical thought was continued, with important innovations, by Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í and Siyyid
> Kázim Rashtí. MacEoin (p. 78) notes that the Báb, in a letter to Mírzá Sa'íd Ardistání or Mírzá
> Muhammad Sa'íd Zavára'í, contradicts the Ishráqí monist conception of reality, called "basít al-haqíqa" —
> which was formulated by Mullá Sadrá in his "Hikmat al-'Arshíyya" cited earlier. There are six manuscripts
> of this letter of the Báb extant (MacEoin, p. 193). The Báb also refuted this doctrine in a letter that MacEoin
> has named "Risála-yi dhahabíyya II" (pp. 80-81). In this latter letter, and in "Sahífa-yi 'adlíyya" (MacEoin,
> p. 69), the Báb also refutes the monist doctrine of "wahdat al-wujúd" (unicity of being), which is closely
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          111
> 
> The first [Miracle] is the "Tayu'l-Arz," or, if one prefers, the immediate transportation of any
> person from one place in the world to another place very far away — the Shí'í are convinced that
> the third Imám, Imám Jawad(98), adopted this easy and economical mode of travel; that, for
> example, he transported himself in the blink of an eye from Medina in Arabia, to Tús in
> Khurásán(99).
> 
> The second Miracle is the multiple and simultaneous presence of the same person in many
> different places. 'Alí, among others, was at the same minute seen by sixty different persons.
> 
> Finally, the third is a problem of cosmography which I will submit to our astronomers who will
> certainly appreciate its flavor. It is said in a hadíth(100), that during the reign of a tyrant the sky
> turns rapidly, while during that of an Imám it turns slowly. First, how can the sky have two
> movements? And then, what was it doing during the reign of the Umayyads(101) and of the
> Abbasids(102)?
> 
> associated with the famous Súfí author Ibn al-'Arabí , and his "Fusús al-hikam" (MacEoin, p. 81).
> Bahá'u'lláh wrote "Lawh-i-basít al-haqíqá" (found in Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'ida-yi Ásmání," volume VII, pp.
> 140-147; cited MacEoin, p. 78, n. 8) to explain such metaphysical matters.
> 
> (97)Nicolas' discussion of the three Miracles is probably based on SIPIHR (pp. 44-47, volume III, published
> 
> in Tihrán, 1344 A.H.), according to Armin Eschraghi (email 24/1/02). Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (email
> 24/1/02) reported that the subject of teleportation, the first Miracle cited, was current amongst both Shí'í
> and Sunní Muslims. This Miracle is based on a verse from the Qur'án (27:40), and many traditions of the
> Prophet Muhammad and the twelve Imáms, as was confirmed in both the learned understanding and
> popular imagination by the accounts of eminent Súfís and other mystically inclined Muslims. For further
> study he recommended home.attgi.net/~nungan/Súfísm/27warp.htm.
> 
> (98)According to a standard list of the twelve Imáms found in E.G. Browne ("A Traveler's Narrative," note
> 
> O, pp. 296-297; cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. lii-liii), the third Imám was Husayn ibn 'Alí, and none of
> the twelve Imáms was named Jawad. Hence, it is not known to whom Nicolas was referring in this citation.
> 
> (99)From the city of Medina in the Hijáz (the Western coast of Arabia) to the city of Tús in Khurásán
> 
> represents a journey of well over one thousand miles.
> 
> (100)The hadíth referred to has not been identified as yet: "that during the reign of a tyrant, the sky turns
> 
> rapidly, while during that of an Imám it turns slowly."
> 
> (101)The Umayyad dynasty ruled from 661 to 750 A.D. They were the descendants of Abú Sufyan, a leader
> 
> of the Quraysh who was forced into becoming a Muslim. His descendants are generally regarded as half-
> hearted if not altogether disbelieving adherents of Islám, and as tyrannical rulers. In 656 A.D., 'Alí ibn Abí
> Tálib, the son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, and his chosen successor (and first Imám) according to
> the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'ís, was elected the fourth "khalifa" (Wehr/Cowan, p. 298: "deputy; successor") by the
> Muslim elders. Mu'awiya, the son of Abú Sufyan of the clan of Abí Shams — the bitterest enemies of Islám
> and of the family of Muhammad — then Governor of Syria, refused to recognize 'Alí as the leader of the
> community of Muslims. In 661 A.D., 'Alí was assassinated, apparently at the instigation of Mu'awiya, and
> this latter one usurped the position of "khalifa" — which was assumed by himself and his descendants,
> known to history as the Umayyads, for the following 89 years. The Umayyads were also responsible for the
> assassination of the Imám Hasan, eldest son of the Imám 'Alí, in 670 A.D.; and the Imám Husayn, second
> son of the Imám 'Alí, in 680 A.D. (see "The Dawn-breakers," p. liii). Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir (24/1/02)
> reported that "the Umayyads ruled for precisely 1000 lunar months (and this was prophesied in the Qur'án:
> "laylatu'l-qadr kharun min alfa shahrin"). All the Shí'í commentaries point out [that] "laylatu'l-qadr" is
> symbolically the chaste Fátimih [daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, wife of the Imám 'Alí, and mother of
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       112
> 
> It was allegedly the solution of these inanities that was proposed to the Báb. I will not delay on this
> subject any longer, but I must make a remark here about the mentality of the Muslim learned of
> Persia. If one wishes to reflect that for about a thousand years, the science of Írán consists only of
> such nonsense, that men exhaust themselves upon continuous research into such matters, one will
> easily understand the emptiness and arrogance of all of these brains.
> 
> Whatever may be the case(103), the gathering was interrupted by the announcement of dinner, and
> each one participated, returning homewards thereafter.
> 
> Then Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih believed that he must announce to his guests that from thenceforth he
> was not at all convinced of the imposture of the Reformer, and that furthermore, in order to
> silence all arguments and for his soul to be at peace, he intended to send him immediately and
> under escort to Tihrán.
> 
> Tradition reports that when he had been relieved of his guests, Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih
> approached the Báb and said to him, "I believe in you because you are the truth; what I
> did, I was obliged to do in order to extract you from the talons of the 'ulamá'. Dispose of
> me as you desire. I am rich and powerful, I have a considerable number of clients: if you
> wish, I will arm my people and will kill all those who oppose you(104)."
> 
> The Báb declined his offer and replied that his work must be accomplished by the force of
> persuasion and not by that of arms.
> 
> The next day, that is to say forty days after the arrival of the Báb in the house of the Imám Jum'ih,
> Mír Siyyid Muhammad, Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih summoned some cavaliers, gave a mount to the
> Prophet and ordered this company to leave the town, passing through the most populated roads
> and the most frequented bazaars, and then to take the road to Tihrán.
> 
> The crowd would then see the procession, follow it through the streets to the gate which opens
> onto the road towards the Capital, and accompany him with their blessings or their maledictions.
> The 'ulamá' were informed of what was happening, and, in their triumph, they heaped up praises
> upon the Governor, who had finally rid them of a sacra-religious and dangerous guest.
> 
> the second and third Imáms, Hasan and Husayn] and the Immaculate Imáms and the thousand months
> [are] the thousand months of Umayyad rule."
> 
> (102)The 'Abbásíd dynasty ruled from 750 to 1258 A.D. This dynasty claimed connection with the family of
> 
> the Prophet Muhammad, but not through the Imám 'Alí and his descendants, the other eleven Imáms.
> Nicolas states the Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í view of the Umayyad and 'Abbásíd caliphs: "These were usurpers who
> ruled only in appearance, while in reality sovereignty belonged to the Imáms who lived during that era."
> 
> (103)Nicolas indicates that this examination of the claims of the Báb was interrupted by dinner, followed
> 
> by the dispersal of the clerical participants. ZARANDI (p. 207) states that it was cut short by Manúchihr
> Khán when Muhammad Mahdí became abusive of the Báb, and was immediately escorted from the
> Governor's residence and to his home.
> 
> (104)Nicolas notes: "This conversion of Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih is affirmed by the author of "Mutanabbi'ín"
> 
> (I'TIDAD), and by the Báb himself." He does not indicate precisely where I'TIDAD or the Báb refer to this
> conversion. Please see notes (79) and (83) this Chapter for more details related to Manúchihr Khán,
> Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        113
> 
> But Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih secretly sent one of his confidants to the head of the group of cavaliers
> [accompanying the Báb] instructing him to join the voyagers. He gave him a letter for the leader
> of the escort, in which he told him that he must give over the prisoner into the hands of the new
> envoy. This one must take possession of the person of the Báb, and bring him back, in the greatest
> secrecy, to Isfáhán, where he would arrive by night.
> 
> The confidant left, rejoined the Báb at Murchih-Khár(105), gave the letter of which he was the
> carrier to the leader of the escort, and, taking the Báb, conducted him by out of the way paths to
> the town he had just left. He awaited nightfall in order to enter the town and, through the deserted
> streets, he conducted him to one of the palaces which belonged to the Government.
> 
> The secret was well-guarded and nobody suspected the ruse. The Báb lived thus a little more than
> four months in the most complete tranquility, frequently receiving visits from the Governor, whom
> he instructed in the new religion.
> 
> (105)Murchih-Khár is cited in 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11) as the location where the Báb's escort received the
> 
> message which induced them to return the Báb to Isfáhán. Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 211, n. 1) indicates that Murchih-Khár is located about 35 miles from Isfáhán, the second stage from
> that city on the north road towards Tihrán. ZARANDI (p. 211) relates that according to Manúchihr
> Khán's instructions, the Báb should arrive at Isfáhán before dawn. These instructions were carried out, the
> Báb was escorted to the private residence of Manúchihr Khán, called 'Imárat-i-Khurshíd, and therein the
> Governor waited in person on the Báb, until the Governor passed away (ZARANDI, pp. 211, 213-214).
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 11) indicates that the Báb spent four months in the private residence of the Governor
> without disturbance. ZARANDI (pp. 211-214) describes some of the events that transpired during that
> period.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         114
> 
> Chapter Four
> 
> Death of Manúchihr Khán — Exiled from Isfáhán — Tabríz — The Prison of
> Máh-Kú
> 
> Unfortunately, Mu'tamidu'd Dawlih died.1 Mírzá Gurgin Khán his nephew and his only heir,2
> came to Isfáhán to collect his inheritance. He learned with surprise about the guest his uncle
> had hidden in one of his residences, and, much embarrassed, not knowing what to do, he
> referred this matter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí.
> 
> 1Nicolas reports: "On 4 March 1847, Monsieur de Bonniere wrote the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
> 
> France: "Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih, the Governor of Isfáhán, has just died, leaving a fortune which is valued
> at 40,000,000 francs." This report is cited in "The Dawn-breakers" (p. 212, n. 1) and in Balyuzi (p.
> 115n). E.G. Browne stated ("A Traveller's Narrative," Note L, p. 277; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 214, n. 2) that Manúchihr Khán died in the month of Rabí al-Awal 1263, corresponding to February-
> March 1847. Balyuzi (p. 116) and MacEoin (p. 82) confirm the Islamic (Hijra calendar) month of the
> Governor's death. ZARANDI (p. 213) indicates that the Báb predicted the Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih's death
> three months and nine days prior to its occurrence B and hence shortly after He took up His secret
> residence in the Governor's private residence. As the life of Manúchihr Khán was approaching its end,
> the Báb acquainted two of his companions, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím, with his
> prediction of the Governor's imminent death, and told them to share this news with the Bábís in Isfáhán,
> and to advise that they scatter throughout Kashán, Qum and Tihran and await the will of God
> (ZARANDI, p. 214). Balyuzi (p. 116) states that in his Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, the Báb indicates
> that, in a letter addressed to two divines in Yazd, he foretold the passing of Manúchihr Khán eighty-
> seven days before it occurred. Given the exactitude of these statements, it is curious that the precise date
> of Manúchihr Khán's death has not been preserved in Bábí sources. ZARANDI (p. 215), ‘ABDU’L-
> BAHA (p. 11) and Balyuzi (p. 116; p. 236 citing ‘ABDU’L-BAHA) indicate that this death occurred four
> months after the Báb was publicly escorted out of Isfáhán only to be secreted back into the city under
> the cover of night, probably a day after his departure.
> 
> 2Nicolas notes: "We will see by a letter which the Báb wrote from Máh-Kú to His Majesty [Muhammad
> 
> Sháh], that he holds himself to be the inheritor of these goods." According to ZARANDI (pp. 212-213),
> Manúchihr Khán declared his intent to dedicate his efforts and his vast fortune to the Cause of the Báb.
> On the very same day, the Báb informed the Governor that his earthly days were limited to three
> months and nine days. The Báb accepted this bequeathal of the Governor's property, which was noted
> in Manúchihr Khán's will and testament (ZARANDI, p. 213). Balyuzi (p. 116) echoes this report. In his
> Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, the Báb acknowledges that Manúchihr Khán offered him all of his
> property, and states that he accepted this act of renunciation but returned the Governor's property to
> him for the duration of his life (Balyuzi, p. 116; Amanat, pp. 381-382, n. 37). Amanat (p. 382, n. 37)
> reports that in this Tablet the Báb did not claim the property of Manúchihr Khán for himself, writing:
> 
> "Now I do not desire to have a trifle of that. All his wealth belongs to the Proof. Whatever that
> Holiness would see fit, he would ordain."
> 
> While the Báb often refers to himself as "Hujjat" (the Proof), in this case he seems to be referring to
> "Him Whom God shall make manifest," the prophetic figure whose appearance he anticipated following
> his own manifestation. Dr. Fananapazir pointed out (email 18/1/02) that in váhid II: báb 1 and váhid
> III: báb 1 of "Bayán-i-fársí", the Báb indicates that all things are the property of "Him Whom God shall
> make manifest" when He appears. ZARANDI (p. 213; cited by Balyuzi, p. 116) indicates that following
> the death of Manúchihr Khán, his nephew and successor, Gurgin Khán destroyed his will, seized his
> property and ignored the wishes of his uncle. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11; cited by "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 214, n. 3; repeated by Balyuzi, p. 116) also indicates that Gurgin Khán was Manúchihr Khán's nephew.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       115
> 
> This one, changeable and capricious, having forgotten that he had, only a little earlier, decreed
> the death of the Reformer, felt in himself the birth of a desire finally to see the man who had
> inspired so many to talk of him. He ordered Gurgin Khán to send him [the Báb] to Tihrán.3
> 
> He obeyed and sent the Báb on his way under escort, without even leaving him time to say
> goodbye to his wife,4 before setting out on the road to Tihrán. When they arrived at the last
> 
> 3ZARANDI (pp. 214-215) reports that, a few days after the death of Manúchihr Khán, Gurgin Khán
> 
> was informed of the residence of the Báb in 'Imárat-i-Khurshíd, and that Gurgin Khán sent a message
> to Muhammad Sháh informing His Majesty of this situation, and awaiting his decree. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA
> (p. 11) states that Gurgin Khán informed Hájí Mírzá Áqásí of the same. ZARANDI (p. 215) states that
> the Sháh issued an imperial mandate summoning the Báb to Tihran, commanding Gurgin Khán to
> send him secretly and in disguise and in the company of a mounted escort led by Muhammad Big-i-
> Chápárchí, of the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11) indicated that it was Hájí Mírzá Áqásí who
> issued this command, and that he instructed that the Báb be sent secretly and in disguise and escorted by
> Nusayri horsemen. Balyuzi (p. 117) favors ZARANDI, and Amanat and MacEoin are silent on this
> matter. Balyuzi (p. 236) indicates that the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect were a party of Shí'í Muslims founded by
> 'Abdu'lláh Ibn-Saba, a Jewish convert to Islám, who was put to death by the Imám 'Alí, apparently
> because he identified 'Alí with God Himself. If Manúchihr Khán died on 4 March 1847, and Gurgin
> Khán did not discover the presence of the Báb in his custody until a few days after that death; and
> allowing time for Gurgin Khán's message to be carried to Tihran and for Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's reply to
> travel to Isfáhán, we may assume that the Báb did not leave Isfáhán until mid-March 1847.
> 
> 4Nicolas refers here to the second wife of the Báb, a marriage contracted while he was in Isfáhán. There
> 
> is no mention of the Báb's second wife in "The Dawn-breakers," or by Balyuzi, Amanat or MacEoin.
> Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir indicates (18/1/02) that her name was Fátimih Khánum, and was the sister of
> Mullá Rajab 'Alí Qahir. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 218) indicates that Fátimih was the daughter of Mullá
> Hasan, Rúzi Khán, an Isfáhání Bábí, and the sister of Mullá 'Alí Muhammad (ibid. p. 220). He also
> indicates (ibid. p. 218) that Manúchihr Khán wished the Báb to take a house-servant while he was in
> concealment in Amárat Sadr, the Governor's residence in Isfáhán, and that since Islám requires a
> woman to be related to the ones she serves, a "síghih" was contracted between her and the Báb. While
> most "síghih" are temporary, this marriage apparently was never terminated. Sepehr Manuchehri (email
> 21/1/02) indicates that Fátimih, the "mut'áh" of the Báb in Isfáhán, was "the sister of Mullá Rajab 'Alí
> Isfáhání (Qahir). Mullá Rajab-'Alí became one of the early believers in Isfáhán during the Báb's stay at
> the residence of Manúchihr Khán. There are many Tablets issued by the Báb in later years, in which he
> showers praise on Qahir and consoles Fátimih. After the martyrdom of the Báb, both became devoted
> Azalís. Fátimih was a confident and charismatic lady and used her charms in maintaining a nucleus of
> Azalí followers in and around Isfáhán."
> 
> In "God Passes By" (p. 125), Shoghi Effendi refers to "an act so odious that Bahá'u'lláh characterized it
> as 'a most grievous betrayal,' inflicting dishonor upon the Báb, and which 'overwhelmed all lands with
> sorrow'" which was carried out by Mírzá Yahya and repeated by Siyyid Muhammad Isfáháni, while
> Bahá'u'lláh was residing in Kurdistan (1854-1856). Shoghi Effendi is referring to the marriage of
> Fátimih, the second wife of the Báb, first with Mírzá Yahya and then shortly thereafter with Siyyid
> Muhammad. Anthony Lee (email 18/1/02) indicated that the Báb "left instructions on how she should
> be cared for by the believers, and had specifically commanded that no one should marry her after he
> did." He goes on to affirm that "Mírzá Yahya ignored the Báb's instructions and married her anyway
> while he was living in Baghdád. But, only for a few days. After that, he passed her on to one of his
> followers. And after that, she was passed around a bit more. Bahá'u'lláh laments all this grossness at
> length in the Epistle to the Son of the Wolf." He continues: "Apparently, she was quite a ferocious
> woman and was able to hold her own through all of this 'dishonor'. She was able to intimidate the Bábí
> men, probably because of her direct connection to the Báb's charisma, and get them to do what she
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        116
> 
> wanted." Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 220) reports that it was while Bahá'u'lláh was in Sulaymáníyyih, in
> 1272-1274 A.H. (1856-1858 A.D.) that Fátimih and her brother Mullá 'Alí Muhammad journeyed to
> Baghdád from Isfáhán, and that was trapped by Mírzá Yahya into a temporary marriage, lasting a
> month, but as his other wives insulted and offended her, he then terminated this marriage and gave her
> to Siyyid Muhammad 'Alí Isfáháni.
> 
> Adib Taherzadeh reports this undignified treatment of the Báb's second wife, in "The Revelation of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II, p. 262) and in "The Child of the Covenant" (p. 110). Taherzadeh points out
> that Bahá'u'lláh referred to this in "Epistle to the Son of the Wolf" (1891):
> 
> "Reflect a while upon the dishonour inflicted upon the Primal Point. Consider what hath
> happened. When this Wronged One, after a retirement of two years during which He wandered
> through the deserts and mountains, returned to Baghdád, as a result of the intervention of a few,
> who for a long time had sought Him in the wilderness, a certain Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí of
> Rasht came to see Him, and related, before a large gathering of people, that which had been
> done, affecting the honour of the Báb, which hath truly overwhelmed all lands with sorrow.
> Great God! How could they have countenanced this most grievous betrayal? Briefly, We
> beseech God to aid the perpetrator of this deed to repent, and return unto Him. He, verily, is
> the Helper, the All-Wise." (pp. 176-177)
> 
> The Báb's second wife was a temporary wife, and temporary marriages of convenience, called "mut'áh"
> in Arabic and "síghih" in Persian, were permitted by Shí'í law. Dr. Fananapazir (18/1/02)
> recommended the following websites for information on "mut'áh":
> 
> http://www.al-islam.org/al-serat/muta
> http://www.mutah.i12.com/2BeWithDaTruthful.html
> http://www.islam.org.au/articles/12/TMPMRIG.HTM
> http://www.aol40.com/muta_yes.htm
> http://www.al-islam.org/organizations/dilp/
> http://www.aliasoft.com/islamboard/messages/509.html
> http://www.alhuda.or.id/temporary_marriage.htm
> http://www.shia-nj.org/_disc1/00000042.htm
> http://www.islam.org.au/articles/index.htm
> http://www.isis.aust.com/domviolence/discussion/messages/74.html
> http://www.isis.aust.com/domviolence/discussion/messages/96.html
> http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/3879972303/avsearch-bkasin-20
> http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0815624832/inktomi-bkasin-20
> http://www.kuwait.net/~akar/html/shiah/faqs/mutah.html
> http://patriot.net/~crouch/quotes.html
> http://www.al-shia.com/html/eng/books/temperory-of-marrige/index.htm
> http://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/04/world/04IRAN.html
> http://netiran.com/Frame-Html/Clippings/books-index.html
> http://www.answering-christianity.com/muta.htm
> http://www.ansar.org/
> http://www.naree.com/Law/muta.htm
> http://www.ummah.com/nida/articles/12/TMPMRIG.HTM
> http://muslimmarriagenetwork.com/
> http://www.maldivesculture.com/maldives_divorce.html
> 
> Dr. Fananapazir also cited a Ph.D. dissertation on the subject, by Dr. Paula I. Nielson (University of
> Utah, 1995), which can be found at www.iiu.edu.my/rescentre/dip/hist.html
> 
> In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid VIII: báb 15), the Báb describes only one kind of marriage, indicating that it is
> to be monogamous, that one is permitted to remarry if one's partner is incapable of procreation, and
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        117
> 
> station before this town, that is to say Kinár-Gird,5 the versatile mood of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí
> changed once again. He sent a cavalier to inform the Báb that he was to await new orders at
> Kulayn,6 a village situated a little off the highway. It was there for the first time7 that the
> 
> that one is only permitted to marry a fellow Bábí or one who becomes a Bábí after marriage. Bahá'u'lláh
> substantially confirms these laws of marriage in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas", indicating that it is to be monogamous
> (K63, n89), permitting remarriage (K67, K68, Q4, Q27, Q31), but also allowing marriage between
> believers and unbelievers (K139, Q84). Neither the Báb nor Bahá'u'lláh have indicated that temporary
> marriage is an option for their followers.
> 
> ZARANDI (pp. 190-191) states that upon his return from pilgrimage, the Báb bequeathed to his
> mother, Fátimih Baygum, and wife, Khadíjih Khánum, all of his possessions and transferred title to all
> of his property. Shortly before his departure from Shíráz, the Báb divulged his future sufferings and the
> significance of his mission to his wife and entrusted her with a special prayer (ZARANDI, pp. 191-192).
> Then he transferred his residence to his uncle's house (ZARANDI, p. 192), from there he was taken to
> the home of 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán (ZARANDI, p. 196), and it was from this location that he effected his
> departure (ZARANDI, pp. 197-198). Hence, it was sometime in the summer of 1262/1846 that the Báb
> saw his mother and wife for the last time. His wife did not follow him to Isfáhán, but was left in the care
> of the loyal Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí (Khál-i-A'zam) according to ZARANDI (p. 198).
> 
> 5ZARANDI (pp. 217-222) reports that the Báb proceeded from Isfáhán to Kashán, arriving there on the
> 
> eve before the third Naw-Rúz after the declaration of his mission, on 2 Rabí al-Thaní 1263, and that he
> remained there for three nights as the guest of Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání. Balyuzi (pp. 118-119) reports
> the same events found in ZARANDI, as does Amanat (p. 271) with some additional sources. It is during
> this visit that Muhammad Big, the captain of the Báb's escort, seems to have met Hájí Mírzá Jání for the
> first time, as implied by Balyuzi (p. 126). The Báb then continued on his journey towards Qum, staying
> for a night in the village of Qumrúd (ZARANDI, pp. 223-225; Balyuzi, p. 119). After this the party
> journeyed for two days, arriving at the fortress of Kinár-Gird on the afternoon of the eighth day after
> Naw-Rúz (ZARANDI, p. 225; Balyuzi, p. 119), which Balyuzi (p. 119) calculated as 28 March 1847. If
> this is accurate then Naw-Rúz fell on 20 March in the year 1847, and the Báb arrived in Kashán on the
> eve of that Naw-Rúz and hence on 19 March. Inasmuch as Kashán is around 100 miles north of
> Isfáhán, it is likely that the Báb departed Isfáhán around the middle of March in order to arrive on the
> 19th of the month. According to ZARANDI (p. 225), Kinár-Gird is located six farsangs (each "farsang"
> or "farsakh" being equivalent to three or four miles according to "The Dawn-breakers," p. 674) to the
> south of Tihrán, while E.G. Browne calculated this distance as approximately 28 miles ("A Traveller's
> Narrative," volume II, p. 14, n. 2; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 225, n. 1; cited in Balyuzi, p. 119).
> Then, according to ZARANDI (pp. 226-227) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11), an order was received from
> Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, requiring that the Báb proceed immediately to the village of Kulayn (also cited in
> Balyuzi, p. 119).
> 
> 6The Báb arrived in Kulayn on the ninth day after Naw-Rúz, the eleventh day of Rabí al-Thání 1263
> 
> (ZARANDI, p. 227). This village was owned by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, as was the tent in which the Báb was
> accommodated during his sojourn (ZARANDI, p. 227; Balyuzi, p. 119). ‘ABUD’L-BAHA (p. 11)
> indicated that the Báb remained in Kulayn for twenty days (cited in MacEoin, p. 82), after which he
> wrote a letter to Muhammad Sháh requesting an audience with His Majesty. ZARANDI (pp. 229-230)
> reported that the Báb remained in Kulayn for a fortnight, after which he received a letter from
> Muhammad Sháh, in reply to his request for a private audience with His Majesty. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp.
> 11-12) also referred to this letter. Balyuzi indicated that the Báb's letter was written nearly three weeks
> after his arrival in Kulayn (p. 121), and that Muhammad Sháh sent his reply in April 1847 (p. 122). For
> more information about Muhammad Sháh's letter to the Báb in Kulayn, please see Note (14). According
> to ZARANDI (p. 227; and Balyuzi, p. 120, citing ZARANDI), two days after his arrival in Kulayn, the
> Báb was joined by four of his adherents, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí,
> Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí. On 14 Rabí al-Thání 1263, corresponding to 1 April
> 1847 ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 227, n. 3), and the twelfth day after Naw-Rúz, Mullá Mihdíy-i-Khu'í
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       118
> 
> Prophet saw Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí,8 who would succeed him some years afterwards under the
> name of "Bahá'".9
> 
> and Mullá Muhammad-Mihdíy-i-Kandí arrived from Tihrán, the latter delivering to the Báb a sealed
> letter together with certain gifts from Bahá'u'lláh, which inspired the Báb with evident and unusual
> delight (ZARANDI, p. 227; cited in Balyuzi, p. 120).
> 
> In a Tablet addressed to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (translated in "Selections from the Writings of
> the Báb," p. 14), the Báb writes:
> 
> "Following his [Manúchihr Khán's] ascension to the eternal Kingdom, the vicious Gurgin,
> resorting to all manner of treachery, false oaths and coercion, sent Me away from Isfáhán with
> an escort of five guards on a journey which lasted seven days, without providing the barest
> necessities for My travel (Alas! Alas! for the things which have touched Me!), until eventually
> Your Majesty's order came, instructing Me to proceed to Mákú..."
> 
> Selections of this Tablet are translated by Nicolas — please see further along in this Chapter for the
> French, and note (62) for two English renderings of the text, one from the French by the present
> translator and another by Habib Taherzadeh in "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (pp. 11-17)
> from the Persian text (published in "Muntakhabát-i-áyát az áthár-i-Hadrat-i-Nuqta-yi Úlá," Tihrán: 134
> B.E., pp. 13-18). The Persian original of this Tablet is found in the International Bahá'í Archives in
> Haifa, Israel (listed as "Letter to Muhammad Sháh III" in MacEoin, p. 193; also cited in MacEoin, p.
> 58, n. 63; p. 97, n. 93).
> 
> 7Nicolas alleges that the Báb was visited in Kulayn by Bahá'u'lláh. ZARANDI (pp. 228-229) reports
> 
> Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím's story of a peculiar incident which has been understood to suggest a secret
> meeting between the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh. According to his account, the Báb disappeared one night
> from his tent in Kulayn, and when Muhammad Big, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and his companions set out to
> find him, they discovered him at the first flush of dawn, some distance from the village and coming from
> the direction of Tihrán, remarkably changed in his speech and demeanour. Balyuzi (pp. 120-121) cites
> this account without comment. Other sources appear to be silent on this matter. ZARANDI (pp. 459-
> 462) reports his own meeting with Bahá'u'lláh on 7 Rabí al-Thání 1306/11 December 1888
> (ZARANDI, p. 459, n. 1), and reproduces "the gist of his words to me on that memorable occasion"
> (Ibid.), in which Bahá'u'lláh states, speaking of an event which occurred after the conference of Badasht
> (summer 1263/1848) and hence subsequent to the Báb's sojourn in Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 461):
> 
> "The leading Mullá of the town denounced us bitterly...He questioned Us regarding the Mission
> of the Báb. We informed him that, although We had never met Him face to face, yet We
> cherished, none the less, a great affection for Him."
> 
> Thus it seems that the Báb did not meet Bahá'u'lláh during his nocturnal journey towards Tihrán from
> Kulayn.
> 
> 8Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí (2 Muharram 1233/12 November 1817-2 Dhi'l-Qa'dih 1309/29 May 1892),
> 
> was a Bábí from summer of 1844, and an openly active member of the Tihrán Bábí community from
> 1847 according to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (first edition, pp. 58-62); Mullá Ja'far Qazvíní in MSBR (pp. 3-4);
> Shaykh Kázim Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar (in first published edition); AVARIH (volume I, pp. 257-
> 270); KAF (pp. 200, 239-240) — all sources cited in Amanat (p. 362, n. 158). Under the name
> Bahá'u'lláh, Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí was recognized by the vast majority of his fellow Bábís as "Him
> Whom God shall make manifest" promised by the Báb. References to this Bábí in his relationship with
> the Báb and other Bábís are found in ZARANDI (pp. xxiii-xxv, xxxv-xxxvii, xlix, l, lxiii, 8-9, 12-13, 31-
> 33, 40-42, 70-71, 77, 84, 86, 90, 92, 94, 100, 103-104, 106-114, 116-121, 123, 126-128, 137, 155-156,
> 159, 168, 183, 188, 189,-191, 197, 201, 203, 227-228, 248, 252, 255, 258, 260-261, 269, 278-279, 283-
> 286, 288-299, 301, 304-305, 311-312, 323-324, 347-349, 352-354, 368-377, 410-411, 414-415, 425-426,
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         119
> 
> 432-434, 439-441, 444, 459-462, 464-465, 473, 476-477, 490, 505, 519-521, 523, 539, 580-582, 584-
> 586, 588-595, 597-607, 609-611, 613-619, 630-634, 636-643, 655-666); in Balyuzi (pp. 9, 27, 48, 55-56,
> 78, 109, 120, 125, 128, 135, 138, 145, 152, 154, 165, 167-168, 170-171, 173-175, 183, 188-192, 235,
> 237, 240); in MacEoin (pp. 3, 23-24, 26-27, 40, 84, 88-89, 92-93, 95, 98, 106, 130, 134, 145, 149, 150,
> 164, 168, 160); and in Amanat (pp. 123n, 272n, 281-282, 312, 324, 327-328, 345, 361-365, 384, 396n,
> 405). For more sources, please see note (9).
> 
> 9According to ZARANDI (p. 293), Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí was known as Jinab-i-Bahá' from the time of
> 
> the conference of Badasht, during June/July 1848. The first reference to Bahá' as Bahá'u'lláh has not
> been dated as yet, but it is under this latter title that Mírzá Husayn 'Alí Núrí is now generally identified
> in historical accounts. The primary source material on the life and work of Bahá'u'lláh has yet to be
> reviewed in a single reference work, as provided for the Báb by MacEoin. Nor has the entirety of this
> source material been employed with complete fluency as Amanat has demonstrated in his study of the
> Báb. Two book-length biographies of Bahá'u'lláh have been written by Hasan M. Balyuzi ("Bahá'u'lláh,"
> London: George Ronald, 1963; "Bahá'u'lláh, The King of Glory," Oxford: George Ronald, 1980). A
> third volume gives many details related to those who associated with Bahá'u'lláh is H.M. Balyuzi's
> "Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of Bahá'u'lláh" (George Ronald Publisher, 1985). A largely
> autobiographical collection of source materials on the life of Bahá'u'lláh compiled by Geoffry W. Marks
> was published under the title "Call to Remembrance – Connecting the Heart to Bahá'u'lláh" by the
> Bahá’í Publishing Trust (Wilmette, 1992). David S. Ruhe began a multi-volume biography of
> Bahá'u'lláh, of which the first volume, "Robe of Light, The Persian Years of the Supreme Prophet
> Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853" alone was published prior to his demise (Oxford: George Ronald, 1994). Juan R.
> I. Cole's treatment of some aspects of the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh was published in spring of 1998 by
> Columbia University Press as "Modernism and the Millennium". In 2008 two biographies of Bahá'u'lláh
> were published, one by Moojan Momen entitled "Bahá'u'lláh: A Short Biography" (Oneworld), and one
> by Shahrokh Monjazeb entitled "Bahá'u'lláh" (Furútan Academy Publications). Many stories about
> Bahá'u'lláh are also found in 'Alí-Akbar Furútan's "Stories of Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald,
> 1985); Hájí Mírzá Haydar-'Alí's "Stories from the Delight of Hearts" (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1980);
> Ustad Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Salmání's "My Memories of Bahá'u'lláh" (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1982);
> and Tarazu'lláh Samandari's "Moments with Bahá'u'lláh" (Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 1995). Many of
> Bahá'u'lláh's writings are discussed in the four volumes of Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald Publisher, vol. I:1974; vol. II:1977; vol. III:1983; vol. IV:1988).
> Some details related to his life were reported in a Western language for the first time in Adib
> Taherzadeh's "The Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh" (Oxford: George Ronald Publisher, 1992). Other unusual
> details are cited in William McElwee Miller's "The Bahá'í Faith — its History and Teachings" (South
> Pasadena, 1974). Of his writings, approximately 17,000 documents have been preserved, and those
> which have been published in English translations include: "Kalimát-i-Maknunih" ("Hidden Words," in
> Arabic and Persian); "Haft Vadí" ("Seven Valleys," in Persian); "Chahar Vadí" ("Four Valleys, " in
> Persian); "Kitáb-i-Íqán" ("Book of Certitude, in Persian); "Súrat al-Haykal" ("Chapter of the Temple," in
> Arabic); "Súrat al-Mulúk" ("Chapter to the Kings," in Arabic); "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" ("Most Holy Book," in
> Arabic); "Lawh-i-Karmíl" ("Tablet of Carmel," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Aqdas" ("Most Holy Tablet," in
> Arabic); "Bishárát" ("Glad-Tidings," in Arabic); "Tarázát" ("Ornaments," in Arabic); "Tajallíyát"
> ("Effulgences," in Arabic); "Kalimát-i-Firdawsíyyih" ("Words of Paradise," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Dunyá"
> ("Tablet of the World," in Arabic); "Ishráqát" ("Splendours," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Hikmat" ("Tablet of
> Wisdom," in Arabic); "Asl-i-Kullu'l-Khayr" ("Words of Wisdom," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Maqsúd" ("Tablet
> of Maqsúd," in Arabic); "Súriy-i-Vafá" ("Tablet to Vafá," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Siyyid-i-Mihdíy-i-Dahají"
> ("Tablet to Siyyid Dahají," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Burhán" ("Tablet of the Proof," in Arabic); "Kitáb-i-
> 'Ahd" ("Book of the Covenant," in Arabic); "Lawh-i-Ard-i-Bá" ("Tablet of the Land of Bá," in Persian);
> "Lawh-i-Shaykh" or "Lawh-i-Ibn-i-Dh'ib" ("Tablet of the Shaykh" or "Epistle to the Son of the Wolf," in
> Arabic). Portions of other Tablets have been translated into English, by Shoghi Effendi, and by a
> committee of translators appointed by the Universal House of Justice. Also, provisional translations of
> many Tablets have been rendered by individual scholars and are readily available on various websites.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       120
> 
> Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was perplexed — he didn't know what he should do. While he reflected upon
> the consequences of the decision he must make, the Báb wrote to Muhammad Sháh, asking
> him what had been decided with regards to himself.10 The Sháh wished that he come to
> Tihrán, but Hájí Mírzá Áqásí remarked that:11
> 
> 10MacEoin     (p. 58) thinks it seems likely that the Báb wrote his first Tablet to His Majesty in early
> summer 1844 and that this Tablet was delivered by Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í along with a copy of
> "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (please see Note (6) for the Báb's Tablet which mentions the delivery of
> "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'"). MacEoin (pp. 58, 192) indicates that manuscripts found in Iranian National Bahá'í
> Archives 4011C (pp. 328-336) and 5006C (367-371) appear to be the first Tablets of the Báb addressed
> to Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Grand Vizier. The Báb then wrote Tablets to
> Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí upon his return from pilgrimage, probably from Bushíhr, of
> which the manuscript copies ("Letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí II" in MacEoin, p. 192; "Letter to
> Muhammad Sháh II" in MacEoin, p. 193) were published in part in FAYZI (pp. 148-153; cited in
> MacEoin, p. 64, n. 90-92; pp. 192, 193). MacEoin (p. 83) indicates that the Tablet written by the Báb in
> Kulayn is mentioned only by ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11) and he does not list a copy of this Tablet among
> the extant works of the Báb. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) refers to other Tablets which the Báb wrote to
> Muhammad Sháh during this period, and which Muhammad Big delivered to the court, but which Hájí
> Mírzá Áqásí did not deliver to His Majesty. MacEoin (p. 83) has not discovered the location of any of
> these Tablets. Shaykh Kázim Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar (p. 99; cited in MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24) reports
> that the Báb wrote another Tablet to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí from the village of Síyáh-Dihán, in the
> neighborhood of Qazvín, where he paused briefly on his journey to Máh-Kú, and MacEoin (p. 83) states
> that it is highly unlikely that a copy of this Tablet has survived. Sepehr Manuchehri states that the Báb
> wrote this Tablet from the locality of Síyáh-Chaman, without citing a source. From Máh-Kú the Báb
> wrote at least one Tablet to Muhammad Sháh, which is cited in note (6). Two other Tablets were
> written to Muhammad Sháh from Chihríq, in 1264/1848 (MacEoin, p. 97), and published in
> "Muntakhabát" (pp. 5-8, 9-13), translated by Habib Taherzadeh in "Selections from the Writings of the
> Báb" (pp. 18-23, 24-28). There are unique manuscripts of these two Tablets in the International Bahá'í
> Archives (MacEoin, pp. 97, 193), and the second of these Tablets from Chihríq was quoted in ZUHUR
> (vol. III, pp. 82-85; cited in MacEoin, p. 97, n. 94; p. 193).
> 
> In the course of his journey from Isfáhán to Ádhirbáyján, the Báb "is reported" by Shaykh Kázim
> Samandar, Táríkh-i Samandar [SAMANDAR] (pp. 4-5, as cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2) "to
> have revealed several Tablets addressed to the leading 'ulamás in Qazvín, among whom were the
> following: Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb, Hájí Mullá Sálih, Hájí Mullá Taqí, and Hájí Siyyid Taqí. These
> Tablets were conveyed to their recipients through Hájí Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál."
> 
> 11‘ABDU’L-BAHA       (pp. 11-12) and ZARANDI (pp. 231-232) give accounts of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's
> decisive influence on Muhammad Sháh, and his success in discouraging the monarch from summoning
> the Báb to Tihrán, by convincing His Majesty that it was not timely to do so. FADL (cited in "The
> Dawn-breakers," p. 232, n. 1; Balyuzi, pp. 121-122) stated that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí sought to induce
> Muhammad Sháh to abandon his aim of summoning the Báb to Tihrán by indicating the severe nature
> of the rebellion of Muhammad Hasan Khán, the Salar, in Khurasan and the revolt of Áqá Hasan-'Alí
> Khán-i-Isma'ílí, the Áqá Khán I, in Kirmán, which were state matters that must take precedence. Hájí
> Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí, Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana [MU’IN] (p. 129; cited
> in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 232n) stated that the chief motive which motivated the Grand Vizier in
> urging that Muhammad Sháh indefinitely postpone summoning the Báb to Tihrán was his fear that the
> Báb might make good on his promise to cure the Sháh of his malady. He was sure that, should the Báb
> succeed in curing the Sháh, His Majesty would fall under the influence of the Báb, and would no longer
> confer upon his Grand Vizier all of the blessings of his well-established position. Please see Note (20)
> with regard to the Báb's promise to cure the Sháh.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        121
> 
> "His Majesty having to leave the town to effect a voyage, the arrival of Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad would not fail to excite the susceptibility of the mullás and the curiosity —
> perhaps favorable — of the general population, which would oblige the clergy to request
> the death of the unfortunate Siyyid. It would be more worthy if His Majesty were to give
> the necessary orders so that this personage would be sent to Máh-Kú, until the return of
> the Sháh, at which time it would be timely to examine the affair and to consider what
> measures should be taken."
> 
> Muhammad Sháh, convinced by the seeming wisdom of this opinion, replied [to the Báb] by
> his own hand:12
> 
> "As the imperial camp is at the point of setting out, your visit at this moment could not
> have but bad consequences. Go to Máh-Kú, rest yourself there for some time. I have
> recommended that you be treated with respect. When I return from my voyage, I will
> call you to my presence."13
> 
> 12Nicolas writes: "The text of this letter was communicated to me by the Bábís." Muhammad Sháh's
> 
> letter, apparently written in response to the Báb's request for an audience, and written in his own hand,
> is paraphrased in ZARANDI (pp. 230-231) and in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12), and both of these sources
> are cited in Balyuzi (pp. 122-123). A version of this letter is found in its original Persian in SAMANDAR
> (pp. 101-102; cited in Amanat, p. 259, n. 293), and parts of this version are translated in Amanat (pp.
> 258-259). ZARANDI (p. 231) and SAMANDAR (pp. 101-102; cited in Amanat, p. 259, n. 293) date this
> letter to Rabí al-Thání 1263/April 1847. This letter informed the Báb that the monarch was not at
> liberty to meet with him at this time, and that His Majesty wished him to proceed to Máh-Kú to await
> Muhammad Sháh's pleasure.
> 
> 13Nicolas   notes: "The author of "Mutanabbi'ín" [`Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb al-
> Mutanabbi'ín] adds these words: 'Consequently, the Báb was imprisoned. After some time, Násri'd-Dín
> Mírzá, then Valí-'Ahd [Crown Prince, heir to the throne] was named Governor of Ádhirbáyján.' Hence,
> this prince left Tihrán to take his government post on 23 January 1848, and, when his father died, on 4
> September [1848], he returned [to Tihrán] on the 18 [September] of the same year as Sháh. The events
> which here follow are thus known to have taken place between two dates at the extremes [beginning and
> ending], 23 February and 4 September 1848." The Báb received Muhammad Sháh's letter, directing
> him to set out for Máh-Kú, in April 1847 (please see note (14) for details). Apparently the same letter, or
> a subsequent communication, required that the Báb pass through Tabríz on his way to Máh-Kú
> (ZARANDI, p. 235; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12); either this, or the only route to Máh-Kú was that which
> passed through this city. The journey to Tabríz avoided passing through most populated places
> (ZARANDI, p. 235), no doubt in order to avoid coming into contact with the enemies and well-wishers
> of the Báb. The Báb, his two companions — Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-
> Yazdí (ZARANDI, p. 235) — -and his escort, under the command of Muhammad Big, stopped en route
> to Tabríz in the village of Síyáh-Dihán, outside of the city of Qazvín as reported by ZARANDI (pp.
> 235-236) and SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2). A number of the
> Bábís of Qazvín met the Báb in this village (ZARANDI, p. 235). While in Síyáh-Dihán, the Báb is
> reported by SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 235, n. 2) to have written Tablets
> addressed to the leading 'Ulamá' of Qazvín, including Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb, Hájí Mullá Salih,
> Hájí Mullá Taqí, and Hájí Siyyid Taqí, and delivered by Hájí Mullá Ahmad-i-Ibdál. MacEoin (p. 83)
> gives the name of this messenger as Mullá Ahmad Ibdál Maraghá'í, a Letter of the Living, and he cites
> SAMANDAR (pp. 97-98) to the effect that Muhammad Taqí Baraghání (apparently this is Hájí Mullá
> Taqí) tore up the letter sent to him, but that Shaykh Samandar Qazvíní, the author of this account, was
> able to copy the Báb's letter addressed to Hájí Mullá 'Abdu'l-Vahháb. MacEoin does not list any of these
> letters as being extant. SAMANDAR (p. 99; cited in MacEoin, p. 83, n. 24) states that the Báb wrote a
> Tablet to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí from Síyáh-Dihán, and this seems to be the epistle mentioned in ‘ABDU’L-
> BAHA (p. 12). SAMANDAR (pp. 4-5) stated that the Báb spent one night in Síyáh-Dihán, and this is
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     122
> 
> An anecdote shows what sentiments inspired the Prime Minister when he determined that the
> will of the Sháh should take this direction. The Prince Farhad Mírzá,14 still young, was the
> student of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. He recounted afterwards:15
> 
> His Majesty had taken the advice of his Prime Minister and had written to the Báb indicating
> that he was to go to Máh-Kú, we went with Hájí Mírzá Áqásí to spend some days in the park
> which he himself had planted in Yaft Abad,16 near Tihrán. I was very eager to question my
> master about the events which had precipitated, but I did not dare to do so before the assembled
> company. One day when I was walking with him in the garden and he showed himself to be in
> good humor, I steeled myself to ask him: 'Hájí, why have you sent the Báb to Máh-Kú?' He
> replied: 'You are still young and you can not understand certain things, but know this, that if he
> had come to Tihrán, we would not be able at this moment, you and I, to walk about free of all
> worries under these fresh shady trees.'"
> 
> Muhammad Big,17 the courier, took command of the escort which conducted Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad to his new residence.
> 
> also asserted by Balyuzi (pp. 124-125). One of the Bábís who attained the presence of the Báb at Síyáh-
> Dihán was named Mullá Iskandar, and the Báb commissioned him to deliver a message to Sulaymán
> Khán-i-Afshar, then in Zanján, was called upon this admirer of Siyyid Kázim to recognize the Báb as
> the Promised One (the Mahdí, the Qá'im), and arise to effect his deliverance (ZARANDI, p. 235).
> Within three days, Sulaymán Khán received the message, but he ignored it and departed for Tihrán
> (Ibid.). Two days after his departure, a friend of Mullá Iskandar informed Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Hujjat
> al-Islám Zanjání, then in Tihrán, of the nature of this message, and he instructed a number of the Bábís
> from Qazvín and Tihrán to proceed to Tabríz and be prepared to rescue the Báb from captivity (Ibid.).
> The Báb and his travelling party were by then, perhaps a week after leaving Síyáh-Dihán, not far from
> Tabríz. This group of Bábís entered the encampment, careful not to awaken the Báb's guards, and
> begged him to flee with them; however, they do not seem to have understood the Báb's intent in sending
> this message to Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI, p. 236). The Báb refused to escape with his followers, and
> replied to their urgings with these words: "The mountains of Ádhirbáyján too have their claims" (Ibid.).
> Balyuzi (p. 125), citing ZARANDI, tells the same story.
> 
> 14Prince Farhad Mírzá is mentioned in a Tablet of Bahá'u'lláh, written, apparently, in 'Akká (‘ABDU’L-
> 
> BAHA, p. 44), and quoted in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 48), in which he is called "His Highness the
> Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih." None of the other sources cited make any reference to this Prince. According to
> the Tablet cited in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, Farhad Mírzá visited Bahá'u'lláh twice, while the latter was
> residing in Murgh-Mahallih in Shimiran. David S. Ruhe ("Robe of Light, The Persian Years of the
> Supreme Prophet Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853," Oxford: George Ronald, 1994, pp. 51-52) states that
> Bahá'u'lláh summered once at Murgh-Mahallih (Abode of Birds), located on a hillside of the Shimiran
> district near Tihrán, sometime after his marriage to Khánum, in early autumn 1835 (ibid. p. 45). From
> the text of this Tablet it seems that Farhad Mírzá was spreading calumnies regarding Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> 15The source of this account is not indicated by Nicolas.
> 
> 16According to Sepehr Manuchehri, Yaft Abad used to be a locality lying just outside the southern
> 
> outskirts of Tihrán. Nowadays it is well within the city proper.
> 
> 17Muhammad Big Cháparchí (the courier) was appointed by Gurgin Khán to lead the Báb's mounted
> 
> escort from Isfáhán to Máh-Kú. Apparently either Muhammad Big or all members of this escort were of
> the 'Alíyu'lláhí sect — please see Note (3). Muhammad Big escorted the Báb from Isfáhán (ZARANDI,
> p. 215; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12), departing sometime in the middle of March 1847 — please see Note
> (3) — arriving in Tabríz in Jumáda al-Úlá 1263/later May 1847 (Amanat, p. 372). According to
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        123
> 
> The Bábís describe this voyage very differently. Some claim that the Báb said to Muhammad
> Big that he was ready to cure the malady of the Sháh.18 This offer was not reported to the
> Sovereign because the Prime Minister was opposed to it, perhaps fearing a snare. Other Bábís
> absolutely deny this report.
> 
> Be it as it may, the Báb, while on the road [to Máh-Kú], wrote to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí:19
> 
> ZARANDI (pp. 236-237), Muhammad Big and his 'Alíyu'lláhí cavaliers did not escort the Báb beyond
> Tabríz. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) stated that Muhammad Big was one of the guards who escorted the
> Báb to Tabríz and then to Máh-Kú. ZARANDI (p. 239) reports that a detachment of the Násirí
> regiment guarded the entrance of the house in which the Báb resided in Tabríz. Perhaps this
> detachment is the same as the escort of Nusayrí cavaliers who are reported in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11)
> to have accompanied the Báb from Isfáhán. In other words, it seems that the Báb's escort from Isfáhán
> to Tabríz was composed of a small group — in his Tablet to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú (please
> see Note (5) this Chapter) the Báb says five guards accompanied him to the location where he received
> an order from Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, and which ZARANDI (pp. 225-226) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 11)
> identified as the village of Kinár-Gird. This escort seems to have been disbanded in Tabríz, as indicated
> by ZARANDI (pp. 236-237), who reported that the guards delivered the Báb into the hands of Nasiru'd-
> Dín, the Governor of Tabríz (and Ádhirbáyján), the Valí-'Ahd (Crown Prince). In this event, the
> detachment which guarded his place of residence in Tabríz, which is identified as Násirí, may have
> escorted him to Máh-Kú, and this escort may have been confused with the Nusayrí, who are a Muslim
> sect. In any case, ZARANDI (p. 236) reports that Muhammad Big made a declaration of faith in the
> claims of the Báb as the travellers approached the city of Tabríz, and that the Báb accepted his avowal.
> Balyuzi (p. 125) likewise alleges that before the end of this period, Muhammad Big came to believe in
> the claims of the Báb. According to Balyuzi (p. 125n) and Shoghi Effendi (citing Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl
> Gulpaygání in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n.2), 'Alí-Akbar Big, the son of Muhammad Big, became
> some years later a follower of Bahá'u'lláh. Furthermore, Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpaygání met 'Alí-Akbar
> Big in Tihrán and personally heard from him how his father came to believe in the Báb (cited in Ibid.).
> JADID (pp. 220-221), cited by Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n. 1) and Balyuzi (pp. 126-
> 127 — this citation included what is found in "The Dawn-breakers" and much more besides) reports the
> account given by Muhammad Big to Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání regarding some of the events that took
> place during this journey from Isfáhán to Tabríz. Balyuzi (p. 126) implies that Muhammad Big met Hájí
> Mírzá Jání in Kashán, and as the Báb stayed with this Bábí while passing through that town, this seems
> to be very likely to have occurred. He also states that Muhammad Big met Hájí Mírzá Jání some time
> after the stop-over in Kashán, and that it was on that occasion that Muhammad Big related the
> anecdotes regarding the journey with the Báb which are found in JADID. According to Hájí
> Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí, Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana [MU’IN] (p. 138), the
> Báb spent his first night in Tabríz in the home of Muhammad Big, after which he was transferred to the
> Citadel (the Ark) which adjoined the Masjid-i-'Alí Sháh (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 239, n. 1).
> Amanat (p. 374, n. 8) also cites MU’IN (pp. 137-149) regarding the first abode of the Báb in Tabríz.
> Amanat (ibid.) identifies the Tabríz citadel as "Arg" and "Shanb-i-Ghazan.
> 
> 18‘ABDU’L-BAHA       (p. 12) reports Bábí accounts to the effect that the Báb sent letters through
> Muhammad Big to the Sháh, offering to cure him of his foot malady, in exchange for a private
> audience, and for the cessation of the "tyranny of the majority", apparently a reference to the oppression
> of the Bábís by the predominantly Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í population. MU’IN (p. 129; cited in "The Dawn-
> breakers," p. 232n) affirmed that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's chief motive for dissuading Muhammad Sháh from
> summoning the Báb to Tihrán was because of his fear that he might be able to effect the healing of the
> monarch's ailment, which would undoubtedly have resulted in Muhammad Sháh falling under the
> influence of the Báb, and, in all likelihood, the ignominious exit of the Grand Vizier.
> 
> 19An English rendering of this passage from the French of Nicolas:
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        124
> 
> "You have brought me from Isfáhán to Tihrán to talk with the Mulláhá — how is it that
> you have changed your mind and have had me re-directed to Tabríz and Máh-Kú?"
> 
> Once he arrived at Tabríz, he resided there for forty days in the midst of the lively hostility of
> the Mulláhá.20 There, as in Shíráz, as in Isfáhán, an assembly of the most eminent doctors of
> Islám21 was convoked under the presidency of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, at that time the Prince heir
> 
> "Vous m'avez mandé d'Isfahan à Téhéran pour y discuter avec les Mollas: comment se fait-il
> que vous ayez changé d'avis et me faissiez diriger sur Tébriz et Makou?"
> 
> Apparently the same text is found in ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12):
> 
> "You summoned Me from Isfáhán to meet the doctors and for the attainment of a decisive
> settlement. What has happened now that this excellent intention has been changed for Mákú
> and Tabríz?"
> 
> 20‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) also states that the Báb remained in Tabríz for 40 days, and this is confirmed
> 
> by Balyuzi (p. 128) and MacEoin (p. 82). ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12) indicates that during the entirety of
> this period, the 'ulamá' (Arabic plural form of 'alím, comparable in meaning to mullá in Persian) did not
> meet with the Báb. ZARANDI (pp. 237-238) wrote that the news of the Báb's approach to Tabríz
> having reached the Bábís, they set out to meet him, but were constrained by government officials from
> leaving the city, all except one youth who ran about a mile and a half to meet his Beloved, resulting in a
> meeting which was as touching as it was rare. ZARANDI (pp. 239-240) also reported that the Báb's
> arrival in the city of Tabríz was greeted with a tumultuous reception by the population of Tabríz,
> believers and non-believers alike, and KAZEM-BEG (vol. 7, pp. 357-358) attested that there were
> numerous Bábís in Tabríz as well as in a village just outside its limits where the people as a whole had
> embraced His Cause. The village referred to here may be Mílán, situated about 10 miles east of Tabríz,
> for, according to Muhammad Big, whose memoir is preserved in JADID (pp. 220-221), "in that place
> about two hundred persons believed and underwent a true and sincere conversion" (cited in "The
> Dawn-breakers," p. 236, n. 1). Other accounts (cited in Amanat, p. 284, n. 194) of the Bábís of Mílán,
> converts of Mullá Yúsuf Ardabílí, Letter of the Living, are found in MU’IN (pp. 194-196); in Mírzá
> Muhammad Husayn Mílání, "Táríkh-i-amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján" (pp. 32-35, cited in MacEoin, pp. 180,
> 219); in Áqá Mírzá Haydar-'Alí Uskú'í, "Táríkh-i-amrí-yi Ádhirbáyján" (pp. 1-2, cited in MacEoin, pp.
> 178, 217); and in ZUHUR (pp. 41-44). Amanat (pp. 284) indicates that there were mass conversions to
> the Bábí Cause in Mílán, Uskú, Salmás and Saysan. ZARANDI (pp. 239-240) also attested that while it
> was generally forbidden for the Bábís or any other among the inhabitants of Tabríz to visit the Báb, on
> the day after his arrival, Hájí Muhammad-Taqíy-i-Mílání and Hájí 'Alí-Askar came to visit him, and,
> through the intervention of Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, they were permitted to enter his residence, not once,
> but several times during the forty days he spent in Tabríz. Balyuzi (pp. 127-128) retells all of the above-
> mentioned incidents found in ZARANDI. KAZEM-BEG (vol. 7 pp. 357-358) stated that Mullá Yúsuf-i-
> Ardibílí was responsible for attracting many converts to the Bábí Cause in Tabríz. Although the Báb was
> under house arrest in Tabríz, yet nevertheless his influence was felt. ZARANDI (pp. 306-307) indicated
> that the son of Siyyid 'Alíy-i-Zunúzí who was also related to Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, named
> Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zunúzí and later known as Anís, visited the Báb in Kulayn (ZARANDI, p. 227) and
> later in Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 245), heard the message from the Báb himself in Tabríz, and embraced
> it with an enthusiasm and devotion which ultimately reached their zenith with his martyrdom alongside
> the Báb in that very same city.
> 
> 21All the sources agree that an examination of the Báb took place in Tabríz, an assembly of the 'ulamá'
> 
> presided over by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá. However, Nicolas came to the conclusion that this trial took place
> during the Báb's first visit in Tabríz, en route to Máh-Kú, while Balyuzi (pp. 137-147), Amanat (pp. 385-
> 393) and MacEoin (p. 82) indicate that it occurred over a year later. All three of these historians agree
> that this examination took place three months after the Báb had been relocated from Máh-Kú to
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         125
> 
> [heir to the throne] and Governor of the province [of Adhirbáyján]. Nízámu'l-'Ulamá', Mullá
> Bashí,22 interrogated him regarding the significance of this or that Arabic word, upon the
> conjugation of such and such a verb.23 It seems they feared to broach a theological discussion
> with him which might have confused the official clergy.
> 
> Chihríq, in Sha'bán 1264 B and either in early July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387), in the last week of July 1848
> (Balyuzi, p. 139) or in August 1848 (MacEoin, p. 82). While ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 14-15) did not give
> the date of this trial, he stated that it took place after the Báb had spent three months at Chihríq.
> ZARANDI (pp. 314-320) described the trial in some detail, but did not assign it a date. The 'ulamá' who
> participated in this trial were, according to ZARANDI (p. 314): Hájí Mullá Mahmúd(32), the Nizámu'l-
> 'Ulamá', and tutor of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd; Mullá Muhammad-i-Mámáqání(34); Mírzá
> 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám; and a number of the most distinguished Shaykhi divines as well as
> 'ulamá' from other theological schools. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) listed the following participants:
> Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'; Mullá Muhammad-i-Mámáqání; Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám; Mírzá
> Ahmad, the Imám-Jum'ih; and several other unidentified divines. ZARANDI (pp. 314-315) attested to
> Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá's presence at that gathering, and to its presidency by the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'.
> According to Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, p. 423) cited in
> Amanat (p. 388, n. 64), those who attended included Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar; MU’IN (p. 196) included Mírzá
> Abu'l-Qasím (Amanat indicated that this individual is also cited in ZARANDI, p. 314, but there is no
> mention of this person on that page) — neither of whom are cited in the official report. Mírzá
> Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím al-Dawlih, in "Miftah Báb al-Abwab au Táríkh al-
> Bábíya" (Cairo: 1342/1903, pp. 184-197; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 64; pp. 388-389, n. 67) identifies
> five other mujtahids who participated in the trial, including two other tutors of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá and
> Za'ím al-Dawlih's own grandfather, and is based on the recollections of the author's father and
> grandfather. Amanat (Ibid.) notes that the presence of these two other tutors is not confirmed by
> Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání, cited in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i
> Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá' (pp. 308-315) or by "others" whom he does not identify. Amanat also states (ibid.),
> based on the official report (ibid. n. 63) that Mírzá Ahmad, the chief Usúlí mujtahid of Tabríz (Amanat,
> pp. 387-388) did not participate, although his participation was reported by several contemporary
> sources: ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14); Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí [henceforth, HASHTRUDI],
> "Abwáb al-huda" (quoted in ZUHUR, pp. 73-74, 116-119; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 64); MU’IN (p.
> 201, citing HASHTRUDI; cited in Amanat, ibid.); and KAF (pp. 135-138, citing HASHTRUDI; cited
> in Amanat, ibid.). Amanat (p. 388, n. 65), citing the official report, states that the government of Persia
> was represented on this occasion by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, his uncle — please see Note (39) for details —
> his chief steward, and various other officials and courtiers.
> 
> 22In identifying Mullá Báshí as the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá', Nicolas seems to be contradicted by ZARANDI
> 
> (p. 314), who gives the name of the clerical official invested with this title as Hájí Mullá Mahmúd.
> However, later in his text — please see Note (33) — Nicolas identifies Hájí Mullá Mahmúd as the
> Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' and as the Mullá Báshí (that is, the personal tutor) of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-
> 'Ahd (Crown Prince). Hence, "Mullá Báshí" appears to be a title of Hájí Mullá Mahmúd. He is certainly
> not to be confused with the only Mullá Báshí found in ZARANDI (p. 590), which name refers to Mullá
> Ibráhím, surnamed Mullá Báshí, who was ultimately martyred at Sultán-Abad, and whom Nabíl-i-
> Zarandí identifies as his source for details concerning another Bábí named Siyyid Basír.
> 
> 23ZARANDI (p. 319); ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14); and the official reports of this trial in Mírzá Muhammad
> 
> Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh (volume III, pp. 126-130), Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat
> al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, pp. 423-430), and which are collected in E.G. Browne's Notes K and M, pp.
> 277-290 to "A Traveller's Narrative," and in MSBR (pp. 248-256) — for more information please see
> Note (40) for Chapter Two — all agree that one or more of the questions put to the Báb pertained to
> Arabic grammar. In Chapter One — Notes (8), (63), (67) and (71) — the Báb's lack of training in Arabic
> grammar is discussed. In "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid IV: báb 10) the Báb forbade the study of grammar,
> except insofar as was necessary to understand the "Bayán." Elsewhere in "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid II: báb
> 1), the Báb affirmed that grammar has been based upon and established in conformity with the verses of
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          126
> 
> The Báb was very surprised with these questions and replied to them:24
> 
> "It has been a long time since I transcended the world of words, since I set speech at
> liberty. What are of concern here are matters which are more grave and more exalted."
> 
> The convocation ended without result, and another was held some days afterwards in the house
> of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání;25 there they [the Mulláhá] replied to his explanations with
> blows.26
> 
> God and not the reverse; that he has broken the rules of grammar; and that his revelation of verses
> which break the rules of grammar is in itself a proof of his prophetic claims. Hence, it is according to the
> divine standard, the divine verses that human learning and human words are to be evaluated, and not
> vice versa. This teaching of the Báb was re-affirmed and amplified by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas":
> 
> "Say: O leaders of religion! Weigh not the Book of God with such standards and sciences as are
> current amongst you, for the Book itself is the unerring Balance established amongst men. In
> this most perfect Balance whatsoever the peoples and kindreds of the earth possess must be
> weighed, while the measure of its weight should be tested according to its own standard, did ye
> but know it." (KA:#99)
> 
> "Say: This is the infallible Balance which the Hand of God is holding, in which all who are in
> the heavens and all who are on the earth are weighed, and their fate determined, if ye be of
> them that believe and recognize this truth." (KA:#183)
> 
> 24All of the accounts cited are unanimous in asserting the Báb’s bold proclamation during this trial of his
> 
> station as the Qá'im, the Promised One of Islám. That the clergy present at this examination asked
> many questions which pertained to such technical matters and few which touched upon theological
> issues is evident from all of the accounts cited above. Balyuzi (p. 145n) reports the discovery of a letter in
> the handwriting of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh, addressed to 'Alau'd-Dawlih, the Governor of Tihrán, in which
> he attests that the Báb stood firmly by his claim to be the Qá'im at the Tabríz trial, to which His Majesty
> was an eye-witness.
> 
> This seems to be the answer that was reported by the official Muslim chroniclers cited above. Táríkh-i-
> Jadíd (cited by E. G. Browne, "A Traveller's Narrative," Note M, p. 290 — reproduced in "The Dawn-
> breakers," p. 319, n. 2) indicated that the Báb kept a dignified silence in response to such frivolous
> questions. ZARANDI (p. 319) reported a different response: "In answer to him, the Báb quoted this
> verse of the Qur'án (37:180-182): 'Far be the glory of thy Lord, the Lord of all greatness, from what they
> impute to Him, and peace be upon His Apostles! And praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds.'"
> According to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) and ZARANDI (p. 319), the gathering broke up immediately
> after the Báb answered a question pertaining to Arabic grammar.
> 
> 25ZARANDI (p. 320) indicates that a second convocation was called for by some of the 'ulamá', for the
> 
> purpose of inflicting a humiliating punishment on the Báb rather than in order to further investigate his
> claims. He (Ibid.) states that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Governor of Tabríz and Prince Regent refused to
> convene such a gathering. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) also indicates that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá pronounced
> no sentence on the Báb and refused to interfere with him, and that the 'ulamá' decided on their own to
> inflict the bastinado — please see Note (30) — upon the Báb. He (Ibid.) states that the corps of farráshes
> — please see Note (43) — refused to inflict this punishment upon the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 320) alike
> reports that the Governor's body-guards were ordered to administer the bastinado, but that they refused
> to do so. ZARANDI (p. 320) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 15) agree that Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-
> Islám summoned the Báb to his home and himself inflicted the punishment, eleven blows to his feet
> (ZARANDI, p. 320). Balyuzi (p. 145), citing no source, states that the Báb was taken to the house of
> Muhammad Kázim-Khán, the farrásh-báshí (chief lictor), but, as the guards refused to carry out the
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           127
> 
> This is, according to the Bábi version,27 the transcript of this meeting:28
> 
> sentence, it was personally administered by Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám. According to Dr.
> Cormick (extracted from letters to Rev. Benjamin Labaree, published by E.G. Browne in MSBR, pp.
> 260-262, 264; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 320-322, n. 1), an English physician and a long-time
> resident of Tabríz, who later recommended to the Sháh that the Báb's life be spared, when the Báb was
> administered the bastinado, a farrásh either intentionally or inadvertently struck him in the face,
> producing a wound and swelling which the doctor treated for a few days. This incident may have
> occurred after the trial just prior to the Báb's execution, in July 1850. It is not dated, either by Dr.
> Cormick or Browne. The whole of Dr. Cormick's eye-witness testimony is reprinted from MSBR in
> "The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944: Some Contemporary Western Accounts", edited by Dr.
> Moojan Momen, and published in Oxford by George Ronald, 1981, pp. 74-75). Dr. Momen identifies
> the physician’s full name as Dr. William Cormick and his nationality as Irish rather than English.
> 
> 26The bastinado, carried out by one or more farráshes, is illustrated in a photograph in W.D. Cresson,
> 
> "The Awakening East" (cited in David S. Ruhe [henceforth, RUHE], "Robe of Light, The Persian
> Years of the Supreme Prophet Bahá'u'lláh 1817-1853," Oxford: George Ronald, 1994, p. 107). The
> victim is made to lie on his back, with his legs raised at right angles to his torso. His bare feet are tied to
> a post which is held on either end by assistants, and then the farrásh or farráshes administer the blows
> upon the soles of the feet with a cord or rod.
> 
> 27It is not clear which Bábí version of the Tabríz trial is recounted here by Nicolas. Perhaps it is the
> 
> account found in KAF (pp. 135-138), which Amanat (p. 388, n. 67) indicates as derived from the
> "Abwáb al-Huda" by Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Hashtrúdí. This account is also found in MU’IN (pp.
> 201-207; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 67), and ZUHUR (pp. 73-74, 116-119; cited in MacEoin, p. 120).
> Another Bábí version of this trial is found in ZARANDI (pp. 314-322). Amanat (Ibid.) seems to allude to
> a third Bábí source, but does not give particulars. Muslim sources for this event are listed and briefly
> described in Amanat (p. 388-389, n. 67), including the so-called official reports found in Ridá Qulí Khán
> Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí (volume X, pp. 423-430), , and Mírzá Muhammad Taqí
> Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh [SIPIHR] (volume III, pp. 126-130). Other Muslim sources are the "Risála" of
> Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání (cited in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az
> Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá', pp. 308-315); and "Miftah Báb al-Abwáb wa Táríkh al-Bábíya," of Mírzá
> Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím al-Dawlih (Cairo:1903, pp. 184-197), the memoirs of
> the writer's father and grandfather, both of whom allegedly witnessed the trial of the Báb.
> 
> 28Although word for word this account differs considerably from that preserved in ZARANDI (pp. 315-
> 
> 319), many of the themes are identical. In Nicolas it is Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání who asks most of
> the questions, while in ZARANDI it is Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá', but many of the
> questions cited in the two sources are identical. As in Nicolas, so also in ZARANDI (pp. 315-316), the
> Báb claims to be the Qá'im, the One Whom they have awaited for a thousand years. So also, in
> ZARANDI (p. 317) the Báb is asked for the proof of his claims, and he replies that the greatest proof of
> his prophethood are the verses he reveals. ZARANDI (p. 316-317), citing the recollections of Shaykh
> Hasan-i-Zunúzí, who was standing outside the hall in which this trial took place and who was able to
> follow the conversation taking place within, affirms that the Báb made this statement regarding his
> Writings:
> 
> "'The mightiest, the most convincing evidence of the truth of the Mission of the Prophet of
> God,' the Báb replied, 'is admittedly His own Word. He Himself testifies to this truth: “Is it not
> enough for them that We have sent down to Thee the Book?” [Qur'án 29:51] The power to
> produce such evidence has been given to Me by God. Within the space of two days and two
> nights, I declare Myself able to reveal verses of such number as will equal the whole of the
> Qur'án.'"
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        128
> 
> "Hájí Mullá Mahmúd,29 Nízámu'l-'Ulamá', Mullá Bashi30 of the Prince Heir, Mullá
> Muhammad Mámáqání,31 Hájí Murtadá Qulí Marandi 'Alam al-Huda,32 took their
> places
> 
> For more information regarding the speed of the Báb's revelation of verses, please see Note (81) of
> Chapter Three. In ZARANDI's account, the Báb is not posed this question and does not give the
> answer cited by Nicolas.
> 
> 29Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' of Tabríz (ZARANDI, p. 314; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 14;
> 
> Balyuzi, p. 140; Amanat, p. 285); private tutor of the Prince Regent (ZARANDI, p. 314; Balyuzi, p. 140;
> Amanat, p. 285); a leading Shaykhí cleric of Tabríz (Amanat, p. 285); participated in the trial of the Báb
> in Tabríz (ZARANDI, pp. 314-319; ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 14; Balyzi, pp. 140-144; Amanat, pp. 387-390);
> presided over the trial of the Báb in Tabríz (ZARANDI, p. 314); the chief interrogator at that trial
> (Amanat, p. 389); was appalled by the discourtesy shown the Báb at this trial (ZARANDI, p. 319); was
> inclined toward clemency, suggesting a verdict of insanity which would avert the imposition of the
> mandatory death penalty required by a verdict of heresy (Amanat, p. 390). Ultimately, Hájí Mullá
> Mahmúd did not sign a "fatwá" condemning the Báb to death — this was carried out by Mullá
> Muhammad Mámáqání, Mírzá Baqír (the son of Mírzá Ahmad) and Mullá Murtadá-Qulí (ZARANDI,
> p. 510; ‘ABDUL-BAHA , p. 26; Balyuzi, pp. 155-156; Amanat, pp. 399-400).
> 
> 30Mullá Báshí, as we have seen in Note (25) was none other than the title of Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the
> 
> Nizámu'l-'Ulamá'. "Mullá" is a Persian word meaning (Steingass, p. p. 1303) "schoolmaster, doctor,
> learned man, a judge, a priest"; and "Báshí" may be related to the Turkish word "báshá" which has been
> adopted in Persian meaning (Steingass, p. 147) as "governor of a province, counsellor of state, great
> lord"; in this instance a title comprised of both of these words seems to indicate that Hájí Mullá
> Mahmúd was not just the teacher but also the advisor of the Prince Regent.
> 
> 31Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, described by ZARANDI (p. 316) as a "one-eyed and white-bearded
> 
> renegade" and by ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26) as a "learned divine", was a Shaykhí mujtahid (Amanat, p.
> 39, n. 18), and one of the students of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá'í who were reportedly envious of the
> attention he paid to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí his subsequent appointment as leader of the Shaykhí school
> (ZARANDI, p. 11). Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was among the claimants to leadership of the
> Shaykhís after the passing of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí according to ZUHUR (p. 9; cited in Amanat, p. 285,
> n. 207). MU’IN (p. 299; cited in Amanat, p. 285, n. 208) reports that Mullá Mámáqání tried to preserve
> Shaykhism as a sect with only minor differences from the Usúlís and hence comfortably within the fold
> of Ithná 'Asharí Shí'í Islám. Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was a participant in the Tabríz trial of the
> Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 316-320; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA , p. 14; Balyuzi, pp. 140-144), and his memories of the
> trial of the Báb were preserved by his son, Shaykh Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání, in a "Risála" which is
> cited in part in Murtadá Mudarrisí Chahárdihí, Shaykhígarí va Bábígarí az Nazhar-i Falsafa, Táríkh, Ijtimá'
> (pp. 308-315; cited in Amanat, pp. 386-389). Mullá Muhammad Taqí Mámáqání claimed that the
> official report of this trial, penned by Hájí Mírzá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' was replete with
> misrepresentations (Balyuzi, p. 143), and he wrote a detailed refutation of those points. Apparently, and
> perhaps in reaction to the widespread dissemination of the Shaykh's "Risála," Mullá Hájí Mírzá
> Mahmúd tried to recall all copies of his tract and destroyed those he could retrieve (Balyuzi, p. 143).
> Mámáqání claimed that his report was the most accurate and reliable (Amanat, p. 389, n. 69), in
> comparison with the official chronicles, of Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-Taváríkh, Ridá Qulí
> Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí. A detailed comparison of the various accounts has
> not yet been effected. Please see Note (31) for more details. Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was,
> according to various accounts, one of the mujtahids who wrote a "fatwá" (legal decision) condemning
> the Báb of heresy and sentencing him to death (Balyuzi, p. 155); the most prominent of the three leading
> mujtahids who wrote that "fatwá" (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 26; Amanat, p. 399); and the first of the
> mujtahids to be approached for his "fatwá" by the farrásh-Báshí (head executioner) on the day of the
> Báb's execution (ZARANDI, p. 510).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       129
> 
> under the Presidency of the Valí-'Ahd,33 in the midst of a great number of functionaries.
> The Báb entered alone, fresh from the bath and perfumed.
> 
> "He held a cane in his hand; upon entering he saluted, but nobody replied to him. He
> stopped for an instant, waiting for someone to designate his place, but as nobody
> seemed to pay attention to him, he sat at the lower extremity of the assembly and
> immersed himself in prayers.
> 
> "Suddenly Mámáqání questioned him in these terms: "O Siyyid, writings circulate
> among men which are attributed to you. We cannot believe that you are the author
> thereof. Are you, yes or no?"
> 
> “The Báb replied:34 "These writings contain the words of God, which have come
> from my pen."
> 
> "I have heard it said that you are the Báb."
> 
> "Yes."
> 
> "What does this word mean?"
> 
> 32Hájí Murtadá Qulí Marandi 'Alam al-Huda, called Mullá Murtadá-Qulí by ZARANDI (p. 510) and
> 
> ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26); called Mullá Murtidá-Qulíy-i-Marandi by Balyuzi (p. 153); called Shaykh
> Murtadá Harandi 'Alam al-Huda by Hájí Muhammad Ibn `Abdu'l-Báqí Mu'ín al-Saltana Tabrízí,
> Táríkh-i Mu'ín al-Saltana (p. 196) and (p. 142), and, citing these sources, by Amanat (pp. 285, 388, 399).
> He is described as a wealthy mujtahid, and a Shaykhí (Amanat, pp. 285, 388). He is not listed in
> ZARANDI (p. 314) or ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) as participating in the trial of the Báb, but ZARANDI
> (p. 510) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 26) affirm that Hájí Murtadá Qulí issued a "fatwá" condemning the
> Báb to death. ZARANDI (p. 510) indicates that Hájí Murtadá Qulí refused to meet the Báb face to face,
> and issued his "fatwá" sight unseen. Balyuzi (p. 155) and Amanat (p. 399) mention this mujtahid as
> issuing a "fatwá" without going into other details. However, Mírzá Muhammad Taqí Sipihr, Násikhu't-
> Taváríkh (volume III, p. 304) omits 'Alam al-Huda and names Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí in his place, which is
> highly unlikely, considering that this cleric was, according to ZARANDI (p. 509), Balyuzi (p. 156, cited
> without name) and Amanat (p. 401), the stepfather of Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí, surnamed "Anís" who
> chose to die alongside the Báb. While Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí was a mujtahid (Amanat, p. 401), and therefore
> qualified to participate as a jurist in this trial, it seems very improbable that he would have rendered
> judgment in a matter related so intimately to a member of his own household.
> 
> 33As indicated in note (24), ZARANDI (pp. 314-315) reports that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd
> 
> attended the examination of the Báb. However, he states that the chair reserved for the Valí-'Ahd was
> the only seat left unoccupied when the Báb entered the chamber, and that he took that seat without
> hesitation. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) does not indicate that the Valí-'Ahd attended this gathering.
> ZARANDI (p. 315) states that the Presidency of this convocation belonged to the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' and
> this affirmation is found also in Balyuzi (p. 143) and Amanat (p. 389). However, in another reference to
> this event, ZARANDI (p. 510) states that the Valí-'Ahd presided over the trial of the Báb. Perhaps there
> were two meetings, and the Valí-'Ahd presided over the one and not over the other. It is possible that
> information will surface that will settle the issue.
> 
> 34Nicolas notes: "The Báb replies by asking a question and this question cites none other than the hadíth
> 
> upon which is based all of Shí'í Islám."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       130
> 
> "How have you hitherto understood this illustrious expression: 'I am the City of
> knowledge and 'Alí is the Door?'35
> 
> "Then the Báb plunged into an explanation of the subject in which he spoke of
> the eye, of the ear, of the mouth and of the nose.
> 
> "Then Hájí Mullá Mahmúd interrupted him in these terms: "Why do you say the eye,
> the ear, when we have two eyes and two ears?"
> 
> "O My soul, the meaning is a 'hearing'."
> 
> "The Báb had two purposes in pronouncing this word 'hearing'. First he reminded Hájí
> Mullá Mahmúd of the terms of the contract, decided upon moreover in his absence, and
> according to which Mámáqání alone was to take charge of the interrogation; and the
> second meaning of these words was this: "Open the ear of your heart and understand
> God."
> 
> "Mámáqání then said to him, in a bantering tone: "Who thus wished you a good night
> by giving you this name of 'Báb'?"
> 
> "I am He Whom you have awaited a thousand years."
> 
> "We await the 'Qá'im' of the family of Muhammad of whom the name is Muhammad
> son of Hasan."
> 
> "It is I."
> 
> "By what can we recognize you?"
> 
> "By my verses."
> 
> "Amír Arslan Khán,36 the maternal uncle of the Valí-‘Ahd then said to him: "Then
> descend verses on the subject of your cane."
> 
> "The Báb complied.37
> 35For a detailed note on this tradition, please see Note (86) in Chapter Two.
> 
> 36Amír Arslan Khán, the maternal uncle of Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, is not mentioned elsewhere in these
> 
> various chronicles and histories. According to MSBR (pp. 249, 253; cited in Amanat, p. 388, n. 65),
> among the participants listed for this trial were Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, his uncle, his chief steward, and a
> number of other officials and courtiers. Apparently Amír Arslan Khán is the maternal uncle of the Valí-
> 'Ahd here mentioned.
> 
> 37Nicolas  cites `Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín on this detail: "According to
> 'Mutanabbi'ín' here is the verse pronounced by the Báb: 'Glory to God, Who created the cane, which is
> a sign among the signs.'" If this is the verse revealed by the Báb, which seems nonsensical given the
> prolific nature of the Báb's versifying, then the response of the assembled, to the effect that they could
> not understand his verses, seems most unlikely. This subject of the cane may have been confused with
> another subject during the trial, inasmuch as Amanat (p. 390) indicated that Mullá Muhammad
> Mámáqání challenged the Báb to turn a walking stick into a serpent, a replica of the Mosaic miracle
> (Exodus IV:2-4; Qur'án VII:117), to which the Báb replied that his proofs were his verses. ZARANDI
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                           131
> 
> "They then protested, saying to him: "We do not understand your verses."
> 
> "[He replied:] "From where have you understood that the Qur'án is the
> testimony of God? That which you attest on the subject of the sacred Book, you
> must say it again in this case."
> 
> "Amír Arslan Khán then said, laughing, "I also can make verses" and began to ramble.
> 
> "The Valí-'Ahd, entering the arena in his turn, said to him, throwing him a ball which
> he held in his hand: "Do you know astronomy? Explain to us the qualities of this ball."
> 
> "I do not know astronomy."38
> 
> "Someone asked: "What do you believe on the subject of prayer, when one is in doubt
> whether one has said it two or three times?"
> 
> "The Báb replied.
> 
> "Then someone asked him: "Qala, what form is this of the Arabic verb?"
> 
> "The Báb, recognizing the derision of his adversaries, arose and left the
> assembly."39
> 
> (pp. 317) reports that Hájí Mullá Mahmúd, the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' requested verses from the Báb on an
> entirely different subject:
> 
> "'Describe orally, if you speak the truth,' the Nizámu'l-'Ulamá' requested, 'the proceedings of
> this gathering in language that will resemble the phraseology of the verses of the Qur'án so that
> the Valí-'Ahd and the assembled divines may bear witness to the truth of your claim.'"
> 
> ZARANDI (pp. 317-318) indicates that the Báb had hardly begun his invocation when Mullá
> Muhammad Mámáqání interrupted him, criticizing his grammar. Amanat (p. 390) repeats this,
> apparently citing the official record. According to Nicolas, the Báb, in response to his audience
> protesting its inability to understand his verses, compares his verses to those of the Qur'án, while
> ZARANDI (pp. 318-319) indicates that the Báb made the same claim in response to Mullá Muhammad
> Mámáqání's criticism of his Arabic grammar. Amanat (p. 390) states that, according to the official
> report, the Báb was asked many questions, to which he replied either with silence, with a declaration of
> his ignorance of earthly things, or in a reiteration of his claims.
> 
> 38Nicolas reports one question, asked by Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá , related to the properties of a ball, to which
> 
> the Báb is alleged to have replied that he was not learned in astronomy. Inasmuch as Nicolas is citing a
> Bábí source, it seems that at least some of the Bábís regarded the Báb's knowledge as divinely inspired,
> and his perfections as divinely endowed, and did not expect that their Prophet would be infallible in
> human knowledge or in other human attainments. Nicolas later wrote an article translating and seeking
> to unravel what he alleged were the views of the Báb on astronomy, published as "Le Báb astronome"
> ("Revue de l'Histoire des Religions," no. 114, 1936, pp. 99-101). In view of the Báb's preoccupation with
> other-worldly subjects and aims, and his marked tendency towards allegorical interpretations of the
> references to physical phenomena found in Scripture, it is possible that any verses of the Báb which
> describe astronomical phenomena are meant to be understood metaphorically rather than literally.
> 
> 39Nicolas writes with regard to this description of the Tabríz trial of the Báb: "All this is told according to
> 
> the Muslim authors. I do not believe for a second that the Báb could have had such a ridiculous attitude
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        132
> 
> These accursed ones decided that he must be beaten. The Valí-'Ahd ordered his farrashes40 to
> execute this sentence, but they refused, alleging that they feared for their eternal salvation in
> case they should permit themselves such forgetfulness of the respect due a descendant of
> Muhammad.41 Shaykh al-Islám42 then intervened, and ordained that a Siyyid beat him and this
> one obeyed.
> 
> This done, he was sent to Máh-Kú.43
> 
> Every place through which he passed, in spite of or perhaps because of the furious hatred of the
> Mulláhá, he made numerous proselytes.44 The terrain had been well prepared by his
> 
> in any of these assemblies." The authors to which Nicolas is alluding here are ‘Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-
> Saltanih, Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín, and Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí, as cited
> in in note (26). The assemblies which he mentions are the examinations of the Báb in Isfáhán — please
> see Notes (87) and (88) for Chapter Three — and Tabríz. As to the trial in Tabríz, Nicolas here reports
> that immediately following another question on a grammatical point, the Báb rose and left this assembly.
> ZARANDI (p. 319) states that following that question, the Báb recited a Qur'anic verse and then stood
> up and exited the gathering. Balyuzi (pp. 144-145) cites ZARANDI regarding the break-up of the
> meeting, and neither he nor Amanat provide alternative accounts of its conclusion. Given the diversity
> of the sources, it appears that the details of this trial have not yet been fully sorted out by historians.
> 
> 40In this detail, Nicolas' account agrees with ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 14-15) and with ZARANDI (p. 320).
> 
> Amanat (p. 391) explains that farráshes are servants in charge of punitive duties, in this case in the
> employment of the Governor of Tabríz, Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá, the Valí-'Ahd.
> 
> 41Nicolas alleges that the farráshes were motivated by fear of divine displeasure should they deign to
> 
> show such grave disrespect to a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad and the holy Imáms. ZARANDI
> (p. 320) simply states that the Governor's body-guards did not want to interfere in a matter which they
> considered to be the concern of the 'ulamá'. Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí
> (volume X, p. 428) and MU’IN (p. 212, citing HASHTRUDI) state that the farráshes refused to inflict
> this punishment because of their great sympathy for the Báb.
> 
> 42Nicolas   indicates that the Shaykhu'l-Islám ordered a Siyyid to inflict the bastinado, whereas
> ZARANDI (p. 320) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 15) state that the Shaykhu'l-Islám, himself a Siyyid,
> inflicted the bastinado. Amanat (p. 391, n. 79), without citing his source, indicates that the Shaykhu'l-
> Islám ordered a clerical aide, Mullá Sádiq, known as Shimr (the name of the killer of the Imám Husayn)
> to administer twenty lashes to the Báb's feet. It is evident that ZARANDI (pp. 320-321) was entirely
> convinced that Mírzá 'Alí-Asghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám personally administered this punishment, as he
> indicated that in the same year (1848), this individual was struck with paralysis and died a miserable
> death. Furthermore, he affirms that after his death the functions of the Shaykhu'l-Islám were abolished
> in Tabríz due to his infamy and the bad name he had given to this institution.
> 
> 43After forty days in Tabríz (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 12), the Báb left for Máh-Kú, arriving either in early
> 
> July 1847 (Amanat, p. 374) or later in the summer of that year (MacEoin, p. 82). He remained in Máh-
> Kú for nine months according to KAF (p. 129; cited Amanat, p. 374, n. 9), and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 12;
> cited in Balyuzi, p. 132). ZARANDI (p. 249) indicates that the Báb left Máh-Kú for Chihríq on the
> twentieth day after Naw-Rúz in the year 1264, and Balyuzi (p. 132) calculates this as 9 April 1848.
> MacEoin (p. 82) agrees with this date, while Amanat (p. 380) states that the Báb departed for Chihríq on
> 4 Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/10 April 1848. If the Báb spent nine months in Máh-Kú, then he must have
> arrived nine months before this date, or around 10 July 1847. This seems to confirm Amanat's dating of
> the Báb's arrival in Máh-Kú.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        133
> 
> 44Nicolas indicates that the Báb attracted many new believers in the places through which he passed en
> 
> route from Tabríz to Máh-Kú. One of the towns through which the Báb probably passed was Khuy,
> situated some twenty miles northeast of Chihríq, and the future cite of much Bábí enthusiasm. It was
> this enthusiasm and its potential for danger which persuaded the captain of the Báb's escort on this
> journey from Chihríq to Tabríz to bypass Khuy and adopt the longer route via Urúmíyyih (ZARANDI,
> p. 309), either across Lake Urúmíyyih or around the southern end of that Lake. Inasmuch as Nicolas
> does not describe the journey which the Báb took from Chihríq to Tabríz, a few of the incidents which
> are reported for that journey are given in this note. Other events associated with the Báb's visit to
> Urúmíyyih are found in Note (50). To continue, when the Báb was informed that the overwhelming
> majority of the people of Urúmíyyih had spontaneously embraced the Bábí Cause, he remarked,
> quoting the Qur'án (XXIX:2) that they would be put to the proof. Soon after, the people of Urúmíyyih
> were informed of his punishment by order of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, and only a handful from among
> these masses persevered in their faith (ZARANDI, p. 311). One of those who persevered was Mullá Jalíl-
> i-Urúmí, appointed by the Báb a Letter of the Living, who later became a follower of Bahá'u'lláh, and
> died at the age of eighty years after having served the Bábí and Bahá'í Cause with earnestness and
> unflinching determination (ZARANDI, pp. 311-312). Accounts of the Báb's prodigies were soon
> transmitted by eye-witnesses and spread through word of mouth over the entire country, reaching the
> seat of government in Tihrán, and particularly inflaming the populace of Tabríz prior to the Báb's
> arrival in that city (ZARANDI, p. 312). ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) stated that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered
> the Báb to be brought from Chihríq to Tabríz for trial because of the "ferment and clamor of the
> learned doctors in all districts of Persia"; and Balyuzi and Amanat cite other compelling reasons for this
> decision, and the reader will discover their testimonies in Chapter Five.
> 
> Balyuzi (pp. 138-139) reports that it was during the Báb's visit to Urúmíyyih that Áqá-Bala Big, the
> Naqqash-Báshí (Chief Painter) made a portrait of the Báb, which apparently represents the only likeness
> rendered of his person. The painter later related the circumstances of this event to Mírzá 'Alí-
> Muhammad Varqá, the martyred Bahá'í poet, which were in turn conveyed to Balyuzi by his son, Hand
> of the Cause Valíyu'lláh Varqá (Balyuzi, p. 139n). Valíyu'lláh Varqá passed away in 1955 and in that
> same year his son, 'Alí Muhammad Varqá, apparently named after his grandfather, was appointed to
> succeed his father. The original black and white portrait and one of the two copies of the watercolor
> rendered by Áqá Bálá Big from this original portrait were separately conveyed respectively to
> Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá in the Holy Land, and both are now on display at the International Bahá'í
> Archives in Haifa (Balyuzi, pp. 138-139). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 313) and FAYZI (p. 367) alike report
> that Áqá Bálá Bayk Shishavání drew a portrait of the Báb during the ten day period that the Báb was in
> Urúmíyyih, which is in the International Bahá'í Archives. Afnan points out that Áqá Bálá was not a Bábí
> at the time he made this portrait. However, he subsequently became a Bábí, and later a Bahá'í. A
> number of years later, Áqá Bálá made a copy of this portrait, with Bahá'u'lláh's permission, which
> somehow came into the possession of Varqá, but disappeared when he was captured and martyred in
> Zanján. In a Tablet cited by Abu’l-Qasim Afnan (p. 313) and FAYZI (p. 369), Bahá'u'lláh subsequently
> gave Áqá Bálá permission to make another seven copies of the portrait, so that there would be nine
> altogether. It is not known whether or not Áqá Bálá made seven copies of the portrait. One copy came
> into the possession of Mírzá Mahmúd, who gave it to Mírzá 'Alí Asghar, the son of Mullá Husayn
> Dakhí'íl Dárúghíyí, and in 1320 A.H. this portrait was received by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. FADZI also states
> (Ibid.) that after Áqá Bálá passed away, two copies of the portrait were found among his papers, but only
> one of them was complete. Mírzá 'Alí Ashráf (not to be confused with Mírzá 'Alí Asghar) colored the
> complete portrait and for many years the Bahá'ís in Tabríz were accustomed to view that portrait on
> Holy Days, until 1937, when the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís of Tabríz sent this colored portrait to
> Shoghi Effendi. Neither Mírzá 'Alí Asghar nor Mírzá 'Alí Ashráf are to be confused with Hájí 'Alí-Askar,
> a relative of an official of the Russian consulate who saw another portrait of the Báb (ZARANDI, p.
> 518) which will be discussed in Note (39) of Chapter Five.
> 
> Apparently then, there are at least three copies of this portrait of the Báb, one of them the original, and
> two rendered from that original, in the International Bahá'í Archives in Haifa. If Áqá Bálá made seven
> copies of the portrait, and if one of those was left incomplete, then there may very well be five complete
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          134
> 
> missionaries,45 and hence in the consciousness of the people one could follow the luminous
> traces of his passage.
> 
> It is thus that he converted 'Alí Khán,46 Governor of the fortress of Máh-Kú, where he was
> imprisoned. This is how tradition reports the story of his conversion:47
> 
> portraits, including the copy in the possession of 'Alí-Muhammad Varqá, and one incomplete portrait,
> which have yet to be accounted for. Please see Note (39) in Chapter Five for discussion of other portraits
> of the Báb, one genuine but missing, and others published but probably counterfeit.
> 
> 45Amanat (p. 284) states that Mullá Yúsuf Ardabílí, appointed a Letter of the Living by the Báb, was
> 
> particularly active as a Bábí missionary, first in Ádhirbáyján, and then in Yazd, Kirmán and Qazvín. He
> also reports (p. 285) that Mullá Ahmad 'Abdu’l Maraghíhí was also instrumental in effecting the
> conversion of many persons in Ádhirbáyján. However, he does not date these conversions, except to
> state, citing ZUHUR (pp. 67-69; cited in Amanat, p. 285, n. 199), that three village preachers and their
> congregations converted in Salmás and Kuhnih Shahr during the Báb's imprisonment in Chihríq. It
> seems likely that the Báb's personal influence was limited in its impact during the course of his journey to
> Máh-Kú.
> 
> 46'Alí Khán was the warden in charge of the fortress of Máh-Kú and the frontier officer (ZARANDI, p.
> 
> 244), for this fortress and its neighboring village were very close to the Persian territorial borders, with
> the Russian and Ottoman Turkish empires. His mother was a Kurd, and he was held in great esteem by
> the people of Máh-Kú and implicitly obeyed (Ibid.). Balyuzi (p. 128) states that 'Alí Khán was a Kurd,
> "simple, rough and uncouth." Amanat (p. 374) calls the warden 'Alí Khán Sardár. Steingass (p. 673)
> defines "sardár" as "a general, field marshal, officer of rank, king's lieutenant, a chief in any department"
> and this appears to be his title rather than his given name. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) does not speak of the
> conversion of 'Alí Khán Máh-Kú'í, but does indicate that the warden "paid Him such attention as was
> possible, and gave permission [to some persons] to converse with Him" and he is reputed by this source
> to have acted in this manner "because of his excessive love for the family of the Prophet". By this it is
> meant that 'Alí Khán was reverent and respectful towards the Báb because he was a Siyyid, a
> descendant of the family of the Prophet-Founder of Islám. ZARANDI (p. 245) reports that, during the
> first two weeks of his residence in Máh-Kú, the only persons who were allowed into the presence of the
> Báb were Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, and that 'Alí Khán was
> adamant in preventing other Bábí visitors from visiting his prisoner. The same source (pp. 246-248)
> indicates that 'Alí Khán had a vision of the Báb, and that this vision brought about his conversion to the
> Bábí Cause. Thereafter, according to ZARANDI, 'Alí Khán did his utmost to alleviate the discomfort of
> the Báb's imprisonment, permitting his followers to visit him during daylight hours. 'Alí Khán later had
> a dream which further confirmed him in his devotion to the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 255-257). Balyuzi (pp.
> 128-131) reports this transformation of 'Alí Khán, citing ZARANDI.
> 
> 47Nicolas relates a story which is not found in ZARANDI or ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, at least in this form.
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 309) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) alike report that during the Báb's journey from
> Chihríq to Tabríz to be examined by the 'ulamá' of that latter city, he passed through the city of
> Urúmíyyih, whose Governor, Qasím Mírzá showed Him "extraordinary deference" (‘ABDU’L-BA, p.
> 14) and "the warmest hospitality" (ZARANDI, p. 309). In connection with this visit to Urúmíyyih,
> ZARANDI (pp. 309-311) reports an incident which is virtually identical with that described here by
> Nicolas. According to ZARANDI, on his way to the public bath, the Governor provided the Báb with a
> steed which had overpowered the most skillful of equestrians, in the public square and in plain view of
> the populace, and the Báb calmly mounted and rode this stallion. He took his bath, and then once more
> mounted and rode the horse to the Governor's residence. The people who had witnessed this prodigy,
> and there were apparently hundreds or even thousands, rushed in to obtain a share of the bathing water
> used by the Báb, believing that given his apparently miraculous powers, it would invariably have a
> beneficial influence upon them. As a result of this incident, the overwhelming majority of the people of
> Urúmíyyih spontaneously embraced the Bábí Cause. This appears to be the event which Nicolas has
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                      135
> 
> 'Alí Khán Máh-Kúí, like everyone, had heard people speak of the Reformer. Like all Persians,
> curious regarding religious questions, he sought to inform himself, received some reports and
> must have recognized that, at least in his thundering against the abuses, the reigning vice and
> the rottenness of the century, the Báb was absolutely right. What he learned of his doctrines
> perplexed him much; the Reformer might speak the truth, but upon so moveable a terrain,
> truth clings so closely to falsehood that very little suffices to make a man stray. The least
> deviation from the path can conduct you to the abyss, and the Qur'án warns the faithful that
> Satan is clever and that he knows how to give false things the appearance of Truth.
> 
> He was at this point in his reflections when he received the official notice announcing that he
> was soon to become the jailer of the Báb. From then on he knew no rest B his conscience was
> anxious about this stain which was to be imposed upon him. What if the Báb was a true
> Prophet? But, on the other hand, if he were to disobey the orders which he had received? And if
> the illustrious captive was nothing but a vulgar charlatan? He could not find an exit from this
> dilemma and as much as he saw that eternal damnation might await him, the fury of the
> government seemed more menacing. Finally, convinced that he had reflected deeply and
> looked upon the problem from all angles, he did not come to the same solution as his fellow
> citizens in such an embarrassing situation; he left the matter to God, trusting that He would
> illumine the way. He would attempt a test of the Báb when he would arrive, and it was for God
> to turn this to [his] glory or towards confusion of this one who claimed to have been sent by
> Him.48
> 
> The fortress of Máh-Kú is perched upon the summit of a mountain very difficult to access, and
> the village of the same name is found at the foot of the mountain.
> 
> ascribed to Máh-Kú and in relation to 'Alí Khán. The location of this event may be confirmed by the
> following report of Rev. Austin H. Wright (published in German translation as "Báb und seine Secte in
> Persien," in "Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft," Leipzig:1851, pp. 384-385; cited
> in English by E.G. Browne in "A Traveller's Narrative," p. 200; reprinted in Moojan Momen, "The
> Bábí and Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944," Oxford:1981, p. 73); and in Amanat (p. 386, n. 56):
> 
> "On the way to Urumiyih, where the Governor treated him with special consideration and
> many people received permission to visit him. On one occasion, a crowd were with him, and as
> the Governor afterwards remarked, they were all mysteriously moved and burst into tears."
> 
> It is obvious that, had the conversion of 'Alí Khán been effected in the manner alleged by Nicolas, the
> Báb's followers would have had no difficulty, at the outset of his imprisonment at Máh-Kú, with
> obtaining the warden's permission to visit their Master. It seems unlikely that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí,
> one of the two companions of the Báb at this time, would have reported to ZARANDI (p. 245) that for
> two weeks all Bábí visitors were prevented from meeting the Báb unless this were the case. And while the
> Báb could have effected the conversion of 'Alí Khán in the manner alleged some time after his arrival in
> Máh-Kú, the story is much more plausible if it represents the arrival of the Báb from a journey. The Báb
> was a fervent advocate for cleanliness and practiced it himself with great consistency, and hence he
> would have been determined to bathe after traveling a considerable distance and over dusty roads, and
> prior to taking up his residence in a new location.
> 
> 48This  manner of ascertaining the truth of the Báb's claims was assumed by at least one Bábí of
> prominence, namely Siyyid Yahya Darabí (Vahíd). Please see Note (57) in Chapter Three for more
> details on this Bábí. The story of his conversion is related in ZARANDI (pp. 174-176).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          136
> 
> When the Báb arrived with this escort, the first thing he asked for, after the usual salutations,
> was permission to go to the baths. He wished in this way to relax from the fatigue of the voyage
> and thereby also to accomplish one of the obligations of his doctrine.49 This makes the purity of
> the body and of the vestments one of the essential virtues of the true believer.
> 
> 'Alí Khán complied with his desire and sent him to the village below the mountain. This
> circumstance inspired in him the idea of attempting a decisive test which would definitively
> indicate for him the value of the personage who had been confided to his guardianship. He
> possessed in his stables a young horse, vicious, restive, hopelessly skittish. Never had anybody
> been able to mount him, and only with impatience had he tolerated the presence of the man
> charged with his feeding.
> 
> 'Alí Khán resolved to send this horse to the Báb. "Thus," he told himself, "if my prisoner is able
> to hold himself in the saddle, which nobody has been able to do, then God has wished to show
> me by this sign that he is truly everything he says he is. If, on the contrary, as it certainly will
> come to pass, that the horse unseats and kills his rider, then he is but a false prophet, and I will
> have thus relieved Persia and the Government of a dangerous charlatan at the same time as I
> will be delivered of a costly and annoying guest."
> 
> Every effort in the world was made to saddle the animal. Several grooms were obligated to take
> a hand, and some of them received powerful kicks, so restive was the beast. Finally they
> succeeded in bringing it to the door of the bath. 'Alí Khán ascended the wall of the fortress to
> observe what was going to happen. The villagers seeing this horse, celebrated in the
> neighborhood, saddled and held with great difficulty by several men, understood the intention
> of the Governor and gathered at this place to watch the events which could not fail to produce
> an effect, either one way or the other.
> 
> When the Báb came out of the bath the chief of the servants told him that the Governor, that
> he might avoid having to clamber up the difficult path, had sent him his own horse, along with
> several grooms to honour him.
> 
> The Báb approached the horse which stopped, trembling, caressed it with his hand and his
> words and the compliant beast docilely allowed itself to be mounted. It is even said that the
> restraint which it exercised upon itself was so powerful that an abundant sweat flowed from all
> of its members. The Prophet asked those who held the horse to let go of the reins, and very
> slowly and without incident he proceeded to climb the incline.
> 
> 49In "Bayán-i-fársí" the Báb set forth his teachings pertaining to bathing, cleanliness and purification. In
> 
> váhid VI: báb 2, the Báb approved of bathing, and called for baths to be placed in every dwelling.
> Therein he also praised Christians (Europeans) for their high standards of cleanliness. In váhid VIII: báb
> 6, he set forth his own standards and procedures for cleanliness. In váhid V: báb 14 all previous religious
> injunctions with regard to ritual purity are abrogated, and in váhid VI: báb 2 he states that purification
> is to be effected by means of water, that is, through bathing and ablutions. In váhid X: báb 10 he
> indicates that physical cleanliness in his Dispensation is most pleasing to God, while in váhid IX: bab 10
> he indicates that spiritual purification is effected not through any ritual or act of physical cleanliness but
> through the knowledge and remembrance of God. Hence, in his religion, cleanliness is not just close to
> godliness — it is an integral aspect of godliness, that is, of earning the good-pleasure of God.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         137
> 
> The villagers who were witnesses to this prodigy hurried to the bath and collected the water
> thereof in basins; those who came late took cloths with which they wiped the humidity that was
> left over — they are still relics.50
> 
> 'Alí Khán51 placed himself in front of the Báb, prostating before him, and professed faith in
> him.
> 
> The Báb consented thus to remain at Máh-Kú where he lived for nine months in relative
> freedom, meeting with those who came to see him,52 receiving and sending forth a numerous
> correspondence, writing much.53
> 
> 50In many cultures, including that of the Kurds of Ádhirbáyján and the other inhabitants of Persia, the
> 
> physical objects associated with persons who are believed to be extraordinary or superhuman are
> believed by the generality of the people to be invested with a peculiar and contagious power, which may
> effect cures, extend life and health, improve fertility, and generally make life easier to endure. This
> variety of magic can be witnessed in contemporary cultures, where it is associated with selected political
> leaders, celebrity entertainers, and athletic stars. It is often called "charisma" and, in the U.S.A. this
> wondrous power is often denominated "sex appeal." Nicolas reports this matter in such language that
> one gathers that either he himself or one or more of his informants have actually verified that the Kurds
> of Máh-Kú preserve relics associated with the miraculous powers of the Báb. Of course, if such relics are
> independently reported or actually found in Máh-Kú rather than in Urúmíyyih, this would be positive
> evidence in support of Nicolas' version of this story. It should be noted that ZARANDI's placement of
> this event in Urúmíyyih was described as taking place in 1848, and in Chapter XVIII of his history (as
> translated by Shoghi Effendi). ZARANDI's history is a chronological account according to his own
> testimony: "Yet is my hope to recount, in their chronological order, the chief evetns that have happened
> since the year '60, the year that witnessed the declaration of the Faith by the Báb" ("The Dawn-
> breakers," Preface, p. lxiii). In Chapter XXI, in which ZARANDI describes events in the years 1849 and
> 1850, we find his assertion that "at this stage of my narrative I was privileged to submit to Bahá'u'lláh
> such sections of my works as I had already revised and completed — He vouchsafed me His blessings."
> (ibid. p. 459) It seems likely then that Bahá'u'lláh was read or himself perused ZARANDI's account of
> the story, and that he approved of it. As Bahá'u'lláh was undoubtedly well informed concerning the
> events of this period, the fact that he approved of ZARANDI's account lends further credibility to
> ZARANDI's placement of this event in Urúmíyyih.
> 
> 51Nicolas writes of 'Alí Khán: "Mírzá Jání does not speak of this conversion, the account of which I owe
> 
> to the oral tradition." Nicolas is referring of course to KAF, which he believed to be authored by Mírzá
> Jání Kashání. The oral tradition from this story is derived was probably conveyed to Nicolas by one or
> more of the Azalí Bábí or Bahá'í informants whom Nicolas lists in his bibliography. Nicolas does not
> indicate here to which informant he owes this particular story. This is unfortunate, inasmuch as Mírzá
> Yahya Subh-i-Azal has elsewhere shown himself to be an unreliable chronicler of historical events
> pertaining to the Báb and his fellow Bábís, and if this story is derived from him alone, we would be
> advised to treat it with extreme caution. On the other hand, if it was derived from a more reliable
> informant, it should be treated with greater weight. In any event, this story is not found in JADID,
> ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, ZARANDI, or indeed in any of the manuscript histories of the Bábí movement. Note
> (49) cites ZARANDI's account of 'Alí Khán's recognition of the Báb's superhuman station, by means of a
> miracle of a different kind, a vision later confirmed by a dream.
> 
> 52Nicolas states in a note: "The author of the "Mutanabbi'ín" [`Alí Qulí Mírzá I'tidád al-Saltanih, Kitáb
> 
> al-Mutanabbi'ín] writes: "The Bábís from all the parts of the earth went to Ádhirbáyján, on pilgrimage to
> their chief." ZARANDI (pp. 245, 248) indicates that an unspecified number of Bábís visited the Báb at
> Máh-Kú, and that their numbers increased during his imprisonment (p. 258). JADID (p. 238) described
> these visitors as "great multitudes" (cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 248, n. 1). One of these visitors was
> Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í, who arrived on the fourth Naw-Rúz after the declaration of the Báb, 13 Rabí
> al-Thání 1264 (ZARANDI, pp. 255-256) and departed on the ninth day after Naw-Rúz (ibid. p. 260),
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       138
> 
> The Báb54 himself tells us how his life passed in the prison in which he was held captive. His
> lamentations, so frequent in the "Bayán",55 must, I think, be due to the tightening of discipline
> 
> just eleven days before the Báb left Máh-Kú for Chihríq (ibid. pp. 259-260). Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í was
> instructed by the Báb to visit the Bábís resident in Khuy, Urúmíyyih, Marághih, Mílán, Tabríz, Zanján,
> Qazvín and Tihrán on his way to Mázindarán (ZARANDI, p. 160). Please see Note (48) for the
> significance of this missionary journey.
> 
> 53The continuation of this Chapter Two is found in Chapter VII of the original book by Nicolas.
> 
> 54While at Máh-Kú, the Báb wrote a great number of works. To begin with, a brief description of the
> 
> books he penned during this period of nine months:
> 
> 1] "Dalá'il al-sab'a" (Seven Proofs) in Arabic, of which three manuscripts are extant (MacEoin,
> pp. 87-88, 185), and which has been lithographed (MacEoin, pp. 185, 254).
> 
> 2] "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (Seven Proofs) in Persian, of which there are at least thirteen surviving
> manuscripts (MacEoin, p. 85), which has been lithographed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 33; p. 285),
> printed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 34), twice translated into French (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 35), was
> written in Máh-Kú, as attested by the Báb himself ("Dalá'il-i-sab'ih," p. 67 of lithographed
> edition; cited in MacEoin, p. 86, n. 43), and confirmed by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p.
> 26), Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal (letter to E.G. Browne, 1 October 1889; cited in MacEoin, p. 85,
> n. 37), Balyuzi (p. 132) and MacEoin (p. 86). Nicolas called this Book "the most important of the
> polemical works from the pen of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad" (translation from Nicolas, "Le Livre
> des Sept Preuves de la Mission du Báb," preface, p. i); and Shoghi Effendi described it as "the
> most important of the polemical works of the Báb" ("God Passes By," p. 26). Balyuzi refers to
> this Book (p. 132), as does Amanat (pp. 161, 193, 199, 375, 384).
> 
> 3] Nine commentaries on the entirety of the Qur'án are reported by Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, a
> Bábí convert from the Shaykhí school (ZARANDI, pp. 25-31), who testified that he was
> engaged in transcribing the verses which the Báb dictated to his amanuensis every night for a
> period of nine months. He claims that the Báb revealed a commentary on one "juz'" (thirtieth
> part of the Qur'án) every night, and that, at the end of nine months, nine commentaries on the
> whole of the Qur'án had been completed (ZARANDI, p. 31). According to Shaykh Hasan-i-
> Zunúzí (ibid. pp. 31, 307), the texts of these commentaries were to the keeping of Siyyid
> Ibráhím-i-Khalíl, in Tabríz. Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí told Nabíl (ZARANDI, p. 31) that Siyyid
> Ibráhím-i-Khalíl "was instructed to conceal them until the time for their publication might
> arrive. Their fate is unknown until now." As to the content of these commentaries, Shaykh
> H@asan-i-Zunúzí related the following conversation with the Báb to Nabíl (ZARANDI, p. 31):
> 
> "In connection with one of these commentaries, the Báb one day asked me: 'Which do you
> prefer, this commentary which I have revealed, or the Ahsanu'l-Qisas, My previous
> commentary on the Súrih of Joseph? Which of the two is superior, in your estimation?' 'To me,'
> I replied, 'the Ahsanu'l-Qisas seems to be endowed with greater power and charm.' He smiled at
> my observation and said: 'You are as yet unfamiliar with the tone and tenor of this later
> commentary. The truths enshrined in this will more speedily and effectively enable the seeker to
> attain the object of his quest.'"
> 
> According to Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, the Báb's amanuensis at Máh-Kú, Siyyid Hasan-i-Zunúzí was
> engaged in serving as an intermediary between the followers of the Báb who made the journey to Máh-
> Kú and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, who in turn submitted their petitions to the Báb and returned
> with his responses (ZARANDI, p. 245). Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí stated that, for the first two weeks of the
> Báb's residence at Máh-Kú, the only followers of the Báb who were admitted to his presence, by order of
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        139
> 
> 'Alí Khán, were Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, and his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí (Ibid.). After the
> miraculous conversion of 'Alí Khán (ZARANDI, pp. 246-247), Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, who had been
> barred from the Báb's presence and who was residing in a "masjid" (mosque) on the outskirts of Máh-Kú
> (ZARANDI, pp. 245, 247) was escorted by 'Alí Khán himself into the presence of the Báb. It was
> apparently from this point on, until the departure of the Báb from Máh-Kú, that Shaykh Hasan-i-
> Zunúzí was occupied with transcribing the nine commentaries on the Qur'án revealed by the Báb.
> MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that the Báb may be referring to these commentaries when he writes, in
> "Bayán-i-fársí" (váhid III: báb 16):
> 
> "Thus has the Point of the Bayán [i.e., himself] written three commentaries on the Qur'án."
> (MacEoin, p. 88, n. 51)
> Browne refers to this verse as follows:
> 
> "The Nuqta-i-Bayán has written three Commentaries on the Qur'án; two in the style of verses
> (áyát) throughout, one Commentary on the Súratu'l-Báqara in the form of a scientific treatise."
> ("A Summary of the Persian Bayán," in "Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," p. 348)
> 
> Nicolas has translated this verse as follows:
> 
> C'est ainsi que le point du Béyân a écrit trois commentaires du Qoran, dont deux sont en versets
> jusqu'à la fin et un commentaire sur la sourate de la Vache [Súrat al-báqara] sous forme de
> matières scientifiques." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome II:1913, p. 67)
> 
> This verse can be rendered in this fashion:
> 
> "It is thus that the Point of the Bayán has written three commentaries on the Qur'án, of which
> two are in verses [from beginning] to end and [the third] a commentary upon the Súrah of the
> Cow [Súrat al-báqara] in the form of a scientific treatise."
> 
> It should be noted that, prior to his arrival in Máh-Kú, it is likely that the Báb had already revealed
> commentaries on "Súrat al-báqara" (MacEoin, pp. 201); on "Súrat Yúsuf," also called "Qayyúmu'l-
> Asmá'" (MacEoin, pp. 195-196); on "Súrat al-kawthar" (MacEoin, pp. 71, 201-202); on "Súrat al-qadr"
> (MacEoin, pp. 72, 202); on "Súrat al-'asr" (MacEoin, pp. 76, 202); and on "Súrat al-tawhid" (MacEoin,
> pp. 72, 202). Moojan Momen, in an editorial note related to this verse, has expressed the view that the
> Báb is here referring to the commentaries he had written prior to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú
> (SWEGB, p. 348, n. 1). MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that this verse may refer to three commentaries
> which had been written by the Báb at Máh-Kú at the time of his revealing váhid III of "Bayán-i-fársí".
> Inasmuch as Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí" said that the Báb revealed a commentary on one "juz'" of the
> Qur'án every night of his captivity (ZARANDI, p. 31), we may calculate, based on the number of verses
> in the "juz'" (approximately 206 verses, one thirtieth of 6236 verses, the length of the "Qur'án" as
> attested by MacEoin, p. 15, n. 28) that during the first night the subject of his commentary was "Súrat
> al-fatihah", "Súrat al-báqara" and the beginning of "Súrat al-'imrán"; that during the second night he
> continued with "Súrat al-'imrán"; and that during the third night he completed "Súrat al-'imrán" and
> began "Súrat al-nisa." Hence, after the passage of three nights, the Báb would have completed
> commentaries on three chapters of the Qur'án, namely, "Súrat al-fatihah," "Súrat al-báqara" and "Súrat
> al-'imrán." There is clear agreement between this reasoning and the verse cited from "Bayán-i-fársí"
> (váhid III: báb 16), and it seems likely to the present author that this was Báb's meaning. In any case,
> prior to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú, the Báb had written at least six commentaries on chapters of the
> Qur'án, rather than three, as referred to in this verse. It therefore seems that Momen's explanation is less
> likely.
> 
> 4] "Bayán-i-fársí" was revealed at Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 248; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes
> By," pp. 24-25; MacEoin, pp. 84, 85, 88). Balyuzi (p. 132) indicates only that "Bayán-i-fársí" was
> begun at Máh-Kú, while Amanat (p. 374) states that the Báb compiled parts of "Bayán-i-fársí"
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        140
> 
> at Máh-Kú. There are at least forty-nine extant manuscript copies of this work (MacEoin, pp.
> 84, 181-184). It has been lithographed (MacEoin, p. 183, n. 23; p. 254), with the title "Bayán-i-
> fársí" and the title page of this version reads: Inna 'l-Bayán mi zan min 'inda'lláh ila yawmi man
> yuzhiruhu'lláh. Man ittaba'ahu nur wa man yanharifu 'anhu nar" (n.p., n.d.). Copies of this
> lithographed exemplar are to be found in many research libraries, and on the web
> (http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/Báb/A-F/Bayánf/Bayánf.htm). A manuscript
> copy of this Book is extant in the hand of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, to
> whom it was apparently dictated (Bahá'u'lláh, "Lawh-i-Shaykh," p. 128; cited in MacEoin, p.
> 84, n. 29), now in the International Bahá'í Archives (Balyuzi, p. 132; MacEoin, p. 182). Nabíl-i-
> Zarandí transcribed a copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" which is also extant (MacEoin, p. 182, n. 12). In
> his "Táríkh-i-Nabíl" (ZARANDI, p. 248), he called this Book "the most weighty, the most
> illuminating and comprehensive of all His works". Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 24-25)
> called this work "that monumental repository of the laws and precepts of the new Dispensation
> and the treasury enshrining most of the Báb's references and tributes to, as well as His warning
> regarding, 'Him Whom God will make manifest'...peerless among the doctrinal works of the
> Founder of the Bábí Dispensation". MacEoin (p. 83) identifies it as "the most important work of
> this period — indeed, the central book of the entire Bábí canon". "Bayán-i-fársí" is composed of
> a preface (Nicolas, "Le Béyân Persan," tome I:1911, pp. 1-16) or exordium (SWEGB, p. 322),
> eight chapters individually called "váhid," each composed of nineteen sub-divisions individually
> called "báb," and of a ninth "váhid" composed of ten "abwáb" (plural of "báb"). As has been
> described above, MacEoin (p. 88) has pointed out that in váhid III: báb 16, the Báb refers to
> three Qur'anic commentaries, and MacEoin suggests that as the Báb had completed this
> number of commentaries when the third váhid of "Bayán-i-fársí" was being completed, this may
> indicate that the Báb wrote a váhid of "Bayán-i-fársí" every month that he was imprisoned at
> Máh-Kú. This might explain why the Báb revealed nine váhids instead of nineteen, inasmuch as
> he was in Máh-Kú for nine months. Indeed, the last month spent in Máh-Kú was short, and
> while all other váhids were composed of nineteen abwáb, the ninth váhid was composed only of
> ten abwáb. Nineteen was an important number for the Báb, rich with spiritual significances,
> whereas nine and ten do not seem to have been accorded a particularly outstanding role in his
> writings. Hence, MacEoin's hypothesis seems to fit what we know about the Báb's sojourn in
> Máh-Kú, although there is no conclusive evidence to support this hypothesis. Nicolas translated
> the entirety of "Bayán-i-fársí" into French, and this was published, with an Introduction and
> footnotes as "Le Béyân persan" (Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1911-1914). Selections from
> "Bayán-i-fársí" were translated into English by 1)E.G. Browne and are found in many of his
> articles and books on the Bábí religion; 2)Shoghi Effendi and are found in a number of his
> letters published under Bahá'í auspices; 3)Habib Taherzadeh and a committee appointed by the
> Universal House of Justice, and entitled "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (first edition
> published 1976, reprinted 1978; corrected lightweight ed. (with index), 1982, in Israel: Bahá'í
> World Centre, vii, 235 pp.). A German translation of this last-named collection was published as
> "Der Báb: Eine Auswahl aus Seinen Schriften," 1991, Hofheim-Langenhain, Bahá'í-Verlag ed.).
> The original Arabic and Persian texts used in making this third listed translation under Bahá’í
> auspices were published as "Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Úlá" (Tehran:
> Bahá'í Publishing Committee, 134 B.E./1977-78). Passages in Persian from "Bayán-i-fársí" were
> collected and annotated by Muhammad 'Abdu'l-Karím Isfáhání Na'ím, as "Natijat al-Bayán"
> (Tihrán: Bahá'í Publishing Committee, 105 B.E./1947-48). Also published, under Bahá'í
> auspices and in English was "A Compilation of Passages from the Writings of the Báb" (Manila,
> Philippines:Bahá'í Publishing Trust of the Philippines, 1980; New Delhi: Bahá'í Publishing
> Trust, 1980). A summary of "Bayán-i-fársí" in English was begun by E.G. Browne and
> completed by Moojan Momen, published as 'A Summary of the Persian Bayán', in "Selections
> from the Writings of E. G. Browne on the Bábí and Bahá'í Religions" (George Ronald
> Publisher, 1987, pp. 316-406).
> 
> 5] "Bayán al-'arabíyya" was written in Máh-Kú (MacEoin, p. 85), at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 152),
> or at some time during these two imprisonments (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 25). This
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         141
> 
> Book is composed of a preface (Nicolas, "Le Béyân Arabe," pp. 103-107), and of eleven chapters
> each called "váhid" and each of these chapters in comprised of nineteen sub-divisions
> individually called "báb". If one applies the same method of calculation used by MacEoin with
> regard to "Bayán-i-fársí" one would be tempted to suggest that the Báb composed "Bayán-i-
> 'arabíyya" during an eleven month period. However, the Báb spent nine months at Máh-Kú,
> and about two years at Chihríq, so there is no eleven-month period which would explain the
> length of this work, unless it was begun in Máh-Kú and completed in Chihríq. MacEoin (p. 85)
> describes "Bayán al-'arabíyya": "In spite of its brevity and frequent obscurity, this little book
> does provide us with the most succinct exposition of the laws and doctrines of the Báb in their
> final development." There are at least fifteen manuscripts of "Bayán al-'arabíyya," including an
> incomplete copy allegedly in the hand of the Báb (MacEoin, p. 181). This Book has been
> lithographed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 33; p. 181, n. 6; p. 254), printed (MacEoin, p. 85, n. 34; p.
> 181, n. 3, 4), and twice translated into French (Comte de Gobineau, "Les religions et les
> philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," 1865, appendix; and Nicolas, "Le Béyân arabe. Le livre sacre
> du Bábysme",Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1905). The lithographed version was published under Azali
> auspices (n.p., n.d.) with "Lawh-i-Haykal al-Dín" and a "Tafsír" on two verses of the "Lawh-i-
> Haykal al-Dín"; and the printed version is in 'Abdu'l-Razzaq al-Hasaní, "Al-Bábíyyún wa'l-
> Bahá'íyyún fí hadirihim wa madihim" (Sidon: Matba'at al-'Irfán, 1349/1930-31).
> 
> 6] "Tafsír Du'a al-sabah" (Commentary on the Morning Prayer) was revealed at Máh-Kú at the
> request of Áqá Siyyid Abu'l-Hasan, the son of Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí according to Fádil-i-
> Mázindaráni (ZUHUR, p. 73; cited in MacEoin, p. 98, n. 100), of which there are two
> manuscript copies extant (MacEoin, p. 199).
> 
> 7] "Lawh-i-Shihab al-Dín Siyyid Mahmúd al-Alusi" (Letter to the Muftí of Baghdád), in which
> the Báb claims to be the Mahdí and states that he has abolished Islamic canon law ("sharí'a"), is
> found in a collection of letters published by Muhammad Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawla, in
> "Táríkh al-Bábíyya wa miftah Báb al-abwáb" (Cairo:1903; Persian translation by Hájí Shaykh
> Hasan Faríd Gulpaygání, Tihrán:1968, pp. 212-215; cited in MacEoin, p. 97).
> 
> 8] "Lawh-i-Muhammad Sháh", "the most detailed and illuminating of his Tablets to
> Muhammad Sháh" (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 26) was also written in Máh-Kú (Ibid.;
> MacEoin, p. 94). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 460) indicates that the Báb addressed five Tablets to
> Muhammad Sháh, one each revealed in Búshihr, Isfáhán, Síyíh Duhn, Máh-Kú and Chihríq.
> The "Lawh-i-Muhammad Sháh" revealed in Máh-Kú was written in a mixture of Arabic and
> Persian, and this entire Tablet is cited by Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (pp. 299-304). A single manuscript
> of this letter is preserved in the Bahá'í International Archives (MacEoin, pp. 97, 193), which is
> the basis for the Arabic and Persian text published in "Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i
> Nuqta-yi Úlá" (Tihrán:1977-1978, pp. 13-18; cited in MacEoin, p. 97, n. 93; pp. 193, 254),
> translated into English and published in "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (Haifa:1976,
> pp. 11-17). It is this letter that Nicolas has cited later in this Chapter, in large excerpts, which
> are translated in Note (64). Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 26) describes the contents of this
> Tablet in these words:
> 
> "Prefaced by a laudatory reference to the unity of God, to His Apostles and to the twelve
> Imáms; unequivocable in its assertion of the divinity of its Author and of the supernatural
> powers with which His Revelation had been invested; precise in the verses and traditions it cites
> in confirmation of so audacious a claim; severe in its condemnation of some of the officials and
> representatives of the Sháh's administration, particularly the 'wicked and accursed' Husayn
> Khán; moving in its description of the humiliation and hardships to which its writer had been
> subjected, this historic document resembles, in many of its features, the Lawh-i-Sultán, the
> Tablet addressed, under similar circumstances, from the prison-fortress of 'Akká by Bahá'u'lláh
> to Násiri'd-Dín Sháh, and constituting His lengthiest epistle to any single sovereign."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        142
> 
> according to orders received from time to time from Tihrán. All the historians, the Bábís as
> much as the Muslims, tell us that, despite the severe orders to stop all communications of the
> prisoner with the exterior world, the Báb received a crowd of disciples and strangers in his
> prison.
> 
> Be that as it may — for documents are utterly lacking for this period — the reader will judge
> for himself, if he will take a look at the passages of the "Bayán" which I have collected here:56
> 
> 55The Báb indeed refers to his imprisonment at Máh-Kú in various passages of "Bayán-i-fársí" including
> 
> váhid II: báb 1, báb 2, báb 5, báb 7, báb 16; váhid III: báb 17, báb 18, báb 19; váhid IV: báb 12, báb
> 16; váhid V: báb 13; váhid VI: báb 7, báb 8, báb 15; váhid VII: 15. Please see E.G. Browne's 'A
> Summary of the Persian Bayán' ("Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne," pp. 316-406 passim.)
> and Nicolas' translation of "Bayán-i-fársí" ("Le Béyân Persan," tomes I-IV:1911-1914) for English and
> French versions of these verses.
> 
> 56The collection of passages cited here (and enumerated by Roman numerals in brackets) represent
> 
> Nicolas' translations of passages from "Bayán-i-fársí" and as they were published in "Seyyed Ali
> Mohammed dit le Báb" in 1905, they predate his publication of "Le Béyân Persan" in four volumes
> (1911-1914). Each of the passages will be cited as follows — in the main text, an English rendering of the
> text found in "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb"; in the endnote, the English version of the
> retranslation of this same text. Hopefully this will provide the reader with an improved understanding of
> the subtleties involved in translating the Báb's language.
> 
> [I] "How ignorant you are, O My creatures, who all, wherever you are, and in relationship to
> Me, imagine yourselves being in My good-pleasure; and these verses which prove Me, these
> verses from My power, of which the treasure is its very nature and which He recites with My
> permission, you have, contrary to any right, relegated Him to a mountain, in a place where the
> inhabitants are not worthy of being mentioned. In His presence, which is in My presence, there
> is nobody other than one of the Letters of the Living of My book; in His hands, which is in My
> hands, during the night, there is not even a lamp! And this notwithstanding that in these seats
> (Seats here is used in a general sense and particularly means mosques), which degree by degree,
> return to Him, there is an infinite number of lamps from which the light shines. Everything on
> the earth is created for Him, and it is from Him that all derive their happiness. And yet all have
> remained ignorant of Him, even refusing Him a lamp!" (váhid II: báb 1)
> [II] "He has henceforth appeared in the very midst of Islám but all, opposing Him, claim
> precisely the title of Muslim, and without any right have relegated Him to the mountain of
> Máh-Kú." (váhid II: báb 7)
> 
> [III] "Hence this room (in which I am found), which has neither doors nor precise boundaries, is
> today the highest of the chambers of Paradise, for the Tree of Truth inhabits it. One would say
> that all the atoms of this room sing in a voice that says: 'In truth! I am God! There is no other
> God but Me, the Lord of all things.'" (váhid II: báb 16)
> 
> [IV] "The fruit of this door [báb] is that: At the moment that the manifestation of Him Whom
> God shall become manifest he [the believer] will understand from that very moment that this
> was ordained by His works [Writings] as it is for He Himself.
> "That at least what has happened today will not happen then, when copies of the Qur'án valued
> at a thousand tumans are innumerable among Muslims, while He Who caused it to descend is
> imprisoned upon a mountain, in a room the walls of which are made of plain brick. And this
> even though, everywhere He was, that place is the 'arsh of God, be it at the highest degree of
> grandeur, be it crouching in the dust." (váhid III: báb 19)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          143
> 
> [I] "Oh! such is your blindness, O My creature! That which you do, you do it thinking
> that in doing so you content Me!57 And despite these verses which prove Me for Myself,
> these verses which flow from My power and of which the treasure is the very being of
> this Person (the Báb), despite these verses which do not leave His mouth without My
> permission, see that, without any sort of right, you have put Him on the summit of a
> mountain of which the inhabitants are not even worthy to be mentioned. Near Him,
> which is near to Me, there is nobody, except for one of the Letters of the Living of My
> book. Between His two hands, which are My two hands, there is not even a servant, to
> light, at night, the lamp. And yet the men who are on the earth have not been created
> except for His existence; it is by His benevolence that they are happy, and they do not
> even give Him a light!" [Unity II:Door 1]
> 
> [II]"The fruit (of the Islamic religion) is to believe in the manifestation (of the Báb) and
> He is imprisoned at Máh-Kú!" [Unity II:Door 7]
> 
> 57Nicolas asserts: "As strange as this might appear, this passage is not addressed in any way to the Bábís;
> 
> on the contrary, it is the Muslims whom our author or rather God here summons to respond. In effect,
> as we will see later, in the second volume of this study—see Note (63) — one may also consult the "Book
> of the Seven Proofs" ["Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"] on this subject, that every "nation of a prophet" acts only, in its
> religious acts, with the intention of satisfying God and of pleasing Him. But, one cannot satisfy God
> except in satisfying His Prophet. And the Muslims do not want to recognize in the Báb the Mahdí
> promised by Muhammad. This refusal of obedience is unacceptable, for God, having summarily effaced
> the teaching of Muhammad, has replaced it with that of the Báb. The Báb is thus the current Prophet,
> for Whom the world was created. Thus, a Muslim who acts in order to satisfy God must act in reality in
> order to satisfy whom? The Báb." In this note, Nicolas has not explained the teaching of the Báb on this
> subject in all of its implications. In his writings the Báb does not merely refer to the abrogation of the law
> of the Qur'án by the law of the Bayán. In fact, he refers repeatedly to this phenomenon as it is repeated
> in many Dispensations, including the abrogation of the Torah by Jesus, the abrogation of the Gospel by
> Muhammad, and, in the future, the abrogation of the Bayán by the Book of "Him Whom God shall
> manifest". In particular this latter abrogation is of consequence, inasmuch as the Báb warns his followers
> not to miss the appearance of his prophetic successor, and to be especially careful not to harm "Him
> Whom God shall manifest" in any way. Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 444) indicates that "Him Whom God
> shall manifest" is mentioned 300 times in "Bayán-i-fársí" and 80 times in "Bayán al-'arabíyya". Fariba
> Ghayebi (email 26/2/02) remarked after having skimmed through "Bayán-i-fársí" that nearly every
> váhid contains a warning from the Báb not to miss the appearance of "Him Whom God shall manifest".
> A few of these passages, taken from the very same locations already cited by Nicolas, will be given here
> to illustrate this vital point.
> 
> "The final judgement of the Bayán will take place with the appearance of Him Whom God shall
> manifest. Today, in effect, the Bayán is in the station of seed, and, in the beginning of the
> appearance of Him Whom God shall manifest, it will be at its ultimate perfection." ("Le Béyân
> Persan," tome I:1911, p. 69; váhid II: báb 7)
> 
> "This is said so that the believers in the Bayán will understand that they must not do with their
> Master [Him Whom God shall manifest] as the believers in the Qur'án have done with theirs
> [the Báb]." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome II:1913, p. 73; váhid III; báb 19)
> 
> "It is ordained that once every nineteen days, one must read this door [báb] that thereby in the
> day of the appearance of Him Whom God shall manifest, they will not remain ignorant of the
> verses which were and which remain the greatest of the arguments and of the testimonies [in
> support of the Prophet of God]." ("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913, p. 102; váhid VI: báb 8)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        144
> 
> [III]"All that belongs to the man of Paradise is in Paradise. This solitary room (in which
> I am) and which does not even have a door is today the greatest of the gardens of
> Paradise, for the Tree of the Truth is planted therein. All the atoms which compose it
> cry: 'In truth, there is no other god but God! In truth, I am God, and there is no other
> god but Me the Lord of the Universe!'" [Unity II:Door 16]
> 
> [IV]"The fruit of this door [báb] is that men seeing that it is permitted to do all that for
> the "Bayán" (spending so much money), which is only the trace of Him Whom God
> shall manifest, must pay attention to what they must do for Him Whom God shall
> manifest when He will appear, so that it will not happen (to him) what happens (to me)
> today. That is to say that there are in the world many [copies of the] Qur'án worth a
> thousand tomans, while He Who makes verses descend (the Báb) is put on a mountain,
> in a room built of bricks dried in the sun. And furthermore this room is the 'arsh (ninth
> heaven,58 dwelling-place of the Divinity) itself." [Unity III:Door 19]
> 
> In Unity IX:Door 2 [Bayán-i-fársí], he remarks that they paid him the greatest respect when he
> was simply a Siyyid, and that it is from the moment that he manifested himself as sent by God
> that they began to overpower him with injuries and insults.59
> 
> In Unity VI:Door 8, he again reproaches Muslims for having awaited the Mahdí with
> impatience, only to imprison him as soon as he appeared.60
> 
> It is furthermore in the same order of ideas that, when sequestered at Máh-Kú, he addressed a
> long letter to the Sháh (Muhammad Sháh) which we are going to analyze here.
> 
> 58The identification of "'arsh" (throne of God) is with "His seat" [kursíyyuhu] found in the Qur'án, Súrat
> 
> al-Báqarah, II:255:
> 
> wa si'a kursíyyahu al-samawati wa'l-arda
> "His throne is as vast as the heavens and the earth."
> 
> Nicolas' association of "'arsh" in this passage of "Bayán-i-fársí" with the ninth heaven is of unknown
> provenance.
> 
> 59Nicolas has misattributed this reference, inasmuch as a comparison of E.G. Browne's "A Summary of
> 
> the Persian Bayán" (SWEGB, p. 403) and of Nicolas' translation ("Le Béyân Persan," tome IV:1914, pp.
> 143-145) indicates that "Bayán-i-fársí" does not mention this subject in váhid IX: báb 2. Nor is this
> theme found in Nicolas' translation of "Bayán al-'arabíyya" ("Le Béyân Arabe," p. 197) in the same
> location (váhid IX: báb 2).
> 
> 60Checked against Nicolas' translation ("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913), we find that this reference is
> 
> embodied in these words:
> 
> "As for example (the Muslims), who read every day the prayer of the 'Ahd Namah' (prayer made
> by the Imáms specially for the manifestation of the Imám Mahdí) and, by the very fact that they
> have too often repeated 'Al-hajal! Al-hajal!' ('Hasten! Hasten' the arrival of the Mahdí), they
> have been mistaken in their desires and have believed that they loved the Imám Mahdí. When,
> in actuality, over three years have passed since the order of God (the Imám Mahdí) manifested
> himself, and here it is that the One Who was your aim you have locked up on a mountain. And
> yet, he did not manifest himself except with this very proof, upon which is based all of Islám."
> ("Le Béyân Persan," tome III:1913, pp. 102-103; váhid VI: báb 8)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     145
> 
> The document begins, like almost all the literary documents of the Báb, with an exalted praise
> of the Divine Unity. The Báb continues by praising, as is agreeable to him, Muhammad and
> the twelve Imáms, who, as we will see in the second volume of this work,61 are the cornerstones
> of the "Bayán":62
> 
> "And I affirm," he cried, "that all that is in this world of possibilities other than them is
> before them nothing but absolute nothingness, and if one can mention it, this all, it is
> but like the shadow of a shadow. I ask pardon from God for the limits which I have just
> assigned to them, for in truth the last degree of the praises that one can render is to
> recognize, in front of them, that one can not render them."
> 
> "It is why God created Me from such clay as no one has been created of a similar clay.
> And God gave me what the wise men in their knowledge cannot comprehend, what
> nobody can know except to be completely annihilated before one sign from among my
> signs."
> 
> "Know, that is truth, I am a column of the First Word: this Word that whoever has
> know it has known God in His entirety and has entered into the universal good.
> Whoever has not wished to know it has remained ignorant of God and has entered into
> universal evil. I swear by your God, the Master of the two worlds, the one who lives here
> below for as long as nature permits, and who remains all of his life the bondsman of
> God in the works of good embraced by the knowledge of God, if there is in his heart any
> animosity towards me, be this so little that God only can comprehend it, then all the
> good works and all his piety are without utility and God looks at him only with the
> glance of chastisement, and that one is among those who die. God has fixed all good
> which He Himself recognizes as good in the work of obeying me, and all the evil that
> He knows in the act of disobeying me. In truth, today I see, in the rank that I hold, all
> that I have just said and the people of my love and of my obedience in the highest
> dwelling-places of the heavens, while my enemies are plunged into the depths of the fire!
> 
> "If in my existence, I swear, I had not been obliged to accept being the Hujjat63 of God,
> I would not have warned you!"
> 
> As we see, the Báb continues here very clearly and renews the affirmations of the "Kitáb
> bayna'l-haramayn". He adds nothing, but also retracts nothing:
> 
> "I then," he says, "I am this Point from which all that exists found existence. I am this
> countenance of God which does not die, I am this Light which is not extinguished. The
> one who knows me is accompanied by all good, the one who pushes me behind him by
> all evil."
> 
> 61Nicolas refers once again to the second volume of "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb" which has yet to
> 
> be identified, and must be presumed unpublished.
> 
> 62The Tablet to Muhammad Sháh which is cited by Nicolas at this point in his text is that described in
> 
> note (56), part 8]. For an English translation of portions of this Tablet from the Persian, please see
> "Selections from the Writings of the Báb" (pp. 11-17).
> 
> 63"Hujjatu'lláh" means the "Proof of God". It is one of the names of the Imám Mahdí.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                   146
> 
> "In truth, Moses, when he asked God what he asked (he wanted to see God), God
> radiated upon the mountain, with the light of one of the followers of 'Alí,64 and, as the
> hadíth explains "this light, I swear by God, was my light." Do you not see that the
> numeral value of the letters which compose my name is equal to the numerical value of
> those which compose the word Rabb (Lord)? And did not God say in the Qur'án: "And
> when your Lord will radiate upon the mountain" (68)?65
> 
> The Báb continues to relate the prophecies found in the Qur'án and in some hadíth on the
> subject of the manifestation of the Mahdí. He reports the famous hadíth of Mufaddal,66 which is
> one of the strongest arguments for the truth of his mission.
> 
> In the Qur'án it is said [Súrah 32, verse 4]: "God conducts the affairs (of the world) from
> heaven to earth and then (all) returns to Him in the day the duration of which is one thousand
> years of our reckoning".67
> 
> On the one hand, the last Imám disappeared in the year 260 Hijri,68 and it is at this moment
> that the [Muhammadan] prophetic manifestation was terminated and that "the door of
> knowledge was closed".
> 
> When Mufaddal asked the Imám as-Sádiq about the signs for the arrival of the Mahdí, the
> Imám replied: "He will manifest himself in the year sixty and his name shall be elevated."
> Which means in the year 1260, precisely that of the manifestation of the Báb.
> 
> "I swear by God," Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad says on this subject, "I did not take lessons
> and my education was that of a merchant. In the year 60 [1260 A.H.] my heart was
> filled with manifest verses, certain knowledge and the testimony of God. And I
> proclaimed my mission in that very year."
> 
> "And that very year I sent you a messenger (Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í), the conveyer of a
> Book so that the Government could act as it should towards the Hujjat (please see Note
> 65). But the Will of God was that civil wars rise up that they might deafen the ears, blind
> the eyes, and harden the hearts, and it is for this reason that this messenger was not
> allowed to come before you. Those who considered themselves patriots opposed us and
> until today almost four years have passed69 without anyone speaking the truth on the
> question."
> 
> 64'Alí here is the Imám'Alí.
> 
> 65Súratu'l-A'ráf, 7:143: falammá tajallí rabbuha lil-jabali
> 
> 66Hadíth of Mufaddal.
> 
> 67Súratu'l-Sajdat, 32:5: yudabbiru'l-amra mina'l-samá'í ilá'l-ardi thumma ya'ruju ilayri fí yawmin kána
> 
> miqdáruha alfa manatin mimmá ta'udúna
> 
> 68Disappearance of the Imám Mahdí in the year 260 Hijra.
> 
> 69Four years, 1844-1848.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                    147
> 
> "And now, as my time is near, as my work is divine work and not human, this is why I
> have written you briefly."
> 
> "I swear by God! If you only knew what has happened to me during these four years
> from your funtionaries and your delegates! If you knew it, the fear of God would impede
> the passing of the breath which exhales at this moment from your lips, unless you were
> to adopt the aim of entering into the obedience to the order of the Hujjat, and to
> immediately repair what went wrong."
> 
> "I was in Shíráz, and from this awful and evil governor I suffered tyrannies such that if
> you only knew the least part thereof, by your justice you would exercise against him the
> punishment of the talion, for his violence attracted the punishment of heaven until the
> day of judgment upon the extent of the Empire. This very arrogant and always drunken
> man did not given a single sign of the imprint of intelligence. I was forced to leave
> Shíráz and I directed myself towards Tihrán to go see you, but the late Mu'tamidu'd-
> Dawlih understood the truth of my mission and was among those exercized deference
> towards the elect of the Lord."
> 
> "Some ignorant ones of the city started a riot, and that is why I sequestered myself in the
> Sadr palace at the moment that the Mu'tamid died. May God reward him! There is no
> doubt that the cause of his leaving the fire of hell is because of what he did for me."
> 
> "Then Gurgin caused me to voyage for seven nights with five individuals, without
> anything that is necessary for a voyage and with a thousand lies and a thousand
> violences. Alas! Alas, for that which happened to me! Finally the Sultán70 ordained that
> I be directed towards Máh-Kú, without even giving me a mount which I might ride!
> Alas! Alas, that what happened to me happened! Finally I came to this village71 of which
> all the inhabitants are ignorant and vulgar. Ah! I swear by God, if you knew in what
> place I reside, the first who would have pity on me would be you! It is a little fort, at the
> summit of a mountain, and it is to your benevolence that I owe such a dwelling-place!
> Those who inhabit it are two men and four dogs! Think of how I pass my time!"
> 
> "I thank God, as He should be thanked, and I swear by God that the one who
> imprisoned me here is content with what he did. And yet, if he knew with whom he
> acted in this way, he would never again be happy."
> 
> "And now, I tell you a secret: this man imprisoned (in my person) all the Prophets, all
> the saints and he who has been embraced by the knowledge of God. And there has not
> remained a single kind of suffering under which I have not trembled."
> 
> "When I learned of the order which you had given (to conduct me to Máh-Kú), I wrote
> to the Sadr A'zam: "Kill me and sent my head wherever you wish, for to live without sin
> and to go where sinners are cannot suit me." He did not reply to me with anything: and
> I am convinced that he did not know the truth of the question, for to sorrow without
> any reason the hearts of the believers male and female is worse than destroying the
> house of God."
> 70"Sultán" is an Arabic word, which refers in this case to the Sháh of Írán, the King of Persia.
> 
> 71Village of Chihríq.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       148
> 
> "And, I swear by God, today I am the true house of God. All good attaches to this, that
> someone does me good, for it is as if he did good to God, to His angels, to His friends.
> But perhaps God and His friends are too far elevated for the good and the evil of
> anyone arrive at the dust of Their threshhold, but that which happens to God happens
> to me. I swear by God, he who imprisoned me, has imprisoned himself, and only that
> which God has ordained happens to me. Then alas! Alas for him whose hand allowed
> evil to escape, and very happy is he who lavishes the good."
> 
> Finally, and to sum up this long missive, the Báb writes:
> 
> "The other question is the matter of this lower world. The late Mu'tamidu'd-Dawlih,
> one night, caused all of his assistants and even Hájí Mullá Ahmad to retire, and then he
> said to me: 'I know very well that all that I acquired, I acquired by violence, and it
> belongs to Sáhib al-Zamán. I therefore give it all to you, for you are the Master of Truth
> and I ask you permission to become its possessor.' He took off even a ring and gave it to
> him and sent him off in possession of all of his goods. God is witness to what I say here,
> and His testimony suffices."
> 
> "I do not want a Dínár72 of these goods," adds the Báb, "but it is for you73 to ordain was
> seems good to you. But as for all disagreements God has Himself ordained the testimony
> of two witnesses, from the midst of all the wise men, therefore cause Áqá Siyyid Yahya74
> and Akhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Khaliq75 to be present. They will show you and explain to
> you my verses and from this meeting there will survive only one single thing, which is
> the perfection of my testimony."
> 
> "From these two persons, one knew me before my manifestation, the other afterwards;
> both know me very well, and this is why I have chosen them."
> 
> And the letter ends with kabbalistic proofs76 and ahadíth.77
> 
> 72Dínár is a Persian currency.
> 
> 73Here the Báb is referring to the Sháh, the recipient of his letter.
> 
> 74Áqá Siyyid Yahya—this appears to be a reference to Siyyid Yahya Darabí.
> 
> 75Akhúnd Mullá 'Abdu'l-Khaliq—unidentified person.
> 
> 76"Kabbalistic proofs" in this instance refers to 'ilm al-jabr, or 'ilm al-hurúf, also called gematria, the
> 
> computation of hidden meanings through the comparison of words having the same numerical values,
> with each letter in the Arabic/Persian alphabet representing a number.
> 
> 77"Ahadith" is the plural form of "hadith", denoting the oral traditions associated with the words and
> 
> actions of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions, and, for the Ithna ‘Asharí Imámís, the words
> and actions of the twelve Imáms.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       149
> 
> Chapter Five
> 
> Imprisonment at Chihríq — Trial and Execution at Tabríz — Concealment and
> Burial
> 
> Hence, the Báb was much vexed in his prison and he remained there for a relatively long
> time(1), because the document which we have just cited is dated 1264(2), and the execution of the
> martyr did not take place until 27 Sha'bán of the year 1266(3).
> 
> (1)The Báb was imprisoned at Máh-Kú for nine months (ZARANDI, p. 259; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 12; KAF,
> 
> p. 129 — cited Amanat, p. 374, n. 9), and he departed for Chihríq twenty days after Naw-Rúz
> (ZARANDI, p. 259), the fourth Naw-Rúz after his declaration, corresponding to the "hijra" year 1264
> (ZARANDI, pp. 255-256). Since the eve of Naw-Rúz was on the thirteenth day of Rabí' al-Thání of that
> year (ZARANDI, pp. 255-256), then the twentieth day after Naw-Rúz must have landed on the fourth
> day of Jamádi al-Úlá 1264. Amanat (p. 380) gives precisely this date, with its Gregorian equivalent of 10
> April 1848. Another conversion of this date is 8 April 1848, based on these two date converters:
> http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi
> http://www.ori.unizh.ch/hegira.html
> Nine months prior to this date would place his arrival at Máh-Kú during the month of Sha'bán in the
> year 1263, corresponding to 15 July 1847 to 12 August 1847:
> http://www.ori.unizh.ch/hegira.html
> Or to 14 July 1847 to 11 August 1847:
> http://www.cs.pitt.edu/~tawfig/convert/convert.cgi
> 
> (2)The Báb could have written this Tablet to Muhammad Sháh from Máh-Kú at any time during the last
> 
> five months of 1263 — Sha'bán, Ramadán, Shawwál, Dhi'l-Qa'dih, Dhi'l-Hijjih, and the first four
> months of 1264 — Muharram, Safar, Rabí' al-Awwal, Rabí' al-Thání and Jamádi al-Awwal. Nicolas'
> dating of this Tablet in 1264 is entirely probable, although not proven beyond a reasonable doubt.
> 
> (3)The date of the Báb's death is reported in ZARANDI (p. 517), ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 27), and AVARIH
> 
> (volume I, p. 245; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 114) as the twenty-eighth of Sha'bán 1266. ZARANDI (p.
> 517) states that it took place at noon, while ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 27) affirms that it occurred before noon.
> In his dispatch to Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, dated 22 July 1850 (F.O. 60/152;
> cited Balyuzi, pp. 202, 241), Lt.-Col. Sheil reported the martyrdom of the Báb but seems to have
> omitted the date of this event. At the time of the execution of the Báb, R.W. Stevens, the British consul
> then serving in Tabríz was absent from the city, having left his brother George Stevens in charge;
> George did not report this event to Lt.-Col. Sheil, who seems to have been informed through some other
> channel (Balyuzi, p. 202).
> 
> On 24 July R.W. Stevens returned to Tabríz and promptly filed a report of the execution to Sheil (F.O.
> 248/142; cited Balyuzi, pp. 202, 241; Amanat, p. 402, n. 114). Amanat (p. 402, n. 114) notes that R.W.
> Stevens reported that the Báb's martyrdom took place on 27 Sha'bán 1266/8 July 1850, but casts doubt
> on the British consul's positive knowledge of the event, inasmuch as he was not present in Tabríz at the
> time of its occurrence. Amanat (p. 402, n. 114) notes that SIPIHR (volume III, p. 305; cited Amanat, p.
> 402, n. 114) also reports this event as occurring on 27 Sha'bán 1266, but that this chronicler mistakenly
> identifies 27 Sha'bán/8 July as a Monday, while ZARANDI (p. 517) correctly identifies 28 Sha'bán/9
> July as a Sunday, and he reasons that this makes the Bábí/Bahá'í dating more reliable than the Muslim
> report and British diplomatic report. It might also be noted that ZARANDI (pp. 507-508) relates the
> testimony of the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid Husayn Yazdí, with regard to the night just prior to the Báb's
> martyrdom, and it seems entirely unlikely that so devoted a disciple could have mistaken the date of his
> Master's martyrdom. Various eye-witness reports of the martyrdom of the Báb were collected and
> translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh and his brother Kazem Kazemzadeh and published as "The Báb:
> Accounts of His Martyrdom," in "World Order" (Fall 1973).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        150
> 
> However the execution was preceded by a change of prison — he was made to leave Máh-Kú
> for Chihríq(4). Mírzá Taqí Khán(5), the Amír Nizám(6) who was then the Prime Minister, seeing
> 
> (4)The date of the Báb's departure from Máh-Kú for Chihríq has been cited in Note (1), as 4 Jamádi al-
> 
> Úlá 1264/8 or 10 April 1848. Since Chihríq is approximately eighty miles southwest of Máh-Kú, it
> seems likely that the Báb would have arrived in Chihríq a few days later, at the latest about 9 Jamádi al-
> Úlá 1264/13 or 15 April 1848. MacEoin (p. 82) indicates that the Báb departed Máh-Kú on 9 April
> 1848, and arrived at Chihríq at the beginning of Jamádi al-Thání 1264/early May 1848. It is entirely
> improbable that this journey would have taken an entire month. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered that Ridá-
> Qulí Khán-i-Afshár lead the escort of the Báb from Máh-Kú to Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 134). For
> information about his father, Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár, please see note (12). Ridá-Qulí Khán was
> married, through the intervention of his father, to the daughter of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí (Balyuzi, p. 13-
> 14). This chief of the Báb's escort was attracted to his charge during the journey from Máh-Kú to
> Chihríq (MU'IN, pp. 169-172; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 192) and subsequently became a zealous Bábí
> (Balyuzi, pp. 134-135; Amanat, p. 247, n. 250). MU'IN (pp. 173-176; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 194) also
> reports that Ridá-Qulí Khán was deprived of his family estate at Sa'in Qala by his anti-Bábí father, and
> then poisoned by his son, motivated also by religious enmity.
> 
> The transfer of the Báb from Máh-Kú to Chihríq is reported by ZARANDI (p. 259) to have been
> motivated by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's "fear and resentment" over the influence exercised by the Báb over his
> jailer, 'Alí Khán of Máh-Kú. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) reports that the Báb was moved because of the
> entreaties of the "accomplished" Muslim clerics of Ádhirbáyján. Amanat (p. 378, n. 23) indicates that
> Prince Dolgorukov, the Russian minister in Tihrán from 1845 to 1854 (MacEoin, p. 170, n. 63), in a
> dispatch dated 4 February 1848 to the Foreign Minister of the Czar, reported that the Báb was
> transferred away from the Russian border, i.e. from Máh-Kú to Chihríq, during the previous year, in
> 1847. It seems likely that the Báb was not transferred until April 1848, but perhaps Prince Dolgorukov
> was informed of the decision to transfer the Báb prior to its taking effect. In any case, it appears from
> this dispatch that one of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's motivations for effecting the removal of his prisoner from
> Máh-Kú to Chihríq may have been to calm the fears of the Czar's representative at court that the Báb's
> presence in that location might result in civil unrest and that its consequences might cross over the
> border into the Russian Empire. Chihríq was chosen for the Báb's imprisonment because the governor
> of the fortress and chief Khán (leader) in the region was Yahya Khán Shakaki, a Naqshbandí Súfí, the
> brother of Muhammad Sháh's favorite wife and an ally of Hájí Mírzá Áqásí (Amanat, p. 380, n. 33).
> ZARANDI (p. 301) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 13) call him simply "Yahya Khán the Kurd", and
> ZARANDI (p. 301) also reports that his sister was the mother of Náyibu's-Saltanih, one of the daughters
> of Muhammad Sháh — this would likewise identify his sister as one of Muhammad Sháh's wives.
> According to ZARANDI (p. 302), Yahya Khán was transformed through his contact with the Báb, as
> were the Kurdish inhabitants of the village of Chihríq, and those of Iskí-Shahr, an hour's distance from
> the fortress. Soon after the death of Muhammad Sháh, his Grand Vazír, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí was deposed,
> and Násiri'd-Dín Sháh appointed Mírzá Taqí Khán the new Grand Vazír. According to 'Abbás Mírzá
> Mulk Ara (in "Sharh-i Hal," Tihrán:1946, p. 17; cited Amanat, p. 380, n. 33), shortly after Hájí Mírzá
> Áqásí's fall from power, Yahya Khán was summoned to Tabríz and imprisoned there, apparently
> because of his relationship with the former Grand Vazír. This would indicate that Yahya Khán was not
> governor of Chihríq during the last period of the Báb's imprisonment in that fortress. The last reference
> to Yahya Khán in ZARANDI (p. 322) is immediately upon the Báb's return to Chihríq after the trial in
> Tabríz, which probably occurred in August 1848, a month prior to Muhammad Sháh's passing and Hájí
> Mírzá Áqásí's disgrace. Please see the next paragraph for details. It should be noted that there is another
> Yahya Khán in this story, an attendant of 'Abbás Mírzá Sháh and of his son Muhammad Sháh (Balyuzi,
> p. 149). He was a resident of Tabríz, and the father of Hájí Sulaymán Khán (‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 28;
> Balyuzi, p. 149). Balyuzi reports (p. 149) that it was intended that Hájí Sulaymán Khán follow his father
> in service to the court, but that instead he went to the 'Atabat, where he studied with Siyyid Kázim
> Rashtí. Subsequently he embraced the Cause of the Báb, and visited his Master at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         151
> 
> 149). ZARANDI (pp. 518-519) reports that Hájí Sulaymán Khán tried to effect the deliverance of the
> Báb, but arrived in Tabríz on the second day after the Báb's execution. ZARANDI (p. 519) and
> ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 28) indicate that Hájí Sulaymán Khán was instrumental in the initial retrieval and
> safeguarding of the mortal remains of Anís and the Báb, and ZARANDI (pp. 519-520) indicates that
> Hájí Sulaymán Khán reported the details of this matter to Bahá'u'lláh in Tihrán.
> 
> According to ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14), the Muslim clerics of Tabríz wrote to the government in Tihrán
> after the Báb had been in residence at Chihríq for three months. Three months after the Báb's arrival,
> which probably occurred about 9 Jamádi al-Úlá, would fall on 9 Sha'bán. ZARANDI (p. 301) reports
> that the Báb was brought to Tabríz towards the end of Sha'bán. Is there any conflict between these two
> dates? Not at all. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 14) reports that subsequent to the appeal of the clerics of Tabríz
> to Tihrán, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí ordered the Báb to be taken from Chihríq to Tabríz to be examined by the
> 'ulamá' . It would have taken some days for the message of the 'ulamá' to reach Tihrán, for the edict of
> the Grand Vazír to reach Chihríq, and then for the Báb to be conducted via Urúmíyyih to Tabríz. The
> Báb's imprisonment at Chihríq, which began in early Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/April 1848, was interrupted
> by his journey to Tabríz in Sha'bán 1264/July 1848 (Amanat, p. 387; Balyuzi, p. 139). MacEoin (p. 82)
> dates this journey in Sha'bán 1264 but later in that month, in August 1848 (the only day of Sha'bán
> which fell in August is the 1st — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 301, n. 1), probably calculating the
> Báb's three months imprisonment at Chihríq from an arrival date of Jamádi al-Thání 1264/May 1848.
> Balyuzi (p. 147) dates the Báb's return to Chihríq in early August 1848, which must have corresponded
> to Ramadán 1264. Amanat (p. 394) indicates that the death of Muhammad Sháh took place less than
> two months after the Báb's trial in Tabríz. Balyuzi (p. 147) reports the date of Muhammad Sháh's death
> as 4 September 1848, while Amanat (p. 394) states only that this monarch died in September 1848.
> Hence, it appears that scarcely a month separated the return of the Báb to Chihríq and the death of
> Muhammad Sháh.
> 
> Whatever the duration of this interval, ZARANDI (p. 323) reports that the Báb wrote "Khutbiy-i-
> Qahríyyih" to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí immediately after his return to Chihríq; that Mullá Muhammad 'Alí-i-
> Zanjání, known as Hujjat (proof) personally delivered that Tablet to the Grand Vazír; and that
> Bahá'u'lláh recalled the circumstances of that delivery as they had been related to him by Hujjat himself,
> shortly after the fact. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí must have received this epistle shortly before the death of
> Muhammad Sháh and just prior to his own fall from power.
> 
> KAF (p. 132; cited MacEoin, p. 92, n. 70) included "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" among the letters written to
> Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí during the Báb's imprisonment at Chihríq. Balyuzi (p. 147)
> states that Hájí Mírzá Áqásí had already fallen from power when Hujjat delivered the Báb's letter to him
> in Tihrán. This is entirely unlikely given Bahá'u'lláh's account of the meeting between Hujjat and the
> Grand Vazír.
> 
> MacEoin (p. 92, n. 73) notes that "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" can be dated from a reference in the text
> (INBMC 64, p. 140) to the forty months that had transpired since the Báb wrote Hájí Mírzá Áqásí for
> the first time. MacEoin (p. 58) cites the first letter of the Báb to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí as having been written
> most likely in 1844, and affirms that two manuscripts of this letter have survived (MacEoin, p. 192). The
> Báb meticulously listed all of his writings from 1 Muharram 1260/22 January 1844 to 15 Muharram
> 1262/14 January 1846 in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (cited MacEoin, pp. 50-52), and no mention is made therein
> of a letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí. However, the Báb wrote "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" during this period, as is
> attested by "Kitáb al-fihrist" and other independent sources — ZARANDI (p. 61), JADID (p. 39),
> ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 4) — and copies of this work were conveyed by Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í to
> Muhammad Sháh and Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in 1260/1844 according to the Báb's Tablet to Muhammad
> Sháh from Máh-Kú, cited in the previous Chapter. Forty months prior to August 1848 would have
> fallen around April 1845, and certainly by that date Hájí Mírzá Áqásí would have received a copy of
> "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'". It is also possible that "Kitáb al-fihrist" is not a complete record of the Báb's
> writings during this period, and that he may have written a letter directly to the Grand Vazír subsequent
> to his pilgrimage, from Búshihr, in April 1845. Inasmuch as the Báb is writing "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" to
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          152
> 
> Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in August 1848, he may have been referring to one of the "khutub" he wrote as he was
> returning to Shíráz after his pilgrimage, which are listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51) and briefly
> described by MacEoin (p. 63). According to "Khutba al-Jidda" (cited MacEoin, p. 48, n. 25), the Báb
> sailed for Írán after the completion of his pilgrimage on 4 March 1845, arriving at Búshihr about two
> and a half months later, circa 19 May 1845. During this voyage, the Báb's vessel would undoubtedly
> have put into port a number of times, and it may well have docked at a port in southern Írán, such as
> Bandar Abbas, in the strait of Hormuz and opposite the modern kingdom of Oman, in April 1845, forty
> weeks prior to the writing of "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" in August 1848. Indeed, Amanat (p. 241) states that
> the Báb's sea-journey from Persia to Arabia took seventy-one days, and that the boat stopped at
> Kangan, Muscat and Mocha on its way from Búshihr to Jidda. This period of time closely resembles the
> two and a half months which the Báb employed in returning from Jidda to Búshihr. Inasmuch as we do
> not know of any epistle to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí which can be accurately dated in April 1845, it is difficult to
> follow MacEoin's reasoning that the date of "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih" can be dated from a reference in the
> text.
> 
> When the Báb returned to Chihríq, he remained imprisoned at that location from Ramadán
> 1264/August 1848 until Rajab 1266/June 1850 (KAZEM-BEG, tome VII, p. 371 — cited in French in
> "The Dawn-breakers," p. 302, n. 2; cited and translated into English in Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and
> Bahá'í Religions, 1844-1944," p. 75; cited Amanat, p. 395, n. 90). ZARANDI (pp. 504, 506) and
> GOBINEAU (p. 213; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 504, n. 1) report that Mírzá Taqí Khán — please
> see notes (5) and (13) for details — ordered Navváb Hamzih Mírzá, the governor of Ádhirbáyján to
> arrange the transfer of the Báb from Chihríq to Tabríz for a second time, without divulging the purpose
> of this journey.
> 
> Amanat (p. 395) alleges that the Báb was escorted by a detachment of Afshár horsemen from Sa'in
> Qal'a. Inasmuch as this was the location of the family estate of Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár, who was
> the Grand Vazír's special envoy charged with overseeing the Báb's execution (Amanat, p. 399), it may be
> that Hájí Sulaymán Khán was the instigator of this initiative. On his way to Tabríz, the Báb stayed at
> Salmás (MU'IN, p. 289; cited Amanat, p. 396, n. 91), where he was the guest, for the second time, of
> Mírzá Lutf 'Alí Salmási, the former steward of Muhammad Sháh who was dismissed when he conveyed
> one of the Báb's letters to His Majesty (MU'IN, pp. 175, 223; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 47). Amanat (p.
> 396) reports that the Báb reached Tabríz on 19 June 1850.
> 
> During the first three months of his imprisonment at Chihríq (Jamádi al-Úlá 1264/April 1848 - Sha'bán
> 1264/July 1848), and the twenty-two months which followed his return from Tabríz (Ramadán
> 1264/August 1848 - Rajab 1266/June 1850), the Báb received many visitors, attracted many new
> followers and friends, and wrote many letters and other writings. His visitors included his uncle Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí [Khál-i-A'zam] (Amanat, p. 384; Balyuzi, p. 150); Hájí Sulaymán Khán (Balyuzi, p.
> 149); Muhammad Taqí Hashtrudi (MU'IN, pp. 255-258; cited Amanat, p. 384, n. 46); Mullá 'Abdu'l-
> Karím Ahmad Qazvíní Kátib (ZUHUR, p. 370); Shaykh Mullá Mírzá 'Alí called 'Azím by the Báb
> (ZARANDI, pp. 306-307); Mullá Báqir Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 504-505; Balyuzi, p. 151); Mullá Ádí
> Guzal Marághih'í, called Sayyáh (the traveller), the student of Mullá 'Alí Akbar Marághih'í (ZARANDI,
> pp. 431-433; MU'IN, p. 186; ZUHUR, p. 59 — all cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 43) — about whom please
> see more details in note (15); Mullá 'Alí of Kuhnih Sháhr (MU'IN, pp. 176, 231, 240, 254; cited
> Amanat, p. 384, n. 45); Dakhil Maraghih'i (Ibid.; FAYZI, p. 280). The Russian agent, M. Mochenin,
> states in his memoirs, as reported in KAZEM-BEG (tome VII, p. 371; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p.
> 302, n. 2; Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions," p. 75; Amanat, p. 395, n. 90) that he
> heard the Báb preaching in Chihríq shortly before his transfer to Tabríz, in June 1850, and that the
> eager listeners were so numerous that the courtyard of the fortress was too small to accommodate all of
> them, such that the majority remained in the street. His new followers, who became converts during his
> imprisonment at Chihríq, included the Indian dervish whom the Báb named Qahru'lláh (ZARANDI,
> pp. 305-306; KAF, pp. 212-214; MU'IN, pp. 226-230; all cited Amanat, pp. 384-385); "Mírzá
> Muhammad-'Alí and his brother Búyúk-Áqá, both siyyids of distinguished merit who had risen with
> fevered earnestness to proclaim their Faith to all sorts and conditions of people among their
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          153
> 
> countrymen" (ZARANDI, p. 303); and "Mírzá Asadu'lláh, who was later surnamed Dayyán by the Báb"
> (ZARANDI, pp. 303-305; ZUHUR, p. 64 — cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 42); and others (Amanat, p. 384),
> described by ZARANDI (p. 303) as including "a number among the most eminent of the siyyids, the
> 'ulamás, and the government officials of Khuy". The Báb's writings while at Chihríq included the
> following:
> 
> 1] While according to some scholars (ZARANDI, p. 248; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," pp.
> 24-25; MacEoin, pp. 84, 85, 88), the "Bayán-i-fársí" was revealed at Máh-Kú, Balyuzi (p. 132) indicates
> only that "Bayán-i-fársí" was begun at Máh-Kú, while Amanat (p. 374) states that the Báb compiled
> parts of "Bayán-i-fársí" at Máh-Kú. It is then possible that this book was begun at Máh-Kú and
> completed at Chihríq. Please see note (56) of Chapter Four for more details regarding this work.
> 
> 2] "Bayán al-'arabíyya" was written in Máh-Kú (MacEoin, p. 85), at Chihríq (Balyuzi, p. 152),
> or at some time during these two imprisonments (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 25). Please see
> note (56) of Chapter Four for more details on this book.
> 
> 3] "Lawh-i-hurúfát" (ZARANDI, p. 304), which is also called "Kitáb-i hayákil-i-váhid" by the
> Báb in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih" (pp. 45-46, lithographed edition; cited MacEoin, p. 90, n. 59); called "Kitáb-i-
> hayákil" (Book of Talismans) and "Kitáb-i-dar hayákil-i-váhid" (a book concerning the temples
> [talismans] of unity) in Bahá'u'lláh's letter to Mírzá Ibráhím Shírází (INBA 3003C, p. 19; cited
> MacEoin, p. 89, n. 55); called "Risála-yi Ja'fariyya" in Bahá'u'lláh's letter to Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siráj
> Isfáhání (Ishráq-Khávarí, "Má'ida-i Ásmání," vol. VII, p. 60; cited MacEoin, p. 89, n. 56); and called
> "Kitáb-i-haykal" in another letter written by Bahá'u'lláh (Ishráqát, p. 47; cited MacEoin, p. 89, n. 58).
> This work is not to be confused with the Báb's "Sahífa-yi Ja'fariyya" (MacEoin, pp. 66-67, 90, 198); with
> Bahá'u'lláh's "Súrah-yi haykal" (MacEoin, p. 90, n. 61); or with Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal's "Kitáb-i
> hayákil" (MacEoin, p. 90, n. 61). Nor should it be confused with the "hayákil" written by the Báb which
> are elsewhere described by MacEoin (p. 90, n. 61; pp. 99-101, 186).
> 
> 4] "Haykal al-Dín" is preserved in at least three manuscripts (MacEoin, pp. 91, 186) and was
> lithographed along with "Bayán al-'arabíyya" (MacEoin, pp. 91, 254). MacEoin describes "Haykal al-
> Dín" as bearing a close resemblance to "Bayán al-'arabíyya" and taking the form of eight chapters of
> Bábí laws, each denominated a "váhid". In the lithographed version, two commentaries are appended,
> allegedly written by the Báb on 12 Sha'bán 1266/22-23 June 1850 (MacEoin, p. 91).
> 
> 5] "Kitáb al-Asmá'" is also known as "Tafsír al-asmá'" and "Kitáb asmá'i kulli shay'" (MacEoin,
> p. 91), and "Chahár sha'n" ('Alí Frahvashtí, "Á'ín-i Báb," n.p, n.d. — cited MacEoin, p. 91, n. 67; p.
> 251) was composed during the last days of the Báb at Chihríq according to Fádil Mázindarání ("Asrár
> al-athár," vol. I, p. 126). This book consists of nineteen "váhid" each of nineteen "abwáb", each "báb"
> containing four grades of writing (MacEoin, p. 91). MacEoin (pp. 92, 188) refers to twenty-six
> manuscript copies of this work, many of which are defective.
> 
> 5] "Kitáb-i panj sha'n" which is also entitled "Shu'ún-i khamsa dar Bayán-i shu'un-i da'wat,"
> and "Kitáb al-Bayán fí'l-shu'ún al-khamsa," is found in eleven manuscripts (MacEoin, pp. 189-190), and
> it was also lithographed but this version is missing five passages out of the total of sixty-five (MacEoin, p.
> 93). According to MacEoin (p. 95), the last five passages, or last two sections in the particular manuscript
> of "Panj sha'n" consulted by him (INBMC 64:60, pp. 85-89, 89-94; cited MacEoin, p. 90, n. 60) are
> more or less identical with "Lawh-i-hurúfát" — please see 1] for details.
> 
> 6] Two Tablets addressed to Muhammad Sháh, listed in MacEoin (p. 97, n. 94; p. 193) are
> published in Persian ("Muntakhabát-i áyát az áthár-i Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Úlá," pp. 5-8; pp. 9-13 and
> ZUHUR, pp. 82-85) and in English translation ("Selections from the Writings of the Báb," pp. 18-23;
> pp. 24-28). Amanat (p. 381) maintains that during his first few months at Chihríq, the Báb wrote two
> letters to Muhammad Sháh which were the first of a series of Arabic letters known as his "Khutab-i
> Qahríyyih." Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 354) states that the Báb wrote Muhammad Sháh from Chihríq (p.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        154
> 
> 460), and cites a portion of one such letter in Arabic (p. 354).
> 
> 8] "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih", mentioned above and by MacEoin (p. 92), addressed to Hájí Mírzá
> Áqásí and apparently written immediately after the Báb's return to Chihríq from his trial in Tabríz, is
> found in two manuscripts (MacEoin, p. 186), and may be one of the "Khutab-i Qahríyyih" (sermons of
> wrath) quoted by MU'IN (pp. 151-160; cited Amanat, p. 383, n. 41) and FAYZI (pp. 304-306; cited
> Amanat, p. 383, n. 41).
> 
> 9] Amanat (p. 381) asserts that the Báb wrote two letters to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí during his first
> months at Chihríq which were the first of the "Khutab-i Qahríyyih." The quotation he cites from
> ZUHUR (p. 84; Amanat, p. 381, n. 36) consists of a portion of one of the Báb's letters to Muhammad
> Sháh, according to MacEoin (p. 97, n. 94; p. 193). ZUHUR (pp. 85-89; cited MacEoin, p. 92, n. 78)
> quotes a letter written to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí that is different from "Khutbiy-i-Qahríyyih."
> 
> 10] Letters to his followers: (1) Thirty-seven letters and other short pieces, in Browne Or. F. 25
> (cited MacEoin, pp. 95, 208-209); (2) Six letters, in Browne Or. F. 21, numbers 9, 16, 18, 23, 24, 25
> (cited MacEoin, p. 95, n. 90); (3) Ten letters, in ZUHUR (cited MacEoin, pp. 95-96); (4) Nine letters,
> published in facsimiles in an Azalí compilation, entitled "Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt-i Nuqta-yi Úlá wa
> Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i Kátib" (cited MacEoin, p. 96); (5) Three letters, in MIFTAH (Mírzá Muhammad
> Mahdí Khán Za'ím al-Dawlih, "Tá'ríkh al-Bábíyya aw miftah Báb al-abwáb"; cited MacEoin, p. 97).
> 
> 11] Letter to the 'ulamá' in every city of Írán, and the 'Atabat, referred to by Shoghi Effendi, in
> "God Passes By" (p. 24) as probably written in Máh-Kú or Chihríq; which information MacEoin (p. 98)
> suggests is derived from Bahá'u'lláh ("Kitáb-i-Iqan," p. 178). Amanat quotes a letter written by the Báb
> in late 1849 to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, reproduced in MU'IN (pp. 263-264; cited Amanat, p. 394, n. 86,
> 87). Abu'l-Qasim Afnan says that the Báb wrote a letter to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz while incarcerated at
> Chihríq.
> 
> 12] Munáját (prayers), ziyáratnámas (Tablets of visitation), hayákil and dawá'ir (talismans in the
> shape of pentacles and circles) written at this time are described in MacEoin (pp. 99-101, 186, 195, 203,
> 210).
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 307) reports this testimony from Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, one of the transcribers of the
> writings of the Báb in Máh-Kú (p. 31), speaking of the last days of the Báb in Tabríz, shortly before his
> martyrdom:
> 
> "'At about the same time that the Báb dismissed 'Azím from His presence, I was instructed by
> Him to collect all the available Tablets that He had revealed during His incarceration in the
> castles of Máh-Kú and Chihríq, and to deliver them into the hands of Siyyid Ibráhím-i-Khalíl,
> who was then living in Tabríz, and urge him to conceal and preserve them with the utmost
> care.'"
> 
> Given the sheer quantity of writings cited above, it is quite remarkable that so many of them survive to
> the present day. However, it seems that Siyyid Ibráhím was not altogether unsuccessful in discharging
> his sacred trust. Indeed, ZARANDI (p. 31), writing circa 1888 about the location of the Báb's nine
> commentaries on the Qur'án authored at Máh-Kú, states that their "fate is unknown until now."
> 
> (5)Mírzá Taqí Khán, whose full name was Mírzá Taqí Khán Farahani (Amanat, p. 451), was appointed
> 
> Grand Vazír by Násiri'd-Dín Sháh (ZARANDI, pp. 332, 500; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 20; Balyuzi, p. 152).
> He was determined to uproot the Bábí movement as it seemed to represent a challenge to the absolute
> authority of the central government; nor did he hesitate to employ the most brutal measures in order to
> effect his purpose (ZARANDI, pp. 500-504; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, pp. 20-22; GOBINEAU, pp. 211-213;
> cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 501-502, n. 2; Balyuzi, pp. 148, 152; Amanat, pp. 395-397). While
> Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 164) called Hájí Mírzá Áqásí the "Antichrist of the Bábí
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         155
> 
> that the Bábí revolution loomed bigger and higher and appeared to be formidable, told himself
> that the best means for calming down all these revolts would be to do away with the one whom
> he considered to be the leader behind all these events, that is to say, the Báb himself. He
> referred the matter to the Sháh(7) who felt obligated to remark that all these troubles were due
> to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the former Sadr A'zam(8) of his father(9), who ordained the imprisonment
> of the Reformer at Máh-Kú without having him come first to Tihrán where he could have
> made him submit to an enquiry(10).
> 
> Revelation," it is nevertheless incontestable that Mírzá Taqí Khán was singlehandedly responsible for
> effecting the martyrdom of the Báb and of hundreds if not thousands of his followers, during his Grand
> Vazírship, from fall of 1264/1848 until spring of 1268/1852, when he was assassinated by order of
> Násiri'd-Dín Sháh (ZARANDI, p. 595; Lord Curzon, "Persia and the Persian Question," volume II, p.
> 16 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 595, n. 2; Lady Sheil, "Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia,"
> pp. 251-252 — cited "The Dawn-breakers," pp. 595-596, n. 2; Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 82;
> David S. Ruhe, "Robe of Light," p. 129). ZARANDI (pp. 596, 598) recites a litany of "deeds of blackest
> infamy" of the so-called "Amír Kabír" which amply demonstrates that the Bábís could not but regard
> him as the most formidable of their many enemies. For information on Mírzá Taqí Khán, the reader is
> urged to consult ZARANDI (pp. 332, 443, 445-448, 450-452, 500-502, 504-506, 539, 546-547, 554-
> 556, 558, 568, 595, 597, 598, 615); ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 20-21, 25, 26, 28-30); Balyuzi (pp. 146, 148,
> 152, 184, 185, 203, 207, 209, 212); and Amanat (pp. 27, 29, 281, 329, 339n, 355, 363, 366, 388n, 393,
> 395-399, 405-406, 411). Abbas Amanat's "Pivot of the Universe: Násir al-Dín Sháh Qájár and the
> Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896," (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) contains much more
> information about Mírzá Taqí Khán.
> (6)Mírzá Taqí Khán was also called Amír-Nizám (ZARANDI, pp. 332, 500, 504, 506, 526, 539, 547,
> 
> 595; ‘ABDU’L-BAHA, p. 20); Amír Kabír (Balyuzi, p. 148; Amanat, pp. 394-401); and Amír
> (ZARANDI, p. 332; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 25).
> 
> (7)Násiri'd-Dín Sháh assumed the throne with the decease of his father, Muhammad Sháh on 4
> September 1848, and hence he was the reigning sovereign at the time of the Báb's execution. Ruhe
> ("Robe of Light," p. 129) reports that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh was made monarch at seventeen years of age,
> while Balyuzi (p. 140) and Amanat (p. 387) indicate that Násiri'd-Dín Mírzá was seventeen during the
> first examination of the Báb at Tabríz, earlier that same year. Balyuzi (p. 140) indicates that Násiri'd-Dín
> Mírzá had been recently appointed governor of Ádhirbáyján, and Amanat (p. 387) indicates this
> appointment as dating from February 1848. As the trial took place in July 1848, and Muhammad Sháh
> died in September 1848, it seems that these reports are mutually compatible.
> 
> ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 20) describes Násiri'd-Dín Sháh as being "in the prime of youthful years." In view
> of the various accounts of the machinations resorted to by Hájí Mírzá Áqásí in order to avoid a meeting
> between the Báb and Muhammad Sháh, it seems entirely realistic and justifiable that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh
> should have blamed the imprisonment of the Báb at Máh-Kú and the missed opportunity for an
> examination of the Báb's claims at Tihrán on the former Grand Vazír. Nicolas appears to base his
> account here on SIPIHR (volume III, p. 302; cited Amanat, p. 396, n. 93).
> 
> (8)Sadr-A'zam is a title meaning "prime minister; dignity of premier; chief seat" (Steingass, p. 788). Not
> 
> only did Hájí Mírzá Áqásí serve as Grand Vazír to Muhammad Sháh, but according to Amanat (p. 79,
> n. 42), he may also have been the Sháh's Súfí "pir" (guide) in the Ni'matulláhí taríqah of which he, under
> the name Mullá 'Abbás Írávání was incontestably an adherent. It should also be noted that Muhammad
> Sháh consistently showed respect and reverence for Súfís (Amanat, p. 79, n. 43).
> 
> (9)Násiri'd-Dín Sháh's father was Muhammad Sháh.
> 
> (10)Hájí Mírzá Áqásí's rationale for circumventing such an enquiry in Tihrán was afterwards explained
> 
> by him to Prince Farhad Mírzá, and is found towards the opening of Chapter Four.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        156
> 
> Násiri'd-Dín Sháh remarked, "Also the vulgar believed that in him there was a [divine]
> knowledge or some miracle. If he had been allowed to come to Tihrán for a public discussion, it
> would quickly have been seen that there was nothing special about him." These judicious
> reflections attracted a response worthy of admiration. "The words of kings, are the kings of
> words," observed the Prime Minister in a convincing tone, "which does not detract," he added,
> "from the fact that today there is no longer any other way than to kill him." I do not know
> whether the conversation lasted a long time in this vein(11).
> 
> Nevertheless, Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshar(12) was sent to Tabríz to proceed with the execution.
> 
> (11)ZARANDI (pp. 501-502) and ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (p. 25) indicate that Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Amír-
> 
> A'zam and Grand Vazír decided that the only way to extirpate the Bábí movement was to strike at its
> source, and bring about the execution of the Báb. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 25, 30) states that he came to
> this decision without consulting Násiri'd-Dín Sháh or any of his fellow ministers of the court, whereas
> ZARANDI (pp. 502, 504) affirms that he summoned his counselors and that only one of them, Mírzá
> Áqá Khán-i-Núrí, the Minister of War, dared to advise him against this course of action. Balyuzi (p. 152)
> seems to follow ZARANDI in his account of this decision, and Amanat (p. 396) cites SIPIHR (volume
> III, pp. 302, 303) and ZARANDI (pp. 502, 504). ZARANDI (p. 615) states that a rumor was spread
> among the Bábís to the effect that shortly before his own demise, Mírzá Taqí Khán was haunted by a
> vision of the Báb whom he regretted having executed, and that he wished to effect the release of Siyyid
> Husayn-i-Yazdí, the Báb's amanuensis and of Táhirih, as well as the Abandonment of further
> persecution of the Bábís. ZARANDI (pp. 615-616) also reports that Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí, who
> assumed the position of Grand Vazír after the forced departure of Mírzá Taqí Khán — and whom he
> described (pp. 502, 504) as the only minister who advised against the execution of the Báb — was
> inclined to follow a policy of reconciliation with the Bábís during the first period of his administration,
> until the attempt, in 1852, on the life of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh. ‘ABDU’L-BAHA (pp. 29-30) affirms that the
> attempt of one Bábí to assassinate the Sháh was not representative of the wishes of the Bábí community,
> and moreover due to the ignorance of that individual. Nor was it justified, for the decision to execute the
> Báb had been taken by Mírzá Taqí Khán alone and without the cognizance of the Sháh. It should be
> noted that Táríkh-i-Nabíl (ZARANDI) was composed circa 1887-1892, while ‘ABDU’L-BAHA was
> published in Persian in 1890, and in English translation in 1891, and that Násiri'd-Dín Sháh did not die
> until 1896 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 296; Webster's Biographical Dictionary, p. 1084). It
> seems likely that if the Sháh had been instrumental in the decision to execute the Báb, the Bahá'í reports
> to the contrary would have come to the attention of his government, and that efforts would have been
> carried out to correct such a misapprehension.
> 
> This story recalls recalls the Book of Esther, in which Haman, the chief minister of King Ahashverosh
> (Artaxerxes) conspires without the knowledge of His Majesty to bring about the genocide of the Jewish
> people resident in his realms. In that story, Mordechai advises Esther to inform the King of the
> impending doom of her entire people, and as a result of this action, the Jewish people are saved, Haman
> is condemned along with his treacherous associates and Mordechai is appointed chief minister in his
> place. In this nineteenth century story, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí (like Mordechai) advised Mírzá Áqá
> Khán-i-Núrí (like Haman) not to carry out a death sentence, but he did not go to the Sháh himself, and
> so the sentence was carried out. Ultimately though, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí replaced Mírzá Áqá Khán-
> i-Núrí as Grand Vazír, and, just like Haman, Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí went to his death by order of his
> sovereign.
> 
> (12)Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (ZARANDI, pp. 391, 402, 428) is also called Sulaymán Khán (ZARANDI,
> 
> pp. 391), Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 125), Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár-i-Shahríyárí
> (ZARANDI, p. 378), and Hájí Sulaymán Khán Afshár Sa'in Qal'a Amír al-Umara' (Amanat, pp. 247,
> 460). He was a son-in-law of Fath 'Alí Sháh, the King of Persia prior to Muhammad Sháh (Amanat, p.
> 247), and a devoted follower of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí — who had promised that he would meet the
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        157
> 
> When Sulaymán Khán arrived at his destination, Hamzih Mírzá Hishmat al-Dawlih(13), who
> 
> Qá'im (Balyuzi, p. 134). He was on such close terms with Siyyid Kázim Rashtí that he was able to effect
> the marriage of one of his Master's daughters with his son, Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár (Balyuzi, p. 134).
> After the passing of his Master, this Shaykhí chose to follow Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání
> instead of the Báb (Balyuzi, p. 134; Amanat, p. 367). Sulaymán Khán met the Báb while on pilgrimage
> (The Báb, in ZUHUR, p. 271 — cited Amanat, p. 246, n. 240; ZUHUR, pp. 74-77 — cited Amanat, p.
> 247, n. 250; Balyuzi, p. 134). The Báb addressed a letter to Sulaymán Khán, probably during his
> pilgrimage, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin, p. 51), and three manuscripts of letters addressed to
> Sulaymán Khán are extant (MacEoin, pp. 191, 192). ZARANDI (p. 235; cited Balyuzi, pp. 124-125)
> reports that in the course of his journey from Kulayn to Tabríz, while in the village of Síyáh-Dihán, the
> Báb was visited by Mullá Iskandar, whom he commissioned to deliver a message to Hájí Sulaymán
> Khán-i-Afshár, then in Zanján and preparing to leave for Tihrán:
> 
> "He whose virtues the late siyyid unceasingly extolled, and to the approach of whose Revelation
> he continually alluded, is now revealed. I am that promised One. Arise and deliver Me from the
> hand of the oppressor."
> 
> Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár ignored the message. ZARANDI (pp. 378, 391, 402, 428) and SIPIHR
> (vol. III, p. 244; cited Amanat, p. 367, n. 193) report in some detail the contribution made by Hájí
> Sulaymán Khán to the destruction of the Bábís at Shaykh Tabarsí. Amanat (p. 399) indicates that Hájí
> Sulaymán Khán was subsequently sent to Tabríz by Mírzá Taqí Khán as his "special envoy and
> troubleshooter" to assist Mírzá Hasan Khán (Amanat, p. 399), the Vazír Nizám (secretary of the army)
> of Ádhirbáyján, and the Amír Kabír's brother and confidant (Amanat, p. 398), in effecting the execution
> of the Báb. Other details pertaining to Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár can be found in Amanat (pp.
> 246n, 247, 367, 398n, 399). He must not be confused with Hájí Sulaymán Khán, the Bábí, from Tabríz
> — please see note (38).
> 
> (13)Hamzih  Mírzá Hishmat al-Dawlih (Balyuzi, pp. 152-153) was also called Navváb Hamzih Mírzá
> (ZARANDI, p. 504), and identified as a prince of the Qájár family (ZARANDI, p. 504; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
> 25; Amanat, p. 398). ZARANDI (pp. 504, 506) indicates that Navváb Hamsih Mírzá appointed one of
> his trusted officers, with a mounted escort, to accompany the Báb from Chihríq to Tabríz. ZARANDI
> (p. 504) states that Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír did not disclose the reason why the Báb was
> being transferred to Tabríz, and that the governor of Ádhirbáyján assumed that no harm would come to
> the Báb. Once the Báb had been delivered to Tabríz, and the order for his execution was conveyed to
> Navváb Hamzih Mírzá, he was unwilling to carry out this order (ZARANDI, p. 506; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
> 25). ZARANDI (p. 506) reports him as having told the Vazír-Nizám, Mírzá Hasan Khán, the brother of
> the Grand Vazír:
> 
> "'The Amír,' he told him, 'would do better to entrust me with services of greater merit than the
> one with which he has now commissioned me. The task I am called upon to perform is a task
> that only ignoble people would accept. I am neither Ibn-i-Zíyád nor Ibn-i-Sa'd that he should
> call upon me to slay an innocent descendant of the Prophet of God.'"
> 
> Shoghi Effendi noted ("The Dawn-breakers," p, 506, n. 2) that Ibn-i-Zíyád and Ibn-i-Sa'd were
> "persecutors of the descendants of [the Prophet] Muhammad".
> 
> The sentiments of Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír are further attested to by ZARANDI (p. 504),
> citing a discussion prior to this event with court officials in Tihrán:
> 
> "'Such considerations,' he protested, 'are wholly irrelevant to the issue with which we are faced.
> The interests of the State are in jeopardy, and we can in no wise tolerate these periodic
> upheavals. Was not the Imám Husayn, in view of the paramount necessity for safeguarding the
> unity of the State, executed by those same persons who had seen him more than once receive
> marks of exceptional affection from Muhammad, his Grandfather? Did they not in such
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       158
> 
> was then the Governor of Ádhirbáyján, ordained that the Báb be brought thence from Chihríq.
> At the same time his disciples were brought along with him, those who followed him
> everywhere, that is Áqá Siyyid Husayn(14) and Mullá Muhammad-i-Yazdí(15).
> 
> circumstances refuse to consider the rights which his lineage had conferred upon him?'"
> 
> It is quite extraordinary that Mírzá Taqí Khán should have sought to justify his actions towards the Báb
> and his followers by referring to the assassination of the Imám Husayn and the suppression of his
> followers by order of Mu'awiya, whom Sunní and Shí'í Muslims alike consider a usurper of authority
> and a murderer of innocents. ZARANDI (p. 506) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 25, 26) state that Hamzih Mírzá
> explained his reasons for not carrying out the order of execution; that the Vazír-Nizám conveyed this
> message to the Grand Vazír; and that Mírzá Taqí Khán sent a second order to his brother, directing
> him to carry out the sentence immediately. When Hamzih Mírzá would not do so, feigning illness
> (ZARANDI, p. 506), Mírzá Hasan Khán took matters into his own hands. For more information about
> Hamzih Mírzá, Amanat (p. 398, n. 101) recommends that the reader consult Mahdí Bamdad, "Sharh-i
> Hal-i Rijal Írán dar Qarn-i 12, 13, 14 Hijra" (Tihrán:1968-1974, vol. I, pp. 462-468).
> 
> (14)Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, also called 'Azíz, in this context probably meaning meaning "precious,
> 
> dear" (Steingass, p. 848), and given this name by the Báb in "Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'" (Súrah 79, last verse),
> according to MacEoin (p. 204). He served as the principal amanuensis of the Báb, accompanying him to
> Máh-Kú, Chihríq, and Tabríz. According to Shoghi Effendi ("The Dawn-breakers," p. 80) and
> MacEoin (p. 204), Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí was chosen as one of the Letters of the Living by the Báb.
> Sources for his life include 'Abdu'l-Hamíd Ishráq Khávarí, "Rahíq-i-makhtúm" (Tihrán, 1973-74,
> volume I, pp. 757-60); Muhammad 'Alí Malik Khusraví, "Táríkh-i-shuhadá-yi amr" (Tihrán, 1973-74,
> volume III); ZUHUR (volume III, pp. 459-60, 460-61). Please see note (15) and note (26) for more
> details on his life.
> 
> (15)Nicolas calls this disciple of the Báb, Mullá Muhammad Yazdí. There is one Bábí by this name, Mullá
> 
> Muhammad Rawdih-i-Khán-i-Yazdí, who is listed among the Letters of the Living in ZARANDI (p. 80)
> and Balyuzi (p. 27). Amanat gives this individual's name as Mullá Muhammad Rawza [Rawdih] Khwan
> Yazdí, and Zakir, and reconstructs some of his actions in relation to the Bábí Cause (pp. 176, 178-179,
> 286). It is fairly certain however that Mullá Muhammad Yazdí was not a constant companion of the
> Báb. There were two Yazdís who reportedly were companions of the Báb, and these were Siyyid
> Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother, Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí. Nicolas mentions the first of these, and perhaps
> he simply got the name wrong for the second Yazdí. Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí joined the Báb in Shíráz
> shortly before the Báb departed for Isfáhán, and the Báb sent him on ahead to join his other disciples in
> that city (ZARANDI, pp. 192-193). Whether or not his brother accompanied him either to Shíráz or
> Isfáhán is not indicated. Two other disciples who had settled in Shíráz, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím and
> Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí were also sent by the Báb to Isfáhán at that time (Ibid., p. 192). In Isfáhán the
> Báb instructed Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní, Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí and Siyyid Husayn-I-Yazdí to
> transcribe his writings (ZARANDI, p. 212). Towards the end of his stay in Isfáhán, the Báb sent Mullá
> 'Abdu'l-Karím [Qazvíní] and Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí as emmisaries to the other Bábís in that city to
> advise them to scatter throughout the region (ZARANDI, p. 214). The Báb then instructed Siyyid
> Husayn-i-Yazdí to proceed to Kashán, where they met shortly after the Báb's arrival there, on his way to
> Máh-Kú (ZARANDI, p. 219). Two days after the Báb arrived in Kulayn, he was joined by Siyyid
> Husayn-i-Yazdí, his brother Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí, Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím [Qazvíní] and Shaykh Hasan-i-
> Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 227). ZARANDI (p. 243) records a conversation between the Báb and Siyyid
> Husayn-i-Yazdí in Tabríz, on his way to Máh-Kú, and it is apparent from the context of this
> conversation that at least this one of two brothers was in the immediate company of the Báb at that
> time. Siyyid Husayn reports the transition to Máh-Kú: "…orders were issued to transfer Him and me to
> the castle of Máh-Kú and to deliver us into the custody of 'Alí-Khán-i-Máh-Kú'í." (Ibid.) Then Siyyid
> Husayn describes their residence in Máh-Kú: "For the first two weeks, no one was permitted to visit the
> Báb. My brother and I alone were admitted to His presence. Siyyid Hasan would, every day,
> accompanied by one of the guards, descend to the town and purchase our daily necessities. Shaykh
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       159
> 
> Then the 'ulamá' were invited to a great conference, but they refused to come, declaring that
> the ideas of the accused were heretical and that, by this very fact he merited death(16). Hishmat
> 
> Hasan-i-Zunúzí who had arrived at in Máh-Kú, spent the nights in a masjid outside the gate of the
> town. He acted as an intermediary between those of the followers of the Báb who occasionally visited
> Máh-Kú and Siyyid Hasan, my brother, who would in turn submit the petitions of the believers to their
> Master and would acquaint Shaykh Hasan with His reply." (ZARANDI, p. 245) At one point the
> warden of the fortress in Máh-Kú, 'Alí Khán, dreamed a dream, and upon waking up from that dream
> he permitted other Bábís to visit the Báb, but ZARANDI asserts (p. 257), "Until that time no one of the
> disciples of the Báb but Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí and his brother had been allowed to spend the night
> within the castle." From Máh-Kú the Báb went to Tabríz, and then was sent to Chihríq, and
> ZARANDI (pp. 302-303) writes that at Chihríq "To no one would Yahya Khán refuse admittance to
> the castle. As Chihríq itself was unable to accommodate the increasing number of visitors who flocked to
> its gates, they were enabled to obtain the necessary lodgings in Iskí-Shahr, the old Chihríq, which was
> situated at an hour's distance from the castle." Up until sometime in Dhi'l-Qa'dih 1265, the Báb was
> attended in Chihríq by Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí along with his brother, the Báb's amanuensis, Siyyid
> Husayn. ZARANDI (p. 431) informs us that the Báb sent out "Mullá Ádí Guzal, one of the believers of
> Marághih, who for the last two months had been acting as His attendant instead of Siyyid Hasan, the
> brother of Siyyid Husayn-i-'Azíz", to make a pilgrimage to Shaykh Tabarsí on his behalf. KASHF (p.
> 241, cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 431, n. 3) identifies the full name of this Bábí as Mírzá 'Alíy-i-
> Sayyáh-i-Marághih'í, and states that "he had acted as a servant of the Báb in Máh-Kú, ranked among
> His leading companions, and subsequently embraced the Message of Bahá'u'lláh." It appears then that
> Siyyid Hasan-i-Yazdí was no longer a companion of the Báb from Dh'il-Qa'dih 1265, as there is no
> mention of him accompanying the Báb to Tabríz.
> 
> Finally, the Báb was summoned to Tabríz, where the officer who had escorted him, Navváb Hamzih
> Mírzá "instructed one of his friends to accommodate Him in his home and to treat Him with extreme
> deference." (ZARANDI, p. 506) Mírzá Hasan Khán, the Vazír-Nizám and brother of the Grand Vazír
> arrived shortly thereafter and ordered the transfer of the Báb "and those in His company from the house
> in which He was staying to one of the rooms of the barracks." (ZARANDI, pp. 506-507) "Deprived of
> His turban and sash, the twin emblems of His noble lineage, the Báb, together with Siyyid Husayn, His
> amanuensis, was driven to yet another confinement…" (Ibid., p. 507) He was engaged in a conversation
> with Siyyid Husayn in that very barracks, when it was interrupted and he was taken to the place of
> execution. When the first volley failed to touch him, the Báb was found "seated in the same room which
> He had occupied the night before, engaged in completing His interrupted conversation, with Siyyid
> Husayn." (ZARANDI, p. 513) For the last time, the Báb and Siyyid Husayn were together in the flesh.
> ZARANDI reiterates that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí was "the Báb's amanuensis both in Máh-Kú and
> Chihríq" (p. 629), and reports his imprisonment in the Síyáh-Chál in Tihrán (pp. 629-630), his being
> joined in that prison by his "Comforter", Bahá'u'lláh, in whose company he "was privileged to remain
> until the hour of his death" (p. 631), which took place, in 1852, at the hands of the executioner of
> Táhirih, 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár.
> 
> It is evident from this survey of the companions of the Báb, that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí accompanied
> him virtually non-stop from his departure from Shíráz to the time of his death in Tabríz, and that Siyyid
> Hasan-i-Yazdí was also in his company for most of that period. There were other close companions of
> the Báb, including Mullá 'Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní and Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, but none were as
> constantly in the company of the Báb as the two brothers from Yazd.
> 
> (16)Neither ZARANDI nor 'ABDU'L-BAHA refer to a second gathering of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz, and this
> 
> seems to confirm Nicolas' allegation. ZARANDI (p. 509) reports that Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí — see
> note (15) — was summoned before a group of mujtahidún, who unsuccessfully tried to persuade him to
> renounce his ties with the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 510) also states that the Báb was conducted first to the
> house of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, then to that of Mírzá Báqir, and finally to that of Mullá
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        160
> 
> al-Dawlih, seeing the disgust — I here translate a Muslim author — of the 'ulamá', had the Báb
> arrive at night, when he was encountered, in a meeting prepared for this purpose, by Mírzá
> Hasan Khán Vazír-Nizám(17) and Hájí Mírzá 'Alí(18). These ones interrogated him, asking for
> the explanation of a difficult hadíth, and the Reformer — which is implausible — remained
> silent. So Hishmat al-Dawlih, taking the floor, asked him to descend verses on the subject of the
> crystal candlesticks(19).
> 
> The Báb obeyed, but his response was not recorded. Some moments later, when invited to
> repeat for a second time the same verses, he was unable to do so(20).
> 
> Murtadá-Qulí, and that none of these three mujtahidún consented to meet the Báb face-to-face,
> although all three handed death-warrants to the government authorities who were charged with
> carrying out the execution. This version of the events of that morning is also found in Balyuzi (pp. 155-
> 156). Amanat (p. 398) indicates that the 'ulamá' of Tabríz were reluctant to associate themselves with
> this execution. MU'IN (pp. 303-304), citing HASHTRUDI refers to a threatening message allegedly
> sent to the 'ulamá' of Tabríz by the Vazír-Nizám, warning them of the Grand Vazír's wrath should they
> refuse to sign death-warrants for the Báb (cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 102).
> 
> MU'IN (p. 305; cited Amanat, p. 399, n. 104) indicates that Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání was
> reluctant to sign a death-warrant. Muhammad Taqí, who was an eye-witness of his father's last meeting
> with the Báb, writes in his "Risála" (cited MURTAZA, pp. 315-317; mentioned Amanat, p. 399, n. 105;
> p. 400, n. 106, 107) that Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání tried to persuade the Báb to renounce his
> claims, but that the Báb firmly refused to do so. Mírzá Muhammad Mahdí ibn Muhammad Taqí Za'ím
> al-Dawlih [henceforth, MIFTAH], in "Miftah Báb al-Abwáb aw Táríkh al-Bábíya" (Cairo:1903, pp.
> 233-235; cited Amanat, p. 400, n. 107), on the authority of his grandfather, Mullá Muhammad Ja'far
> and his father, Mullá Muhammad Taqí, both of whom he alleges to have been present on this occasion,
> gives similar testimony to the Risála of Muhammad Taqí. 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 26) states that the
> farrásh-báshí (chief of police) delivered the Báb and Anís over to the chosen executioner, with the death-
> warrants of Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání, Mullá Mírzá Báqir, Mullá Murtadá-Qulí and others.
> ZARANDI (p. 510) says the same, but mentions only three death-warrants. The actual content of these
> death-warrants is described by MU'IN (pp. 304) on the authority of HASHTRUDI, and AVARIH (vol.
> I, p. 241), two different versions according to Amanat (p. 400, n. 108).
> 
> Amanat (p. 398, n. 101) indicates that inasmuch as he was unable to bring together the clergy, Hamzih
> Mírzá summoned a small gathering of state officials to examine the Báb. He cites SIPIHR (pp. 303-304)
> and AVARIH (vol. I, pp. 234-239) as sources for this event. Present at this examination, besides Hamzih
> Mírzá, were Mírzá 'Alí Khán and Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár (Amanat, p. 398, n. 101). Nicolas, citing no
> source, includes the Vazír-Nizám, Mírzá Hasan Khán in this meeting, and does not mention the
> presence of Hájí Sulaymán Khán.
> 
> (17)Mírzá Hasan Khán Vazír-Nizám was the secretary of the army in Ádhirbáyján and brother of Mírzá
> 
> Taqí Khán, the Grand Vazír, also known as Amír Kabír. The fate of Mírzá Hasan Khán subsequent to
> the execution of the Báb is not mentioned in any of the sources consulted for this study.
> 
> (18)Hájí Mírzá 'Alí is also called Mírzá 'Alí Khán Ansárí, the son of Mírzá Mas'ud, and is named as
> 
> having carried out the examination of the Báb before the state officials (Amanat, p. 398, n. 101).
> Nothing more is said about this individual in any of the sources.
> (19)According to SIPIHR (pp. 303-304; cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 101), Hamzih Mírzá was not impressed
> 
> with the verses revealed by the Báb. AVARIH (vol. I, pp. 234-239; cited Ibid.), on the other hand,
> which account seems to rely upon the Prince's own recollection of the inquisition, reports that he was
> indeed impressed with the Báb's revelation of verses.
> 
> (20)Here it is reported that the Báb cannot reveal the same verses twice on the subject of crystal
> candlesticks, while in Chapter Four — please see Note (40) — the Báb is asked to reveal verses on the
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          161
> 
> From that time, he was condemned, and sentenced to death. However, it was wished that his
> execution be in public, for it was thought that if it took place secretly, nothing would stop the
> people from believing in his miraculous ascension to heaven. It was thus decided that the Báb
> would be marched through the streets of the town and executed in the great common(21), which,
> strange as it may seem, has in Tabríz the name of "Plaza of the Sáhib al-Zamán".
> 
> Thus the Siyyid was taken with Mullá Muhammad-'Alí Yazdí and Siyyid Husayn, and they
> were conducted to Hájí Mírzá Báqir(22), the Imám Jum'ih of the town, to Mullá Muhammad
> Mámáqání(23) and to Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí(24). These ones delivered a fatwa ordaining the
> 
> subject of his cane, and then is told that his audience cannot understand his verses. In both cases it is
> clear that the examiners are toying with the Báb, not taking his claim to divine inspiration at all
> seriously, nor comparing his verses with the only other revealed verses in their possession, namely, those
> of the Qur'án. The Prophet Muhammad is not reported to have revealed the same verses a second time
> upon demand, nor is it alleged that all of the verses of the Qur'án are readily understood by its readers.
> Indeed, the Qur'án in Surat al-'imrán states, as a matter of principle (III:7):
> 
> "He it is Who has revealed the Book to you; some of its verses are unambiguous [muhkamátun],
> they are the basis of the Book, and others are figurative [mutashábihátun]. So that those in
> whose hearts is perversity will follow that part of it which is figurative, seeking to mislead others
> and to give it (their own) interpretation. However none knows its interpretation except God, and
> those who are firmly rooted in knowledge."
> This theme is referred to with specific reference to this Qur'anic passage by the Báb in "Dalá'il-i-sab'ih"
> and by Bahá'u'lláh in Kitáb-i-Íqán.
> 
> (21)ZARANDI (p. 502) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 26) alike affirm that Mírzá Taqí Khán intended that the Báb
> 
> be given a public execution. The specifics of the manner in which this execution would be carried out
> may have been left to Mírzá Hasan Khán and his associates.
> 
> (22)Hájí Mírzá Báqir, also called Mírzá Báqir (ZARANDI, p. 510), Mullá Mírzá Báqir ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
> 
> 26), and Mullá Muhammad Báqir the Imám Jum'ih (Amanat, p. 398), was the son of Mírzá Ahmad
> (ZARANDI, p. 510; Amanat, p. 398), the Imám Jum'ih of Tabríz who participated in the first
> examination of the Báb ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 14) — described in Chapter Four — and signed a death-
> warrant for the Báb at that time (ZARANDI, p. 510). Mírzá Ahmad had died in 1265/1849 according
> to Áqá Buzurg Muhammad Muhsin Jamálí, "Tabaqát A'lam al-Shi'a:II:al-Kiram al-Barara fi al-Qarn
> al-Thalith ba'd al-'Ashara" (part I, p. 97; cited Amanat, p. 398, n. 99). Amanat (p. 398) indicates that
> Hájí Mírzá Báqir was one of the 'ulamá' of Tabríz who were reluctant to involve themselves in the
> condemnation and execution of the Báb. Amanat (p. 399, n. 103) indicates that there is some
> disagreement among the sources (ZARANDI, pp. 509-510; SIPIHR, vol. III, p. 304; ZUHUR, p. 9;
> MU'IN, pp. 300-301) regarding the signatories of the fatwá calling for the execution of the Báb, but all
> of these sources seem to indicate that Hájí Mírzá Báqir Imám Jum'ih was one of the signers. Balyuzi (p.
> 155) likewise lists him as one of the three clergymen to sign death-warrants for the Báb: 1] Hájí Mírzá
> Báqir, the Imám Jum'ih of Tabríz, is not to be confused with 2] Hájí Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí,
> known as Harati (ZARANDI, pp. 19, 97, 264), also called Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harati (Amanat, pp.
> 61, 158n, 262, 264-266, 283-284); nor with 3] Mullá Muhammad Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 50-
> 55, 63, 69), also called Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí (ZARANDI, pp. 368, 504-505), and named as one of the
> Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, pp. 80, 368, 504); nor with 4] Muhammad Báqir, the nephew of
> Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and one of the Letters of the Living (ZARANDI, pp. 80), also called Mullá Báqir
> (ZARANDI, pp. 287, 683); nor with 5] Mullá Báqir, the Imám of Chinár-Súkhtih (ZARANDI, p. 476);
> nor, finally, with 6] Muhammad-Báqir, the son of Zaynu'l-'Abidín, the fifth Imám of the Ithná 'Asharí
> Shí'í (E.G. Browne, "A Traveller's Narrative," Note O, pp. 296-298; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. lii).
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        162
> 
> execution.
> 
> From then on commenced a sorrowful march through the bazaars(25), during which Áqá Siyyid
> Husayn — charged by his Master with the execution of his last wishes — disavowed and
> renounced the Báb, and, upon the order of the tormenters, spit in his face. He accomplished
> the mission which was confided to him, and was, a little later, executed in Tihrán(26). Having
> 
> (23)MulláMuhammad Mámáqání has been identified in considerable detail in Note (34) of Chapter
> Four, as well as in other notes.
> 
> (24)Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí was a well-known mujtahid in Tabríz (Amanat, p. 401), and Nicolas follows
> 
> SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 304; cited Amanat, p. 399, n. 103) in numbering him among the mujtahidún who
> delivered a "fatwá" condemning the Báb to death. Amanat (p. 399, n. 103) calls this "an obvious error."
> His stepson was none other than Muhammad-'Alí (ZARANDI, p. 507), also called Muhammad-'Alíy-i-
> Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 306), Mírzá Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zunúzí (ZARANDI, p. 507), Áqá Muhammad-
> 'Alí ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 26), and Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (ZARANDI, pp. 508, 509, 512), and was
> surnamed Anís (ZARANDI, p. 306). Very little is known about Anís , except that his stepfather, Siyyid
> 'Alíy-i-Zunúzí (ZARANDI, pp. 306, 509; cited Balyuzi, p. 153) locked him into his home, refusing to
> allow him to join the Báb at Chihríq (ZARANDI, pp. 306-307; Balyuzi, p. 153). It is also reported that
> the Báb assured Anís, in a vision, which he related to Shaykh Hasan-i-Zunúzí, a relative and one of the
> amanuenses and companions of the Báb, that he would be granted the privilege of sharing his Master's
> martyrdom (ZARANDI, pp. 307-308; cited Balyuzi, pp. 153-154). For more details concerning the
> fulfillment of this promise, please read on. There are reports in ZARANDI (p. 509), Balyuzi (p. 156) and
> Amanat (p. 401) to the effect that attempts were made to persuade Anís to retract his confession of faith
> in the Báb's claims, but to no avail. Amanat (p. 401, n. 111) cites AVARIH (vol. I, p. 240) and ZUHUR
> (pp. 31-37) both of which claim to be accounts of an exchange between Anís and a Shaykhí mullá
> seeking to elicit his return to Islám. ZARANDI (pp. 509-510) reports a brief exchange between Anís and
> Mullá Muhammad Mámáqání — among others — and it is worth noting that Mámáqání was regarded
> as perhaps the leading Shaykhí 'alím (cleric) in Tabríz.
> 
> (25)The humiliating removal of the Báb's turban and sash, the twin emblems of the "siyyid" (descendant
> 
> of the Prophet Muhammad) is reported in ZARANDI (p. 507) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 26), as well as
> Balyuzi (p. 153) and Amanat (p. 402). He was conducted around the city and through the bazaar before
> being brought to the square for his execution in order to demonstrate the government's full control of
> the situation (Amanat, p. 402). This whole scene evokes many similar images in the public humiliation,
> the parade through the city streets and the open air of Jesus of Nazareth, as depicted in the Gospels.
> 
> (26)Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, the amanuensis of the Báb, held his last earthly conversation with his Master
> 
> in the prison cell adjoining the place of the Báb's martyrdom, between the firings of the two regiments
> (ZARANDI, pp. 513-514; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 27). ZARANDI describes Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí as "the
> Báb's amanuensis both in Máh-Kú and Chihríq" (p. 629), and reports his imprisonment in the Síyáh-
> Chál in Tihrán (pp. 629-630), his being joined in that prison by his "Comforter", Bahá'u'lláh, in whose
> company he "was privileged to remain until the hour of his death" (p. 631), which took place, in 1852, at
> the hands of the executioner of Táhirih, 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár. According to MacEoin, (pp. 13, 84, 182),
> a manuscript copy of "Bayán-i-fársí" in the hand of Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí is preserved at the Bahá'í
> International Archives in Haifa. Also in the handwriting of this amanuensis are twenty-seven folios of
> "Kitáb al-asmá'", in the same location (MacEoin, p. 188); and six examples of letters reproduced in
> facsimile in the Azalí compilation entitled "Qismatí az alwah-i-khatt-i-Nuqta-yi-Úlá wa Siyyid Husayn-i-
> Kátib" (MacEoin, pp. 204, 254). The authenticity (and authorship) of the letters in this collection has yet
> to be independently confirmed. There is another trace of his influence which has been discovered, and a
> very interesting one at that. E.G. Browne (in Appendix Two to JADID, pp. 395-396; cited "The Dawn-
> breakers," p. 518, n. 1) quoted Hájí Mírzá Jání Kashání to the effect that Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí, whom
> he calls Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Husayn, gave some of the writings of the Báb to the Russian consul at
> Tabríz (presumably Anitchkov, according to Amanat, p. 381, n. 35), who came to ask Siyyid Husayn
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         163
> 
> arrived at the fatal Plaza, all efforts were made, in vain, to detach Mullá Muhammad-'Alí(27)
> from his convictions — his wife and his little children were brought, and he obstinately refused
> to listen to them, confining himself to one last request — the favor of being killed before his
> Master.
> 
> It is then that a strange event occurred, unique in the annals of humanity. The two companions
> solidly attached to one another had placed before them the Christian regiment of the
> Bahadurans(28). Upon a signal given by their chief the soldiers fired. Then Mullá Muhammad-
> 'Alí was seen covered with wounds, dying, turning towards his Master, and his words terrified
> the witnesses: "Master," he said, "master, are you content with me?" The bullets had cut the
> cords which held the Báb, who dropped to his feet, without a scratch. "Ah! If at this moment he
> had exposed his chest(29)," says the historian of the "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín"(30), "and if he had
> 
> about the Báb shortly after his martyrdom. E.G. Browne indicates that this story is confirmed by the
> testimony of Bernard Dorn ("Bulletin de l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg," vol.
> VIII, p. 248), who, in describing a manuscript of one of the Báb's works in the possession of the
> Academie, indicates that it was "'received directly from the Báb's own secretary, who, during his
> imprisonment at Tabríz, placed it in European hands.'" Amanat (p. 381, n. 35) notes that this interview
> is also found in KAF (p. 267), and Moojan Momen, "The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions" (p. 48).
> 
> Inasmuch as Siyyid Husayn was imprisoned shortly after the Báb's execution, it appears that the
> government authorities were not convinced by Siyyid Husayn's feigned repudiation of the Báb just prior
> to his martyrdom, an act which had been enjoined upon him by the Báb himself according to
> ZARANDI (p. 508) and ZUHUR (p. 460; cited Amanat, p. 381, n. 35). Two years later, immediately
> following the attempt on the life of Násiri'd-Dín Sháh in 1852, Siyyid Husayn was imprisoned in the
> same dungeon as Bahá'u'lláh, the Síyáh-Chál of Tihrán, until the time came for his execution, which
> was carried out by 'Azíz Khán-i-Sardár, the executioner of Táhirih (ZARANDI, pp. 629-631).
> ZARANDI (p. 631) indicates that Siyyid Husayn was comforted in his separation from the Báb by
> Bahá'u'lláh, "One who alone could banish, by the light of His presence, the anguish that had settled
> upon his soul." Whether this indicates that Siyyid Husayn recognized the prophetic station of
> Bahá'u'lláh is not evident from this passage.
> 
> (27)The attempts to persuade Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) from his Bábí convictions are described in
> 
> Note (24). No mention is made in any of the Persian sources however to the pleas of this young man's
> wife and children. However, given the young age at which Persians were customarily married at this
> time, it is not improbable that he was married and had little children.
> 
> (28)ZARANDI (pp. 511-514) indicates that Sám Khán and his men were designated the first executioners
> 
> of the Báb. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 26-27) indicates the same, identifying Sám Khán as a colonel, and his men
> as the Christian regiment of Urúmíyyih. MU'IN (p. 306; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 117) states that Sám
> Khán, better known as Sám Khán Urus was a convert to Islám; this is clearly not reflected in
> ZARANDI or 'ABDU'L-BAHA. Perhaps he became a convert to Islám after the execution of the Báb?
> HIDAYAT (vol. X, pp. 210, 329, 416-422; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 117) reported that the Bahaduran
> regiment participated in all of the major campaigns of Muhammad Sháh's reign under Sám Khán's
> leadership. MIFTAH (p. 238; cited Amanat, p. 402, n. 116) indicates there were three regiments present
> at the place of execution, and that Áqá Ján Bag Khamsih, the leader of the Násirí regiment refused, and
> so the Bahaduran regiment was chosen. He indicates that KAF (p. 249; cited Ibid.) seems to confirm this
> report. ZARANDI and 'Abdu'l-Bahá state that Sám Khán and his men were selected first. ZARANDI
> (p. 514) indicates that upon the failure of the Bahaduran regiment to injure, let alone kill the two
> condemned ones, Sám Khán was excused and Áqá Ján Khán-i-Khamsih, colonel of the body-guard,
> known as the Khamsih or Násirí regiment, carried out the execution. 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) indicates the
> same, naming the colonel of the body-guard Áqá Ján Big-i-Khamsih.
> 
> (29)Amanat (p. 403) has translated this passage, from SIPIHR (vol. III, p. 305; cited Ibid., n. 122), and it
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        164
> 
> started to cry, 'O soldiers, O men, you are yourselves the witnesses of this miracle, that of 1000
> bullets(31) not a single one could reach me, and some even came to cut my bonds,' all would
> 
> is reproduced here in full for the convenience of the reader (the words in brackets are supplied by
> Amanat in order to assist reading comprehension):
> 
> "[His] escape [to one of the rooms in the barracks] was a demonstration of the might of the
> [Islamic] sharí'a since at that time when the bullets hit the rope and he was set free, if he
> exposed his bosom and cried out: 'O, ye the soldiers and the people, didst thou not see my
> miracle that of a thousand bullets not even one hit me but instead untied my bonds,' then no
> one would have fired a shot at him any more and surely the men and women in the barracks
> would have assembled around him and a riot would have broken out. It was God's will that the
> truth should be distinguished from falsehood and doubt and uncertainty be removed from
> among the people."
> 
> (30)The author of "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" is 'Alí-Qulí Mírzá, I'tidád al-Saltanih. Not to be confused with
> 
> Muhammad Hasan Khán, Saní'ud-Dawlih, I'timád al-Saltanih Marághiyí. Please see Note (37) for
> details related to the latter author. MacEoin (p. 253) indicates that part of "Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín" is
> incorporated in "Fitna-yi Báb" by 'Abdu'l-Husayn Navá'í, who also wrote an article entitled 'Siyyid 'Alí
> Muhammad Báb va Kitáb al-Mutanabbi'ín-i-I'tidád al-Saltanih' ("Yaghmá", volume III).
> 
> (31)Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh and his brother Kazem Kazemzadeh compiled various eye-witness accounts
> 
> of this event, some of them being translated for the first time from Persian and Russian, in "The Báb:
> Accounts of His Martyrdom" ("World Order," Fall 1973). According to ZARANDI (p. 513) and
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 27 English/p. 65 Persian), Mírzá Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) was untouched by the
> shots fired by the Bahaduran regiment. This seems to be confirmed by KAZEM-BEG (translated from
> the Russian of "Bab i babidy," St. Petersburg, 1865 pp. 39-41 by Kazem Kazemzadeh in the "World
> Order" article cited above). Justin Sheil's Foreign Office report to Lord Palmerston, cited by Balyuzi (p.
> 202) and in Moojan Momen's "Some Contemporary Western Accounts of the Babi and Bahá'í
> Religions, 1844-1944" (George Ronald, Publisher, 1981, p. 78) does not make any mention of Mírzá
> Muhammad-'Alí (Anís) in connection with the martyrdom of the Báb. Neither does Clement Huart, the
> French Orientalist, in "La Religion du Bab" (Paris, 1889, pp. 3-4; cited in "The Dawn-breakers," p. 513,
> n. 1). SIPIHR (p. 305; cited Amanat, p. 403, n. 120; and translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh for the
> "World Order" article) reports that Anís was killed in the first attempt, and this is repeated by
> GOBINEAU (translated by Kazem Kazemzadeh in the "World Order" article), and MIFTAH
> (translated by Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh in the "World Order" article). Due to the similarity of their
> accounts, it seems that both GOBINEAU and MIFTAH based their descriptions of this event on
> SIPIHR, and hence should not be taken as independent sources. A conversation between George
> Latimer and 'Abdu'l-Bahá on 19 November 1919 seems to confirm SIPIHR in this regard ("The Light
> of the World," Boston:1920, p. 70):
> 
> "Mr. Latimer: 'Was the Babi, Aga Mohammed Ali, who was martyred with the BAB, killed with
> the first volley or the second?'
> "Abdul Baha: 'With the first one he was killed. He was mutilated. But the body of His Holiness
> the BAB was not hit by the first discharge.'"
> 
> However, this conversation was not confirmed either in substance or wording by 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and it is
> possible that Latimer or his translator may have misunderstood his meaning.
> 
> KAZEM-BEG stated that after the first attempt, the "Christian soldiers immediately ran and showed the
> people the ropes severed by bullets; the criminal was again tied; Áqá Muhammad-'Alí was shot first,
> then the Báb" (op. cit.). This seems to suggest that neither Áqá Muhammad-'Alí nor Báb was struck by
> the first attempt, namely of the Christian regiment, but that in the second attempt, first Áqá
> Muhammad-'Alí was struck and then the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 512) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 43-44) state
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         165
> 
> have set to howling, and precipitating themselves at his feet. But," continues our author, "God
> wished to make known the truth; that is why He made him run away."
> 
> I am not, and cannot be, concerning these last words, of the same opinion as I'tidád al-Saltanih.
> Christians are convinced that if Jesus Christ had wished to descend living from the cross, he
> could have done so without difficulty — he died voluntarily, because he had to die in order to
> fulfill the prophecies. It is the same for the Báb, say the Bábís, who alike wished to give clear
> evidence in support of his words. He also died voluntarily, because his death was to save
> humanity. Who will ever tell us the words that the Báb could have pronounced in the midst of
> the nameless tumult that greeted his departure? Who will know what memories agitated his
> beautiful soul? Who will ever tell us the secret of his death?
> 
> Be that as it may, the soldiers took him again(32), attached him once more to the infamous pole,
> 
> that the regiment consisted of three files of soldiers, each of two hundred and fifty soldiers (ZARANDI),
> and that each file was ordered to fire a volley of shots in its turn. Perhaps the attempt by the Christian
> regiment, after firing three volleys, did not injure either Áqá Muhammad-'Alí or the Báb, but severed
> the ropes that secured the Báb, resulting in his seemingly miraculous disappearance from the scene.
> Once the next regiment was summoned to make a second attempt at this public execution, perhaps Áqá
> Muhammad-'Alí was hit by the first file of soldiers, and the Báb by the second or third file, and hence
> after him. This might explain this difference between the various accounts.
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 512) and Balyuzi (p. 157) report that the regiment consisted of 750 men, and that they
> fired in three volleys, one row at a time, while Amanat (p. 403) states only that there were three volleys.
> Hence, it seems that I'TIDAD, here reported by Nicolas to have cited 1000 shots, is exaggerating the
> number of bullets fired during the first attempt to execute the Báb and his companion.
> 
> (32)While I'TIDAD states that the Báb "ran away" and accuses him of cowardice, and SIPIHR (op. cit.),
> 
> GOBINEAU (op. cit.) and MIFTAH (op. cit.) agree with this source, ZARANDI (p. 513) and 'Abdu'l-
> Bahá (p. 27) indicate that after his disappearance from the place of execution, the Báb was found in the
> cell he had occupied earlier and in the company of Siyyid Husayn-i-Yazdí. ZARANDI (pp. 513-514)
> reports that the farrásh-báshí who was in charge of finding the Báb and returning him to the place of
> execution was so shaken by these events that he resigned his post and left the scene; he further indicates
> that he told this story to his neighbor, Mírzá Siyyid Muhsin, who was immediately converted to the Bábí
> Cause, and who later showed Nabíl-i-Zarandí the exact location of the room where the Báb was found
> and the nail from which he was suspended during the execution. Amanat (p. 403, n. 121) cites a report
> — without identifying the source — that a Muslim army sergeant, Ghuj 'Alí Sultán retrieved the Báb,
> striking him in the face, and dragging back to the firing squad. In SIPIHR (op. cit.), Quch-'Alí Sultán is
> described as "having hit him several times on the back of his head, returned him to the place of
> execution." The same account is found almost word for word in MIFTAH. GOBINEAU (op. cit.) states
> once freed of his bonds by the first attempt on his life, the Bab "fell on his feet, quickly rose and sought
> to flee; then, all of a sudden seeing a guardhouse, he ran into it…when the Báb had entered the guard-
> room, an infantry captain, or Sultán, by the name of Quch-'Alí came in after him and cut him down
> with his sabre. The Báb fell without saying a word; then the soldiers, seeing him in a pool of blood,
> approached and ended his life with their rifles at point-blank range." It thus appears that Amanat could
> have derived his information from any one of these sources.
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 514) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) insist that the Muslim regiment led by Áqá Ján of Khamsih
> stepped in to carry out the death sentence against the Báb. ZARANDI (p. 525) seems to have kept track
> of this Muslim regiment: he indicates that during the year 1266/1850, one third of the regiment died in
> an earthquake, and that three years later the remaining 500 mutinied and were mercilessly shot by order
> of Mírzá Sádiq Khán-i-Núrí.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        166
> 
> and this time Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad rendered his soul to God. It was on Monday the 27th of
> Sha'bán that this event took place(33).
> 
> The Comte de Gobineau(34), who is in agreement in this with the authors of the "Nasíkhu't-
> Tawáríkh"(35), of the "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí"(36), of the "Mir'at al-Buldan"(37), in a word with
> all the official court historians, reports that after the execution, the cadaver of the Báb was
> thrown into the ditches of the town and devoured by the dogs. In reality it was not so, and we
> will see why this account was spread — as much by the authorities of Tabríz who were not at
> all anxious to bring upon themselves the reprimands of the government through a complacency
> sold at high expense, as by the Bábís who were desirous in this manner to influence the
> investigations of the police.
> 
> The most sure testimonies of the very spectators of this drama and of its actors do not leave me
> in any doubt that the body of Siyyid 'Alí Muhammad was received by pious hands and that
> finally, after vicissitudes which I will recount, received a sepulcher worthy of him.
> 
> When the execution was completed, the troops retired, the crowd dispersed and the bodies
> were confided to the soldiers on guard. The Comte de Gobineau would have it, with some
> other authors, that the body was marched through the streets of the town for three days.
> Although this fact is in general denied by tradition, I accept it as true because it is believable. In
> any case, night having come, the body was left where it was, alone and abandoned, or it was
> guarded by soldiers. In the first case it is totally impossible that the numerous Bábís who were
> found in the town would have hesitated a single instant to steal the body while nobody watched.
> They have demonstrated too many proofs of their courage, of their conviction and of their
> enthusiasm to admit, for even a second, that they would have abandoned to the public the body
> of him whom they considered as their god and which besides would have been so easy to
> recover. But, if the official historians are right, and if on the third day the body was thrown into
> the ditches of the town to become the prey of stray animals, it is very clear that after this it was
> no longer guarded and the sectarians could easily have appropriated it. Finally, in last case,
> even if it was guarded at night, its removal would have been relatively easy. One has no doubt
> been able to perceive in the course of this story what Persian sentinels are made of; their
> 
> (33)Please see note (3) for a detailed consideration of the date of the Báb's execution.
> 
> (34)Comte Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, "Religions et philosophies dans l'Asie Centrale," Paris: Didier &
> 
> Cie, 1865.
> 
> (35)MírzáMuhammad Taqí Lisan al-Mulk Sipihr, "Nasíkhu't-Tawáríkh:Qájáríyya," edited by M.B.
> Bihbudi; Tihrán:1965, four volumes.
> 
> (36)Ridá Qulí Khán Hidáyat, Lálá-báshí, "Rawdat al-Safá-yi Násirí," Tihrán:1959-1960, third edition.
> 
> (37)"Mir'at al-Buldan", a work in several volumes (Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir, email 14/1/02) was
> authored by Muhammad Hasan Khán (Dr. Fananapazir; and Dr. J.R.I. Cole, email 14/1/02), known
> as I'timád al-Saltanih (Dr. Cole) and as Saní'ud-Dawlih, I'timád al-Saltanih Marághiyí (Dr.
> Fananapazir). Dr. Cole pointed out that the author died in 1896, and he referred to the publication of
> his history in Tihrán by Nashr-i-Asfar, with the first volume dated 1364/1985. Dr. Fananapazir points
> out that the author of this history was the son of Hájibu'd-Dawlih Hájí 'Alí Khán Marághiyí, "a cruel
> persecutor of the Bábís" and that his son, "the author, was fair in description of geography etc. but not in
> matters related to the [Bábí] Cause." MacEoin (p. 252) cites "Kitáb al-ma'áthir wa'l-áthár" (Tihran,
> 1306/1888-89) by the same author.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        167
> 
> function essentially consists in sleeping in front of the trust they have been charged with
> guarding.
> 
> If one considers that eloquent and passionate arguments leave very few people untouched in
> Persia, one may easily realize that these Bábís could find the way to the hearts' depths of these
> so inadequately remunerated poor devils. Finally, courage not being, especially in this
> circumstance, the dominant characteristic of the enemies of the Bábí Faith, if one wishes to
> admit that the guard was composed of two or three soldiers, these ones would very probably
> have fled after a first serious attack.
> 
> This is what the Bábís resolved at first to do. The leaders, gathered at the home of Sulaymán
> Khán of Sa'in Qal'a(38) in order to decide upon what measures to take to remove the body of the
> (38)There are two individuals named Hájí Sulaymán Khán who were directly associated with the Bábís
> 
> during this period. Ridá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár converted to the Bábí Cause (MU'IN (pp. 173-176; cited
> Amanat, p. 367, n. 194) and was apparently deprived of his family estate at Sa'in Qala by his anti-Bábí
> father, Hájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár — please see note (4) for more information. On the other hand,
> there is another Hájí Sulaymán Khán, a fervent and active Bábí, who is referred to in the context of the
> safeguarding of the Báb's body, in ZARANDI (pp. 518-520) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 28). When the body
> was retrieved from the street, it was first brought, according to Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 408), to the house
> of Mírzá Hasan Vazír, the son in law of Hájí Mírzá 'Alí Tafrishí (FAYZI, p. 357), known as Majd al-
> Ashráf. From there the body was transported to Tihrán by Hájí Sulaymán Khán, according to various
> accounts.
> 
> In a conversation between George Latimer and 'Abdu'l-Bahá on 19 November 1919, we find the
> following report ("Light of the World," Boston:1920, p. 70):
> 
> "Then Mr. Latimer asked about the taking of the body of the BAB to Teheran.
> "Abdul Baha: 'It is just as it is written in the Traveller's Narrative. Read it in the Traveller's
> Narrative. It is the same. All the other accounts are without foundation. Suleyman Khan, the
> martyr, brought His Blessed Body to Teheran.'"
> 
> Actually, "Traveller's Narrative" (that is, ‘ABDU’L-BAHA) does not state that the body of the Báb was
> brought to Tihrán by Sulaymán Khán...it only states (p. 28) that he retrieved the body of the Báb,
> placed it in a box, and sent it away from Ádhirbáyján according to instructions from Tihrán. ZARANDI
> (p. 519) tells a similar story, indicating that Sulaymán Khán had the Báb's body retrieved, placed in a
> box and transferred "to a place of safety." ZARANDI (p. 521) does not report who delivered the body of
> the Báb to Tihrán, but he does state that he was in Tihrán at that time, and that the remains were
> transferred by Áqáy-i-Kalím and Mírzá Ahmad, "from the Imám-Zádih-Hasan, where they were first
> taken, to a place the site of which remained unknown to anyone excepting themselves." Balyuzi (pp.
> 159-160) seems to rely on ZARANDI and 'Abdu'l-Bahá, and does not clarify this matter. It would seem
> that 'Abdu'l-Bahá's words, cited above, are the only definite account we have of who was responsible for
> transferring the body of the Báb from Tabríz to Tihrán. Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 273-274)
> states that, according to Bahá'u'lláh's instructions, the remains of the Báb were "transported to Tihrán
> and placed in the shrine of Imám-Zádih Hasan. They were later removed to the residence of Hájí
> Sulaymán Khán himself in the Sar-Chashmih quarter of the city, and from his house were taken to the
> shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum, where they remained concealed until the year 1284 A.H. (1867-1868)..."
> This would seem to explain ZARANDI's omission of the name of Hájí Sulaymán Khán with regard to
> the process of the actual transfer of the Báb's body from Tabríz to Tihrán — it was intended that this
> process be secret, so that enemies of the Bábís (and later of the Bahá'ís) would be incapable of seizing
> that sacred relic. ZARANDI (pp. 610-611, 613-619) makes copious reference to the martyrdom of
> Sulaymán Khán, and other sources cited by Amanat (p. 367, n. 189) include SIPIHR (vol. IV, p. 42),
> ZUHUR (p. 26n), Browne in JADID (pp. 330-331), Moojan Momen (pp. 128-146), and "Vaqayi'
> Ittifaqiya" (no. 82). Sepehr Manuchehri has indicated that ZUHUR (volumes III and IV) contains much
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         168
> 
> martyr from the insults and the brutalities of the infidels, decided to mobilize their men, to go in
> groups to the place where the Báb lay, to wage battle if necessary but to carry off the precious
> relic, no matter what the cost. Sulaymán Khán was a considerable man, and head of a large
> family having ties of friendship with the Kalantar of Tabríz(39). He prevailed upon his co-
> 
> material on Hájí Mírzá Sulaymán Khán, the Bábí, and on the transfer of the Báb's remains from Tabríz
> to Haifa. According to Manuchehri, ZUHUR categorically denies that the Bábís intended to 'wage
> battle if necessary' in order to retrieve the body of the Báb. Instead, the Bábís sent two or three persons
> who pretended to be 'mentally disturbed' to the vicinity of the site. These were instructed not to leave
> the site under any circumstances. Bábí women were directed to bring them food and water. They were
> to remain there and attempt to smuggle the body out at a suitable time.
> 
> (39)Hájí Mihdi Khán (Balyuzi, p. 159), the Kalatar (mayor) of Tabríz was a long-standing friend of Hájí
> 
> Sulaymán Khán. ZARANDI (p. 519) calls the Kalantar a dervish and a member of the Súfí community,
> while 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 28) states that he was "of the mystic temperament and did not entertain aversion
> or dislike for any sect" — important indications, inasmuch as Hájí Mírzá Áqásí and Muhammad Sháh
> were also Súfís, if clearly of a different stripe. The Kalatar arranged for Hájí Alláh-Yár (ZARANDI, p.
> 519; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 28), a private servant of the mayor ('Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 28), known for his exploits
> (Balyuzi, p. 159) to recover the bodies of Anís and the Báb. These were delivered to Hájí Sulaymán
> Khán, on the second night after the Báb's death (ZARANDI, pp. 518, 519; 'Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 27), at
> midnight. Both ZARANDI (p. 518) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27) report that an official of the Russian
> consulate sent an artist to draw a sketch of the two bodies as they lay at the edge of the moat, before they
> were recovered by the Bábís. ZARANDI (p. 518) received his report from Hájí 'Alí-Askar, a relative of
> an official of the Russian consulate, who showed him that sketch "on the very same day it was drawn. It
> was such a faithful portrait of the Bab that I looked upon! No bullet had struck His forehead, His cheeks,
> or His lips. I gazed upon a smile which seemed to be still lingering upon His countenance. His body,
> however, had been severely mutilated. I could recognize the arms and head of His companion, who
> seemed to be holding Him in his embrace. As I gazed horror-struck upon that haunting picture, and saw
> how those noble traits had been disfigured, my heart sank within me." This sketch was thought to be lost
> until the Armenian author Atrpet Sargis Mubagajian published numerous photographs of early Bábís
> and some allegedly of the Báb in the second half of his "Imámat: Strana Poklonnikov Imámov
> (Persidskoe Dukhovenstvo) [Imámate: The Country of the Worshippers of the Imáms]" (Alexandropol,
> 1909), entitled "Bábíty I Bekhaiti" (pp. 87-208) [http://bahai-library.org/books/ biblio/history.html]
> Dr. Denis MacEoin, who inspected this volume himself and who was familiar with authenticated
> pictures of the Báb, wrote in his bibliography of Bahá'í literature, in which we find Atrpet's work cited,
> that "none of which [photographs] appear to be in the least authentic." This assessment is confirmed by
> an Ad Hoc Committee appointed by the Universal House of Justice to look into this question, replying
> (20 March 1983) to a letter asking about these pictures written by Robert Stauffer (9 February 1983) and
> posted as follows at: http://bahai-library.org/wwwboard/messages00/584.html
> 
> "In an early sketch of Atrpet Sargis Mubagajian's sources of information for his book 'Bábízm i
> Bekhaizm', a report was found among the documents filed by Shoghi Effendi indicating that
> Mubagajian went to Tabríz to investigate the Bahá'í Faith. He, unfortunately, met with Jalil
> Mishkar Khu'i, a Covenant-breaker, and received his information from this man. What
> Mubagajian was told, particularly about the period after Bahá'u'lláh, was grossly incorrect. Jalil
> also sold Mubagajian other pictures and portraits which later appeared in the book. The report
> further states that the portraits identified as those of Bahá'u'lláh, the Báb and Táhirih are
> obviously forged. However, the drawing made of 'Abdu'l-Bahá in his youth bears, of course, a
> great resemblance to the original picture."
> 
> Ismael Velasco (email 16/1/02) reported that "Bahiyyih Nakhjavani and Bill Collins have done some
> research into this at the [Bahá'í] World Centre. It seems the portrait [found in Artpet's book] that was
> purportedly drawn by an artist who had been brought by the Russian consul to the spot where the
> bodies [of the Báb and Anís] were thrown the day after the Báb's martyrdom may not be authentic. Bill
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       169
> 
> religionists for permission to warn this functionary of the decision that had been taken and to
> make known to him that it would be better for him to allow the removal of the body than to risk
> civil war breaking out in the town. The Kalantar, struck by the immanence of this peril, and by
> the sum that was offered him, thanked Sulaymán Khán for his message, prayed him to advise
> his companions not to budge and to wait until he himself could assure that the body of the Báb
> could be removed by his people. But the Bábís responded to him that they would not permit the
> assassins to sully with their touch the body of the august victim. The Kalantar thus consented
> that some Bábís go to the place of execution to remove the body and he sent some of his men
> with them to silence the soldiers on guard, who, receiving an agreeable payment, easily
> consented to keep quiet. Everyone being thus satisfied, it was arranged to say that the [body of
> the] Báb had been devoured by stray animals. This could easily be believed, for it was
> believable. Hence the plan offered the immense advantage of maintaining the peace in a
> generally turbulent city, of enriching the actors in the comedy, to free them from all
> responsibility and from the other side to close the eyes of the authorities. The two bodies were
> thus carried off, that of Muhammad-'Alí-i-Zanjání(40) was buried and that of the Báb shrouded
> in a box and hidden in a house(41).
> 
> I must here open a parenthesis, so as to report what was told me by Subh-i-Azal, during my
> visit to Cyprus(42):
> 
> "Before his death the Báb ordained in one of his verses that I enclose his body in a
> 
> Collins wrote:
> 
> 'I served at the Bahá'í World Centre Library for thirteen years, and on a number of occasions, I
> was presented with difficult problems of identification. One of these problems had to do with a
> supposed sketch of the Báb's body that appeared in a Russian article. We could find no
> historical evidence that this sketch was anything other than the author's imagination. Yet there
> were people who criticized the finding that this was almost certainly not drawn at the time the
> Báb's body was thrown by His enemies beside the moat in Tabríz.'"
> 
> It appears then that the original sketch of the Báb after his martyrdom has not been found, and that the
> pictures found in Artpet's book are forgeries. Please see note (47) of Chapter Four for a description of
> other portraits of the Báb.
> 
> (40)Mullá Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zanjání was named Hujjat-i-Zanjání by the Báb (ZARANDI, pp. 178, 529,
> 
> 683) and was also called simply Hujjat (ZARANDI, pp. 531-580). Nicolas has confused him with
> Muhammad-'Alí Zunúzí of Tabríz, named Anís, who was the Báb's companion in death. Nicolas' source
> for this misinformation would appear to be Mírzá Yahya, as he quotes him to this effect (cited note (44)
> this Chapter). Nicolas claims that the body of the Báb's companion was buried while that of the Báb
> himself was shrouded in a box and hidden in a house. ZARANDI (p. 519) and 'Abdu'l-Bahá (p. 27)
> affirm that the bodies of both of these martyrs, the Báb and Anís, were carried away by the Bábís, and
> ZARANDI (p. 519) indicates that both were laid in a single casket. This is confirmed by Shoghi Effendi
> ("God Passes By," p. 273) and by Mírzá Yahya as well — please read on and see note (44).
> (41)As has been indicated in note (38), other reports confirm Nicolas' statement that the body of the Báb
> 
> was placed in a casket and hidden in a house.
> 
> (42)Nicolas attests that he was in contact with Mírzá Yahya Subh-i-Azal in Cyprus for two years, in 1894
> 
> and 1895 ("Introduction," "Le Beyan Persan," tome I:1911, p. i, n. 1). Inasmuch as Nicolas refers here
> to his visit to Cyprus, it would seem likely that he may have made two visits, one in 1894 and another in
> 1895. Mírzá Yahya did not die until 1911, so it appears that Nicolas discontinued contact with him by
> choice rather than necessity.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        170
> 
> casket of diamonds, with God's permission, and to bury him opposite Sháh 'Abdu'l-
> 'Azím(43). He described the place of the sepulcher in such fashion that I alone could
> understand what he meant.
> 
> "He died thus, as well as Muhammad-'Alí-i-Zanjání. The executioners threw the
> members of the two martyrs one over the other haphazardly in such fashion that it was
> impossible to differentiate them.
> 
> "I put both of them in a casket of crystal(44), not being able to make one in diamonds and
> buried it at the very place which the Prophet had indicated to me. The location of the
> sepulcher remained a secret for thirty years(45). The Bahá'ís especially knew nothing of it,
> (43)ZARANDI     (pp. 520-521) indicates that Bahá'u'lláh ordered the transfer of the Báb's body from
> Tabríz to Tihrán, "prompted by the wish the Báb Himself had expressed in the 'Ziyárat-i-Sháh-'Abdu'l-
> 'Azím,' a Tablet He had revealed while in the neighborhood of that shrine and which He delivered to a
> certain Mírzá Sulaymán-i-Khatíb, who was instructed by Him to proceed together with a number of
> believers to that spot and to chant it within its precincts." ZARANDI (p. 521) quotes some of the words
> of the Báb with regard to this location:
> 
> "'Well is it with you,' the Báb addressed the buried saint in words such as these, in the
> concluding passages of that Tablet, 'to have found your resting place in Rayy, under the shadow
> of My Beloved. Would that I might be entombed within the precincts of that holy ground!'"
> 
> Lord Curzon ("Persia and the Persian Question," pp. 345-347; cited "The Dawn-breakers," p. 521, n. 1)
> described this sanctuary, which is located about six miles southeast of Tihrán.
> 
> (44)As was affirmed in note (41), ZARANDI (p. 519) and Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 273) report
> 
> that the two bodies, of the Báb and Anís, were placed together in a single casket. This is corroborated
> here by Mírzá Yahya. It is entirely unlikely however that the Báb's body could have been buried in a
> crystal casket, inasmuch as this would be so heavy, so cumbersome and possibly so costly as to make the
> movement of such a relic extremely difficult. Hence, this contention of Mírzá Yahya is highly suspect.
> None of the extant letters of the Báb, including those which have been published by the Azalís (see
> MacEoin, p. 96) confirm Mírzá Yahya's claim that he was personally and exclusively chosen by the Báb
> to carry out the burial of his Master, in a location which he alone could identify. This is also unlikely
> because, if he had been the only person who could identify this location, the priceless remains of the Báb
> might easily have been lost forever, should Mírzá Yahya have died prior to informing another of the
> secret location. Finally, Mírzá Yahya, if he has been accurately quoted by Nicolas, wrongly identifies the
> martyred companion of the Báb as Muhammad-'Alíy-i-Zanjání, called Hujjat, rather than Mírzá
> Muhammad-'Alí, called Anís.
> 
> (45)Abu'l-Qasim Afnan (p. 408) affirms that the body of the Báb was taken to the house of Mírzá Hasan
> 
> Vazír, the son-in-law of Majd-i-Ashráf. FAYZI (p. 357) indicates that the full name of Majd-i-Ashráf was
> Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafrishi. ZARANDI (p. 521) states that the location of the Báb's body was a
> closely guarded secret, apparently known only to Bahá'u'lláh, and to Áqáy-i-Kalím (Bahá'u'lláh's
> brother, also known as Mírzá Músá) and Mírzá Ahmad, who were charged with effecting its
> concealment by Bahá'u'lláh, and perhaps also by 'Abdu'l-Bahá. However, ZARANDI (p. 521) indicates
> that upon the departure of Bahá'u'lláh for Adrianople, Áqáy-i-Kalím was to inform Munír, one of his
> fellow disciples, of the location, but that he was unable himself to find the site. Bahá'u'lláh left
> Constantinople for Adrianople on 1 December 1863 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 161), and it
> seems likely that Áqáy-i-Kalím wrote to Munír by this time, if not earlier in the year. Ismael Velasco
> (email 14/1/02) indicated that Mírzá Músá, Áqáy-i-Kalím was " a leading disciple of Bahá'u'lláh" who
> acted "as His shield until 'Abdu'l-Bahá grew up" and that he was present when Bahá'u'lláh "received [a]
> copy of [the] Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' sent by Mullá Husayn." For a description of this event, the reader may
> refer to ZARANDI (pp. 106-107). For more details regarding that Mírzá Músá, Áqáy-i-Kalím, please
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                        171
> 
> but a traitor revealed it to them. These blasphemers disinterred the body and destroyed
> it. If they did not destroy it, and if they can show a new sepulcher which truly contains
> the casket of crystal and the body of the Prophet which they have stolen, we cannot
> resolve ourselves to considering this new tomb as sacred as it is not the place indicated
> by the Báb(46)."
> 
> see ZARANDI (pp. 183, 255, 286, 288, 397, 432, 441, 582); H.M. Balyuzi's "Bahá'u'lláh: King of
> Glory" (pp. 13, 36, 62, 66-67, 102, 105, 107, 112, 121, 128-29, 137, 139, 141, 148-50, 153, 155, 181,
> 184, 199, 204-207, 219, 221, 225-27, 229-30, 236, 243, 246, 275, 277, 283, 288, 315, 319, 327, 330,
> 347-48, 363, 369; H.M. Balyuzi's, "Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of Bahá'u'lláh" (George Ronald, 1985,
> pp. 261-62); Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh" (volume I: pp. 15-16, 53, 67n, 131,
> 144, 205, 228, 247, 284, 316n; volume II: pp. 58, 67, 154, 160, 163-64, 200, 211, 247n, 332, 402, 405;
> volume III: pp. 23, 181, 225n, 361, 424-25; volume IV: pp. 242, 420n, 438).
> 
> ZARANDI (pp. 521-522) indicates that the casket containing the bodies of the Báb and Anís was
> subsequently discovered by Jamál, an adherent of the Cause who had been informed of its location while
> Bahá'u'lláh was in Adrianople. Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," pp. 273-274) states that in 1284 A.H.
> (1867-1868), in Adrianople, Bahá'u'lláh wrote a Tablet to Mullá 'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí, whom he
> had appointed a Hand of the Cause (Balyuzi, p. 189n) and to Jamál-i-Burújirdí, ordering them to
> transfer the sacred remains to a new location. It appears that the Jamál in ZARANDI may be identical
> with Jamál-i-Burújirdí. This is confirmed by Adib Taherzadeh, who reports in "The Revelation of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II, p. 402): "At this juncture it is appropriate to mention that before going to
> Adrianople, Jamál-i-Burújirdí had rendered an important service to the Faith in Persia. He and Mullá
> 'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí, known as Hájí Ákhund, whom Bahá'u'lláh later appointed a Hand of the
> Cause of God, had been instructed by Him in 1284 A.H. (1867-8) to transfer the remains of the Báb
> which were concealed within the Shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum to another place of safety." The story
> of this transfer as found in "God Passes By" (pp. 273-276) is virtually identical to that found in Nicolas,
> and both accounts seem to be based on the memoirs of Mullá 'Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí. Photographs of
> the Shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum are published in "Bahá'í World" (volume V, p. 544; and volume VI,
> p. 65). Hence, Mírzá Yahya's contention, that the location of the bodies remained a secret for thirty
> years, when they were apparently concealed in 1850 and moved in 1867-1868, is also highly suspect;
> furthermore, his claim that the Bahá'ís in particular knew nothing of the whereabouts of the precious
> trust is preposterous, inasmuch as Bahá'u'lláh called upon two Bahá'ís to move the remains when he
> foresaw that they could be endangered by being left in the shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma'sum. His statement
> that the Bahá'ís disinterred the body and destroyed it is furthermore unbelievable, when one considers
> that Bahá'ís universally regard the Báb as a Manifestation of God, greater in station to any previous
> Prophet, and the first of the two Manifestations of a Cycle of Fulfillment destined to last half a million
> years. Indeed, the Bahá'ís have a higher regard for the Báb than did the Bábís, inasmuch as the writings
> of Bahá'u'lláh depict his prophetic standing in more superlative terms than those employed by the Báb
> himself.
> 
> (46)Mírzá Yahya allows that if the Bahá'ís did not destroy the body of the Báb, and if they possess this
> 
> sacred relic, nevertheless, the tomb they chose for it is not sacred as it is not placed in the location
> stipulated by the Báb. According to the verses of the Tablet cited by ZARANDI (p. 521), the Báb
> wanted to be buried in Rayy, near the shrine of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, and just outside of Tihrán, because
> he wished to have a resting place "under the shadow of My Beloved." Given the many hints in his
> Writings to the identity of "Him Whom God shall manifest," which Bahá'u'lláh claimed to fulfill, it
> seems reasonable to regard this Tablet as an expression of the Báb's wish to be buried close to
> Bahá'u'lláh. 'Abdu'l-Bahá seems to have had the Báb's wishes in mind as well as those of Bahá'u'lláh
> when he ordered that the Báb's remains be transported from Tihrán to 'Akká, where they arrived on 19
> Ramadán 1316/31 January 1899 (Shoghi Effendi, "God Passes By," p. 274). Finally, in "Bayán-i-fársí"
> the Báb stated that certain geographical locations and buildings are sacralized through their association
> with holy souls. The Manifestation of God is the "divine presence" during his earthly sojourn, and after
> his passing, the places associated with him are holy to his followers. His house becomes the House of
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         172
> 
> This version, which I reported to the Bahá'ís of Tihrán had the effect of exasperating them and
> causing them to renew their anathemas against the solitary of Cyprus.
> 
> This is how things transpired... We have said that the body of the Báb was hidden in one of the
> houses of Tabríz. It was that of Sulaymán Khán himself(47). This one informed Bahá'u'llah of
> what had happened and asked him for his instructions. Bahá', in conformity with the order he
> had received in the testament of the Báb(48), ordained the transport of this box to Jamál. It was
> carried to the Imám-Zádih Ma'sum(49), which has since become the favored cemetery of the
> 
> God, his city the City of God. The Báb made all of his ordinances and teachings contingent upon their
> acceptance by "Him Whom God shall manifest", and hence, if Bahá'u'lláh, the successful claimant to
> this title, decreed that the Báb's remains be located in a place different from the place ordained by the
> Báb himself, it would appear that this is entirely in harmony with the Báb's wishes.
> 
> Regarding Mírzá Yahya's version of these events, Nicolas writes: "I hesitated for a long time to write
> down these words of Subh-i-Azal in my story. Everything he says is contradictory and unbelievable, but
> I thought that impartiality made it a duty for me to report what I heard. I will limit myself to remarking
> that Subh-i-Azal does not explain how the body came to him, or where and how he procured the casket
> of crystal. The confused members of the two victims respond to nothing that history tells us. If the two
> sects differ in opinion as to the person of the successor of the Báb, at least they envelope the Báb himself
> with the same love and the same respect. To accuse one of them of having destroyed him seems to be a
> calumny of which Mírzá Yahya repents, moreover immediately, as he adds as a corrective that it is
> possible that the body was not destroyed. That the Bahá'ís would have ignored the location of the
> sepulcher for thirty years is impossible, because at the start there were only Bábís. Finally, how could
> Azal have hidden this [location] from his brother Bahá' in whom he had the greatest confidence and
> whom he even accuses of having abused that confidence?" Nicolas' comments are telling considering
> that he relied on Mírzá Yahya and his followers for much of his information and many of his copies of
> the writings of the Báb.
> 
> (47)Nicolasdoes not identify his source here. ZARANDI (p. 519) states that Hájí Sulaymán Khán
> transferred the remains of Anís and the Báb from the silk factory in Mílán "to a place of safety."
> 'ABDU'L-BAHA (p. 28) reports that the sacred remains were placed in a box in the workshop of a Bábí
> of Mílán, and that afterwards, in obedience to instructions from Tihrán, they were sent away from
> Ádhirbáyján to a secret location. Inasmuch as Hájí Sulaymán Khán's father was a Tabrízí (Balyuzi, p.
> 149), and "one of the nobles of Ádhirbáyján" (ABDU'L-BAHA, p. 28), it is very likely that the family
> had a residence in Tabríz itself, and that the bodies of the Báb and Anís were taken to that location
> subsequent to their consignment to a casket. Furthermore, it is recorded by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes
> By," p. 273) that the casket was concealed in the Tihrán residence of Hájí Sulaymán Khán after it was
> removed from the shrine of Imám-Zádih Hasan and before it was taken to the shrine of Imám-Zádih
> Ma'sum.
> 
> (48)ZARANDI (pp. 519-520) indicates that Hájí Sulaymán Khán reported the location of the casket and
> 
> its sacred trust to Bahá'u'lláh who was then in Tihrán. ZARANDI (pp. 520-521) also indicates that
> Bahá'u'lláh gave instructions for the transfer of the Báb's body in compliance with a formal statement of
> the wishes of the Báb himself regarding his burial that was in his possession.
> 
> (49)Nicolas identifies the resting place of the casket, which ZARANDI and ABDU'L-BAHA refrained
> 
> from doing, either because they were not informed of its whereabouts, or more likely because they did
> not wish to endanger its continued existence by making its location public knowledge in an untimely
> fashion. When ZARANDI was compiling his history, circa 1887-1892, and when 'Abdu'l-Bahá was
> seeing his history published, in 1890 and 1891, the body of the Báb had already been transferred to
> another safe house, inasmuch as it had been imperiled by the renovations being made to the Imám-
> Zádih Ma'sum. However, the casket was still in the keeping of the Bahá'ís in the vicinity of Tihrán, and
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                          173
> 
> Bábís, outside what is called the gate of Qazvín(50) — because it is there that the road terminates
> which conducts from this town to the capital. It was placed in a niche that was walled in with
> bricks.
> 
> Things remained in this way for a long time, when, twenty-nine years ago, Mírzá Husayn 'Alí
> Bahá', being then at Adrianople(51), gave the order to Hájí 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí(52) and to
> Áqá Jamál(53) to remove it from the place where it had been and to transport it elsewhere.
> These ones obeyed without understanding why they had been ordered to make this change; but
> they understood this instruction some time later when the Imám-Zádih, which was on the verge
> of collapse, was demolished and then rebuilt. Its demolition — if Bahá' had not taken this
> precaution — would have revealed the box and the previous relics would have fallen into
> 
> it may have seemed risky to them to openly discuss the present whereabouts of this sacred trust. In 1899,
> the sacred remains made their way to 'Akká and out of Persia altogether; hence, what would have
> constituted a risky and potentially disastrous disclosure in 1890 was an entirely appropriate statement of
> historical fact in 1905.
> 
> (50)Qazvín is a city located around one hundred miles northwest of Tihrán.
> 
> (51)Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 274) gives the date of this ordinance of Bahá'u'lláh as 1284 A.H.
> 
> (1867-1868), which would have been thirty-seven to thirty-eight years prior to 1905, when Nicolas
> published "Seyyed Ali Mohammed dit le Báb." Twenty-nine years prior to 1905 would have fallen on
> the year 1876. Bahá'u'lláh left Adrianople — from whence, according to both authors, he wrote a Tablet
> ordering the transfer of the Báb's remains — on 22 Rabí' al-Thání 1285 A.H. (12 August 1868)
> according to Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 180). Therefore, it is plainly impossible that he could
> have sent this order twenty-nine years prior to the publication of Nicolas' book, as he left Adrianople
> eight or nine years prior to that time. Was Nicolas referring to an earlier date, perhaps the time when he
> met and talked with Hájí Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí? If so then this meeting must have taken place
> eight years before the publication of his book, in 1897. This is entirely possible. Another possibility is
> that Nicolas did not calculate this period of time accurately, and as we have witnessed repeatedly in the
> course of this biography, the calculation of time was not one of his strong points as a chronicler of
> events.
> 
> (52)Hájí 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, also known as Hájí Ákhund, was appointed a Hand of the Cause of
> 
> God by Bahá'u'lláh (Balyuzi, p. 189). Biographical references to Shahmírzádí can be found in H.M.
> Balyuzi's "Bahá'u'lláh: King of Glory" (pp. 399, 454); H.M. Balyuzi's "Eminent Bahá'ís in the Time of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (pp. 105-106, 139, 175, 258, 261-63, 265-66); Adib Taherzadeh's "The Revelation of
> Bahá'u'lláh" (volume II: p. 402; volume III: pp. 85-86, 200, 425-27; volume IV: pp. 14, 185, 255, 275,
> 277, 279, 292, 294-301, 306, 311-12, 315-326, 337-38, 348, 380-81, 436).
> 
> (53)Jamál-i-Burújirdí is described by ZARANDI (p. 521) as "an old adherent of the Faith", and it thus
> 
> appears that he had been a Bábí for some time prior to the martyrdom of the Báb. ZUHUR (volumes V
> and VI), and the memoirs of Dr. Afrukhtih and Dr. Mu'ayyad contain biographical information related
> to this learned man, this devoted teacher who traveled throughout Persia to promote the Cause of
> Bahá'u'lláh. It has been reported that Jamál-i-Burújirdí eventually became proud of his knowledge and
> his eloquence, and it is certain that after the passing of Bahá'u'lláh he refused to accept 'Abdu'l-Bahá, the
> eldest son of Bahá'u'lláh who had been appointed by him in "Kitáb-i-Aqdas" and "Kitáb-i-'Ahdí" to
> serve as the leader of the Bahá'í community. He demanded that 'Abdu'l-Bahá appoint him the head of
> the Bahá'í Faith in Írán, even as George I. Kheirallah demanded to be made head of the Faith in North
> America. When 'Abdu'l-Bahá refused to acede to this demand, Jamál-i-Burújirdí joined forces with
> Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí, 'Abdu'l-Bahá's rebellious half-brother, in making a sustained attack upon the
> leadership of the appointed heir of Bahá'u'lláh. He maintained his opposition to 'Abdu'l-Bahá until his
> death, at a very advanced age.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       174
> 
> profane hands.
> 
> I cede speech here to Hájí Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, who told me this entire story in these
> terms(54):
> 
> "After having received the order in question we went, Áqá Jamál and I, to find the box
> at the Imám-Zádih Ma'sum. We found it behind the wall of bricks which we had to
> destroy, and we transported it in the direction of Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím(55). Night had come
> and we did not know what to do, finding no place where we could safely place the box
> that had been confided to us. We crossed the village and came to the side of Chishmih-
> 'Alí(56) when we passed before the Masjid-i-Masha'u'llah(57), which was then half ruined
> and far away from every inhabited place.
> 
> "We had found a favorable location, and we stopped. We opened the box and found the
> body enwrapped in a shroud; we left it as it was, but wrapped the whole in a shroud of
> silk which we had brought. In the course of this operation, we found upon his chest a
> bouquet of flowers which had been placed there and which were all dried out. We took
> this bouquet and we shared the flowers. Then we replaced the body in the box which
> we carried into the mosque and we placed it standing up under a little arch. In the
> opening of the two arches we built a wall of the bricks we found laying on the ground;
> some plaster had been brought to us by one of our co-religionists.
> 
> "While we were thus occupied, we had not noticed that we had been watched by
> farmers who had been intrigued by our entry into this solitary place.
> 
> "After having finished our work, we went to Quts-i-Hesar(58), a village situated below the
> Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím, where we rested the whole day.
> 
> "The evening having fallen, we directed ourselves towards Jamál. Having arrived at
> 
> (54)This account is virtually identical to that found in "God Passes By" (p. 274), although it is told in
> 
> greater detail by Nicolas.
> 
> (55)Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím is the shrine to which the Báb apparently referred in his Tablet, and also which
> 
> ZARANDI (p. 519) indicates as the preferred resting-place of the Báb. Sepehr Manuchehri states that it
> is found in southern Tihrán.
> 
> (56)Chashmih-'Alí is translated as the 'Alí Springs by Balyuzi (p. 190). Sepehr Manuchehri reports (email
> 
> 22/1/02) that "Chishmih-'Alí is now a part of the Nadí-Abad district in southern Teheran. It was
> famous for its natural spring water system. The local carpet dealers and weavers believed the quality of
> water would enhance the color richness of their carpets and hence it was a popular spot for washing
> carpets. During the reign of Fath-'Alí Sháh [1797-1834], a portrait of the king was engraved on the
> rocks surrounding the spring water way. Hence the name 'Chishmih-'Alí'."
> 
> (57)Masjid-i-Masha'u'lláh, the "abandoned and dilapidated" mosque ("God Passes By," p. 274) "used to
> 
> be in Chishmih-'Alí and was destroyed [a] long time ago to make way for development" (Sepehr
> Manuchehri in an email 22/1/02).
> 
> (58)Quts-i-Hesar, according to Sepehr Manuchehri, is located approximately five kilometers from the
> 
> shrine of 'Abdu'l-'Azím in southern Tihrán. This name was retained right up to the 1979 Islamic
> Revolution.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         175
> 
> Sháh 'Abdu'l-'Azím at the place where the two roads meet, the first going towards
> Chishmih-'Alí, the other towards Tihrán, Jamál took the road to the town. I stopped
> him saying it would be good that we return to the Masjid-i-Masha'u'llah to see if we had
> left any apparent traces of our passage and if our deposit was really secure. As you will
> see, this was an inspiration from heaven.
> 
> "We set ourselves on the road and Jamál whose mount was less tired or more robust
> than mine preceded me. I cried to him that I would await him at the place where I was.
> He left then and I stayed alone. I waited a very long time, so long even that inquietude
> overcame me and I hastened to rejoin my companion.
> 
> "Upon the threshhold I found him swooning. I tried to make him come back to himself,
> but he was so troubled, so upset, that he did not have the strength to respond to my
> questions about the cause of his fainting. So I entered the Mosque fearing that
> something bad had happened, and, as it was dark, I touched with my hands the wall
> which we had constructed. I could feel that it had been destroyed! Half crazy I stretched
> out my arms before me, and found the box, but confirmed at the same time that the box
> had been broken. I pulled it to me in a violent movement of despair and, finding it very
> heavy, I was restored with hope. Very soon I had the immense joy of confirming that
> the body was still therein. Reassured, I reassured my companion and we took counsel as
> to what we could do.
> 
> "We did not see an alternative other than to trust in Providence and to try to bring the
> box back into the town. We put it upon one of our donkeys and set upon the way.
> 
> "Arriving close to the fortifications we stopped, much perplexed; if we wished to make
> our burden enter by the gate, the customs men and the soldiers would have stopped us
> to exAmine the contents, and we would have been imprisoned after the confiscation of
> our box. To pass through the ditch and to climb up the bank was difficult and
> dangerous. We were at the point of despair when the storm which had been threatening
> for a long time suddenly broke. The rain poured down and the pilgrims precipitated
> themselves in a crowd towards the door. Profiting from the occasion we mixed ourselves
> in their midst and, holding our 'abá(59) over the box we were able to pass in this disorder
> without being noticed.
> 
> "We carried the box to one of our number, Áqá Mírzá Hasan Vazír(60), son-in-law of
> Siyyid 'Alí Majdu'l-Ashraf(61); I installed myself in his house without revealing to him the
> secret.
> 
> (59)'Abá' is the Persian and Arabic term that denotes the heavy cloak or robe which was the preferred
> 
> garb of most middle and upper class Persian men in the 19th century.
> 
> (60)Áqá Mírzá Hasan Vazír is called Mírzá Hasan-i-Vazír by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 190).
> 
> Balyuzi (p. 190n) indicates that Dr. Yunis Khán-i-Afrukhtih learned that the descendants of this believer
> had pieces of linen that had been soaked in the blood of the Báb; he persuaded them to donate these
> relics to the leadership of the Bahá'í Faith, and they are now kept in the International Bahá'í Archives.
> 
> (61)Siyyid 'Alí Majdu'l-Ashráf is referred to in note (38), as being the father in law of Mírzá Hasan Vazír.
> 
> FAYZI (p. 357) gives his full name as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafrishi. MacEoin (p. 19) identifies his name
> as Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí Tafarshí Majdu'l-Ashráf.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                         176
> 
> "I remained for fourteen months the guardian of this deposit. I do not know how our co-
> religionists were advised of this provisional sepulcher, but I soon received letters from all
> the provinces on this subject, and from all points of the Empire, Bábís came on
> pilgrimage. I had to answer all of these people that I did not know what this was all
> about, that all that had been said was false, and the pilgrimages continued nevertheless.
> 
> "From the start, alarmed by these comings and goings that might awaken the attention
> of the authorities, I referred to Bahá', informing him that some Isfáhánís had the
> intention of buying the terrain on which the house was built in order to construct there
> a befitting tomb.
> 
> "Finally, at the end of fourteen months, as I have already said, Hájí Sháh Muhammad,
> surnamed Amín, came from 'Akká(62). He was the bearer of an order enjoining me to
> deliver to him this deposit without asking him any questions about what he was going to
> do with it. I gave it to him without asking him for any explanation.
> 
> "Hájí Sháh Muhammad, who later was killed at Tabríz in the insurrection of Shaykh
> Obayd'u'llah(63), carried the body in great secrecy to an unknown place, probably the
> house of one of his co-religionists.
> 
> "Things remained as such, and we were all ignorant of the place where the remains of
> our Prophet were to be found, when, seventeen years ago, one named Áqá Mírzá
> Assad'u'lláh Isfáhání(64) came from 'Akká to Jamál. He took charge of the deposit, but
> nobody knew where he was going to take it and to whom he confided it. Finally, two
> years ago(65), this same Assad'u'lláh returned and transported the relic to 'Akká.
> 
> It is said that the sepulcher is found at the foot of Mount Carmel(66).
> 
> (62)Shoghi  Effendi ("God Passes By," p. 274) indicates that Hájí Sháh Muhammad-i-Manshadi,
> surnamed Amínu'l-Bayán, was commissioned by Bahá'u'lláh to receive the sacred remains from Mullá
> 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí, as is also stated by Nicolas. Sepehr Manuchehri has pointed out that many
> details are known regarding the life of this believer, including references to him in Tablets written by
> Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá; in ZUHUR (volumes V and VI); and in Hájí Muhammad Tahir
> Malmiri's "Táríkh-i-Yazdí".
> 
> (63)When Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí told his story to Nicolas, he was not apprized of the place in
> 
> which Hájí Sháh Muhammad-i-Manshadi concealed the casket, but Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By,"
> pp. 274) indicates that he buried it beneath the floor of the shrine of Imám-Zádih Zayd.
> 
> (64)Mírzá Assadu'lláh-i-Isfáhání was informed by Bahá'u'lláh of the location of the trust, and was
> instructed to transfer it elsewhere, which he did, first to his own home and later to other locations ("God
> Passes By," p. 274).
> 
> (65)Nicolas indicates that Mírzá Assadu'lláh-i-Isfáhání returned to Tihrán from 'Akká to effect the transfer
> 
> of the sacred relic to the Holy Land, and this is confirmed by Shoghi Effendi ("God Passes By, p. 274).
> Nicolas quotes Mullá 'Alí-Akbar Shahmírzádí to the effect that this occurred "two years ago," and as the
> year of this transfer is stated as 1899, this would date his telling of this story in the year 1901.
> 
> (66)The present location of the remains of the Báb and his fellow martyr, Anís, is a tomb whose site was
> 
> "blessed and selected by Bahá'u'lláh" ("God Passes By," p. 275); the construction of which was
> supervised by 'Abdu'l-Bahá and completed on 28 Safar 1327 A.H., 21 March 1909; the superstructure,
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     177
> 
> Hence, it was only long after his death, that Siyyid 'Alí, the greatest figure of modern times, he
> who, for love of his fellow men, took part in the most frightful adventure which could be dreamt
> of, with a courage all the more marvelous because it was tranquil and consistent, and who in
> certain fact is a hero whom no other hero will ever equal, finally rests in eternal peace. May the
> earth be light upon him!
> 
> ornamentation and adjacent gardens of which were carried out with infinite care by Shoghi Effendi; and
> the nineteen terraces and stairway of which were completed in summer 2001 under the supervision and
> management of the Universal House of Justice. The centerpiece of the World Order of Bahá'u'lláh is the
> shrine of the Báb on Mt. Carmel, in Haifa, Israel.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                    178
> 
> APPENDIX I: THE BÁB
> 
> Dearly-beloved friends! That the Báb, the inaugurator of the Bábí Dispensation, is fully entitled
> to rank as one of the self-sufficient Manifestations of God, that He has been invested with
> sovereign power and authority, and exercises all the rights and prerogatives of independent
> Prophethood, is yet another fundamental verity which the Message of Bahá'u'lláh insistently
> proclaims and which its followers must uncompromisingly uphold. That He is not to be
> regarded merely as an inspired Precursor of the Bahá'í Revelation, that in His person, as He
> Himself bears witness in the Persian Bayán, the object of all the Prophets gone before Him has
> been fulfilled, is a truth which I feel it my duty to demonstrate and emphasize. We would
> assuredly be failing in our duty to the Faith we profess and would be violating one of its basic
> and sacred principles if in our words or by our conduct we hesitate to recognize the
> implications of this root principle of Bahá'í belief, or refuse to uphold unreservedly its integrity
> and demonstrate its truth. Indeed the chief motive actuating me to undertake the task of editing
> and translating Nabíl's immortal Narrative has been to enable every follower of the Faith in the
> West to better understand and more readily grasp the tremendous implications of His exalted
> station and to more ardently admire and love Him.
> 
> There can be no doubt that the claim to the twofold station ordained for the Báb by the
> Almighty, a claim which He Himself has so boldly advanced, which Bahá'u'lláh has repeatedly
> affirmed, and to which the Will and Testament of `Abdu'l-Bahá has finally given the sanction of
> its testimony, constitutes the most distinctive feature of the Bahá'í Dispensation. It is a further
> evidence of its uniqueness, a tremendous accession to the strength, to the mysterious power and
> authority with which this holy cycle has been invested. Indeed the greatness of the Báb consists
> primarily, not in His being the divinely-appointed Forerunner of so transcendent a Revelation,
> but rather in His having been invested with the powers inherent in the inaugurator of a
> separate religious Dispensation, and in His wielding, to a degree unrivaled by the Messengers
> gone before Him, the scepter of independent Prophethood.
> 
> The short duration of His Dispensation, the restricted range within which His laws and
> ordinances have been made to operate, supply no criterion whatever wherewith to judge its
> Divine origin and to evaluate the potency of its message. "That so brief a span," Bahá'u'lláh
> Himself explains, "should have separated this most mighty and wondrous Revelation from
> Mine own previous Manifestation, is a secret that no man can unravel and a mystery such as no
> mind can fathom. Its duration had been foreordained, and no man shall ever discover its reason
> unless and until he be informed of the contents of My Hidden Book." "Behold," Bahá'u'lláh
> further explains in the Kitáb-i-Badí', one of His works refuting the arguments of the people of
> the Bayán, "behold, how immediately upon the completion of the ninth year of this wondrous,
> this most holy and merciful Dispensation, the requisite number of pure, of wholly consecrated
> and sanctified souls had been most secretly consummated."
> 
> The marvelous happenings that have heralded the advent of the Founder of the Bábí
> Dispensation, the dramatic circumstances of His own eventful life, the miraculous tragedy of
> His martyrdom, the magic of His influence exerted on the most eminent and powerful among
> His countrymen, to all of which every chapter of Nabíl's stirring narrative testifies, should in
> themselves be regarded as sufficient evidence of the validity of His claim to so exalted a station
> among the Prophets.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                  179
> 
> However graphic the record which the eminent chronicler of His life has transmitted to
> posterity, so luminous a narrative must pale before the glowing tribute paid to the Báb by the
> pen of Bahá'u'lláh. This tribute the Báb Himself has, by the clear assertion of His claim,
> abundantly supported, while the written testimonies of `Abdu'l-Bahá have powerfully
> reinforced its character and elucidated its meaning.
> 
> Where else if not in the Kitáb-i-Íqán can the student of the Bábí Dispensation seek to find those
> affirmations that unmistakably attest the power and spirit which no man, except he be a
> Manifestation of God, can manifest? "Could such a thing," exclaims Bahá'u'lláh, "be made
> manifest except through the power of a Divine Revelation and the potency of God's invincible
> Will? By the righteousness of God! Were any one to entertain so great a Revelation in his heart
> the thought of such a declaration would alone confound him! Were the hearts of all men to be
> crowded into his heart, he would still hesitate to venture upon so awful an enterprise." "No
> eye," He in another passage affirms, "hath beheld so great an outpouring of bounty, nor hath
> any ear heard of such a Revelation of loving-kindness... The Prophets `endowed with
> constancy,' whose loftiness and glory shine as the sun, were each honored with a Book which all
> have seen, and the verses of which have been duly ascertained. Whereas the verses which have
> rained from this Cloud of divine mercy have been so abundant that none hath yet been able to
> estimate their number... How can they belittle this Revelation? Hath any age witnessed such
> momentous happenings?"
> 
> Commenting on the character and influence of those heroes and martyrs whom the spirit of the
> Báb had so magically transformed Bahá'u'lláh reveals the following: "If these companions be
> not the true strivers after God, who else could be called by this name?... If these companions,
> with all their marvelous testimonies and wondrous works, be false, who then is worthy to claim
> for himself the truth?... Has the world since the days of Adam witnessed such tumult, such
> violent commotion?... Methinks, patience was revealed only by virtue of their fortitude, and
> faithfulness itself was begotten only by their deeds."
> 
> Wishing to stress the sublimity of the Báb's exalted station as compared with that of the
> Prophets of the past, Bahá'u'lláh in that same epistle asserts: "No understanding can grasp the
> nature of His Revelation, nor can any knowledge comprehend the full measure of His Faith."
> He then quotes, in confirmation of His argument, these prophetic words: "Knowledge is twenty
> and seven letters. All that the Prophets have revealed are two letters thereof. No man thus far
> hath known more than these two letters. But when the Qá'im shall arise, He will cause the
> remaining twenty and five letters to be made manifest." "Behold," He adds, "how great and
> lofty is His station! His rank excelleth that of all the Prophets and His Revelation transcendeth
> the comprehension and understanding of all their chosen ones." "Of His Revelation," He
> further adds, "the Prophets of God, His saints and chosen ones, have either not been informed,
> or, in pursuance of God's inscrutable decree, they have not disclosed."
> 
> Of all the tributes which Bahá'u'lláh's unerring pen has chosen to pay to the memory of the
> Báb, His "Best-Beloved," the most memorable and touching is this brief, yet eloquent passage
> which so greatly enhances the value of the concluding passages of that same epistle. "Amidst
> them all," He writes, referring to the afflictive trials and dangers besetting Him in the city of
> Baghdád, "We stand life in hand wholly resigned to His Will, that perchance through God's
> loving kindness and grace, this revealed and manifest Letter (Bahá'u'lláh) may lay down His life
> as a sacrifice in the path of the Primal Point, the most exalted Word (the Báb). By Him, at
> Whose bidding the Spirit hath spoken, but for this yearning of Our soul, We would not, for one
> moment, have tarried any longer in this city."
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                    180
> 
> Dearly-beloved friends! So resounding a praise, so bold an assertion issued by the pen of
> Bahá'u'lláh in so weighty a work, are fully re-echoed in the language in which the Source of the
> Bábí Revelation has chosen to clothe the claims He Himself has advanced. "I am the Mystic
> Fane," the Báb thus proclaims His station in the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', "which the Hand of
> Omnipotence hath reared. I am the Lamp which the Finger of God hath lit within its niche and
> caused to shine with deathless splendor. I am the Flame of that supernal Light that glowed
> upon Sinai in the gladsome Spot, and lay concealed in the midst of the Burning Bush." "O
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn!" He, addressing Himself in that same commentary, exclaims, "I recognize in
> Thee none other except the `Great Announcement' — the Announcement voiced by the
> Concourse on high. By this name, I bear witness, they that circle the Throne of Glory have ever
> known Thee." "With each and every Prophet, Whom We have sent down in the past," He
> further adds, "We have established a separate Covenant concerning the `Remembrance of
> God' and His Day. Manifest, in the realm of glory and through the power of truth, are the
> `Remembrance of God' and His Day before the eyes of the angels that circle His mercy-seat."
> "Should it be Our wish," He again affirms, "it is in Our power to compel, through the agency of
> but one letter of Our Revelation, the world and all that is therein to recognize, in less than the
> twinkling of an eye, the truth of Our Cause."
> 
> "I am the Primal Point," the Báb thus addresses Muhammad Sháh from the prison-fortress of
> Máh-Kú, "from which have been generated all created things... I am the Countenance of God
> Whose splendor can never be obscured, the light of God whose radiance can never fade... All
> the keys of heaven God hath chosen to place on My right hand, and all the keys of hell on My
> left... I am one of the sustaining pillars of the Primal Word of God. Whosoever hath recognized
> Me, hath known all that is true and right, and hath attained all that is good and seemly... The
> substance wherewith God hath created Me is not the clay out of which others have been
> formed. He hath conferred upon Me that which the worldly-wise can never comprehend, nor
> the faithful discover." "Should a tiny ant," the Báb, wishing to stress the limitless potentialities
> latent in His Dispensation, characteristically affirms, "desire in this day to be possessed of such
> power as to be able to unravel the abstrusest and most bewildering passages of the Qur'án, its
> wish will no doubt be fulfilled, inasmuch as the mystery of eternal might vibrates within the
> innermost being of all created things." "If so helpless a creature," is `Abdu'l-Bahá's comment on
> so startling an affirmation, "can be endowed with so subtle a capacity, how much more
> efficacious must be the power released through the liberal effusions of the grace of Bahá'u'lláh!"
> 
> To these authoritative assertions and solemn declarations made by Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb
> must be added `Abdu'l-Bahá's own incontrovertible testimony. He, the appointed interpreter of
> the utterances of both Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb, corroborates, not by implication but in clear
> and categorical language, both in His Tablets and in His Testament, the truth of the statements
> to which I have already referred.
> 
> In a Tablet addressed to a Bahá'í in Mázindarán, in which He unfolds the meaning of a
> misinterpreted statement attributed to Him regarding the rise of the Sun of Truth in this
> century, He sets forth, briefly but conclusively, what should remain for all time our true
> conception of the relationship between the two Manifestations associated with the Bahá'í
> Dispensation. "In making such a statement," He explains, "I had in mind no one else except the
> Báb and Bahá'u'lláh, the character of whose Revelations it had been my purpose to elucidate.
> The Revelation of the Báb may be likened to the sun, its station corresponding to the first sign
> of the Zodiac — the sign Aries — which the sun enters at the Vernal Equinox. The station of
> Bahá'u'lláh's Revelation, on the other hand, is represented by the sign Leo, the sun's mid-
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                    181
> 
> summer and highest station. By this is meant that this holy Dispensation is illumined with the
> light of the Sun of Truth shining from its most exalted station, and in the plenitude of its
> resplendency, its heat and glory."
> 
> "The Báb, the Exalted One," `Abdu'l-Bahá more specifically affirms in another Tablet, "is the
> Morn of Truth, the splendor of Whose light shineth throughout all regions. He is also the
> Harbinger of the Most Great Light, the Abhá Luminary. The Blessed Beauty is the One
> promised by the sacred books of the past, the revelation of the Source of light that shone upon
> Mount Sinai, Whose fire glowed in the midst of the Burning Bush. We are, one and all, servants
> of their threshold, and stand each as a lowly keeper at their door." "Every proof and prophecy,"
> is His still more emphatic warning, "every manner of evidence, whether based on reason or on
> the text of the scriptures and traditions, are to be regarded as centered in the persons of
> Bahá'u'lláh and the Báb. In them is to be found their complete fulfillment."
> 
> And finally, in His Will and Testament, the repository of His last wishes and parting
> instructions, He in the following passage, specifically designed to set forth the guiding principles
> of Bahá'í belief, sets the seal of His testimony on the Báb's dual and exalted station: "The
> foundation of the belief of the people of Bahá' (may my life be offered up for them) is this: His
> holiness the exalted One (the Báb) is the Manifestation of the unity and oneness of God and the
> Forerunner of the Ancient Beauty (Bahá'u'lláh). His holiness, the Abhá Beauty (Bahá'u'lláh)
> (may my life be offered up as a sacrifice for His steadfast friends) is the supreme Manifestation
> of God and the Day-Spring of His most divine Essence." "All others," He significantly adds,
> "are servants unto Him and do His bidding."
> 
> (Shoghi Effendi, "The Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh," dated February 8, 1934, published in
> "The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh", Section 38, pp. 119-128)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                               182
> 
> APPENDIX II:
> 
> THE WRITINGS OF THE BÁB
> 
> CHRONOLOGICALLY ORDERED BY DATE AND LOCATION
> 
> BÚSHIHR (1834-1840)
> 
> 1)Commercial accounts, invoices, bills, 1834-1840; cited MacEoin:44
> 
> 2)"Risála-yi fiqhiyya," composed 1254-55/1838-39 in Búshihr; cited Nicolas, SAMB:190,
> MacEoin:43 (missing)
> 
> KARBILÁ (1840-1841)
> 
> 1)"Risála fi'l-sulúk," refering to Siyyid Kázim Rashtí; cited MacEoin:44-45 (5 mss)
> 
> 2)"Risála fi'l-tasdíd," found alongside "Risála fi'l-sulúk"; cited MacEoin:45,196 (6 mss)
> 
> SHÍRÁZ (1841-1843)
> 
> 1)"Daftar-i hisáb-i khalá'iq," translated as "this is the reckoning book of mankind" (MacEoin
> translation:44); mentioned by his wife Khadíjih Begum to Munírih Khánum (wife of 'Abdu'l-
> Bahá), and noted in her memoirs, translated by Mírzá Ahmad Sohrab (Los Angeles:Persian-
> American Publishing Company, 1924, p. 24) and by Sammireh Anwar Smith (Los
> Angeles:Kalimat Press, 1986, p. 34); quoted Faydí, "Khándán-i Afnán," p. 163; cited MacEoin:44
> 
> 2)"Ziyára jámi'a kabíra," n.d., n.p.; cited MacEoin:45-46 (5 mss); "Ziyárat Námih-yi Áhl-Alláh,"
> same as above, cited in Amanat:138; confused with "Kitáb al-haramayn" by Nicolas in "Le Livre
> des Sept Preuves", p. ii (MacEoin:45n)
> 
> 3)"Tafsír Súrat al-Baqara," commentary on the second chapter of the Qur'án, listed in "Kitáb al-
> fihrist," dated January-May 1844 (MacEoin:51); called "Kitáb al-Ahmadiyya" in "Risála-yi
> dhahabiyya" (MacEoin:53); composed 1259-1260/1839-1844, Shiraz; cited Nicolas:44;
> MacEoin:46-47,53,201 (15 mss)
> 
> SHÍRÁZ (May-August 1844)
> 
> 1)"Qayyúmu'l-asmá'," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50); called "Tafsír Súrat Yúsuf,"
> commentary on the twelfth chapter of the Qur'án; called "Kitáb al-Husayniyya" in "Risála-yi
> dhahabiyya" (53); composed 1260/1844; cited Nicolas:23-28; MacEoin:50,53,55-57,195-196 (17
> mss)
> 
> 2)"Tafsír Hadíth al-járiyya," composed 1260/1844; cited MacEoin:57-58,199 (6 mss)
> 
> 3)"Ziyáratnáma fí'l-Imám 'Alí," cited MacEoin:58 (2 mss)
> 
> 4)"Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," first letter, composed 1260/1844, cited MacEoin:58,192 (2 mss)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       183
> 
> 5)"Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," first letter, composed 1260/1844, cited MacEoin:58,192 (2 mss)
> 
> 6)"Risála-yi Najíb Páshá," letter to the Valí of Baghdád, composed 1260/1844; cited by Shoghi
> Effendi:24; MacEoin:58 (missing)
> 
> 7)"Du'á-yi sahífa," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50); these prayers may have been written
> before hajj (MacEoin:59); called "Sahífa-yi makhzúna" (MacEoin:55,198); called "Sahífa al-
> Hujjatiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited Nicolas:29-33 (14 prayers listed);
> MacEoin:50,55,59-60,198 (14 prayers listed: 7 mss)
> 
> HAJJ TO MECCA AND MEDINA (10 September 1844-July 1845)
> 
> Letter to an uncle in Shíráz, dated 30 June 1845, indicating imminent return to Shíráz; cited
> Balyuzi:105n; MacEoin:48
> 
> "Kitáb al-fihrist," list of Báb's writings to date; listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); called "Sahífa al-
> radawiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54-55); composed 15 Jumada II 1261/21 June 1845 in
> Bushihr; cited Nicolas:37; cited MacEoin:51,188 (4 mss)
> 
> Letters listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); "Kitáb al-Hasaniyya" (?) described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya"
> (53); cited as "Jadwal al-kutub" (33) in Nicolas:33-37 (22 letters listed); MacEoin:51 (22 letters
> listed),53,190-192:
> 
> (i)five letters to Mullá Husayn Bushru'i (Nicolas, MacEoin)
> 
> (ii)three letters to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan (Nicolas, MacEoin); [this may be the same person as Siyyid
> Hasan to whom the Báb wrote a letter enumerated (vi) in INBMC 67, cited MacEoin:190]
> 
> (iii)"Kutub al-'ulama" (Nicolas), "Kitáb al-'ulama" (MacEoin); one copy is entitled "Surat al-
> 'ulama" (74); cited MacEoin:74,189 (4 mss)
> 
> (iv)letter to Mulláh Hasan (Nicolas), Mullá Hasan Gawhar (MacEoin)
> 
> (v)"Kitáb-i Majid" (Nicolas), letter to Sultan 'Abd al-Majid (MacEoin)
> 
> (vi)six letters to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, Báb's uncle (Nicolas, MacEoin)
> 
> (vii)two letters to Hájí Mullá Muhammad (Nicolas, MacEoin)
> 
> (viii)"Kitábayn bayt" (Nicolas), two letters to Khadija Begum, the Báb's wife (MacEoin) [may be
> same as one of the letters listed in INBA 5014C(xxvi):330 as to his wife, and cited MacEoin:191 (1
> ms)]
> 
> (ix)three letters (Nicolas), three letters to the Hanbali, Maghribi and Hanafi Imams (MacEoin)
> 
> (x)"Kitáb al-imam al-hanafi" (Nicolas); letter to Hájí Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmani
> (MacEoin) [this may be the same as the letter found in INBA 5014C(xxvii):331 as to Karim Khan
> Kirmani, cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)]
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                   184
> 
> (xi)letter to Hájí Muhammad Karim Khan Kirmani (Nicolas); letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad
> 'Alí Barfurushi (MacEoin)
> 
> (xii)letter to Hájí Mullá Muhammad (Nicolas); letter to Mírzá 'Abd al-Baqi Rashti (MacEoin)
> 
> (xiii)letter to Mírzá 'Abdu'l-Baqi Rashti (Nicolas); letter to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasani
> (MacEoin) [MacEoin:190 refers to letter to Siyyid Hasan written on return from hajj;
> MacEoin:191 refers to letter to Hájí Mírzá Hasan Khurasani: see undated letters]
> 
> (xiv)letter to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasani (Nicolas); letter to Shaykh Rafi' (MacEoin)
> 
> (xv)two letters to Mullá Sadiq Khurasani (Nicolas, MacEoin)
> 
> (xvi)letter to Muhammad Kazim Khan (Nicolas, MacEoin)
> 
> (xvii)letter to Shaykh Khalif (Nicolas), Shaykh Khalaf (MacEoin)
> 
> (xviii)letter to Shaykh Salman (Nicolas), Shaykh Sulayman (MacEoin); [this may be the same as
> Mírzá Sulayman, to whom the Báb wrote answering six questions, cited MacEoin:190]
> 
> (xix)letter to Sharif Sulayman of Mecca (Nicolas, MacEoin); Browne:F.28 (item 7); cited
> MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> (xx)letter to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani (Nicolas); letter to Siyyid Ibráhím [Mahallati] (MacEoin)
> [MacEoin:191 identifies this with letter to Mahallati, pp. 308-311, INBA 5014C]
> 
> (xxi)letter to Sulayman Khan (Nicolas); letter to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani (MacEoin) [this may be the
> same as the letter to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmani, cited MacEoin:191]
> 
> (xxii)"Kitáb al-fihrist" (Nicolas); letter to Sulayman Khan (MacEoin) [this may be the same as the
> letter to Hájí Sulayman Khan, written in Medina, cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms); this may be the same
> as the letter to Hájí Sulayman Khan found in Browne,F.28(item7) and listed as (ii) to Hajj
> Sulayman Khan, cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)]
> 
> "Sahífa a'mál al-sana," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); composed in Bushihr after hajj; called
> "Sahífa al- fátimiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54); called "Kitáb a'mal al-sana" (64); mentioned
> in "Sahífa-yi 'adliyya" (64); called "Sahífa fátimiyya" in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" (70); cited
> Nicolas:37-40; MacEoin:51,64,70,197 (2 mss)
> 
> "Khutbas," sermons written on pilgrimage, listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); cited as "Jadwal al-
> khutib" (40) in Nicolas:40-41 (7 listed); MacEoin:51 (9 listed):
> 
> (i)"Khutbas," two at Abi Shahar, Bushihr (Nicolas), Bushihr (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (2 mss)
> 
> (ii)"Khutba," at Banghareh (Nicolas), Banakan (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (missing)
> 
> (iii)"Khutba," at Kingan (Nicolas), Kanakan (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:186 (2 mss)
> 
> (iv)"Khutba," on 'Id al-Fitr "feast day" (Nicolas, MacEoin), written in Masqat (MacEoin:187); cited
> MacEoin:187 (2 mss)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                      185
> 
> (v)"Khutba," at Jidda (Nicolas, MacEoin); giving account of pilgrimage (MacEoin:48): cited
> MacEoin:187 (2 mss)
> 
> (vi)"Khutba," on the sufferings of Husayn (Nicolas, MacEoin), "Khutab fi'l-safina" (MacEoin:187);
> cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)
> 
> (vii)"Khutbas," three on the road to Mecca (Nicolas, MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (missing)
> 
> (viii)"Khutba," for Mullá Husayn Bushru'i, written on ship (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (2 mss)
> 
> (ix)"Khutba," on "'ilm al-hurúf" (MacEoin); cited MacEoin:187 (3 mss)
> 
> "Al-sahífa bayna'l-haramayn," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); composed for Mírzá Muhammad
> Husayn Muhit-i Kirmani; possibly called "Sahífa al-Músáwiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54);
> called "Jadwal al-sahifeh wa'l-sahifeh bayn al-haramayn" by Nicolas:42-43, and may be same as
> "Kitáb bayn al-haramayn," Nicolas:51,454 (SOURCE); Amanat:441; MacEoin:51,54,197-198 (10
> mss)
> 
> "Kitáb al-haramayn," cited Nicolas:Note A, B; not mentioned by MacEoin (see "Al-sahífa bayna'l-
> haramayn")
> 
> "Tafsír al-bismala," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (51); called "Sahífa al-baqiriyya" in "Risála-yi
> dhahabiyya" (54); called "Tafsír hurúf al-basmala" (63); cited Nicolas:44; MacEoin:51,54,63,200 (9
> mss)
> 
> "Tafsír al-hamd," one ms has this "Tafsír" preceeding "Tafsír al-bismala," cited in
> MacEoin:64,199 (3 mss)
> 
> "Kitáb al-rúh," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); said to number 900 verses in "Kitáb al-'ulamá'" (61);
> called "Kitáb al-'Alawiyya" in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (53); called "Kitáb al-'adl" by Mazandarani,
> "Asrár al-áthár" (61); called "Kitáb al-'adl" in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" (70); cited Nicolas:44;
> MacEoin:52,53,61,70,189 (5 mss) called "Kitáb-i haftsad súra," by Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (53)
> 
> "Jawáb al-masá'il," listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); cited in Nicolas:44; MacEoin:52 (missing)
> 
> "Du'á," collection of prayers listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); may be same as "Sahífa al-'alawiyya"
> described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (54); cited MacEoin:52,54 (nine prayers: missing)
> 
> "Jadwal ma saráqá al-sariq (l'anihu'lahu) fi tariq Makka," titles stolen on pilgrimage 1261/1845,
> listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52-53); cited Nicolas:45-46 (9 titles); MacEoin:52-53 (9 titles: missing)
> 
> Prayers listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (52); some of which are cited by MacEoin:191:
> 
> (i) in reply to twenty questions; INBA 5014C(xviii):300-304; MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (ii)in reply to al-'Alawiyya
> 
> (iii)in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Khaliq Yazdi
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     186
> 
> (iv)in reply to Karbala'i 'Alí Asghar; INBA 5014C(xv):298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (v) on the sijdat al-shukr in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalil Urumi; INBA 5014C(xiii):294; cited
> MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (vi)in reply to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Nahri; INBA 5014C(xxi):311-315; cited MacEoin:191 (ms)
> 
> (vii)in reply to Mullá Ahmad Khurasání [Mu'allim-i Hisari?], Di'bil, and the son of Mírzá 'Alí al-
> Akhbari; INBA 5014C(xiv):295-298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (viii) in reply to Mírzá Hadi and Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí Qazvíní; INBA 5014C(xix):305-308; cited
> MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (ix) in reply to Mullá Ibráhím Mahallati; INBA 3014C(xx):308-311; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> (x) in reply to Siyyid Ja'far Shubbar; INBA 5014C(v):216-218;(xxii):315-318; cited
> MacEoin:190,191 (2 mss)
> 
> "Khasá'il-i-sab'a," composed 1260/1844; sent to Báb's uncle Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí along with
> letter (translated by Nicolas:214-218); described by Zarandí (DB:142-144); by Ishráq Khávarí,
> "Muhadirat," volume 2, pp. 785-786; by Muhammad 'Alí Faydi, "Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Ula," pp. 53-
> 54,153; cited MacEoin:62 (1 mss presumed)
> 
> "Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," second letter, written on return from hajj in Bushihr; cited in
> Fayzi:148-153; MacEoin:64,193 (2 mss)
> 
> "Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," second letter, written on return from hajj in Bushihr (?); cited in
> Fayzi:148-153; MacEoin:64,192 (1 ms)
> 
> "Khutba" written one stage from Medina; cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)
> 
> "Khutub," two written near the staging-post of al-Safra; cited MacEoin:187 (1 ms)
> 
> SHÍRÁZ (June 1845-September 1846)
> 
> "Risála-yi dhahabiyya," contains list of Báb's writings between beginning of 1260 to beginning of
> 1262 (1844-1846); cited MacEoin:50,51,207 (1 ms)
> 
> "Risála furú' al-'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, n.p.; cited MacEoin:70,196 (3 mss)
> 
> "Ziyára jámi'a saghíra," first chapter in "Risála furú' al-'adliyya" and one separate mss; cited
> MacEoin:203 (4 mss)
> 
> "Sahífa al-ja'fariyya," on the "ghayba," with much historical content; described in "Risála-yi
> dhahabiyya" (54); in "Sahífa-yi 'adliyya" (54); called "Sahífa-yi ja'fariyya" (198); cited MacEoin:66-
> 67,198 (3 mss)
> 
> "Ziyára jámi'a kabíra," assigned to this period by MacEoin (45); cited MacEoin:202 (5 mss)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     187
> 
> "Sahífa al-jawádiyya," on "lahút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
> (missing)
> 
> "Sahífa al-hádiyya," on "jabarút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
> (missing)
> 
> "Sahífa al-'askariyya," on "malakút," described in "Risála-yi dhahabiyya" (55); cited MacEoin:55
> (missing)
> 
> "Du'á-yi alf," composed 1261-62/1845-46; cited by Mazandarani, "Asrár al-áthár," I:179-182;
> MacEoin:67-68,185 (1 ms)
> 
> "Sahífa-yi 'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, probably in Shíráz (68); first Persian work (68-69); cited
> MacEoin:68-69,197 (13 mss)
> 
> "Risála furú' al-'adliyya," composed 1262/1846, probably in Shíráz (68); first work of the Báb
> translated, by Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harawí from Arabic into Persian (70); cited MacEoin:70-
> 71,196 (3 mss in Persian, 1 ms in Arabic)
> 
> "Kitáb al-tahára," in a ms of "Risála furú' al-'adliyya," which may not be the work of the Báb; cited
> MacEoin:71,189 (1 ms)
> 
> "Tafsír súrat al-kawthar," commentary on Qur'án 108, written for Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí (Vahid),
> in Shíráz; cited MacEoin:71,201-202 (12 mss)
> 
> "Khutba," written as preface to "Tafsír súrat al-kawthar"; cited MacEoin:71,187,201 (2 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír áyat al-núr," commentary on Qur'án 24:35; cited MacEoin:72,198 (7 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír súrat al-qadr," commentary on Qur'án 97; cited MacEoin:72,202 (3 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír súrat al-tawhíd," commentary on Qur'án 112, also known as "súrat al-ikhlás"; cited
> MacEoin:72,202 (3 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír hadíth 'nahnu wajh Allah," cited MacEoin:72,200 (5 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír hadíth 'man 'arafa nafsahu fa-qad 'arafa rabbahu’," cited MacEoin:72,200 (7 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír al-há," two commentaries by this name of the letter "h", referred to in "Risála alghina" (80);
> cited MacEoin:72,80,199 (6 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír hadíth al-haqíqa," commentary on tradition better known as "hadith-i Kumayl"; cited
> MacEoin:72,199 (5 mss)
> 
> "Bayán 'illat-i tahrím      al-maharím,"     cited   Mazandarani,     "Zuhúr     al-haqq"   (III:288);
> MacEoin:72,184 (5 mss)
> 
> "Bayán jabr wa tafwíd," cited MacEoin:73,184 (3 mss)
> 
> "Bayán mas'ilat al-qadar," cited MacEoin:73,184 (4 mss)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                   188
> 
> "Bayán taqárub wa tabá'ud," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73,184 (7 mss)
> 
> "Bayán fi 'ilm al-jawámid wa'l-mushtáqát," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73,184 (4 mss)
> 
> "Bayán fi'l-nahw wa'l-sarf," cited Mazandarani, Ibid.; MacEoin:73 (missing)
> 
> "Sharh on statement of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí in his Tafsír khutba al-tutunjiyya of 'Alí," cited
> MacEoin:73,198 (4 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír hadíth 'kullu yawm 'ashúrá," cited MacEoin:73,200 (4 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír súrat al-inshiráh," commentary on Qur'án 94; mentioned in Mullá Muhammad Zunúzí,
> whose account was published in Mazandarani, "Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:31-32); cited MacEoin:73-74
> (missing)
> 
> Letter to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, uncle of the Báb; translated by Nicolas:214-218; cited by
> MacEoin:62
> 
> ISFÁHÁN (September 1846-March 1847)
> 
> "Tafsír súra wa'l-'asr," commentary on Qur'án 103, composed for Mir Siyyid Muhammad, Sultan
> al-'ulama, Imam-Jum'a of Isfáhán; writing of which may have been timed by clock; cited
> MacEoin:76,202 (10 mss)
> 
> "Tasbih-i Fatima," doxology preceeding "Tafsír súra wa'l-'asr" in two mss; MacEoin:202 (2 mss)
> 
> "Risála fi'l-nubuwwa al-khássa," on the specific prophethood of Muhammad, composed for
> Manuchihr Khan, Mu'tamad al-Dawla, governor of Isfahan; cited MacEoin:76-77,196 (7 mss)
> 
> Letter to Manúchihr Khán; cited MacEoin:77-78,193 (4 mss)
> 
> Letter to the governor of Shúshtar; cited MacEoin:78,193 (5 mss)
> 
> Letter to Mírzá Sa'íd Ardistání or Mírzá Muhammad Sa'íd Zavára'í; cited MacEoin:78-79,193 (6
> mss)
> 
> Letter to Mírzá Muhammad 'Alí al-Mudhahhib; cited MacEoin:79,193-194 (4 mss)
> 
> Letter commenting on a hadíth of the Imám Ridá; cited MacEoin:79,194 (4 mss)
> 
> "Ishráq" written in style of Siyyid Kázim Rashtí at the request of Mullá 'Alí Tabrízí; cited
> MacEoin:79,194 (2 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír" on Qur'án 50:16 and 112:4, for Mírzá Hasan Waqáyi'-nigár, possibly the court historian
> of Manúchihr Khán (79); cited MacEoin:79,194 (4 mss)
> 
> Letter to a theological students on questions contained in the Qur'án; cited MacEoin:79-80, 194 (5
> mss)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     189
> 
> "Sharh kayfiyyat al-mi'ráj," letter to Mírzá Hasan Núrí; cited MacEoin:80,194 (5 mss)
> 
> "Risála fi’l-ghiná'," letter on singing; cited MacEoin:80,194 (4 mss)
> 
> "Risála-yi dhahabiyya," reply to criticisms of someone named Jawad, possibly Mullá Jawad Vilyání
> Khu'ar or Siyyid Jawad al-Karbala'i (80); cited MacEoin:80-81,195 (2 mss)
> 
> Letter replying to three questions, one refering to Qurrat al-'Ayn; cited MacEoin:81,195 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter on the significance of the letters of the alphabet; cited MacEoin:81,195 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Mullá Husayn Dakhíl Marágha'í, undated; cited in "Hadrat-i Nuqta-yi Báb" (see
> Secondary:Bahá'í); cited in MacEoin:177
> 
> EN ROUTE: KULAYN, SIYÁH-DIHÁN, TABRÍZ (March-August 1847)
> 
> "Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," third letter; mentioned as written in Kulayn by 'Abdu'l-Bahá,
> TN:14,16; cited MacEoin:83 (missing)
> 
> "Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," written in Siyáh-Dihán according to "Táríkh-i Samandar" (99);
> MacEoin:83 (presumed lost)
> 
> Letters to the 'ulamá of Qazvín, including: Hájí Mullá 'Abd al-Wahháb Qazvíní (letter copied by
> Shaykh Samandar Qazvíní), Hájí Mullá Muhammad Sálih Baraghání, Hajj Mullá Muhammad
> Taqí, Hájí Siyyid Muhammad Taqí Qazvíní, transmitted by Mullá Ahmad Iqbal Marágha'í
> (Letter of the Living); written in Siyáh-Dihán (83); cited in "Táríkh-i Samandar" (97-98); cited
> MacEoin:83 (missing)
> 
> IN PRISON: MÁH-KÚ (August 1847-9 April 1848)
> 
> "Bayán-i farsi," begun at Máh-Kú (Zarandí:248); completed by Subh-i-Azal in "Mutammim-i
> Bayán" according to Azalís (84) and by Bahá'u'lláh in "Kitáb-i-Íqán" according to Shoghi Effendi
> (GPB:138); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:83-84,181-184 (at least 49 mss)
> 
> "Bayán al-'arabí," written in Máh-Kú (85); published in French translation by Gobineau (1865)
> and Nicolas (1905); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:85,181 (15 mss)
> 
> "Dalá'il-i sab'a," Persian treatise, written in Máh-Kú according to Subh-i-Azal (85) and E.G.
> Browne (86); could have been completed at Chihríq (86); translated into French by Nicolas;
> published along with Arabic treatise by Azalís; cited MacEoin:85-87,185 (13 mss)
> 
> "Dalá'il al-sab'a," Arabic treatise; almost certainly dates from same period as Persian treatise (88);
> published along with Persian treatise by Azalís; cited MacEoin:88,185 (3 mss)
> 
> Tafsírs on the Qur'án, nine commentaries written at Máh-Kú according to Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí
> (eye-witness), entrusted to Siyyid Ibráhím Khalíl Tabrízí (Zarandí:31); "Bayán-i fársí" (316) refers
> to three commentaries on the Qur'án; Subh-i-Azal stated that two commentaries on the Qur'án
> were taken from Írán to Baghdad (Browne, TN:II:335); cited MacEoin:88 (missing)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       190
> 
> "Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," third extant letter; published in "Muntakhabát" (13-18); cited
> MacEoin:97,193 (1 ms)
> 
> TABRÍZ, CHIHRÍQ, TABRÍZ (May-August 1848, August 1848, August 1848-July
> 1850, July 1850)
> 
> "Tawba-nama," recantation at judicial examination in Tabríz, facsimile published in Browne,
> MSBR:256-257; record of interrogation also in MSBR:248-255; may not be authentic
> (Amanat:392); cited MacEoin:97-98 (unknown)
> 
> "Lawh-i hurúfát," composed at Chihríq for Mírzá Asad Alláh Khú'í Dayyán (Zarandí:304);
> referred to in letter (Zarandí:304) of Bahá'u'lláh to Jináb-i-Muballigh, Mírzá Ibráhím Shirazí,
> where it is called "Kitáb-i hayákil" and "Kitábi dar hayákil-i wáhid" (MacEoin:89); in a letter to
> Mullá 'Alí Muhammad Siraj Isfáhání (Ibid.); and another letter in "Ishráqát" (p. 47) as "Kitáb-i
> haykal" (Ibid.); comprising the final five grades (sections) of "Kitáb-i panj sha'n" (Ibid.); referred to
> by the Báb in "Dalá'il-i sab'a" as "Kitáb-i hayákil-i wáhid" (MacEoin:90); referred to by Mírzá
> Yahyá as "Kitáb-i-hayákil" ("A Traveller's Narrative," volume II, p. 339; cited MacEoin:90n).
> MacEoin (pp. 189-190) cites eleven extant manuscripts of this work. This book is not to be
> confused with the Báb's "Kitáb-i hayákil" found in Haifa ms (Ibid.); nor with Bahá'u'lláh's "Súra-yi
> haykal" (Ibid.); nor with Mírzá Yahyá's "Kitáb-i-hayákil" (Ibid.).
> 
> "Haykal al-dín," composed at Chihríq; published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:90-91,186 (3 mss)
> 
> "Tafsírs," two commentaries on the first and second wáhids of "Haykal al-dín" published by Azalís
> along with this work and dated 22-23 June 1850; cited MacEoin:91 (unknown)
> 
> "Kitáb al-asmá'," also known as "Tafsír al-asmá'," "Kitáb asmá'-i kull-i shay'," and "Chahár sha'n"
> (91); written during last days at Chihríq according to Mázandarání ("Asrár al-áthár," I:126); cited
> MacEoin:91-92,188 (26 mss)
> 
> "Khutba-yi qahriyya," written for Hájí Mírzá Áqásí shortly after the Báb's return from judicial
> examination in Tabríz; delivered to Áqásí by Mullá Muhammad 'Alí Zanjání according to
> Bahá'u'lláh (Zarandí:323); cited MacEoin:92-93,186 (2 mss)
> 
> "Risála-yi Hájí Mírzá Áqásí," third letter; written in Chihríq and published in Mázandarání, "
> Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:85-89); cited in "Táríkh-i Samandar" (99); MacEoin:92,192 (1 ms)
> 
> "Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," fourth extant letter, published in "Muntakhabát" (5-8); cited
> MacEoin:97,193 (1 ms)
> 
> "Risála-yi Muhammad Sháh," fifth extant letter, published in Mázandarání, "Zuhúr al-haqq"
> (III:82-85); published in " Muntakhabát" (9-13); cited MacEoin:97,193 (2 mss)
> 
> "Khutab-i qahriyya," series of Arabic letters written in Chihríq, including those written to the Sháh
> and Áqásí (Amanat:381); including two sermons quoted by Mu'in al-Saltana Tabrízí (see
> Secondary:Bahá'í) and Fayzi:304-306; Mázandarání states that he included several of these in
> unpublished volume of " Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:82); cited MacEoin:93 (missing)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       191
> 
> "Kitáb-i panj sha'n," called "Shu'ún-i khamsa" (Munzawi, "Fihrist," II:2, p. 1736); one of Báb's last
> works (Shoghi Effendi, GPB:51); one of works brought to Baghdad according to Subh-i-Azal
> (Browne, TN:II:335); published by Azalís; cited MacEoin:93-95,189-190 (11 mss)
> 
> "Tafsír du'á al-sabáh," commentary on the Shí'í morning prayer at the request of Áqá Siyyid
> Abu'l-Hasan, son of Áqá Siyyid 'Alí Zunúzí, according to Mázandarání (III:73); cited
> MacEoin:98,199 (2 mss)
> 
> Letters to the 'ulamá of every city of Írán," according to Bahá'u'lláh, "Kitáb-i-Íqán" and Shoghi
> Effendi (GPB:24); cited MacEoin:98 (unknown)
> 
> "Kitáb al-jazá'," listed in Nicolas catalogue (item 90); seven pages of this work sent to Browne by
> Subh-i-Azal (Browne collection, folder1, item 25); described in 'Abdu'l-Bahá, TN:II,336-337;
> another name for "Bayán al-'arabíyya" according to Mázandarání ("Asrár al-áthár," III:14).
> 
> Letter to Mullá Báqir Tabrízí; Mázandarání, "Zuhúr al-haqq" (III:20-22); cited MacEoin:95
> 
> Letter to Mullá Ahmad Ibdal [Maraghá'í]; Ibid.:53-54; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Mullá Muhammad Taqí Harawí, on the "qá'imiyya"; Ibid.:70-72; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to the Bábís in general, instructing them to follow Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.:122-124;
> Ibid.
> 
> Letter to an unnamed recipient, about Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.:140; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí, proclaiming "qá'imiyya"; Ibid.:164-166; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid 'Alí, his uncle; Ibid.:223-225; MacEoin:96
> 
> Letter to an unnamed recipient, about Qurratu'l-'Ayn; Ibid.:332-333; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Mullá Ahmad Mu'allim Hisarí; Ibid.:333; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Áqá Siyyid Ahmad Yazdí, the father of Siyyid Husayn Yazdí; Ibid.:460-461; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Subh-i-Azal, in which Báb instructs him to preserve Bayán; published by the Azalís in
> "Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt-i Nuqta-yi Úlá wa Áqá Siyyid Husayn-i Kátib," p. 1; copy in Azal's
> handwriting in Browne F.66, item 1; facsimile published in Hamadání, TJ, facing p. 426; facsimile
> published in Browne, NK, facing p. xxxiv of the Persian preface; cited MacEoin:96
> 
> Letter to Mullá 'Abd al-Karím Qazvíní, tells him to send all of Báb’s writings to Subh-i-Azal; Ibid.,
> p. 1; Ibid.
> 
> Letter to Subh-i-Azal, assures him of divine inspiration in interpreting Book of God; Ibid., p. 3-8;
> Ibid.
> 
> Letter to 'Abd al-Karím Qazvíní, telling him to preserve Báb and his writings; Ibid., p. 9-10; Ibid.
> 
> Lettter to Mírzá Asad Allah Khú'í Dayyan, tells him to protect Subh-i-Azal; Ibid., p. 9-10; Ibid.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                   192
> 
> Letter to Mullá Shaykh 'Alí Turshízí, claims "qá'imiyya," letter referred to in "Nuqtatu'l-Káf" (p.
> 209); Ibid., p. 12-14; Ibid.
> 
> Letter written perhaps on 26 November 1848, testifies to truth of Muhammad and the Imáms;
> Ibid., p. 15-16; Ibid.
> 
> Letter in which Báb lays claim to "qá'imiyya" and refers to Day of Resurrection come and return
> of Muhammad and the Imáms; Ibid., p. 17-18; Ibid.
> 
> Letter addressed to "Him Whom God shall manifest" in which he suggests he wait nineteen years
> before making appearance; Ibid., p. 20; Ibid.
> 
> Twenty-nine letters, received from Mírzá Mustafá, 3 June 1913; Browne Folder 4, item 10; cited
> MacEoin:195
> 
> Thirty-seven letters and other works, transcribed by Ridván 'Alí in 1913; Browne F.25; cited
> MacEoin:95,208-209
> 
> Six letters; Browne F.21:items 9,16,18,23,24,25; cited MacEoin:95
> 
> UNDATED MANUSCRIPTS
> 
> HAYÁKIL
> 
> "Hayákil," several received from Mírzá Mustafá, 3 June 1913; in Browne: Folder 4:Item 10; cited
> MacEoin:186,195 (1 ms)
> 
> "Haykal," in the Báb's hand; Browne: Folder 3:Item 6; cited MacEoin:186
> 
> "Haykal," said to be in Báb's hand, presented by Claude Cobham; British Library: Or. 6887; cited
> MacEoin:186
> 
> "Hayákil," dated 1851-1852, in hand of Áqá Siyyid Rahím Isfáhání; published by Azalís in
> "Qismatí az alwáh-i khatt"; cited MacEoin:186
> 
> RISÁLAT
> 
> On the apostacy of Mullá Jawád Vilyání; INBMC 98(i):111-122; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> On the words "the essence of 'Alí is in contact with the Essence of God"; INBMC 67(i):100-104;
> cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> On the alteration of the divine Will and the "preserved tablet"; INBMC 67(ii):172-176; cited
> MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> On illness; INBMC 67(iii):176; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> On the hajj; INBMC 67(iv):176-177; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                       193
> 
> On abjad (gematria) and kimiya (alchemy); INBMC 67(v):203-204; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Siyyid Hasan, refers to trial of Bastámí; INBMC 67(vi):?; [may be letter listed in "Kitáb
> al-fihrist" (MacEoin:50) as (ii) to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan or (xiii)to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurasání];
> cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to six questions from Mírzá Sulaymán; INBA 5014C(i):159-163); [may be letter
> cited in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xviii) to Shaykh Sulaymán or (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán];
> cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter on the Imáms; Ibid.(ii):163-166; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> In reply to four questions; Ibid.(iii):170-171; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> In reply to a question, with a prayer; Ibid.(iv):173-188; cited MacEoin:190 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to 'Abd al-Wahháb; Ibid.(vi):257-264; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> On "istiftáh" (explaining texts); Ibid.(vii):264-269; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Áqá Siyyid Jawád (Karbalá'í?); Ibid.(viii):269-270; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Mullá Mahdí Khú'í; Ibid.(ix):270-271; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Mullá Hasan Bajastání; Ibid.(x):271-275; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Mullá Ahmad Mu'allim Hisárí; Ibid.(xi):275-279; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to a question; Ibid.(xii):279-284; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Hájí Sulaymán Khán, written in Medina; Ibid.(xvii):no page cited; [may be same as letter
> listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xviii) to Shaykh Sulaymán or (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán];
> cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Prayer copied in the hand of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í; Ibid.(xxiii):319-321; cited MacEoin:191 (1
> ms)
> 
> Letter to Hájí Mírzá Hasan Khurásání; Ibid.(xxiv):319-321; [may be the same as the letter in
> "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) listed as (xiii) to Mírzá Siyyid Hasan Khurásání]; cited
> MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to an unknown recipient; Ibid.(xxv):322-324; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to his wife, "li'l-bayt"; Ibid.(xxvi):330; [may be one of two letters listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist"
> (MacEoin:51) as (viii) to his wife]; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Karím Khán Kirmání(?); Ibid.(xxvii):331; [may be the same as the letter in "Kitáb al-
> fihrist" (MacEoin:51) listed as (x) to Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání]; cited MacEoin:191
> (1 ms)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                  194
> 
> Letter in reply to two questions; INBA 5006C(i):347-348; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to seven questions raised by Mírzá Muhammad Yazdí; Ibid.(ii):363-365; cited
> MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl; Ibid.(iii):365-367; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí; Ibid.(iv):365-371; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter replying to three questions; INBA 4011C(i):137-141; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Mírzá Muhammad Yazdí; Ibid.(ii):149-156; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to 'Abd al-Jalíl; Ibid.(iii):156-159; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to "akh al-Jalíl"; Ibid.(iv):163-164; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Habíb; Ibid.(v):164-165; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to 'Abd al-Jalíl, in reply to five questions; INBA 6004C(i):198-200; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to three questions; Ibid.(ii):200-204; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to an unknown recipient; Ibid.(iv):207-209; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter in reply to questions on abjad (gematria); Ibid.(v):213-215; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> Letter to Hájí Sulaymán Khán; Browne F.28 (Folder 7); [this letter may be the same as that listed
> in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xxii) to Sulaymán Khán]; cited MacEoin:192 (1 ms)
> 
> ZIYÁRAT-NÁMAS
> 
> "Ziyárat al-zahrá," for Fatima (MacEoin:99); cited MacEoin:203 (1 ms)
> 
> "Ziyárat-námas" for Friday and Thursday nights; INBA 6007C:(1):30-40; cited MacEoin:210 (1
> ms)
> 
> "Ziyárat-náma" Ibid. for the ten letters; Ibid.:(2):40-41; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid. for the first to believe (Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í) on Thursday night; Ibid.:(3):46-52; Ibid.
> 
> "Ziyára jámi'a" for Thursday night; Ibid.(4):52-61; Ibid.
> 
> "Ziyárat-náma" for the first (to believe); Ibid.(5):61-65; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(6):65-71; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the two hidden names; Ibid.:(7):71-72; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the martyrs, on Thursday night; Ibid.:(8):72-79; Ibid.
> A Prophet in Modern Times                               195
> 
> Ibid., for the letters of the unity (Báb and eighteen Letters of the Living=19[vahid:unity]), on
> Friday; Ibid.:(9):78-82; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for Friday; Ibid.:(10):97-101; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first and the last (to believe), on Friday; Ibid.:(11):106-113; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(12):114-118; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the second to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(13):118-121; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the third to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(14):121-123; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the fourth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(15):123-126; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the fifth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(16):126-128; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the sixth to be martyred of the Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(17):128-131; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the martyrs; Ibid.:(18):132-139; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the letter "M"; Ibid.:(19):139-145; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first to believe, on the night of 'Id al-Fitr; Ibid.:(20):145-147; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the middle of the night of the month of God; Ibid.: (21):160-164; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first (to believe) on the Day of 'Arafa; Ibid.:(22):164-175; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(23):175-176; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(24):187a-189; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the eight letters; Ibid.:(25):189-201; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the Point (the Báb) and his Letters of the Living; Ibid.:(26):201-211; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the first (to believe); Ibid.:(27):255-262; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(28):262-266; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(29):266-268; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the last (to believe); Ibid.:(30):268-272; Ibid.
> 
> Ibid., for the twenty-nine letters; Ibid.:(31):541-547; Ibid.
> 
> MUNÁJÁT
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                     196
> 
> Prayer in reply to Mullá 'Abd al-Jalíl; INBA 5014C(xiii):294; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Prayer in reply to Mullá Ahmad Khurásání, Di'bil, and the son of Mírzá 'Alí al-Akhbárí;
> Ibid.(xiv):295-298; cited MacEoin:191 (1 ms)
> 
> Prayer written at the request of Karbalá'í 'Alí Asghar Khurásání; Ibid.(xv):298; cited MacEoin:191
> (1 ms)
> 
> Prayer written in reply to Hájí Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání, in Medina; Ibid.(xvi):198-199; [may be same as
> letter listed in "Kitáb al-fihrist" (MacEoin:51) as (xxi) to Siyyid 'Alí Kirmání] cited MacEoin:191 (1
> ms)
> 
> "Min áthár al-bayán," prayers in Browne F.14; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)
> 
> "Min áthár al-bayán," prayers in Browne F.25; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)
> 
> "Áthár-i mutafarriqa-yi bayán," prayers in British Library: Or. 5629; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms)
> 
> Twenty prayers, appended to "Kitáb al-asmá'"; British Library: Or. 6255; cited MacEion:195 (1
> ms)
> 
> Prayers; INBA 6001C; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)
> 
> Prayers; INBA 6003C:173-227,294-319,324-330; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)
> 
> Prayers; INBA 6005C; cited MacEoin:195 (1 ms?)
> 
> SALAWÁT
> 
> "The compilation INBMC 53 contains a large number of salawat addressed to the Prophet,
> Fátima, and each of the Imáms (pp. 95-130)." (MacEoin:99)
> A Prophet in Modern Times                                  197
> 
> FINAL NOTES
> Peter Terry has translated the complete works of A.L.M. Nicolas on the Bábí religion, with
> copious annotations. He is the author of several academic papers on topics related to Hají
> Siyyid ‘Ali Muhammad Shírází, known to history as “the Báb”, including, The Language of the
> Bab; The Persian Bayan of the Bab; The Seven Proofs of the Bab. He studied Judaism in Jerusalem,
> Islám at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst and the University of Chicago, and the
> Bábí and Bahá’í religions as an independent scholar on four continents.
> 
> If the reader wishes to contact the author with a kind word of encouragement, a question, or to
> point out anything in this study that is inconsistently transliterated or translated, incorrectly
> cited, ill-conceived, poorly explained, or awkwardly positioned in the sequence of events and
> persons presented, the author may be reached at: babistudiesseries@yahoo.com
> 
> All readers who wish to participate in a community of interest related to the BÁBÍ STUDIES
> SERIES are invited to become members of a yahoo group. Just send an email to:
> babistudiesseries-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
>
> — *A Prophet in Modern Times (Used by permission of the curator)*