# The Bab: The Herald of the Day of Days

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Hasan M. Balyuzi, The Bab: The Herald of the Day of Days, bahai-library.com.
> ──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
> 
> The Báb:
> 
> The Herald of the Day of Days
> 
> Hasan M. Balyuzi
> 
> Oxford: George Ronald, 1973
> 
> (see copyright notice at end)
> 
> THE BÁB
> 
> The Herald of the Day of Days
> 
> by
> 
> H. M. BALYUZI
> 
> GEORGE RONALD
> 
> OXFORD
> 
> First published 1973 by George Ronald
> 
> 46 High Street, Kidlington, Oxford, OX5 2DN
> 
> Reprinted 1973 and 1974
> 
> Paper edition 1975
> 
> Reprinted 1994
> 
> © H. M. BALYUZI 1973
> 
> ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
> 
> This book is copyright under the Berne Convention.
> It may not be reproduced in whole or
> in part, in any form (except for fair dealing for
> the purposes of private study, research, criticism
> or review as permitted under the Copyright
> Act, 1956) without written permission
> from the publisher.
> 
> ISBN 0 85398 054 3
> 
> EXTRACTS FROM
> 
> Nabíl, The Dawn-Breakers
> 
> Copyright © 1932 National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís
> 
> of the United States
> 
> Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By
> 
> Copyright © 1944, 1971 National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís
> 
> of the United States
> 
> WORLD ORDER, A Bahá'í Magazine
> 
> Copyright © 1966 National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá'ís
> 
> of the United States
> 
> Printed by The Cromwell Press,
> 
> Broughton Gifford, Melksham,
> 
> Wiltshire SN12 8PH
> 
> Contents
> 
> Forewordix
> 
> A Note on the Construction of Persian Namesxi
> 
> Prologue1
> 
> 1.All Hail Shíráz15
> 
> 2.He Whom They Sought32
> 
> 3.Ṭihrán48
> 
> 4.The First Martyr58
> 
> 5.Pilgrimage to Mecca69
> 
> 6.Forces of Opposition Arrayed76
> 
> 7.Belief and Denial85
> 
> 8.The City of `Abbás the Great106
> 
> 9.The Antichrist of the Bábí Revelation117
> 
> 10.Where the Aras Flows124
> 
> 11.The Grievous Mountain134
> 
> 12.That Midsummer Noon148
> 
> 13.The Dawn-Breakers161
> 
> Epilogue189
> 
> APPENDICES
> 
> 1.The Siege of Karbilá193
> 
> 2.The Martyrdom of the Báb202
> 
> 3.Prelude to the Episode of Nayríz204
> 
> 4.The Seven Martyrs of Ṭihrán206
> 
> 5.The Episode of Zanján209
> 
> 6.Lord Palmerston's Enquiry214
> 
> 7.Myth-Making217
> 
> Bibliography225
> 
> Notes229
> 
> Index243
> 
> TO
> 
> THE SHINING MEMORY
> 
> OF
> 
> A LONE AND NOBLE WOMAN
> 
> WHO SUFFERED IN SILENCE
> 
> FOR FORTY YEARS
> 
> THIS STORY OF HER BELOVED HUSBAND
> 
> IS DEDICATED
> 
> [Pg ix]
> 
> Foreword
> 
> The present book completes the trilogy on the lives of the
> Founders of the Bahá'í Faith. However, now that additional
> material is at my disposal, it is my hope to expand at a future
> date the volume on the life of Bahá'u'lláh, and also to write
> a supplement to the volume on the life of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
> 
> This book is the first in the range of Bahá'í literature to
> make extensive use of official documents from governmental
> archives. I am greatly indebted to Moojan Momen who has
> generously shared with me the results of his able research
> in the Public Record Office of London and elsewhere.
> 
> The two British Foreign Secretaries who received news
> and dispatches regarding the Báb and the Bábís were the
> Earl of Aberdeen, who held office from September 1841 to
> July 1846, under Sir Robert Peel; and Viscount Palmerston,
> whose tenure of office extended from July 1846 to January
> 1852, under Lord John Russell. The British envoy chiefly
> involved in forwarding such reports to London was Lt.-Col.
> (later Sir Justin) Sheil, the Minister in Ṭihrán. Lord Palmerston's
> letters to him (F.O. 248/134) state that his dispatches
> concerning the Báb and the Bábís were 'laid before the
> Queen'.
> 
> My deep gratitude goes to Abul-Qasim Afnan, who has
> unstintingly made available to me the chronicle-history and
> the autobiography of his father, the late Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh,
> as well as letters written by and to the relatives of the
> Báb, together with many other documents of inestimable
> value.
> 
> It should be borne in mind that apart from quotations
> from the Writings of the Báb, speeches attributed to Him or
> to anyone else in these pages must not be taken as exact
> reportage of words spoken at the time. They only convey[Pg x]
> the sense and purport of what was said on those occasions.
> Obviously no one was taking notes. It is possible, however,
> that a few short sentences here and there, which immediately
> engrave themselves on the mind, are exact utterances, the
> very words spoken.
> 
> As the bibliography indicates I have consulted a number
> of books; but of printed works, the main sources have been
> God Passes By and Nabíl's Narrative, The Dawn-Breakers. I am
> much indebted to the Bahá'í Publishing Trust, Wilmette, Illinois,
> for permission to quote from these and other sources,
> as well as to Cambridge University Press, the Public Record
> Office, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., A. & C. Black Ltd.,
> Faber & Faber Ltd., William Heinemann Ltd., Methuen &
> Co. Ltd., and World Order, A Bahá'í Magazine. Full acknowledgment
> is made in the bibliography and notes.
> 
> I am profoundly grateful to the Hands of the Cause Paul
> Haney and Abul-Qasim Faizi for reading the manuscript
> and for their review and advice. As in the past Marion
> Hofman's generous help has smoothed the path to publication.
> My indebtedness to her is immense. And without
> my wife's assistance and support I could not have completed
> my task.
> 
> I should also like to thank Miss Dorothy Wigington,
> Mr. Farhang Afnan and Mr. Rustom Sabit for their care
> in reading the proofs, and Mr. Horst W. Kolodziej for his
> excellent reproduction of a number of old documents and
> photographs.
> 
> Finally, a word as to the Prologue; this in my view provides
> a necessary background for the story of the Báb. But
> should the reader find in it too many unfamiliar facts, he
> may turn immediately to the first chapter.
> 
> H. M. BALYUZI
> 
> London
> 
> October 1972
> 
> [Pg xi]
> 
> A Note on the Construction of Persian Names
> 
> In times past the people of Persia had no surnames, but in
> many instances they were known by the name of the district,
> city, town, or even the village from which they came: for
> example, Khurásání, Mázindarání, Ṭihrání, Iṣfahání, and
> Shírází.
> 
> There were also various honorific prefixes and suffixes
> by which a person was distinguished. A descendant of the
> Prophet Muḥammad had (and has) the prefix of 'Siyyid'. At
> times, 'Mírzá' took the place of 'Siyyid', and at times the
> two were used together. 'Mírzá' by itself did not denote
> any particular ancestry, except when placed after a proper
> name to mark royal descent.
> 
> The suffix 'Khán' served at one time as a title, but with
> passing years, it became merely honorific, even meaningless,
> and at no time was it a surname.
> 
> The prefix 'Ḥájí' or 'Ḥáj' indicated then, as now, one who
> had made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Mashhadí and Karbilá'í,
> as prefixes, marked pilgrimage to Mashhad or Karbilá, but
> as suffixes pointed out nativity.
> 
> There were also innumerable titles conferred by the
> sovereign in Írán, consisting of diverse combinations, sometimes
> ludicrous, sometimes grammatically impossible. Occasionally
> they indicated a definite rank and profession. As
> time passed, these titles multiplied absurdly, until they were
> swept away by legislation in the 1920's.
> 
> Finally, a person was often distinguished from others by a
> combination of prefixes and suffixes attached to his name
> which, if omitted, might cause him to be taken for another
> person.
> 
> [Pg xii]
> 
> Today the situation is much changed, but for the period
> described in this book, the author can identify people
> only by the names they then used, however difficult they
> may be.
> 
> Quotations are reproduced in their original form, even
> though differing from the spelling and transliteration of
> Persian words adopted in this book. Translations from
> Persian sources are by the author unless otherwise attributed.
> 
> The text of the Authorised Version of the Bible is Crown
> copyright and the extracts used herein are reproduced by
> permission.
> 
> [Pg xiii]
> 
> The Báb, the Exalted One, is the Morn of Truth,
> 
> Whose Light shineth throughout all regions.
> 
> `ABDU'L-BAHÁ
> 
> O people of the Báb! sorely persecuted,
> 
> compelled to silence, but steadfast now as at
> 
> Sheykh Ṭabarsí and Zanján, what destiny is
> 
> concealed for you behind the veil of the Future?
> 
> EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE
> 
> [Pg 1]
> 
> PROLOGUE
> 
> I
> 
> About the time that the thirteen colonies of North America
> were gaining their independence to form the nucleus of the
> mighty Republic of the West, France was inching her way
> towards a revolution such as the world had never seen,
> and Britain was striding along the road to a revolution of a
> different kind, industrial, agrarian and economic in nature,
> a cleric of the Islamic Shí`ah persuasion left his island-home
> in the Persian Gulf for the great centres of Shí`ah
> learning and Shí`ah devotion in `Iráq. His purpose was
> to find a much larger audience in order to give voice to
> thoughts and presentiments that had developed with his
> years.
> 
> Shaykh Aḥmad-i-Aḥsá'í (1743-1826), the founder of the
> Shaykhí school, belonged to the ancient tribe of Banú-Ṣakhr,
> and his family originated from the region of Aḥsá on the
> Arabian mainland. His father's name was Shaykh Zayni'd-Dín,
> and Baḥrayn had been their home. Shaykh Aḥmad
> first visited Najaf, where the Tomb of `Alí, the first Imám,
> cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muḥammad, is
> situated. Then in Karbilá, close by the Shrine of the martyred
> Ḥusayn, the third Imám, he began to preach and a
> circle of earnest students gathered round him. He asked the
> leading Shí`ah divines of the holy cities of `Iráq to issue him
> a licence which would give him recognition as a mujtahid
> in his own right, that is, a divine empowered to interpret
> and prescribe. They all declared that they considered
> Shaykh Aḥmad to be a man of knowledge and talent[Pg 2]
> superior to their own, and that their testimonial was written
> solely at his request.
> 
> The fame of Shaykh Aḥmad soon spread throughout
> Írán. Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh (reigned 1797-1834) and Muḥammad-`Alí
> Mírzá,[A] a son of the Sháh who held the life-long tenure
> of the governorship of Kirmánsháh, were particularly
> desirous to meet him. But Shaykh Aḥmad preferred to go
> to Írán by way of Búshihr (Bushire) in the south, rather than
> by the nearer and more accessible route of Kirmánsháh in
> the west. From Búshihr he went to Shíráz and thence to
> Yazd, where he stayed for a number of years. Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí,
> a young man barely out of his teens, who shared the
> same views, joined him there (sometime in 1231 A.H.:
> 1815-16). Shaykh Aḥmad was then making his final arrangements
> to go on pilgrimage to the holy city of Mashhad,[B]
> prior to his visit to Ṭihrán. He received Siyyid Káẓim with
> great affection and asked him to remain at Yazd to take up
> his own patient work of many years. In Mashhad and later
> in Ṭihrán, Shaykh Aḥmad was shown every mark of high
> respect and reverence.
> 
> Eventually Siyyid Káẓim travelled north to be in his
> company, and together they went to Kirmánsháh, as the
> Prince-Governor had been urgently begging his father to
> let Shaykh Aḥmad visit him. They stayed in Kirmánsháh as
> long as the Governor lived. After his premature death, they
> departed for Karbilá, where Shaykh Aḥmad, his zeal unabated
> and his powers untouched by advancing years,
> preached and taught. He was in his early eighties when he
> took the road to Mecca and Medina. From that journey he
> did not return and lies buried in the famed cemetery of
> Baqi`, in the vicinity of the Tomb of the Prophet Muḥammad.
> 
> Shaykh Aḥmad's constant theme was the near advent of[Pg 3]
> the Deliverer of the Latter Days, promised to the world of
> Islám, the Qá'im of the House of Muḥammad or the Mihdí
> (Mahdí).[1] In the course of his last pilgrimage to the holy
> cities of Arabia, he told a merchant from Iṣfahán[C] who was
> with him: 'You will attain the presence of the Báb; salute
> Him on my behalf.'[2] Shaykh Aḥmad did not believe in
> physical resurrection nor in the physical ascent (Mi`ráj)[D] of
> the Prophet Muḥammad to heaven on the night that the
> Angel Gabriel took Him to view the celestial world. Mi`ráj
> was an experience of the spirit, Shaykh Aḥmad maintained.
> Moreover he asserted that the signs and portents of the
> coming of the Qá'im, given by the Prophet and the Imáms,
> were allegorical. These and similar doctrines were anathema
> to the orthodox, but while Shaykh Aḥmad lived, royal
> patronage muted their hostile criticism.
> 
> Siyyid Káẓim (1793-1843), who, in accordance with the
> will of Shaykh Aḥmad, succeeded him in guiding his
> disciples, was the son of Siyyid Qásim of Rasht, a town in
> northern Írán close to the Caspian Sea. He came from a
> family of well-known merchants and was no more than
> thirty-three years old when he occupied the seat of authority.
> The orthodox divines now began their vitriolic
> assaults in earnest until, at last, Siyyid Káẓim felt that he[Pg 4]
> needed solid support in Írán from the ranks of the orthodox.
> For that purpose he chose one of his ablest disciples, Mullá
> Ḥusayn, a native of the small town of Bushrúyih in Khurásán,
> to go to Iṣfahán and secure the aid of Ḥájí Siyyid Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí,
> a noted divine whose influence was felt
> far and wide. Mullá Ḥusayn succeeded brilliantly in accomplishing
> the mission entrusted to him, obtained the support
> of that famous man in writing, and then proceeded to
> Mashhad to acquire a similar pledge from yet another powerful
> divine.
> 
> In the meantime not only did Siyyid Káẓim suffer from the
> intrigues and onslaughts of his adversaries headed by Siyyid
> Ibráhím-i-Qazvíní, but the whole of Karbilá was thrown
> into turmoil. These disorders were of long standing and
> gradually the authority of the Ottoman government had
> ceased to exist. Within the town there were several factions
> at odds with one another, but all determined to resist the
> re-establishment of Ottoman power. Two successive Válís
> (governor-generals) of `Iráq tried to force the people of
> Karbilá to submission, but failed conspicuously. However,
> in the closing months of the year 1842, Najíb Páshá, a man
> resolute and even obstinate, came to occupy the post of
> Válí. Affairs in Karbilá had gradually gone from bad to
> worse. Lawlessness had increased and mob rule prevailed.
> Najíb Páshá's first thought was to resolve this problem which
> had baffled his predecessors. He tried to negotiate a settlement,
> but neither he nor the rebels of Karbilá could really
> trust one another. Najíb Páshá moved near-by to Musayyib
> and sent Sar`askar (Colonel) Sa`du'lláh Páshá with a small
> force to reduce the town. Negotiations proceeded apace.
> Emissaries came and went. Persian princes, who lived in
> Karbilá, took part in the negotiations, but nothing was
> achieved.
> 
> During those fatal weeks, at the end of the year 1842 and
> the beginning of 1843, Siyyid Káẓim, who was greatly[Pg 5]
> respected both for his wisdom and humanity,[E] took a leading
> role, urging all parties to act with moderation and in a spirit
> of conciliation. Twice, in company with a small delegation,
> he visited the camps of Najíb Páshá and Sa`du'lláh Páshá
> outside Karbilá. Lieutenant-Colonel Farrant, the British
> Special Commissioner, reported his efforts to Constantinople:
> 
> claimed the throne of Írán. He showed great benevolence
> 
> towards the divines of Karbilá and Najaf, sent them money and
> stood up for them. However, he was unsuccessful and betook
> himself to Karbilá. There he fell on hard times and suffered
> poverty. He expected the divines to come to his help and applied
> to them, one by one. But none heeded him. One night he and
> his family had to go to bed hungry. At midnight he heard a
> knock on his door. When he opened it he found someone,
> who had pulled his `abá over his head so as to hide his face.
> This man put a purse with money in it into his hands and went
> away.
> 
> 'Time passed. Indigence and want recurred. Again the same
> person, head covered with `abá, came at midnight, handed a
> sum of money and went away without a word. To the repeated
> question "who are you?" he gave no answer. Then, that man
> came a third time with a purse containing money. This time `Alí-Sháh
> followed him and saw him enter the house of Ḥájí Siyyid
> Káẓim and shut the door. `Alí-Sháh related this event in many
> gatherings. He used to say: "O people! I am not a Shaykhí, but
> this deed is the work of righteousness. None but a man of truth
> would act in this way."'[3]
> 
> The Chief Priest Hajee Seid Kausem did all in his power
> to prevent hostilities, he preached against their proceedings,
> he was abused and threatened, they would not
> listen to him—this I have heard from many people at
> Kerbella—at this time all were unanimous in defending
> the place
> 
> ... to the very last he entreated them to listen to the[Pg 6]
> Pacha but without avail, he shewed great courage on the
> occasion, as he had all the chief Geramees[F] and Mollahs
> against him.[4]
> 
> Unhappily, his counsel was ignored by both rebels and
> Turks. In January 1843, after a siege of twenty-four days,
> the holy city was taken by assault, causing great suffering
> to the innocent inhabitants. The files of the Public Record
> Office in London contain several documents that throw
> light on this episode, as well as on the central part played by
> Siyyid Káẓim. (See Appendix I.)
> 
> During the siege Ḥájí Siyyid Káẓim had spent himself in
> an effort to forestall violence and protect all parties to the
> conflict. Although only fifty years of age, he became aware
> that his life was nearing its close. He was warned of this,
> we are told, by the dream of an Arab shepherd who recounted
> it to him. When his disciples expressed their distress,
> Siyyid Káẓim replied:
> 
> Is not your love for me for the sake of that true One whose
> advent we all await? Would you not wish me to die, that
> the promised One may be revealed?[5]
> 
> The year 1844 was about to dawn when Siyyid Káẓim
> breathed his last and was laid to rest near the tomb of Imám
> Ḥusayn. His death was reported by Farrant, who wrote
> on January 24th 1844 to Sir Stratford Canning, sending a
> copy in February to Lt.-Col. (later Sir) Justin Sheil,[6] the
> British chargé d'affaires in Ṭihrán:
> 
> Hajee Seid Kausem one of the Chief Priests of Kerbella
> died lately on his return from a visit to Samerrah—Seid
> Ibrahim Kasveenee the other Chief Priest who was greatly
> opposed to him, will now enjoy full power, and all contention
> between the two religious parties will cease.[7]
> 
> [Pg 7]
> 
> When Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í returned to Karbilá
> from his highly successful mission in Írán, his teacher was
> dead. He had not appointed anyone to succeed him.
> 
> II
> 
> To follow the events of this narrative, it may be helpful
> to consider their background in some aspects of Iranian
> history.[G]
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh, the third monarch of the Qájár dynasty,
> ruled the land in 1843, but real power rested in the hands of
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, his unprepossessing Grand Vizier. The
> Qájárs were a tribe of Turkish origin. Áqá Muḥammad
> Khán, a eunuch chieftain of this tribe, arose in the year
> 1779 to carve out a kingdom for himself. Fifteen years later
> he finally won the crown of Írán when he captured and
> brutally murdered Luṭf-`Alí Khán, the last ruler of the Zand
> dynasty, who was brave and high-minded but piteously
> young. The eunuch king was utterly and savagely ruthless,
> and he managed to hold off the Russians in the area of the
> Caucasus until 1797 when he was struck down by three
> assassins. He was succeeded by his nephew, Fatḥ-`Alí
> Sháh, a man of soft heart and weak will, who was highly
> uxorious. At his death in 1834, fifty-three sons and forty-six
> daughters survived him.
> 
> During the reign of Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh, Írán lost heavily to
> Russia in a series of disastrous wars. Her ministers, comfortably
> cocooned in their isolation from the currents of
> world affairs, and totally ignorant of the realities of the
> European situation, believed that with the aid of the Emperor
> of France the Russian menace could be thwarted. Hard
> on the heels of General Gardanne, Bonaparte's envoy, not[Pg 8]
> one but two envoys from the more familiar 'Ingríz' (English)
> came in 1808. Sir Harford Jones had been dispatched
> from the court of King George III and Sir John Malcolm
> from India. In 1801 the latter, on behalf of the Marquis of
> Wellesley, Governor-General of India, concluded an abortive
> treaty with the shrewd and immensely ambitious
> Grand Vizier[H] of Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh. But in the intervening
> years Bonaparte, subsequent to his débacle in Egypt and
> Syria, showered his dubious favours on the Persians, and
> the British connexion was conveniently ignored by the
> ministers of Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh, who had entered into the Treaty
> of Finkenstein (1807) with the French. Moreover, in the
> same period, the most capable Ḥájí Ibráhím Khán, who had
> contributed more than anyone to the downfall of the Zand
> dynasty and the ensuing victories of the eunuch king, fell
> from power and, as legend has it, met his death in a boiling
> cauldron.
> 
> Indeed, high hopes centred on what the Emperor of
> France would do for Írán, only to be dashed by Bonaparte's
> change of policy; when he met Tsar Alexander I at Tilsit
> (1807) he did not remember any of his promises. And so
> General Gardanne was ignominiously ousted from Ṭihrán,
> and Sir Harford Jones and Sir John Malcolm were left at
> peace, to glower at each other, much to the amusement and
> also surprise and embarrassment of the Persian ministers.
> But as Napoleon's star waned, so did the interest of the
> British in Persian affairs. The wars with Russia went on until
> the Persians acknowledged defeat in the Treaty of Gulistán
> of 1813.
> 
> Amidst abysmal ignorance, nepotism and malpractice
> which abounded in the realm, there stood two men in
> particular, untouched by corruption, who were fully aware
> of the needs of their country: Prince `Abbás Mírzá, the heir
> to the throne, and his vizier, Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim, Qá'im-Maqám-i-Faráhání. But[Pg 9]
> their attempts at reform could not
> obtain the success they deserved because of the obscurantism
> surrounding the person of the sovereign. It was this
> Crown Prince who sent the first group of Iranian students
> to Britain to learn the crafts of the West. Their story, which
> does no credit to the government in London, is preserved
> in a number of documents lodged in the Public Record
> Office. Incidentally, one of these men, a student of medicine,
> was named Mírzá Ḥájí Bábá, the eponym of the chief
> character of James Morier's well-known satire.
> 
> Prince `Abbás Mírzá, worsted in the field by the Russians,
> now tried to provide his country with a modern army and
> engaged British instructors. As in the past, Ṭihrán gave him
> little help. Yet he was under constant pressure to resume
> hostilities. The divines, particularly, were urging it.[I] Yet
> Russia had no desire to fight; nor had Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh: war
> was too expensive. Prince Menchikov arrived from St.
> Petersburg (the present-day Leningrad) not to dictate but
> to negotiate. But the demands of those who sought war—the
> clerics and the powerful court faction of Alláh-Yár
> Khán[J]—proved irresistible; Menchikov returned to St.
> Petersburg.
> 
> In the war that soon followed the Persians were soundly
> beaten and Russian forces surged forward to occupy the
> city of Tabríz. The first to abandon the field was a group of
> clerics, who, with raised standards, had accompanied the
> army. By the Treaty of Turkumancháy (1828), onerous
> and humiliating in the extreme, Írán was excluded from the
> Caucasus. In addition to the payment of heavy indemnities,
> she lost her rights in the Caspian Sea and the frontier between
> Russia and Írán was fixed on the river Aras.
> 
> [Pg 10]
> 
> Prince `Abbás Mírzá was now a sad and broken man.
> Rash actions forced upon him had brought total desolation.
> His modern army was shattered. Because he knew of the
> intrigues that plagued his father's court, and to make certain
> that his eldest son would not be left undefended, he
> asked for guarantees from the Tsar, which were readily
> given. After this ordeal of defeat and submission Prince
> `Abbás Mírzá did not live long. He died at the age of
> forty-five, and a year later his father followed him to the
> grave.
> 
> The eldest son of `Abbás Mírzá, named heir-apparent by
> Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh, came into his heritage by a combination
> of the assured support of Britain and Russia, and the wise
> strategy of Qá'im-Maqám. Sir John Campbell, the British
> Minister in Ṭihrán, and Sir Henry Lindesay Bethune, who
> took command of the forces loyal to the son of `Abbás
> Mírzá, brought him safely from Tabríz to Ṭihrán. Qá'im-Maqám,
> in the meantime, secured the backing of influential
> men in the capital, where another son of the late king had
> styled himself `Adil Sháh[K] and was claiming the throne.
> But his reign was brief, and soon Muḥammad Sháh, the
> heir-apparent, was well entrenched in Ṭihrán, for Sir Henry
> Lindesay Bethune (whom a Persian historian calls Mr.
> Lenzi) easily routed other pretenders.[8]
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh did not wish to seem beholden to the
> British officials who had helped him to his throne, nor did
> he show much gratitude to Qá'im-Maqám, the architect
> of his victory. Within a year he contrived the death of that
> great minister who had served him and his father so well.
> By the death of Qá'im-Maqám, treacherously designed,
> Írán sustained a tremendous and irreparable loss. Qá'im-Maqám
> was not only a brilliant statesman, but also a master[Pg 11]
> of prose whose style rescued the language from encrusted
> artificialities.[L]
> 
> His successor as the Grand Vizier was Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí,
> a man ignorant and devoid of all graces, affecting deep piety.
> This is how Sir Henry Layard[9] saw him in 1840:
> 
> We waited upon the Prime Minister, the Haji Mirza
> Agasi, who was then the man of the greatest influence,
> power and authority in Persia. The Shah had committed
> to him almost the entire government of his kingdom,
> occupying himself but little with public affairs, aware
> of his own incapacity for conducting them. 'The Haji'—the
> name by which he was familiarly known—was, by all
> accounts, a statesman of craft and cunning, but of limited
> abilities. He was cruel and treacherous, proud and overbearing,
> although he affected the humility of a pious
> mulla who had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and
> the holy shrines of the Imaums. The religious character
> which he had assumed made him intolerant and bigoted,
> and he was known to be a fanatical hater of Christians.
> He had been the Shah's tutor and instructor in the Koran,
> and had acquired a great influence over his pupil, who had
> raised him to the lofty position which he then held. He had
> the reputation of being an accomplished Persian and
> Arabic scholar, but he was entirely ignorant of all European
> languages. His misgovernment, and the corruption
> and general oppression which everywhere existed had
> brought Persia to the verge of ruin. Distress, misery, and
> discontent prevailed to an extent previously unknown.
> He was universally execrated as the cause of the misfortunes
> and misery from which the people and the State
> were suffering. We found him seated on his hams, in the
> Persian fashion, on a fine Kurdish carpet spread in a
> handsome hall. Before him was a large tray filled with ices[Pg 12]
> and a variety of fruit.... He was a man of small stature,
> with sharp and somewhat mean and forbidding features,
> and a loud shrill voice. His dress was simple—almost
> shabby—as became a mulla and a man devoted to religious
> life.... It was evident that the Haji suspected that
> we were spies and agents of the British Government.
> However, he declared that the Shah was willing that we
> should visit any part of his territories where we could
> travel in safety, and that orders had been issued for the
> preparation of our farman [royal decree]; for his Majesty
> had said that we belonged to a friendly nation, and his
> quarrel was not with England but with Lord Palmerston,
> who had treated Persia ill, and had recalled the Queen's
> Ambassador[10] without sufficient cause....
> 
> Nor was Írán on good terms with the Ottomans. Layard's
> book, Early Adventures, indicates the considerable extent
> of the incursions which the Turks had made into Iranian
> territory. The meeting between Layard and Ḥájí Mírzá
> Áqásí in 1840 took place in Hamadán, not far from the
> frontier, where Muḥammad Sháh was encamped with his
> army. The relations between the Ottoman and Iranian
> governments were further strained by the storming and
> sacking of Karbilá in January 1843, where the chief sufferers
> were Persian. We have seen how the Persian princes living
> in Karbilá at the time of its investment by the troops of
> Najíb Páshá took a hand in negotiations. They were exiles
> and fugitives who had contested with Muḥammad Sháh
> and offended him, and senior among them was `Alí-Sháh,
> the Ẓillu's-Sulṭán.
> 
> Yet another issue reared its ugly head to exacerbate
> relations between Írán and the Ottoman Empire, that
> of Shí`ah against Sunní. Sheil, the British Minister in
> Ṭihrán, reported to the Foreign Secretary, the Earl of
> Aberdeen:
> 
> [Pg 13]
> 
> If the Moollahs, and in particular the chief priest of Ispahan,
> Hajee Syed Moollah Mahomed Baukir, whose
> religious influence in Persia is powerful, should use the
> present opportunity for regaining their former position
> by exerting their authority among the people, and preaching
> a crusade against the rival branch of Mahommedanism,
> it is not easy to foresee the consequences.[11]
> 
> Indeed, reported Sheil, the Persian Foreign Minister and
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí
> were considering the possibility of war.[12]
> 
> This chief priest of Iṣfahán, mentioned by Sheil, was the
> same divine from whom Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í obtained
> unqualified support for Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí.
> 
> It is helpful to compare the authority of the divines of
> these two great branches of Islám. The Shí`ah divine in
> contradistinction to the Sunní has the power of 'Ijtihád',
> that is, issuing ex cathedra decrees and judgments. His
> position is, in a sense, analogous to that of the English
> judge who can, within the boundaries of equity and common
> law, establish precedents. The Sunní divine belongs to one
> of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence: the Ḥanafí,
> the Sháfi`í, the Málikí and the Ḥanbalí. The jurisconsults,
> who founded these four schools or rites, which are named
> after them, set certain standards from which the Sunní
> divine cannot deviate. The Shí`ah divine, on the other
> hand, relies exclusively on the text of the Qur'án and the
> Traditions ascribed to the Prophet and the Imáms, all of
> which are wide open to interpretation. Moreover, the Shí`ah
> mujtahid—the divine who pronounces ex cathedra—does so,
> it is understood, as the deputy of the Ṣáḥibu'z-Zamán, the
> Lord of the Age.
> 
> [Pg 15]
> 
> CHAPTER 1
> 
> ALL HAIL SHÍRÁZ
> 
> All hail, Shiraz, hail! Oh site without peer!
> 
> May God be the Watchman before thy gate,
> 
> That the feet of Misfortune enter not here!
> 
> Lest my Ruknabad be left desolate....
> 
> —Ḥáfiẓ
> 
> In the afternoon of May 22nd 1844 a traveller stood outside
> the gates of Shíráz. He had come from Karbilá, on a spiritual
> quest to his native land of Írán. A boat had taken him to
> Búshihr on the Persian Gulf. From that insalubrious port his
> route had lain over forbidding mountains to the renowned
> city of Shíráz. He was accompanied by his brother and his
> nephew, both barely twenty years old, and he himself but
> in his early thirties. They had undertaken this journey for a
> purpose which to many seemed fantastic. But for themselves
> and many more like them it was real and urgent.
> 
> This traveller was the same Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í,
> who, after the accomplishment of his highly fruitful mission
> in Írán on behalf of Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí, had reached
> Karbilá only to find his teacher dead. He had learned that
> Siyyid Káẓim's parting counsel to his disciples had been to
> leave their homes and their cloisters, to abandon their
> studies and their debates and go out into the world to seek
> 'the Lord of the Age' (Ṣáḥibu'z-Zamán) whose advent had
> for centuries been the hope of countless millions. His
> supernal light would soon break upon the world, Siyyid
> Káẓim had said. Mullá Ḥusayn together with a number of
> Siyyid Káẓim's disciples kept vigil for forty days in the old[Pg 16]
> mosque of Kúfih, nearly in ruins, and then set out on different
> routes to do their master's bidding.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn was a man of profound scholarship and
> unbending will. Nothing daunted him. Now, reaching the
> gates of Shíráz, he sent his companions into the city to
> obtain lodgings, but he himself tarried for a while in the
> fields. His mind was occupied with the object of his quest,
> a quest that had brought him all those wearisome miles to
> Shíráz, the home and the resting-place of two of the greatest
> poets of Írán. Here, some five hundred years before, Ḥáfiẓ
> had composed his superb, ethereal lyrics. Here Sa`dí had
> lived a good part of his life and had written his lucid prose,
> his lambent verse. Here had worked and died a host of men
> celebrated both in their own days and thereafter. The air of
> Shíráz, the plain of Shíráz, the roses of Shíráz, the cypresses
> of Shíráz, have all been lavishly praised.
> 
> Forty-four years later, the young Edward Granville
> Browne, the future eminent orientalist of the University of
> Cambridge, looked at the plain of Shíráz from the heights
> facing the road to Búshihr, that mountain pass which is
> named Alláh-u-Akbar (God is the Greatest) because the
> traveller thus expresses his wonderment at beholding such
> a beauteous plain. Browne wrote:
> 
> Words cannot describe the rapture which overcame me
> as, after many a weary march, I gazed at length on the
> reality of that whereof I had so long dreamed, and found
> the reality not merely equal to, but far surpassing, the
> ideal which I had conceived. It is seldom enough in one's
> life that this occurs. When it does, one's innermost being is
> stirred with an emotion which baffles description, and which
> the most eloquent words can but dimly shadow forth.[1]
> 
> This was the city that Mullá Ḥusayn was about to enter.
> It was as if a magnet had drawn him, with his brother and[Pg 17]
> his nephew, to Shíráz. Nor were they alone in being thus
> drawn.
> 
> On this hot afternoon of May 22nd, Mullá Ḥusayn was
> fatigued after the trying journey from the coast up the
> precipitous tracks of the rising plateau. But his mind was
> alert and his soul yearned for that peace which the attainment
> of his goal would bring him. As he walked and
> pondered he came face to face with a Youth of striking
> appearance. That young Man, who was gentle and gracious
> and whose turban proclaimed His descent from the Prophet
> Muḥammad, greeted him with great kindness. Mullá
> Ḥusayn was amazed and overwhelmed by the warmth of
> this unexpected welcome. It was the courtesy coupled with
> the dignified mien of this young Siyyid[M] which particularly
> impressed him. Then the young Man invited him to be His
> guest and to partake of the evening meal at His house.
> Mullá Ḥusayn mentioned that his companions had gone
> ahead and would be awaiting him, to which the young
> Siyyid replied: 'Commit them to the care of God; He will
> surely protect and watch over them'.[N]
> 
> 'We soon found ourselves standing at the gate of a house
> of modest appearance,' Mullá Ḥusayn has recounted. 'He
> knocked at the door, which was soon opened by an Ethiopian
> servant. "Enter therein in peace, secure,"[O] were His
> words as He crossed the threshold and motioned me to
> follow Him. His invitation, uttered with power and majesty,
> penetrated my soul. I thought it a good augury to be
> addressed in such words, standing as I did on the threshold
> of the first house I was entering in Shíráz, a city the very
> atmosphere of which had produced already an indescribable
> impression upon me.'
> 
> [Pg 18]
> 
> Shíráz had cast its spell upon Mullá Ḥusayn. But little did
> he think that his youthful Host, whose utterance rang with
> authority, was that 'Lord of the Age', that 'Qá'im of the
> House of Muḥammad' whom he was seeking. Yet he could
> not escape the feeling that the unexpected encounter might
> in some way bring him near the end of his quest. At the
> same time he was uneasy at having left his brother and
> nephew with no news of himself. He further recounts:
> 'Overwhelmed with His acts of extreme kindness, I arose to
> depart. "The time for evening prayer is approaching," I
> ventured to observe. "I have promised my friends to join
> them at that hour in the Masjid-i-Ílkhání".[P] With extreme
> courtesy and calm He replied: "You must surely have made
> the hour of your return conditional upon the will and
> pleasure of God. It seems that His will has decreed otherwise.
> You need have no fear of having broken your pledge."' Such
> undoubted assurance should have made Mullá Ḥusayn aware
> that he was about to experience the supreme test of his life.
> 
> They prayed together. They sat down to converse. And
> suddenly his Host asked Mullá Ḥusayn: 'Whom, after
> Siyyid Káẓim, do you regard as his successor and your
> leader?' Furthermore, He asked: 'Has your teacher given
> you any detailed indications as to the distinguishing features
> of the promised One?' Mullá Ḥusayn replied that Siyyid
> Káẓim had laid the injunction upon his disciples to disperse
> after his death and seek 'the Lord of the Age', and
> indeed he had given them indications by which they could
> come to recognize Him. 'He is of a pure lineage, is of illustrious
> descent,' said Mullá Ḥusayn, 'and of the seed of
> Fáṭimih.[Q] As to His age, He is more than twenty and less
> than thirty. He is endowed with innate knowledge, ...
> abstains from smoking, and is free from bodily deficiency.'
> 
> [Pg 19]
> 
> There was silence—the pause that precedes the breaking
> of the dawn. Mullá Ḥusayn has told us that the silence was
> broken with 'vibrant voice' by his Host who declared to
> him:
> 
> Behold, all these signs are manifest in Me.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn was for the moment shocked and bewildered.
> He tried to resist a claim so breath-taking. But Truth
> looked him in the face. He marshalled arguments. But Truth
> is its own argument.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn said: 'He whose advent we await is a Man
> of unsurpassed holiness, and the Cause He is to reveal [is]
> a Cause of tremendous power. Many and diverse are the
> requirements which He who claims to be its visible embodiment
> must needs fulfil. How often has Siyyid Káẓim
> referred to the vastness of the knowledge of the promised
> One! How often did he say: "My own knowledge is but a
> drop compared with that with which He has been endowed.
> All my attainments are but a speck of dust in the face of the
> immensity of His knowledge. Nay, immeasurable is the
> difference!"'
> 
> In days gone by Mullá Ḥusayn had written a dissertation
> on some of the abstruse doctrines and teachings which
> Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid Káẓim had enunciated. He carried
> a copy of this treatise with him. He now presented it to his
> Host and asked Him to peruse it, and elucidate the mysteries
> which it contained. Not only did his Host after a rapid look
> through that treatise shed light upon it, He went far beyond
> it. Then Mullá Ḥusayn was given the proof of which he had
> ample knowledge. There is a Súrih (Arabic 'Súrah': chapter)
> in the Qur'án entitled the Súrih of Joseph.[R] It tells the story
> of Joseph, the son of Jacob, he whom his brothers betrayed
> and sold into slavery, who suffered imprisonment in Egypt,
> but rose to rule that land. It is highly allegorical. Siyyid
> [Pg 20]Káẓim had told Mullá Ḥusayn, when requested by him to
> write a commentary on that chapter of the Qur'án: 'This is,
> verily, beyond me. He, that great One, who comes after me
> will, unasked, reveal it for you. That commentary will
> constitute one of the weightiest testimonies of His truth, and
> one of the clearest evidences of the loftiness of His position.'
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn's Host told him: 'Now is the time to reveal
> the commentary on the Súrih of Joseph.'
> 
> 'He took up His pen,' Mullá Ḥusayn related, 'and with
> incredible rapidity revealed the entire Súrih of Mulk, the
> first chapter of His commentary on the Súrih of Joseph.
> The overpowering effect of the manner in which He wrote
> was heightened by the gentle intonation of His voice which
> accompanied His writing. Not for one moment did He
> interrupt the flow of the verses which streamed from His
> pen. Not once did He pause till the Súrih of Mulk was
> finished. I sat enraptured by the magic of His voice and the
> sweeping force of His revelation.'
> 
> But Mullá Ḥusayn was anxious to rejoin his companions.
> Since that afternoon—and long ago it seemed—when he
> had sent them into the city and had himself lingered outside
> the city-gates, he had had no news of them nor they of him.
> So he rose and asked to be permitted to depart. His Host
> smilingly told him: 'If you leave in such a state, whoever
> sees you will assuredly say: "This poor youth has lost his
> mind."' 'At that moment,' Mullá Ḥusayn has said, 'the
> clock registered two hours and eleven minutes after sunset.'
> 
> In that moment a new Dispensation was born.
> 
> 'This night,' said He who ushered in the new Dispensation,
> He who was to herald a new cycle, 'this very hour
> will, in the days to come, be celebrated as one of the greatest
> and most significant of all festivals.'[S]
> 
> The evening meal was now served. Mullá Ḥusayn[Pg 21]
> afterwards recalled: 'That holy repast refreshed alike my body
> and soul. In the presence of my Host, at that hour, I felt
> as though I were feeding upon the fruits of Paradise....
> Had my youthful Host no other claim to greatness, this
> were sufficient—that He received me with that quality of
> hospitality and loving-kindness which I was convinced no
> other human being could possibly reveal.
> 
> 'I sat spellbound by His utterance, oblivious of time and
> of those who awaited me.... Sleep had departed from me
> that night. I was enthralled by the music of that voice which
> rose and fell as He chanted; now swelling forth as He revealed
> verses of the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá',[T] again acquiring
> ethereal, subtle harmonies as He uttered the prayers He was
> revealing. At the end of each invocation, He would repeat
> this verse: "Far from the glory of thy Lord, the All-Glorious,
> be that which His creatures affirm of Him! And
> peace be upon His Messengers! And praise be to God, the
> Lord of all beings!"[U]' Such was Mullá Ḥusayn's recollection
> of that momentous night.
> 
> Then He who stood as the Vicegerent of God on earth
> thus addressed Mullá Ḥusayn, who only a few hours before
> had been so anxious, tormented and unsure:
> 
> O thou who art the first to believe in Me! Verily I say,
> I am the Báb, the Gate of God, and thou art the Bábu'l-Báb,
> the gate of that Gate. Eighteen souls must, in the
> beginning, spontaneously and of their own accord,
> accept Me and recognise the truth of My Revelation.
> Unwarned and uninvited, each of these must seek independently
> to find Me. And when their number is complete,
> one of them must needs be chosen to accompany
> Me on My pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. There I shall
> deliver the Message of God to the Sharíf of Mecca.
> 
> [Pg 22]
> 
> And then He laid this injunction upon 'the first to believe'
> in Him: 'It is incumbent upon you not to divulge, either to
> your companions or to any other soul, that which you have
> seen and heard.'
> 
> 'This Revelation,' Mullá Ḥusayn has further related, 'so
> suddenly and impetuously thrust upon me, came as a
> thunderbolt which, for a time, seemed to have benumbed
> my faculties. I was blinded by its dazzling splendour and
> overwhelmed by its crushing force. Excitement, joy, awe,
> and wonder stirred the depths of my soul. Predominant
> among these emotions was a sense of gladness and strength
> which seemed to have transfigured me. How feeble and
> impotent, how dejected and timid, I had felt previously!
> Then I could neither write nor walk, so tremulous were my
> hands and feet. Now, however, the knowledge of His
> Revelation had galvanised my being. I felt possessed of such
> courage and power that were the world, all its peoples and
> its potentates, to rise against me, I would, alone and undaunted,
> withstand their onslaught. The universe seemed but
> a handful of dust in my grasp.'
> 
> On that early morning of May 23rd 1844 when Mullá
> Ḥusayn stepped out into the streets of Shíráz, his heart
> brimming with joy, he abandoned a priestly career which
> would have brought him high honours. He abandoned it
> willingly and knowingly for a task which, though great
> and noble, would bring him jeers and humiliation. He was
> well-known amongst the circle of the divines who exercised
> authority. He had the capacity, the intelligence and the
> learning which would have placed him in years to come in
> the forefront of the spiritual guides of the nation. Power and
> riches would have been his. But by giving his allegiance to
> the young Siyyid of Shíráz whom he had met under such
> strange circumstances, Mullá Ḥusayn renounced all this,
> and chose a path in the opposite direction.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn was not alone in his high resolve.
> Others[Pg 23]
> with similar prospects of a clerical vocation journeyed to
> Shíráz in search of light and truth. They too had set out at
> the bidding of Siyyid Káẓim. As if by a magnet, they were
> drawn to Shíráz. How can one explain it otherwise? They
> had no intimation that in this city lived the One whom
> they sought. A force far greater than themselves led their
> steps to Shíráz, to their journey's end. As ordained by the
> Báb, they found Him, each one, independently. They were
> true, sincere and eager and they had their reward.
> 
> The last to arrive was a youth of twenty-two, whose
> home was in Bárfurúsh[V] in the province of Mázindarán
> which borders the Caspian Sea. When he was a boy in his
> early teens, his father, Áqá Muḥammad-Ṣáliḥ, had died.
> Devoting himself to the pursuit of learning he had joined the
> circle of Siyyid Káẓim in Karbilá. Eventually, he became an
> outstanding disciple of that remarkable teacher. It is recorded
> that the night before this youth, whose name was Mullá
> Muḥammad-`Ali, reached Shíráz, the Báb told Mullá Ḥusayn
> that on the following day one would arrive whose acceptance
> of the new theophany would 'complete the number of
> My chosen disciples'. Next evening as the Báb, accompanied
> by Mullá Ḥusayn, was going towards His house, they encountered
> a young man whose dress and appearance showed
> the effects of a long journey. The newcomer went to Mullá
> Ḥusayn whom he knew well as a fellow-disciple of Siyyid
> Káẓim, greeted him and immediately asked whether he had
> found the object of his quest. Mullá Ḥusayn was not at
> liberty to divulge the fact that he had, and he tried to pacify
> his friend and avoid the subject. It was useless, for that youth
> had seen the Báb. His retort to Mullá Ḥusayn was astounding:
> 'Why seek you to hide Him from me? I can recognise
> Him by His gait. I confidently testify that none besides
> Him, whether in the East or in the West, can claim to be
> the Truth. None other can manifest the power and majesty[Pg 24]
> that radiate from His holy person.' Mullá Ḥusayn was
> amazed, and leaving the newcomer he walked on and told
> the Báb what had transpired. Having already anticipated the
> arrival of that youth, although he had certainly not received
> any word from him, the Báb observed: 'Marvel not at his
> strange behaviour. We have in the world of the spirit been
> communing with that youth. We know him already....
> Go to him and summon him forthwith to Our presence.'
> Thus did Mullá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Bárfurúshí, whom the
> Báb honoured with the title of Quddús (the Most Holy),
> attain his heart's desire.
> 
> These disciples of the Báb are called the Letters of the
> Living.[W] All but one met the Báb face to face, and recognized
> in Him the Lord of the Age whom they sought. That
> single exception was a gifted woman, an accomplished writer
> of verse, courageous, a total stranger to fear, of whom Lord
> Curzon says:
> 
> Beauty and the female sex also lent their consecration to
> the new creed, and the heroism of the lovely but ill-fated
> poetess of Kazvin, Zerin Taj[X] (Crown of Gold), or
> Kurrat-el-Ain (Solace of the Eyes), who, throwing off
> the veil, carried the missionary torch far and wide, is one
> of the most affecting episodes in modern history.[2]
> 
> And here is the tribute of another eminent Englishman,
> Edward Granville Browne, to this unique woman:
> 
> The appearance of such a woman as Ḳurratu'l-`Ayn is
> in any country and any age a rare phenomenon, but in
> such a country as Persia it is a prodigy—nay, almost a
> miracle. Alike in virtue of her marvellous beauty, her[Pg 25]
> rare intellectual gifts, her fervid eloquence, her fearless
> devotion and her glorious martyrdom, she stands forth
> incomparable and immortal amidst her countrywomen.
> Had the Bábí religion no other claim to greatness, this
> were sufficient—that it produced a heroine like Ḳurratu'l-`Ayn.[3]
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn belonged to a family famed for its
> learning. Her father, Ḥájí Mullá Ṣáliḥ, and her uncle, Ḥájí
> Mullá Muḥammad-Taqí,[4]
> were both leading figures among
> the clergy. But they were far too orthodox for this great
> woman's spiritual susceptibilities, although a younger
> uncle, Ḥájí Mullá `Alí, had become a supporter of the
> Shaykhí school.[Y] Qurratu'l-`Ayn was married to the son of
> Ḥájí Mullá Muḥammad-Taqí—her cousin, Mullá Muḥammad.
> They had children, but their marriage was disastrous.
> Mullá Muḥammad was even more fanatical and narrow-minded
> than his father and a wide gulf yawned between
> husband and wife.
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn had another cousin, Mullá Javád, who
> had accepted the rational views of Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid
> Káẓim. Having learned in this cousin's library of the teaching
> of the illustrious sage of Karbilá who had gone far beyond
> the limits of orthodoxy, Qurratu'l-`Ayn corresponded with
> Siyyid Káẓim and gave him her allegiance. From him she
> received the name Qurratu'l-`Ayn. In vain did her elders
> attempt to dampen her enthusiasm. No persuasion or threat
> could stop the tide of her newly-found devotion. And when
> she decided to leave her home and her family and join the
> circle of Siyyid Káẓim, nothing could thwart her purpose.
> To appreciate the boldness and gravity of her action, one
> must realize how sheltered were the Eastern women of those
> days; her behaviour could be seen only as scandalous and
> almost unprecedented. However, she reached Karbilá too[Pg 26]
> late. Ten days prior to her arrival Siyyid Káẓim had passed
> away. Qurratu'l-`Ayn remained in Karbilá. She was convinced
> that before long the One promised to them would
> appear. Now, many of the disciples of Siyyid Káẓim were
> setting out on their search. One of them was Qurratu'l-`Ayn's
> brother-in-law, the husband of her younger sister Marḍíyyih.
> She gave this relative, Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí, a sealed letter
> and told him to deliver it to the One whom they expected
> and sought. A verbal message in verse was added to the
> letter: 'Say to Him, from me,' she said,
> 
> 'The effulgence of thy face flashed forth and
> 
> the rays of thy visage arose on high;
> 
> Then speak the word, "Am I not your
> 
> Lord?" and "Thou art, Thou art!"
> 
> we will all reply.'[5]
> 
> When Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí reached the presence of the
> Báb, he gave Him the letter and the message; and the Báb
> numbered her among the Letters of the Living. Thus it was
> that this fearless, eloquent pioneer of woman's emancipation
> joined the ranks of the first disciples of the Báb. Qurratu'l-`Ayn
> is better known as Ṭáhirih—the Pure One—a designation
> by which she will ever be remembered.[Z]
> 
> The Letters of the Living, the eighteen disciples who
> found the Báb 'independently and of their own accord',
> were:
> 
> Mullá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Bárfurúshí, entitled Quddús.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í, entitled Bábu'l-Báb.
> 
> Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥasan-i-Bushrú'í, brother of Mullá Ḥusayn.
> 
> Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir, nephew of Mullá Ḥusayn.
> 
> Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Qazvíní, brother-in-law of Ṭáhirih.
> 
> Mullá Aḥmad-i-Ibdál-i-Marághi'í.
> 
> [Pg 27]
> 
> Mullá Yúsuf-i-Ardibílí.
> 
> Mullá Jalíl-i-Urúmí.
> 
> Mullá Maḥmúd-i-Khu'í.
> 
> These nine were martyrs who fell during 'the Mázindarán
> upheaval' (see p. 175).
> 
> Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí, the first martyr of the Bábí Dispensation.
> He was put to death somewhere in `Iráq.
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn, Ṭáhirih, whose original name was Umm-Salamih.
> 
> Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, known as Kátib (the Amanuensis),
> and also `Azíz.
> 
> Ṭáhirih and Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí suffered martyrdom
> in the holocaust of August 1852, subsequent to the
> attempt made by two Bábís on the life of Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh.
> 
> Shaykh Sa`íd-i-Hindí (the Indian). He met his death somewhere
> in India, though no one knows how and where.
> 
> Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí. He lived on to the advent of
> Bahá'u'lláh and believed in Him.
> 
> Mírzá Hádíy-i-Qazvíní, son of Ḥájí Mírzá `Abdu'l-Vahháb,
> and brother of Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí (the fifth name
> above). Mírzá Hádí remained apart from other Bábís
> and taught the Faith with caution.
> 
> Mírzá Muḥammad Rawḍih-Khán-i-Yazdí. He too remained
> apart from other Bábís and was generally known as a
> Shaykhí. But he never renounced his faith and taught it
> whenever he could.
> 
> Mullá Khudá-Bakhsh-i-Qúchání, later known as Mullá `Alíy-i-Rází.
> He died a natural death, but his son Mashíyyatu'lláh
> later met with martyrdom in his youth.
> 
> Mullá Ḥasan-i-Bajistání. Doubts assailed him after the
> martyrdom of the Báb, because he did not consider himself
> worthy of the station given to him. Forced to leave his
> home, he went to `Iráq and attained the presence of
> Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> [Pg 28]
> 
> Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí was given the mission to return to
> `Iráq and inform the people in that heartland of the Shí`ah
> persuasion that the Báb had appeared, but not to divulge, as
> yet, any particulars that might reveal His identity. To him
> the Báb said:
> 
> Your faith must be immovable as the rock, must weather
> every storm and survive every calamity. Suffer not the
> denunciations of the foolish and the calumnies of the
> clergy to afflict you, or to turn you from your purpose.
> For you are called to partake of the celestial banquet
> prepared for you in the immortal Realm. You are the first
> to leave the House of God, and to suffer for His sake. If
> you be slain in His path, remember that great will be
> your reward, and goodly the gift which will be bestowed
> upon you.
> 
> Mullá `Alí was soon on his way to `Iráq. Then the Báb
> called together the other sixteen disciples and spoke to
> them, adjuring them to go out into the world and serve
> their God in the light of the faith given to them:
> 
> O My beloved friends! You are the bearers of the name
> of God in this Day. You have been chosen as the repositories
> of His mystery. It behoves each one of you to
> manifest the attributes of God, and to exemplify by your
> deeds and words the signs of His righteousness, His power
> and glory. The very members of your body must bear
> witness to the loftiness of your purpose, the integrity
> of your life, the reality of your faith, and the exalted
> character of your devotion. For verily I say, this is the
> Day spoken of by God in His Book: 'On that day will
> We set a seal upon their mouths; yet shall their hands
> speak unto Us, and their feet shall bear witness to that
> which they shall have done.'[AA] Ponder the words of Jesus
> addressed to His disciples, as He sent them forth to
> [Pg 29]propagate the Cause of God. In words such as these, He
> bade them arise and fulfil their mission: 'Ye are even as
> the fire which in the darkness of the night has been
> kindled upon the mountain-top. Let your light shine
> before the eyes of men. Such must be the purity of your
> character and the degree of your renunciation, that the
> people of the earth may through you recognise and be
> drawn closer to the heavenly Father who is the Source of
> purity and grace. For none has seen the Father who is
> in heaven. You who are His spiritual children must by
> your deeds exemplify His virtues, and witness to His
> glory. You are the salt of the earth, but if the salt have
> lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? Such must
> be the degree of your detachment, that into whatever
> city you enter to proclaim and teach the Cause of God,
> you should in no wise expect either meat or reward from
> its people. Nay, when you depart out of that city, you
> should shake the dust from off your feet. As you have
> entered it pure and undefiled, so must you depart from
> that city. For verily I say, the heavenly Father is ever
> with you and keeps watch over you. If you be faithful
> to Him, He will assuredly deliver into your hands all the
> treasures of the earth, and will exalt you above all the
> rulers and kings of the world.' O My Letters! Verily I
> say, immensely exalted is this Day above the days of the
> Apostles of old. Nay, immeasurable is the difference!
> You are the witnesses of the Dawn of the promised Day
> of God. You are the partakers of the mystic chalice of His
> Revelation. Gird up the loins of endeavour, and be mindful
> of the words of God as revealed in His Book: 'Lo,
> the Lord thy God is come, and with Him is the company
> of His angels arrayed before Him!'[AB] Purge your hearts
> of worldly desires, and let angelic virtues be your adorning.
> Strive that by your deeds you may bear witness to the
> truth of these words of God, and beware lest, by 'turning
> back',[AC] He may
> 'change you for another people',[AC] who[Pg 30]
> 'shall not be your like',[AD] and who shall take from you the
> Kingdom of God. The days when idle worship was
> deemed sufficient are ended. The time is come when
> naught but the purest motive, supported by deeds of
> stainless purity, can ascend to the throne of the Most
> High and be acceptable unto Him. 'The good word
> riseth up unto Him, and the righteous deed will cause
> it to be exalted before Him.'[AD] You are the lowly, of
> whom God has thus spoken in His Book: 'And We
> desire to show favour to those who were brought low
> in the land, and to make them spiritual leaders among
> men, and to make them Our heirs.'[AE] You have been
> called to this station; you will attain to it, only if you arise
> to trample beneath your feet every earthly desire, and
> endeavour to become those honoured servants of His
> who speak not till He hath spoken, and who do His
> bidding'. You are the first Letters that have been generated
> from the Primal Point [the Báb], the first Springs that
> have welled out from the Source of this Revelation.
> Beseech the Lord your God to grant that no earthly
> entanglements, no worldly affections, no ephemeral
> pursuits, may tarnish the purity, or embitter the sweetness,
> of that grace which flows through you. I am preparing
> you for the advent of a mighty Day. Exert your
> utmost endeavour that, in the world to come, I, who am
> now instructing you, may, before the mercy-seat of God,
> rejoice in your deeds and glory in your achievements.
> The secret of the Day that is to come is now concealed.
> It can neither be divulged nor estimated. The newly born
> babe of that Day excels the wisest and most venerable
> men of this time, and the lowliest and most unlearned of
> that period shall surpass in understanding the most
> erudite and accomplished divines of this age. Scatter
> throughout the length and breadth of this land, and, with
> steadfast feet and sanctified hearts, prepare the way for
> His coming. Heed not your weaknesses and frailty; fix[Pg 31]
> your gaze upon the invincible power of the Lord, your
> God, the Almighty. Has He not, in past days, caused
> Abraham, in spite of His seeming helplessness, to triumph
> over the forces of Nimrod? Has He not enabled Moses,
> whose staff was His only companion, to vanquish Pharaoh
> and his hosts? Has He not established the ascendancy of
> Jesus, poor and lowly as He was in the eyes of men, over
> the combined forces of the Jewish people? Has He not
> subjected the barbarous and militant tribes of Arabia to
> the holy and transforming discipline of Muḥammad, His
> Prophet? Arise in His name, put your trust wholly in
> Him, and be assured of ultimate victory.
> 
> [Pg 32]
> 
> CHAPTER 2
> 
> HE WHOM THEY SOUGHT
> 
> The gentle spirit of the Bāb is surely high up in
> the cycles of eternity. Who can fail, as Prof. Browne
> says, to be attracted by him?
> 
> —T. K. Cheyne, D.Litt., D.D.
> 
> Siyyid (or Mírzá) `Alí-Muḥammad, known to history as the
> Báb, was the son of Siyyid (or Mír) Muḥammad-Riḍá, a
> mercer of Shíráz.[1]He was born on October 20th 1819
> (Muḥarram 1st, 1235 A.H.). Through both His father and
> His mother He was descended from Imám Ḥusayn,[AF] the
> third Imám. Thus He stood in direct line of descent from
> the Prophet Muḥammad. According to Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl-i-Gulpáygání,
> Siyyid Muḥammad-Riḍá, the Báb's
> father, died when his only child was an infant, unweaned.
> Then the care of the child devolved upon a maternal uncle,
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí. He was the only relative of the Báb
> to espouse His Cause openly during His lifetime and, as will
> be seen, to accept martyrdom for His sake. But according to
> a manuscript history of the Bábí-Bahá'í Faith in Shíráz by
> Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh-i-Afnán,[AG] Siyyid Muḥammad-Riḍá
> passed away when his son was nine years old, and `Abdu'l-Bahá
> appears to confirm this account.[AH]
> 
> [Pg 33]
> 
> Two of Siyyid Muḥammad-Riḍa's paternal cousins rose
> to eminence in the ranks of the Shí`ah divines, and both bore
> allegiance, in strict secrecy, to their kinsman when His
> claim to be 'the Qá'im of the House of Muḥammad' became
> publicly known. Of the two, the more famed and distinguished
> was Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥasan (1815-95),
> known as Mírzáy-i-Shírází, who, like all the leading Shí`ah
> divines, resided in `Iráq. He was the most influential
> ecclesiastic of his time, powerful enough to wreck the
> Tobacco Régie, the monopoly concession which Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh (reigned 1848-96) gave to Major Gerald F.
> Talbot, a British citizen, in the summer of 1889.[2]
> Mírzáy-i-Shírází
> put the use of tobacco under an interdict and the
> people of Írán, even the women in the Sháh's harem, ceased
> to use it. Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh was forced early in 1892 to
> cancel the concession and pay the Tobacco Corporation
> an indemnity of £500,000. The father of Mírzáy-i-Shírází,
> named Mírzá Maḥmúd, was a noted calligraphist, and was
> uncle to the father of the Báb.
> 
> The other celebrated ecclesiastic, cousin to Siyyid
> Muḥammad-Riḍá, was Ḥájí Siyyid Javád, the Imám-Jum`ih[AI]
> of Kirmán. It was Quddús who gave this dignitary the news
> of the advent of the Báb. Ḥájí Siyyid Javád extended his
> protection to Quddús, despite the clamour of his adversaries.
> 
> The mother of the Báb was Fáṭimih-Bagum. She was the
> daughter of Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, a merchant of
> Shíráz, and had three brothers. Of these, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid
> `Alí became the guardian of the Báb, while Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid Muḥammad and Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥasan-`Alí, although not
> enlisted in the ranks of the followers of their illustrious
> Nephew, feature in His story.
> 
> Every account that we have of Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad's
> childhood indicates that He was not an ordinary child.
> [Pg 34]When He was sent to school, He so surprised the schoolmaster,
> Shaykh `Ábid, with His wisdom and intelligence
> that the bewildered man took the child back to His uncle,
> and said that he had nothing to teach this gifted pupil: 'He,
> verily, stands in no need of teachers such as I.' The uncle had
> already noticed the remarkable qualities of his ward, and it is
> recorded that on this occasion he was very stern with Him:
> 'Have You forgotten my instructions? Have I not already
> admonished You to follow the example of Your fellow-pupils,
> to observe silence, and to listen attentively to every
> word spoken by Your teacher?' It was totally alien to the
> nature of that gentle child to disregard the wishes of His
> guardian. He returned to school and conducted Himself on
> the pattern of other children. Nothing, however, could
> restrain the superior mind and intelligence possessed by that
> exceptional boy. As time went on, the schoolmaster became
> convinced that he could not help his student; in the role of
> instructor he felt as the instructed.
> 
> It should also be said that schools such as that attended
> by Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad, which were common in those
> days, were one-man affairs and matters taught were elementary,
> although pupils were trained to read the Qur'án,
> even if they could not possibly understand the meaning of
> the sacred text which is of course in Arabic. The Báb did
> not go beyond this school nor the tuition of Shaykh `Ábid.
> Thus His schooling was meagre.
> 
> The Báb was only five years old when He was sent to
> receive tuition from Shaykh `Ábid. Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's
> narrative contains an account of His first day at school,
> related by Áqá Muḥammad-Ibráhím-i-Ismá`íl Bag, a well-known
> merchant of Shíráz, who was a fellow-scholar at the
> age of twelve. The Báb had taken a seat, with great courtesy,
> in between this boy and another pupil who was also much
> older than Himself. His head was bowed over the primer
> put in front of Him, the first lines of which He had been[Pg 35]
> taught to repeat. But He would not utter a word. When
> asked why He did not read aloud as other boys were doing
> He made no reply. Just then two boys, sitting near them,
> were heard to recite a couplet from Ḥáfiẓ, which runs thus:
> 
> From the pinnacles of Heaven they call out unto thee;
> 
> I know not what hath thee here entrapped.[3]
> 
> 'That is your answer,' said the Báb, turning to Áqá Muḥammad-Ibráhím.
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh also tells us that, apart from
> teaching boys, Shaykh `Ábid had a regular class for theological
> students. On one occasion some of these students
> posed a question which after a long period of discussion
> remained unresolved. Shaykh `Ábid told them that he would
> consult some authoritative works that same night and on
> the morrow present them with the solution. Just then the
> Báb, who had been listening, spoke and with sound reasoning
> propounded the answer which they sought. They were
> wonder-struck, for they had no recollection of discussing
> that particular subject within earshot of the Báb, who might
> then have looked up references in books and memorized
> them to repeat parrot-wise. Shaykh `Ábid asked Him where
> He had gained that knowledge. The boy replied smilingly
> with a couplet from Ḥáfiẓ:
> 
> Should the grace of the Holy Spirit once again deign to assist,
> 
> Others will also do what Christ could perform.[3]
> 
> Not only did the mental faculties of the Báb astound the
> schoolmaster; the nobility of His character impressed him
> even more. Indeed all those who were close or near to His
> person could not but yield to the charm of His being. Years
> later, when the Báb had raised the call of a new theophany,
> the schoolmaster casting his mind over the past told Ḥájí
> Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í, a learned scion of a celebrated[Pg 36]
> priestly family (the Baḥru'l-`Ulúm[AJ]), that Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad
> was always dignified and serene, that He was
> very handsome and cared little for the pastimes of other
> boys. Some mornings, the schoolmaster recalled, He was
> late coming to school and when asked the reason He remained
> silent. On occasions Shaykh `Ábid sent other pupils
> to call at His home and ask Him to come to school. They
> would return to say that they had found Him at His devotions.
> One day, when He had come late to school and was
> questioned by Shaykh `Ábid, the Báb said quietly that He
> had been in the house of His 'Grandfather'. Thus do the
> Siyyids refer to their ancestor the Prophet Muḥammad. To
> the schoolmaster's remonstrances that He was only a child
> of ten from whom such rigorous attention to devotions was
> not demanded, He replied quietly again, 'I wish to be like
> My Grandfather'. At that time, Shaykh `Ábid said, he had
> taken the words of Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad as childish
> naïveté.[4]
> 
> A certain book-binder of Shíráz named Siyyid Muḥammad,
> whose house neighboured that of the Báb's, but who
> in later years removed to Saráy-i-Amír[AK] in Ṭihrán to ply his
> trade, had heard Shaykh `Ábid relate that it was customary,
> when the season was clement, for the boys to invite their
> teacher and their fellow-pupils on Fridays (the day of rest)
> to an outing in one of the numerous gardens which bordered
> the city of Shíráz. At times they would find that the Báb
> had betaken Himself to a shaded, secluded spot in a corner
> of the orchard to pray and meditate.
> 
> Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í had himself encountered the
> Báb in the years of His childhood. He was normally a resident
> of Karbilá and had attended regularly the discourses of
> Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí, eventually becoming one of his
> ardent disciples. But he was also a man of travel who[Pg 37]
> embarked now and then on long journeys. Twice he went on
> pilgrimage to Mecca and spent some time there teaching
> and discoursing. He visited India and stayed in Bombay for
> a while. One of his journeys took him to Shíráz, at a time
> when the Báb was about nine years old. Being well
> acquainted with Ḥájí Siyyid Muḥammad (one of the Báb's
> maternal uncles), Ḥájí Siyyid Javád visited him occasionally.
> Decades later he recalled that on one of these visits he could
> hear the intonations of a melodious, enraptured voice,
> coming from the direction of the alcove reserved for
> devotions. Before long a boy stepped out of the recess and
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad introduced Him as his nephew
> who was orphaned. Another visit coincided with the Báb's
> return from school. Ḥájí Siyyid Javád noticed that He held a
> batch of papers and asked what they were. Very courteously
> the boy replied that they were His calligraphic exercises.
> When Ḥájí Siyyid Javád inspected them he marvelled at their
> excellence.
> 
> On yet another and later occasion, when the Báb was for a
> time engaged in trading in the port of Búshihr, Ḥájí Siyyid
> Javád spent six months in that town, living in the same
> inn as the Báb. Thus they often met. Still later, in Karbilá,
> Ḥájí Siyyid Javád again met the Báb, who by then was in
> His early twenties.
> 
> When Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí reached `Iráq with the tidings
> of the advent of the Báb, the news spread rapidly among the
> divines and the students of theology. Ḥájí Siyyid Javád was
> one of those particularly attracted, and he often urged
> Mullá `Alí to divulge the name of Him who had put forth
> such a tremendous claim. But the Báb had emphatically
> forbidden Mullá `Alí to mention His name or give any clue
> to His identity. To all insistent requests Mullá `Alí merely
> said that before long His identity would be revealed to[Pg 38]
> them. No one, according to the testimony of Ḥájí Siyyid
> Javád, suspected that the Báb could be the young merchant
> of Shíráz who had only recently lived among them. Most of
> the Shaykhís believed that the Báb must be one of the close
> disciples of Siyyid Káẓim.
> 
> Then it occurred to Ḥájí Siyyid Javád to invite Mullá
> `Alí to his own home and question him more closely. Seated
> on the roof of the house, in the neighbourhood of the Shrine
> of Imám Ḥusayn, the two of them conversed at length
> about the 'Great Event', but no matter how hard he tried,
> Ḥájí Siyyid Javád could not induce his guest to disclose the
> secret which he had been bidden to withhold. So frustrated
> did he feel that, on his own admission, Ḥájí Siyyid
> Javád gripped the arms of Mullá `Alí, pushed him hard
> against the wall and exclaimed: 'What am I to do with you,
> Mullá `Alí! Kill you? Won't you say who that wondrous
> Being is? Won't you relieve us of this misery?' Gasping for
> breath, Mullá `Alí replied: 'Siyyid Javád! It is forbidden.
> You yourself are a man of learning. You should know
> better. It is forbidden.' And then quite unexpectedly and
> without knowing why, Mullá `Alí added that the Báb had
> specially mentioned that all His letters extant in `Iráq,
> whoever the recipient might have been, ought to be sent to
> Shíráz. No sooner had Mullá `Alí spoken than Ḥájí Siyyid
> Javád had, in a flash, a mental picture of Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad,
> whom he had known and admired since His childhood.
> He ran down the stairs to the room where he kept his papers,
> gathered up the letters he had received from Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad
> and hurried back to the roof. The moment Mullá
> `Alí caught sight of the seal on those letters he burst into
> tears, and so did Ḥájí Siyyid Javád. They wept for joy, and
> between his sobs Mullá `Alí kept repeating: `Áqá Siyyid
> Javád! Áqá Siyyid Javád! I did not mention any name to
> you. It is forbidden to mention His blessed name. Don't
> mention His name to anyone.'[5]
> 
> [Pg 39]
> 
> Thus did Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í find his new
> Faith, to which he remained steadfastly loyal throughout his
> long life. We shall hear later a good deal more of this remarkable
> man.
> 
> Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad had some six to seven years of
> schooling with Shaykh `Ábid. In all probability He left the
> school at the Qahviy-i-Awlíyá' before He was thirteen.
> According to Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's narrative, He joined
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí, His uncle-guardian, in business when
> He was fifteen years old,[AL] and shortly afterwards moved to
> Búshihr. Pages of commercial accounts which He kept
> put it beyond doubt that the Báb left Shíráz for Búshihr
> when He was nearly sixteen. There can be little doubt that
> at an early age the Báb took over the complete management
> of the trading-house in Búshihr. His scrupulous attention to
> detail and His undeviating fairness in transactions became
> widely known in the region. A man who had consigned to
> Him some goods to sell was astonished to find, when he
> received his money, that it was more than could be obtained
> at current prices. He wanted to return some of it.
> The Báb told him that it was only fair and just that he should
> be given that particular sum, because his goods would have
> fetched exactly that amount had they been offered for sale
> when the market was at its best.
> 
> A.-L.-M. Nicolas maintains that the Báb was also engaged
> in writing and composing, during this period of His sojourn
> in Búshihr. He mentions a treatise, the Risáliy-i-Fiqhíyyih,
> as having come from the pen of the Báb during those
> years.[6]
> His statement is corroborated by Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's
> narrative:
> 
> One day in Egypt during the time when Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl
> was occupied with writing his book, the Fará'id,
> [Pg 40]we came to talk about the early years of the Báb, prior
> to His declaration, and the period when He was engaged
> in trading. Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl related the following to me:
> 'I myself heard the late Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í say
> that when the Báb was pursuing the career of a merchant
> in Búshihr, he ... because of his friendship with the
> uncles of the Báb used to stay with them whenever he
> visited either Shíráz or Búshihr. One day Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid Muḥammad came to him with a request. "Give
> some good counsel to my nephew ... tell Him not to
> write certain things which can only arouse the jealousy
> of some people: these people cannot bear to see a young
> merchant of little schooling show such erudition, they feel
> envious." Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad had been very
> insistent that Ḥájí Siyyid Javád should counsel the Báb to
> desist from writing. Ḥájí Siyyid Javád had however
> replied with these lines of verse: "The fair of face cannot
> put up with the veil; Shut him in, and out of the window
> will he show his visage," and had added: "We are earth-bound
> and He is celestial. Our counsel is of no use to
> Him."'
> 
> Mullá Muḥammad-i-Zarandí, Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, lays particular
> stress on the Báb's strict regard for His devotions on
> Fridays. Even the torrid conditions of Búshihr, he states,
> did not deter the Báb. Writers of such histories as the
> Násikhu't-Taváríkh,[7]
> hostile to the Báb, have alleged that
> long exposure to the severe heat of the sun in that seaport,
> while engaged in prayers, affected His mind. They have gone
> on to assert that it was this derangement of mind which led
> Him to make extravagant claims. But Ḥájí Mírzá Jání of
> Káshán refutes any suggestion that the Báb deliberately
> practised austerities, or that He found Himself a 'murshid'
> (spiritual guide) to direct Him along such lines.
> 
> Unfortunately records of the years that the Báb spent in
> Búshihr are scant. We cannot be certain as to the exact
> dates when He took over the complete management of the[Pg 41]
> trading-house and when He retired. Ḥájí Mu`ínu's-Salṭanih
> of Tabríz states in his chronicle that the Báb assumed direct
> responsibility at the age of twenty. If that statement be
> correct, the period during which He acted on His own was
> quite brief. According to Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl of Gulpáygán,
> He journeyed to the holy cities of `Iráq in the spring of 1841,
> stayed in `Iráq for nearly seven months and returned to His
> 'native province of Fárs' in the autumn of that year. Ḥájí
> Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh states that the Báb's sojourn in Búshihr
> lasted six years. According to him, when the Báb decided
> to go on pilgrimage to the holy cities of `Iráq, He wrote to
> His uncles in Shíráz asking them to come and take over the
> business from Him. His uncles, however, procrastinated,
> whereupon the Báb settled all the outstanding matters in
> Búshihr Himself, brought His books up to date, locked and
> sealed the door of the office and left the keys with the gatekeeper
> of the caravanserai, to be handed over to any one of
> His uncles. He informed His uncles of what He had done
> and explained that since they had not heeded His repeated
> pleas He had no other alternative, determined as He was to
> go on pilgrimage to the holy cities.[AM] Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid
> Muḥammad was greatly perturbed lest their credit be
> damaged and their clients suffer serious loss. But Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Alí assured him that their nephew would
> never do anything to compromise them and that all accounts
> would be found in perfect order. Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad
> hurried to Búshihr where a close inspection of the
> books satisfied him that nothing had been left to chance.
> 
> [Pg 42]
> 
> While in Karbilá the Báb visited Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí and
> attended his discourses. But these occasional visits did not
> and could not make Him a pupil or disciple of Siyyid
> Káẓim. His adversaries have alleged that He sat at the feet
> of Siyyid Káẓim for months on end to learn from him. But
> accounts that we have from close associates of Siyyid Káẓim
> all indicate that the Shaykhí leader welcomed and received
> Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad, on every occasion, with great
> reverence. Here is a long account by Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí:
> 
> My days were spent in the service of Siyyid Káẓim, to
> whom I was greatly attached. One day, at the hour of
> dawn, I was suddenly awakened by Mullá Naw-rúz, one
> of his intimate attendants, who, in great excitement, bade
> me arise and follow him. We went to the house of Siyyid
> Káẓim, where we found him fully dressed, wearing his
> `abá, and ready to leave his home. He asked me to accompany
> him. 'A highly esteemed and distinguished Person,'
> he said, 'has arrived. I feel it incumbent upon us both to
> visit Him.' The morning light had just broken when I
> found myself walking with him through the streets of
> Karbilá. We soon reached a house, at the door of which
> stood a Youth, as if expectant to receive us. He wore a
> green turban, and His countenance revealed an expression
> of humility and kindliness which I can never describe.
> He quietly approached us, extended His arms towards
> Siyyid Káẓim, and lovingly embraced him. His affability
> and loving-kindness singularly contrasted with the sense
> of profound reverence that characterised the attitude of
> Siyyid Káẓim towards Him. Speechless and with bowed
> head, he received the many expressions of affection and
> esteem with which that Youth greeted him. We were
> soon led by Him to the upper floor of that house, and
> entered a chamber bedecked with flowers and redolent
> of the loveliest perfume. He bade us be seated. We knew
> not, however, what seats we actually occupied, so
> [Pg 43]overpowering was the sense of delight which seized us. We
> observed a silver cup which had been placed in the centre
> of the room, which our youthful Host, soon after we were
> seated, filled to overflowing, and handed to Siyyid Káẓim,
> saying: 'A drink of a pure beverage shall their Lord
> give them.'[AN] Siyyid Káẓim held the cup with both hands
> and quaffed it. A feeling of reverent joy filled his being, a
> feeling which he could not suppress. I too was presented
> with a cupful of that beverage, though no words were
> addressed to me. All that was spoken at that memorable
> gathering was the above-mentioned verse of the Qur'án.
> Soon after, the Host arose from His seat and, accompanying
> us to the threshold of the house, bade us farewell.
> I was mute with wonder, and knew not how to express
> the cordiality of His welcome, the dignity of His bearing,
> the charm of that face, and the delicious fragrance of
> that beverage. How great was my amazement when I saw
> my teacher quaff without the least hesitation that holy
> draught from a silver cup, the use of which, according to
> the precepts of Islám, is forbidden to the faithful. I could
> not explain the motive which could have induced the
> Siyyid to manifest such profound reverence in the presence
> of that Youth—a reverence which even the sight of the
> shrine of the Siyyidu'sh-Shuhadá'[AO] had failed to excite.
> Three days later, I saw that same Youth arrive and take
> His seat in the midst of the company of the assembled
> disciples of Siyyid Káẓim. He sat close to the threshold,
> and with the same modesty and dignity of bearing listened
> to the discourse of the Siyyid. As soon as his eyes fell
> upon that Youth, the Siyyid discontinued his address and
> held his peace. Whereupon one of his disciples begged
> him to resume the argument which he had left unfinished.
> 'What more shall I say?' replied Siyyid Káẓim, as he
> [Pg 44]turned his face toward the Báb. 'Lo, the Truth is more
> manifest than the ray of light that has fallen upon that
> lap!' I immediately observed that the ray to which the
> Siyyid referred had fallen upon the lap of that same Youth
> whom we had recently visited. 'Why is it,' that questioner
> enquired, 'that you neither reveal His name nor identify
> His person?' To this the Siyyid replied by pointing with
> his finger to his own throat, implying that were he to
> divulge His name, they both would be put to death
> instantly. This added still further to my perplexity. I had
> already heard my teacher observe that so great is the
> perversity of this generation, that were he to point with
> his finger to the promised One and say: 'He indeed is the
> Beloved, the Desire of your hearts and mine,' they would
> still fail to recognise and acknowledge Him. I saw the
> Siyyid actually point out with his finger the ray of light
> that had fallen on that lap, and yet none among those who
> were present seemed to apprehend its meaning. I, for my
> part, was convinced that the Siyyid himself could never
> be the promised One, but that a mystery inscrutable to us
> all, lay concealed in that strange and attractive Youth.
> Several times I ventured to approach Siyyid Káẓim and
> seek from him an elucidation of this mystery. Every time
> I approached him, I was overcome by a sense of awe
> which his personality so powerfully
> inspired.[8]
> 
> Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí has gone on to relate:
> 
> I often felt the urge to seek alone the presence of that
> Háshimite[AP] Youth and to endeavour to fathom His
> mystery. I watched Him several times as He stood in an
> attitude of prayer at the doorway of the shrine of the
> Imám Ḥusayn. So wrapt was He in His devotions that
> He seemed utterly oblivious of those around Him. Tears
> rained from His eyes, and from His lips fell words of
> [Pg 45]glorification and praise of such power and beauty as even
> the noblest passages of our sacred Scriptures could not
> hope to surpass. The words 'O God, my God, my Beloved,
> my heart's Desire,' were uttered with a frequency and
> ardour that those of the visiting pilgrims who were near
> enough to hear Him instinctively interrupted the course
> of their devotions, and marvelled at the evidences of piety
> and veneration which that youthful countenance evinced.
> Like Him they were moved to tears, and from Him they
> learned the lesson of true adoration. Having completed
> His prayers, that Youth, without crossing the threshold
> of the shrine and without attempting to address any words
> to those around Him, would quietly return to His home.
> I felt the impulse to address Him, but every time I ventured
> an approach, a force that I could neither explain nor
> resist, detained me. My inquiries about Him elicited the
> information that He was a resident of Shíráz, that He was
> a merchant by profession, and did not belong to any of
> the ecclesiastical orders. I was, moreover, informed that
> He, and also His uncles and relatives, were among the
> lovers and admirers of Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid Káẓim.
> I learned that He had departed for Najaf on His way to
> Shiraz. That Youth had set my heart aflame. The memory
> of that vision haunted me. My soul was wedded to His
> till the day when the call of a Youth from Shíráz, proclaiming
> Himself to be the Báb, reached my ears. The
> thought instantly flashed through my mind that such a
> person could be none other than that selfsame Youth
> whom I had seen in Karbilá, the Youth of my heart's
> desire.[9]
> 
> According to Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's narrative, as the
> sojourn of the Báb in the holy cities lengthened into months,
> His mother, anxious to have her only son back in Shíráz,
> asked her brother, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí, to go to `Iráq
> and persuade Him to return. He could not deny his sister's
> request, but when he reached `Iráq he found that his nephew,
> who had once been his ward, was unwilling to leave the
> [Pg 46]
> holy cities. Thereupon he appealed to Ḥájí
> Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í
> for help, who was at first reluctant to lend his
> support, not wishing to lose the company of the young
> Shírází Siyyid whom he had over the course of years so
> tremendously admired. However, when he learned that His
> mother was greatly concerned, he consented to intervene.
> At last the Báb complied with their request and agreed to
> return. After a few months in Shíráz He declared His
> intention of going once again to `Iráq. His mother, alarmed
> and agitated by this decision, once more sought the aid of
> her brother. Their efforts resulted in the marriage of the
> Báb to Khadíjih-Bagum, daughter of Ḥájí Mírzá
> `Alí,[10]
> the paternal uncle of His mother. The marriage took place
> in August 1842. Khadíjih-Bagum had two brothers: Ḥájí
> Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim and Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid Ḥasan, and both
> of them, though not counted among His followers in His
> lifetime, have a place in the story of the Báb. The descendants
> of these two brothers-in-law of the Báb, and the
> descendants of His maternal uncles, are known as the Afnán
> (the Twigs).
> 
> A son was born to Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad and Khadíjih-Bagum
> in the year 1843, whom they named Aḥmad, but he
> did not live long. Ḥájí Mírzá
> Ḥabíbu'lláh states that the
> child was still-born. The Báb notes the birth of Aḥmad in the
> Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', His commentary on the Súrih of Yúsuf
> (Joseph). Speaking of His wedding with His well-beloved,
> who was herself descended from the Well-Beloved (Muḥammad
> is known as Ḥabíbu'lláh—the Well-Beloved of God),
> and relating how He had called upon the angels of Heaven
> and the cohorts of Paradise to witness that wedding, the
> Báb then addresses His wife:
> 
> O well-beloved! Value highly the grace of Dhikr [the
> Bab],[11]
> the Greatest, for it comes from God, the Loved
> [Pg 47]
> One. Thou shalt not be a woman, like other women, if
> thou obeyest God in the Cause of Truth ... and
> take pride in being the consort of the Well-Beloved,
> who is loved by God the Greatest. Sufficient unto
> thee is this glory which cometh unto thee from God, the
> All-Wise, the All-Praised. Be patient in all that God hath
> ordained concerning the Báb and His Family. Verily, thy
> son, Aḥmad, is with Fáṭimih,[AQ] the Sublime, in the
> sanctified Paradise.
> [12]
> 
> And there is this further reference to Ahmad in the
> Qayyúmu'l-Asmá':
> 
> All praise be to God Who bestowed upon the Solace
> of the Eyes,[AR] in His youth, Aḥmad. We did verily raise
> him up unto God.... O Solace of the Eyes! Be patient
> in what thy God hath ordained for thee. Verily He
> doeth whatsoever He willeth. He is the All-Wise in the
> exercise of His justice. He is thy Lord, the Ancient of
> Days, and praised be He in whatever He ordereth.[12]
> 
> [Pg 48]
> 
> CHAPTER 3
> 
> ṬIHRÁN
> 
> Rejoice with great joy, for God hath made thee
> 'the Day-Spring of His light', inasmuch as within
> thee was born the Manifestation of His Glory. Be
> thou glad for this name that hath been conferred
> upon thee—a name through which the Day-Star of
> grace hath shed its splendour, through which both
> earth and heaven have been illumined.
> 
> —Bahá'u'lláh,
> addressing the city of Ṭihrán
> 
> ... We stand, life in hand, wholly resigned to His
> will; that perchance, through God's loving kindness
> and His grace, this revealed and manifest Letter
> may lay down His life as a sacrifice in the path of the
> Primal Point,[AS] the most exalted Word.
> 
> —Bahá'u'lláh,
> from the Kitáb-i-Íqán
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn was sorely disappointed when he realized
> that he was not to be the companion of the Báb, on His
> pilgrimage to Mecca. But for the man who was the first to
> find Him and believe in Him the Báb had marked out a task
> infinitely glorious. Mullá Ḥusayn was to go from Shíráz
> to Ṭihrán, where the fulfilment of that task awaited him.
> He had travelled to Shíráz on a quest. There he had reached
> its end, had found the Qá'im of the House of Muḥammad.
> Now he was to undertake another quest, and he was not
> entirely aware of the consequences that would attend its
> success. To him the Báb said:
> 
> In this pilgrimage upon which We are soon to embark,
> We have chosen Quddús as Our companion. We have
> [Pg 49]
> left you behind to face the onslaught of a fierce and
> relentless enemy. Rest assured, however, that a bounty
> unspeakably glorious shall be conferred upon you.
> Follow the course of your journey towards the north,
> and visit on your way Iṣfahán, Káshán,
> Qum, and Ṭihrán.
> Beseech almighty Providence that He may graciously
> enable you to attain, in that capital, the seat of true
> sovereignty, and to enter the mansion of the Beloved.
> A secret lies hidden in that city. When made manifest, it
> shall turn the earth into paradise. My hope is that you
> may partake of its grace and recognise its splendour.
> From Ṭihrán proceed to Khurásán, and there proclaim
> anew the Call. From thence return to Najaf and Karbilá
> and there await the summons of your Lord. Be assured
> that the high mission for which you have been created
> will, in its entirety, be accomplished by you. Until you
> have consummated your work, if all the darts of an
> unbelieving world be directed against you, they will be
> powerless to hurt a single hair of your
> head.[1]
> 
> When the time came for Mullá Ḥusayn to leave Shíráz,
> the Báb told him:
> 
> Grieve not that you have not been chosen to accompany
> Me on My pilgrimage to Ḥijáz. I shall, instead, direct
> your steps to that city which enshrines a Mystery of such
> transcendent holiness as neither Ḥijáz nor
> Shíráz can hope
> to rival. My hope is that you may, by the aid of God, be
> enabled to remove the veils from the eyes of the wayward
> and to cleanse the minds of the malevolent. Visit, on your
> way, Iṣfahán, Káshán, Ṭihrán, and Khurásán. Proceed
> thence to `Iráq, and there await the summons of your
> Lord, who will keep watch over you and will direct you
> to whatsoever is His will and desire. As to Myself, I
> shall, accompanied by Quddús and My Ethiopian servant,[AT]
> proceed on My pilgrimage to Ḥijáz. I shall join
> the company of the pilgrims of Fárs, who will shortly be
> sailing for that land. I shall visit Mecca and Medina, and
> [Pg 50]
> there fulfil the mission[AU] with which God has entrusted
> Me. God willing, I shall return hither by the way of Kúfih,
> in which place I hope to meet you. If it be decreed
> otherwise, I shall ask you to join Me in
> Shíráz. The hosts
> of the invisible Kingdom, be assured, will sustain and
> reinforce your efforts. The essence of power is now
> dwelling in you, and the company of His chosen angels
> revolves around you. His almighty arms will surround
> you, and His unfailing Spirit will ever continue to guide
> your steps. He that loves you, loves God; and whoever
> opposes you, has opposed God. Whoso befriends you,
> him will God befriend; and whoso rejects you, him will
> God reject.[2]
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn was known in Iṣfahán, for there he had
> obtained testimonials from the great mujtahid, Ḥájí Siyyid
> Muḥammad-Báqir, in support of Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí.
> That eminent divine was now dead, but his son, Ḥájí
> Siyyid Asadu'lláh, walking in the footsteps of his illustrious
> father, refused to associate himself with the adversaries
> of Mullá Ḥusayn. Another noted divine,
> Ḥájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí,
> did likewise, and sternly admonished
> those who opposed Mullá Ḥusayn to cease their clamouring
> and investigate dispassionately whatever he was advocating.
> The Governor, Manúchihr Khán, the Mu`tamidu'd-Dawlih,
> similarly declined to heed their strictures.
> 
> The first person in Iṣfahán to embrace the new Faith was
> a youth, a sifter of wheat. The Báb immortalizes his memory
> in the Persian Bayán:[3]
> 
> Iṣfahán, that outstanding city, is distinguished by the
> religious fervour of its shi`ah inhabitants, by the learning
> of its divines, and by the keen expectation, shared by high
> and low alike, of the imminent coming of the
> Ṣáḥibu'z-Zamán.[AV]
> In every quarter of that city, religious institutions
> [Pg 51]
> have been established. And yet, when the Messenger
> of God had been made manifest, they who claimed to be
> the repositories of learning and the expounders of the
> mysteries of the Faith of God rejected His Message. Of all
> the inhabitants of that seat of learning, only one person,
> a sifter of wheat, was found to recognise the Truth, and
> was invested with the robe of Divine
> virtue![4]
> 
> Others eventually followed the example of that youth,[AW]
> among them Mírzá Muḥammad `Alíy-i-Nahrí and his brother,
> Mírzá Hádí, who were Siyyids and highly respected. Mullá
> Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas-i-Khurásání was another convert. Siyyid
> Káẓim had told Mullá Ṣádiq to establish his residence in
> Iṣfahán and pave the way for the coming of the Qá'im. That
> man of iron courage (whom we shall encounter again in
> the course of this story) met Mullá Ḥusayn in the home of
> Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Nahrí. Mullá Ṣádiq himself relates:
> 
> I asked Mullá Ḥusayn to divulge the name of Him who
> claimed to be the promised Manifestation. He replied:
> 'To enquire about that name and to divulge it are alike
> forbidden.' 'Would it, then, be possible,' I asked, 'for
> me, even as the Letters of the Living, to seek independently
> the grace of the All-Merciful and, through prayer,
> to discover His identity?' 'The door of His grace,' he
> replied, 'is never closed before the face of him who
> seeks to find Him.' I immediately retired from his presence,
> and requested his host to allow me the privacy of
> a room in his house where, alone and undisturbed, I
> could commune with God. In the midst of my contemplation,
> I suddenly remembered the face of a Youth whom I
> had often observed while in Karbilá, standing in an attitude
> of prayer, with His face bathed in tears, at the entrance
> [Pg 52]of the shrine of the Imám Ḥusayn. That same countenance
> now reappeared before my eyes. In my vision I
> seemed to behold that same face, those same features,
> expressive of such joy as I could never describe. He
> smiled as He gazed at me. I went towards Him, ready to
> throw myself at His feet. I was bending towards the
> ground, when, lo! that radiant figure vanished from before
> me. Overpowered with joy and gladness, I ran out to
> meet Mullá Ḥusayn, who with transport received me and
> assured me that I had, at last, attained the object of my
> desire. He bade me, however, repress my feelings. 'Declare
> not your vision to anyone,' he urged me; 'the time for it
> has not yet arrived. You have reaped the fruit of your
> patient waiting in Iṣfahán. You should now proceed to
> Kirmán, and there acquaint Ḥájí Mírzá Karím Khán
> with this Message.[AX] From that place you should travel to
> Shíráz and endeavour to rouse the people of that city
> from their heedlessness. I hope to join you in Shíráz and
> share with you the blessings of a joyous reunion with our
> Beloved.'[5]
> 
> In Káshán, Mullá Ḥusayn found a responsive and eager
> heart in a well-known merchant of that town, named Ḥájí
> Mírzá Jání.[AY] He too features prominently in the story of the
> Báb. The next stage in Mullá Ḥusayn's journey was the
> city of Qum, where the shrine of Ma'ṣúmih, the sister of
> Imám Riḍá, the eighth Imám, is situated. He found no
> attentive ears in Qum. Then came the crucial stage of his
> journey, when he entered the capital city of Írán, for there
> lay the 'Mystery' which the Báb had mentioned.
> 
> In Ṭihrán Mullá Ḥusayn took a room in a theological
> institution called the madrisih (school) of Mírzá Ṣáliḥ,[Pg 53]
> alternatively the madrisih of Páminár.[AZ] The director of the
> institution, Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-i-Khurásání, was the
> leading Shaykhí in the capital. He not only refused to heed
> what Mullá Ḥusayn imparted, but severely remonstrated
> with him and accused him of having betrayed the trust of
> Siyyid Káẓim. Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad made it clear that in
> his view Mullá Ḥusayn's presence in Ṭihrán posed a threat
> to the Shaykhí community. Mullá Ḥusayn replied that he
> did not intend to stay long in Ṭihrán, nor had he done or
> said anything which detracted from the position of the
> founders of the Shaykhí school.
> 
> As far as he could, Mullá Ḥusayn kept away from the
> madrisih of Mírzá Ṣáliḥ. He went out early in the mornings
> and returned after sunset. Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mu`allim,[BA] a
> native of the district of Núr in Mázindarán, has described
> how Mullá Ḥusayn accomplished his mission:
> 
> I was in those days recognised as one of the favoured
> disciples of Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad, and lived in the same
> school in which he taught. My room adjoined his room,
> and we were closely associated together. On the day that
> he was engaged in discussion with Mullá Ḥusayn, I overheard
> their conversation from beginning to end, and was
> deeply affected by the ardour, the fluency, and learning
> of that youthful stranger. I was surprised at the evasive
> answers, the arrogance, and contemptuous behaviour
> of Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad. That day I felt strongly
> attracted by the charm of that youth, and deeply resented
> the unseemly conduct of my teacher towards him. I
> concealed my feelings, however, and pretended to ignore
> his discussions with Mullá Ḥusayn. I was seized with a
> passionate desire to meet the latter, and ventured, at the
> hour of midnight, to visit him. He did not expect me,
> but I knocked at his door, and found him awake seated
> [Pg 54]beside his lamp. He received me affectionately, and spoke
> to me with extreme courtesy and tenderness. I unburdened
> my heart to him, and as I was addressing him, tears, which
> I could not repress, flowed from my eyes. 'I can now see,'
> he said, 'the reason why I have chosen to dwell in this
> place. Your teacher has contemptuously rejected this
> Message and despised its Author. My hope is that his
> pupil may, unlike his master, recognise its truth. What is
> your name, and which city is your home?' 'My name,' I
> replied, 'is Mullá Muḥammad, and my surname Mu`allim.
> My home is Núr, in the province of Mázindarán.' 'Tell
> me,' further inquired Mullá Ḥusayn, 'is there to-day
> among the family of the late Mírzá Buzurg-i-Núrí, who
> was so renowned for his character, his charm, and artistic
> and intellectual attainments, anyone who has proved
> himself capable of maintaining the high traditions of
> that illustrious house?' 'Yea,' I replied, 'among his sons
> now living, one has distinguished Himself by the very
> traits which characterised His father. By His virtuous life,
> His high attainments, His loving-kindness and liberality,
> He has proved Himself a noble descendant of a noble
> father.' 'What is His occupation?' he asked me. 'He
> cheers the disconsolate and feeds the hungry,' I replied.
> 'What of His rank and position?' 'He has none,' I said,
> 'apart from befriending the poor and the stranger.' 'What
> is His name?' 'Ḥusayn-`Alí.' 'In which of the scripts of
> His father does He excel?'[BB] 'His favourite script is
> shikastih-nasta`líq.' 'How does He spend His time?' 'He
> roams the woods and delights in the beauties of the
> countryside.' 'What is His age?' 'Eight and twenty.'
> The eagerness with which Mullá Ḥusayn questioned me,
> and the sense of delight with which he welcomed every
> particular I gave him, greatly surprised me. Turning to
> me, with his face beaming with satisfaction and joy, he
> once more enquired: 'I presume you often meet Him?'
> 'I frequently visit His home,' I replied. 'Will you,' he
> said, 'deliver into His hands a trust from me?' 'Most
> [Pg 55]assuredly,' was my reply. He then gave me a scroll
> wrapped in a piece of cloth, and requested me to hand it to
> Him the next day at the hour of dawn. 'Should He deign
> to answer me,' he added, 'will you be kind enough to
> acquaint me with His reply?' I received the scroll from
> him and, at break of day, arose to carry out his desire.
> 
> As I approached the house of Bahá'u'lláh, I recognised
> His brother Mírzá Músá, who was standing at the gate,
> and to whom I communicated the object of my visit. He
> went into the house and soon reappeared bearing a message
> of welcome. I was ushered into His presence, and
> presented the scroll to Mírzá Músá, who laid it before
> Bahá'u'lláh. He bade us both be seated. Unfolding the
> scroll, He glanced at its contents and began to read aloud
> to us certain of its passages. I sat enraptured as I listened
> to the sound of His voice and the sweetness of its melody.
> He had read a page of the scroll when, turning to His
> brother, He said: 'Músá, what have you to say? Verily I
> say, whoso believes in the Qur'án and recognises its
> Divine origin, and yet hesitates, though it be for a moment,
> to admit that these soul-stirring words are endowed with
> the same regenerating power, has most assuredly erred in
> his judgment and has strayed far from the path of justice.'
> He spoke no more. Dismissing me from His presence,
> He charged me to take to Mullá Ḥusayn, as a gift from
> Him, a loaf of Russian sugar and a package of tea, and to
> convey to him the expression of His appreciation and love.
> 
> I arose and, filled with joy, hastened back to Mullá
> Ḥusayn, and delivered to him the gift and message of
> Bahá'u'lláh. With what joy and exultation he received
> them from me! Words fail me to describe the intensity
> of his emotion. He started to his feet, received with bowed
> head the gift from my hand, and fervently kissed it. He
> then took me in his arms, kissed my eyes, and said: 'My
> dearly beloved friend! I pray that even as you have
> rejoiced my heart, God may grant you eternal felicity
> and fill your heart with imperishable gladness.' I was
> amazed at the behaviour of Mullá Ḥusayn. What could be, I
> [Pg 56]thought to myself, the nature of the bond that unites
> these two souls? What could have kindled so fervid a
> fellowship in their hearts? Why should Mullá Ḥusayn,
> in whose sight the pomp and circumstance of royalty were
> the merest trifle, have evinced such gladness at the sight
> of so inconsiderable a gift from the hands of Bahá'u'lláh?
> I was puzzled by this thought and could not unravel
> its mystery.
> 
> A few days later, Mullá Ḥusayn left for Khurásán. As
> he bade me farewell, he said: 'Breathe not to anyone what
> you have heard and witnessed. Let this be a secret hidden
> within your breast. Divulge not His name, for they who
> envy His position will arise to harm Him. In your moments
> of meditation, pray that the Almighty may protect Him,
> that, through Him, He may exalt the downtrodden,
> enrich the poor, and redeem the fallen. The secret of
> things is concealed from our eyes. Ours is the duty to
> raise the call of the New Day and to proclaim this Divine
> Message unto all people. Many a soul will, in this city,
> shed his blood in this path. That blood will water the
> Tree of God, will cause it to flourish, and to overshadow
> all mankind.'[6]
> 
> From Mashhad, the holy city that has within it the Shrine
> of the eighth Imám, Mullá Ḥusayn addressed his first letter
> to the Báb. He gave, as instructed by Him, the full details of
> his journey from Shíráz to Khurásán. He presented the list
> of names of those who had responded to the call of the
> new theophany: a list which had become further enriched
> in Khurásán by the enrolment of Mírzá Aḥmad-i-Azghandí,
> the most learned of the divines of that renowned province;
> Mullá Mírzá Muḥammad-i-Furúghí, another divine of
> immense learning; Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Qá'iní, whose
> house in Mashhad was to gain the distinction of being known
> as the Bábíyyih, since its doors would be always open to
> those who sought Mullá Ḥusayn and to all the Bábís; Mullá
> Aḥmad-i-Mu`allim, who had been a tutor to the sons of
> [Pg 57]Siyyid Káẓim; and Mullá Shaykh `Alí, to whom the Báb
> gave the title of `Aẓím (Great). But above all, Mullá Ḥusayn
> recounted what had transpired in Ṭihrán, culminating in the
> gracious response of the nobleman of Núr. He sent his letter,
> again as instructed by the Báb, to Ṭabas (a town in the province
> of Khurásán) where agents of Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí
> received it and dispatched it to Yazd, whence it reached
> Shíráz. The arrival of Mullá Ḥusayn's letter and the tidings
> which it conveyed brought unbounded joy to the Báb.
> Soon after, in the month of September, He left Shíráz,
> accompanied by Quddús, and the faithful Ethiopian servant,
> Mubárak.
> 
> From Búshihr, while waiting to take the boat to Jiddah
> (Jaddah), the Báb wrote His first letter to His wife. It
> opens with these moving words:
> 
> 'In the Name of God, exalted is He. My sweet love, may
> God preserve thee.' 'God is my witness,' He continues, 'that
> since the time of separation sorrow has been so intense that
> it cannot be described,' and adds His hope that God, 'the
> Lord of the world,' may 'facilitate the return journey in the
> best manner.' Two days previously He had reached Búshihr,
> and informs His wife that 'the weather is exceedingly hot,
> but God, the Lord of the world, is the Protector.' The boat,
> it seemed, would be sailing the same month; 'God, the Lord
> of the world, will provide protection by His grace.' He had
> not been able to see His mother at the time of His departure,
> and asks His wife to give her His salutation (salám) and
> request her prayers. He would write to Bombay for the
> goods required. And the letter ends thus: 'God willing,
> that which is decreed will come to pass. Peace be upon thee
> and the mercy of God and His
> blessings.'[7]
> 
> The ship, bearing pilgrims to Jiddah, set sail on the nineteenth
> day of Ramaḍán 1260—October 2nd
> 1844.[8]
> 
> [Pg 58]
> 
> CHAPTER 4
> 
> THE FIRST MARTYR
> 
> The world turns and the world changes,
> 
> But one thing does not change.
> 
> In all of my years, one thing does not change.
> 
> However you disguise it, this thing does not change:
> 
> The perpetual struggle of Good and Evil.
> 
> —T. S. Eliot
> 
> Lady Sheil, whose husband was the British envoy in
> Ṭihrán,[BC] states in her book, Glimpses of Life and Manners in
> Persia, that the Báb declared His mission in Káẓimayn, near
> Baghdád, and that 'Incensed at this blasphemy, the Turkish
> authorities issued orders for his execution, but he was
> claimed by the Persian consul as a subject of the Shah, and
> sent to his native place'.[1] Obviously Lady Sheil was confused.
> She had heard of the arrest of Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí
> in `Iráq and of his imprisonment. She mistook him for the
> Báb.
> 
> Mullá `Alí, as we have seen, was directed to `Iráq by the
> Báb, and took with him a copy of the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', the
> commentary on the Súrih of Yúsuf (Joseph). The news and
> the message that he gave aroused eager interest and ready
> response from his hearers. But hostile reaction was also swift.
> It was Mullá `Alí who, in Karbilá, informed Qurratu'l-`Ayn
> of the advent of the Báb. He was not at liberty to mention
> His Name. We do not know whether, in view of the fact
> that Qurratu'l-`Ayn had been elevated to the high and
> honoured position of a Letter of the Living, Mullá `Alí gave[Pg 59]
> her any information other than the tidings of the appearance
> of the Báb. The disciples of Siyyid Káẓim were in a much
> stronger position there than in Najaf, in spite of the fact
> that in Karbilá they had a redoubtable opponent in the
> person of Siyyid Ibráhím-i-Qazvíní. There in Karbilá,
> Mullá `Alí remained safe. But the story was different in
> Najaf. Nabíl-i-A`ẓam writes:
> 
> In the presence of Shaykh Muḥammad-Ḥasan, one of
> the most celebrated ecclesiastics of shí`ah Islám, and in the
> face of a distinguished company of his disciples, Mullá
> `Alí announced fearlessly the manifestation of the Báb,
> the Gate whose advent they were eagerly awaiting. 'His
> proof,' he declared, 'is His Word; His testimony, none
> other than the testimony with which Islám seeks to vindicate
> its truth. From the pen of this unschooled Háshimite
> Youth of Persia there have streamed, within the space of
> forty-eight hours, as great a number of verses, of prayers,
> of homilies, and scientific treatises, as would equal in
> volume the whole of the Qur'án, which it took Muḥammad,
> the Prophet of God, twenty-three years to reveal!'
> That proud and fanatic leader, instead of welcoming, in an
> age of darkness and prejudice, these life-giving evidences
> of a new-born Revelation, forthwith pronounced Mullá
> `Alí a heretic and expelled him from the assembly. His
> disciples and followers, even the Shaykhís, who already
> testified to Mullá `Alí's piety, sincerity, and learning,
> endorsed, unhesitatingly, the judgment against him. The
> disciples of Shaykh Muḥammad-Ḥasan, joining hands
> with their adversaries, heaped upon him untold indignities.
> They eventually delivered him, his hands bound in chains,
> to an official of the Ottoman government, arraigning him
> as a wrecker of Islám, a calumniator of the Prophet, an
> instigator of mischief, a disgrace to the Faith, and worthy
> of the penalty of death. He was taken to Baghdád under
> the escort of government officials, and was cast into prison
> by the governor of that city.[2]
> 
> [Pg 60]
> 
> Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafáy-i-Baghdádí,[3] in a short autobiography
> which he wrote at the instance of Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍí,
> describes Mullá `Alí's arrival in `Iráq and the events
> which followed:
> 
> The messenger, Mullá `Alí al-Basṭámí,[BD] reached Kúfih
> in the year A.H. 1260 [A.D. 1844] and distributed books,
> treatises and tablets amongst the divines. Due to this a
> body of the divines in Najaf and Karbilá were seized with
> consternation. They arose in opposition and stirred themselves
> to vociferous denunciation. The Government
> hearing of what had transpired, became concerned lest
> disorders might ensue, and deemed it politic to imprison
> the messenger, confiscate the books and tablets in his
> possession and send him to the seat of the province, that
> is Baghdád. The Válí, at that time, was Najíb Páshá, the
> same man who captured Karbilá....[BE]
> 
> When the messenger reached Baghdád the Válí kept
> him in prison and placed the books and the treatises in the
> council-chamber. My father, Shaykh Muḥammad, visited
> the messenger every day in the prison, and heard the Word
> of God from him for three months. Whatever he heard
> he imparted to those who were seekers, so that, during
> this short time, a large number of people came to believe.
> Shaykh Bashír an-Najafí was one of them, a mujtahid
> seventy-five years old. Then there were Shaykh Sulṭán
> al-Karbilá'í and a group with him in Karbilá; Siyyid
> Muḥammad-Ja`far, Siyyid Ḥasan Ja`far, and Siyyid `Alí
> Bishr and a group with him in the town of Káẓimíyyah;
> Shaykh Muḥammad Shibl [the author's father], Siyyid
> Muḥsin al-Káẓimí, Shaykh Ṣáliḥ al-Karímí and a group
> with them of villagers like Shaykh `Abbás, Mullá Maḥmúd,
> `Abdu'l-Hádí and Mihdí....
> 
> When the Government noticed that the Cause was gaining
> ground day by day, the afore-mentioned Válí, Najíb
> Páshá, ordered the divines of all the regions to come to
> [Pg 61]
> Baghdád....[4] They summoned my father, Shaykh
> Muḥammad, to present himself. But my father left
> Baghdád in disguise, because he had learned that the Válí
> intended to make him give witness against the Cause of
> the Day of Judgment. They brought the messenger to
> this terrible assembly and asked him who the Lord of
> the Cause was. He answered: 'The awaited Spirit of Truth
> hath come. He is the One promised in the Books of God.'
> Then he read them some verses and prayers and called
> upon them to believe. It went hard with them to accept
> the Cause. They arose to deny and to reject it, full of
> haughtiness. They agreed to denounce the messenger as
> a heretic and passed the sentence of death upon him, and
> thus ended that assemblage of ill omen. The Válí sent the
> account of the proceedings to the Sublime Porte, whence
> came the orders that the messenger should be sent in
> fetters, together with his books, to the capital. The
> messenger languished for six months in the gaol of
> Baghdád and was then dispatched to the Sublime Porte,
> under escort, by way of Mosul. The fame of the Cause
> was noised abroad in Mosul, and when he passed Mosul
> nothing more was heard of him.[5]
> 
> The circumstances of Mullá `Alí's arrest were also noted
> by Major Henry Rawlinson,[6] then British Political Agent in
> Baghdád, who, on January 8th 1845, reported to Sir Stratford
> Canning, the Ambassador in Istanbul:
> 
> I have the honor to report for Your Excellency's
> information the following circumstances which are at
> present causing much excitement at this place, and which
> threaten in their consequences to give rise to renewed
> misunderstanding between the Persian & Turkish Govts.
> 
> About three months ago, an inferior priest of Shiraz
> appeared in Kerbela, bearing a copy of the Koran, which
> he stated to have been delivered to him, by the forerunner
> of the Imam Mehdi, to be exhibited in token of
> his approaching advent. The book proved on examination
> [Pg 62]to have been altered and interpolated in many essential
> passages, the object being, to prepare the Mohammedan
> world for the immediate manifestation of the Imam, and
> to identify the individual to whom the emendations of
> the text were declared to have been revealed, as his inspired
> & true precursor. It was in consequence pronounced
> by a part of the Sheeah divines at Nejef and
> Kerbela, to be a blasphemous production, and the priest
> of Shiraz was warned by them of the danger; which he
> incurred in giving currency to its contents—but a considerable
> section nevertheless of the Sheeahs of Nejef,
> who under the name of Usúlí, or 'Transcendentalists', have
> lately risen into notice as the disciples of the High Priest
> Sheikh Kazem, and who are in avowed expectation of the
> speedy advent of the Imam, adopted the proposed
> readings, and declared themselves ready to join the
> Precursor; as soon as he should appear amongst them—These
> parties owing to local dissensions, were shortly
> afterwards denounced to the Govt. by the orthodox
> Sheeas as heretics, and attention being thus drawn to the
> perverted copy of the Koran, upon which they rested their
> belief, the volume was seized & its bearer being brought
> to Bagdad, was cast into prison, as a blasphemer against
> Islam and a disturber of the public peace.
> [BF][7]
> 
> [Pg 63]
> 
> Mullá `Alí was the first martyr of the Bábí Faith. Though
> his arrest and sufferings lasted only a few months, he was
> the centre of conjecture, the subject of official report, and
> the cause of increased rancour between the Sunní and Shí`ah
> sects, and the Ottoman and Iranian governments. European
> officials who were drawn into this obscure drama
> included Major Rawlinson, who submitted frequent and
> lengthy reports to Sir Stratford Canning in Istanbul and
> Lt.-Col. Sheil in Ṭihrán, and received their advice and
> instructions; M. de Titow, Russian envoy in Istanbul who
> joined Canning in urging the Sublime Porte to restrain
> Najíb Páshá from putting 'the Persian Priest' to death, and
> instead to inflict on him only 'the mildest punishment
> consistent with the public tranquillity'; and Lord Aberdeen,
> the British Foreign Secretary in London, who was
> apprised of the final outcome.
> 
> Although the dispatches of Major Rawlinson are in
> certain aspects subject to grave reservations, for his knowledge
> was sometimes meagre and at second hand, even
> inaccurate, they do portray the agitation, confusion and
> opposition created by the claim of the Báb and the teaching
> of Mullá `Alí. Thus he wrote to Canning:
> 
> The Soonnee Priesthood have taken up the case in a
> rancorous spirit of bigotry, and their inveteracy has
> enlisted the sympathies of the entire Sheeah sect, in
> favor of the imprisoned Persian ... the question has
> now become one of virulent contest, between the Soonee
> & Sheeah sects, or which is the same thing in this part
> of the Ottoman Empire, between the Turkish & Persian
> population....[8]
> 
> It was the Governor (Válí) of Baghdád, Najíb Páshá, who
> bore the responsibility of controlling these passions;
> but being himself a fanatical Sunní, he was resolved that
> the Shí`ahs should submit to the Sunní authority, and[Pg 64]
> determined to bar any intrusions of the Persians into the
> affairs of his Páshálik.[BG] Nevertheless, as reported by
> Rawlinson:
> 
> Nejib Pasha at the same time, to give all due formality
> to his proceedings, and to divest the affair of the
> appearance of mere sectarian persecution, has brought in
> the chief Priests from Nejef & Kerbela, to hold a solemn
> Court of Inquisition in conjunction with the heads of the
> Soonnee religion in Bagdad, but I do not anticipate
> much benefit from this compulsory & most unwilling
> attendance of the former parties—They will probably
> make an effort to save the life of their unfortunate
> countryman, proposing the banishment of the messenger
> and of the heads of the Usúlí sect, as the simplest method
> of suppressing the heresy, but they will be intimidated
> & overruled....[9]
> 
> Indeed, such an unwieldy court of Sunní and Shí`ah divines
> could come to no agreement about Mullá `Alí's punishment.
> On January 16th 1845, Rawlinson wrote to Sheil,
> in Ṭihrán:
> 
> The Court of Inquisition convened for the trial of the
> Persian priest, was held on Monday last [January 13th],
> H.E. Nejib Pasha presiding, and Moola Abdool Azeez
> being also present, to afford his countenance to the
> accused—The perverted copy of the Koran being produced
> in Court, was unanimously condemned as a
> blasphemous production, and parties avowing a belief
> in the readings which it continued [sic], were declared to
> be liable to the punishment of death—It was then argued
> whether or not the Shirazee had thus avowed his belief
> in a blasphemous production—he himself distinctly
> repudiated the charge, and although witnesses were
> brought forward, who stated that he had in their presence
> [Pg 65]declared his adoption of the spurious text, of which he
> was the bearer, yet as there was reason to suspect the
> fidelity of their evidence, the Sheeah divines were disposed
> to give him the benefit of his present disavowal—After
> much discussion the Soonee law-officers adjudged
> the culprit to be convicted of blasphemy & passed sentence
> of death on him accordingly, while the Sheeahs
> returned a verdict, that he was only guilty of the dissemination
> of blasphemy, & liable in consequence to
> no heavier punishment than imprisonment or banishment....
> 
> To this Rawlinson added:
> 
> I understand that considerable uneasiness is beginning
> to display itself at Kerbela & Nejef, in regard to the expected
> manifestation of the Imam, and I am apprehensive
> that the measures now in progress will rather increase
> than allay the excitement.
> [BH][10]
> 
> [Pg 66]
> 
> The personal intervention of Najíb Páshá had served also
> to influence the course of events in another way. By referring
> the matter to the Sublime Porte, he prevented the
> extradition of the Persian prisoner to his native land, as
> requested by the Iranian Prime Minister, Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí.
> 
> A similar request for the transfer of Mullá `Alí to Persian
> jurisdiction was made to Major Rawlinson by the Governor
> of Kirmánsháh, Muḥibb-`Alí Khán, for, as he wrote:
> 
> In the first place it is improper to arrest and imprison
> anyone on a mere accusation, which may be true or false,—and
> in the second place, supposing that he (the Shirázee)
> were guilty; as a subject of the exalted Govt. of Persia,
> he ought not to be subject to arrest—if his crime were
> proved, his punishment should be that of banishment
> from the Turkish territory—I have therefore considered
> it necessary to represent this matter to you my friend, and
> to request that, as a well wisher to the preservation of
> friendship between the two Governments, You will
> communicate with H. Excy. Nejib Pasha on the subject,
> and will suggest to him, that if the guilt of the Persian
> be fully substantiated, he may be sent to Kermanshah, in
> order that I may transfer him to Tehran for punishment—and
> if on the other hand, the accusations against him
> prove to be malicious and without foundation, he may be
> at once released and set at liberty.
> 
> Under any circumstances his continued imprisonment
> is unbecoming and contrary (to custom).[11]
> 
> This request was duly submitted by Rawlinson to Najíb
> Páshá but, as the Governor had already referred the matter
> to the Sublime Porte after the religious court's examination,
> the prisoner remained in Turkish custody.
> 
> It was on April 15th that Rawlinson reported to Canning
> that 'Nejib Pasha received orders by yesterday's post to
> transmit to Constantinople the Persian priest who has been
> in confinement for the last 3 months at Bagdad.... His[Pg 67]
> Excy. is preparing to obey these instructions with all
> available despatch.' He also says in the same letter:
> 
> ... [the] more in fact these Mujtiheds[BI] are degraded
> by the Turkish Govt., the more complete, I think, will
> be their ascendancy over the minds of their disciples and
> the only results, therefore, which are likely to attend the
> proscription of their public duties, are the more complete
> isolation of the Persian community of this province, and
> an increase of the rancorous feeling with which the
> dominant Soonee party is regarded—[12]
> 
> On the last day of April, Rawlinson wrote once more to
> Canning:
> 
> I take this opportunity of reporting that the Persian
> priest of Shiraz so long detained in confinement at this
> place, was sent a prisoner to Constantinople in company
> with the Tartar
> [BJ] who conveyed
> the last Bagdad post.[13]
> 
> Meanwhile, as early as February, Major Rawlinson came
> to an erroneous conclusion about the Báb, which subsequent
> events belied. He wrote to Canning on the 18th:
> 
> ... the excitement which has been for some time prevalent
> in this vicinity among the Sheeah sect in connection with
> the expected manifestation of the Imam Mehdi, is beginning
> gradually to subside, the impostor who personated
> the character of the forerunner of the Imam ... having
> been deterred by a sense of personal danger from a further
> prosecution of the agitation, which he set on foot at
> Kerbela in the Autumn on his passage from Persia to
> Mecca.[14]
> 
> He was also in error in stating to Sheil, ten days later, that
> 'the impostor ... joined as a private individual the Caravan[Pg 68]
> of pilgrims which is travelling to Persia by the route of
> Damascus and Aleppo'.[15]
> 
> In considering this episode of the arrest, imprisonment and
> banishment of the first Bábí martyr, there are four aspects
> which deserve special note. First is the fact that while the
> Bábís in Shíráz were being punished by Ḥusayn Khán,
> Governor of the province of Fárs,[BK] the Persian Government
> was trying to rescue Mullá `Alí in Baghdád. Secondly,
> whereas the Shí`ah divines were demanding a light punishment,
> the Sunnís were clamouring for the death penalty. A
> third point, important to students of the Bábí Faith, is that
> from the earliest stage of its history rumours and misinformation
> about the Báb abounded. It is also of considerable
> interest that this episode was reported to Lord Aberdeen,
> the British Foreign Secretary in London.
> 
> As to Mullá `Alí, what precisely happened to him, how
> and where he died and where he was interred, have all
> remained mysteries. It has been said that he died in the
> prison of Karkúk, but no definite proof exists. He was the
> first of the concourse of martyrs whose numbers were soon
> to swell into hundreds and thousands.
> 
> [Pg 69]
> 
> CHAPTER 5
> 
> PILGRIMAGE TO MECCA: THE HOUSE OF KA`BAH
> 
> Vaunt not thyself, O thou who leadeth the pilgrims on their way,
> 
> That which thou seest is the House, and that which I see is the
> 
> Lord of that House.
> 
> —Ḥáfiẓ
> 
> The Báb embarked for Jiddah, probably on an Arab sailing-boat
> named Futúḥ-ar-Rasúl—Victories of the Messenger. If
> so, He had as fellow-passenger a maternal uncle of Muḥammad
> Sháh, Muḥammad-Báqir Khán, the Biglarbagí[BL] of
> Ṭihrán, who was attended by Shukru'lláh Khán-i-Núrí, a
> prominent official of the province of Fárs. We know for
> certain that two of His fellow-townsmen on the boat were
> Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan, who pursued the same trade as the Báb's
> father, and Shaykh Abú-Háshim, brother of Shaykh Abú-Turáb,
> the Imám-Jum`ih of Shíráz. The former was captivated
> by the charm and the sublime bearing of his compatriot,
> the young Siyyid of whose claim he was unaware,
> and gave Him his allegiance without the slightest hesitation
> when he learned of His claim. Shaykh Abú-Háshim, however,
> was already jealous of the respect commanded by the
> Báb and became His implacable enemy, even though his
> brother, the Imám-Jum`ih, served the interests of the Báb
> to the best of his ability.[1]
> 
> Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan has related[2] that during the voyage
> Shaykh Abú-Háshim became daily more arrogant and[Pg 70]
> quarrelsome, molesting the passengers and making the
> young Siyyid a particular target for his invective. When the
> Arab captain could no longer tolerate his insolent behaviour,
> he ordered him to be seized and thrown into the sea.
> According to Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan, it was the Báb who stepped
> forward to intercede for him. However, the captain was
> determined to be rid of the troublesome Shaykh. And when
> the Báb noticed that the sailors were about to throw Shaykh
> Abú-Háshim overboard, He hurled Himself upon him,
> caught hold of him and earnestly requested the captain to
> pardon the wrong-doer. The Arab captain was astonished,
> because it had been the young Siyyid who had suffered most
> from the Shaykh's malice. But the Báb replied that, since
> people who behaved in that manner harmed only themselves,
> one should be tolerant and forgiving.
> 
> The rites of the Ḥajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) are to be
> performed on the ninth and tenth days of the month of
> Dhi'l-Ḥijjah, the last month of the Muslim lunar year. On
> the tenth day the `Íd-al-Aḍḥá (the Festival of Sacrifices)
> is celebrated throughout the Muslim world.[BM] It commemorates
> the sacrifice offered by Abraham of His son.
> Whenever the `Íd-al-Aḍḥá falls on a Friday, the Ḥajj of that
> year is termed the Ḥajj-i-Akbar (the Greatest Ḥajj). In the
> year 1260, the tenth of Dhi'l-Ḥijjah was a Friday (December
> 20th 1844), and therefore the number of pilgrims was
> commensurately greater. An Islamic tradition points to the
> appearance of the Qá'im in a year of the Ḥajj-i-Akbar.
> 
> Another particularly notable pilgrim in that year 1260
> was a divine of high repute, Siyyid Ja`far-i-Kashfí, whose
> son Siyyid Yaḥyá (later known as Vaḥíd) was to become one
> of the most distinguished followers of the Báb.
> 
> The journey to Jiddah was long, tedious and exhausting.
> Seas were rough and storms frequent. An Arab sailing-boat
> did not afford much comfort. 'For days we suffered[Pg 71]
> from the scarcity of water. I had to content myself with the
> juice of sweet lemon,' the Báb writes in the Persian
> Bayán.[3]
> Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan recounts:
> 
> During the entire period of approximately two months,
> from the day we embarked at Búshihr to the day when we
> landed at Jaddih, the port of Ḥijáz, whenever by day or
> night I chanced to meet either the Báb or Quddús, I
> invariably found them together, both absorbed in their
> work. The Báb seemed to be dictating, and Quddús
> was busily engaged in taking down whatever fell from
> His lips. Even at a time when panic seemed to have seized
> the passengers of that storm-tossed vessel, they would be
> seen pursuing their labours with unperturbed confidence
> and calm. Neither the violence of the elements nor the
> tumult of the people around them could either ruffle the
> serenity of their countenance or turn them from their
> purpose.[4]
> 
> At Jiddah the Báb and His companions put on the iḥrám,[BN]
> the garb of the pilgrim. He travelled to Mecca on a camel,
> but Quddús would not mount and walked all the way,
> keeping pace with it. On the tenth day of Dhi'l-Ḥijjah the
> Báb offered the prescribed sacrifice. The meat of the nineteen
> lambs which He bought was all given to the poor and
> the needy; nine of the animals were sacrificed on His own
> behalf, seven on behalf of Quddús and three for
> Mubárak.[5]
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh-i-Afnán, quoting Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan,
> relates in his chronicle that after the completion of
> the rites of the Ḥajj, at a time when the court of the House of
> Ka`bah and the roofs of adjoining houses teemed with
> pilgrims, the Báb stood against the structure of the Ka`bah,
> laid hold of the ring on its door and thrice repeated, in a
> clear voice:
> 
> I am that Qá'im whose advent you have been awaiting.
> 
> [Pg 72]
> 
> Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan recalled, many years later, that a sudden
> hush fell upon the audience. The full implication of those
> momentous words must, at the time, have eluded that vast
> concourse of people. But the news of the claim of the young
> Siyyid soon spread in an ever-widening circle.
> 
> One day in Mecca, the Báb came face to face with Mírzá
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Kirmání, known as Muḥíṭ.[BO] They
> happened to meet close by the sacred Black Stone (Ḥajar
> al-Aswad). The Báb took Muḥíṭ's hand, saying:
> 
> O Muḥíṭ! You regard yourself as one of the most outstanding
> figures of the shaykhí community and a distinguished
> exponent of its teachings. In your heart you even
> claim to be one of the direct successors and rightful
> inheritors of those twin great Lights, those Stars that have
> heralded the morn of Divine guidance. Behold, we are
> both now standing within this most sacred shrine. Within
> its hallowed precincts, He whose Spirit dwells in this
> place can cause Truth immediately to be known and
> distinguished from falsehood, and righteousness from
> error. Verily I declare, none besides Me in this day,
> whether in the East or in the West, can claim to be the
> Gate that leads men to the knowledge of God. My proof
> is none other than that proof whereby the truth of the
> Prophet Muḥammad was established. Ask Me whatsoever
> you please; now, at this very moment, I pledge Myself
> to reveal such verses as can demonstrate the truth of My
> mission. You must choose either to submit yourself
> unreservedly to My Cause or to repudiate it entirely. You
> have no other alternative. If you choose to reject My
> message, I will not let go your hand until you pledge your
> word to declare publicly your repudiation of the Truth
> which I have proclaimed. Thus shall He who speaks the
> Truth be made known, and he that speaks falsely shall be
> condemned to eternal misery and shame. Then shall the
> way of Truth be revealed and made manifest to all men.
> 
> [Pg 73]
> 
> Muḥíṭ was taken by surprise and was overwhelmed. He
> replied to the Báb:
> 
> My Lord, my Master! Ever since the day on which my
> eyes beheld You in Karbilá, I seemed at last to have found
> and recognised Him who had been the object of my
> quest. I renounce whosoever has failed to recognise
> You, and despise him in whose heart may yet linger the
> faintest misgivings as to Your purity and holiness. I
> pray You to overlook my weakness, and entreat You to
> answer me in my perplexity. Please God I may, at this
> very place, within the precincts of this hallowed shrine,
> swear my fealty to You, and arise for the triumph of Your
> Cause. If I be insincere in what I declare, if in my heart I
> should disbelieve what my lips proclaim, I would deem
> myself utterly unworthy of the grace of the Prophet of
> God, and regard my action as an act of manifest disloyalty
> to `Alí, His chosen successor.
> 
> The Báb knew how vacillating Muḥíṭ was, and answered:
> 
> Verily I say, the Truth is even now known and distinguished
> from falsehood. O shrine of the Prophet of God,
> and you, O Quddús, who have believed in Me! I take
> you both, in this hour, as My witnesses. You have seen
> and heard that which has come to pass between Me and
> him. I call upon you to testify thereunto, and God, verily,
> is, beyond and above you, My sure and ultimate Witness.
> He is the All-Seeing, the All-Knowing, the All-Wise.
> O Muḥíṭ! Set forth whatsoever perplexes your mind, and
> I will, by the aid of God, unloose My tongue and undertake
> to resolve your problems, so that you may testify to
> the excellence of My utterance and realise that no one
> besides Me is able to manifest My wisdom.[6]
> 
> Muḥíṭ presented his questions and then departed hurriedly
> for Medina. The Báb, in answer to them, revealed the Ṣaḥífiy-i-Baynu'l-Ḥaramayn,
> which, as its name 'The Epistle Between[Pg 74]
> the Two Shrines' indicates, was composed on the road to the
> city of the Prophet (Medina). Muḥíṭ, contrary to his promise,
> did not remain long in Medina, but received the Báb's
> treatise in Karbilá. To the end of his days, Muḥíṭ was shifty
> and irresolute, and the headship of the Shaykhí community
> did not go to him, but to Ḥájí Muḥammad-Karím Khán-i-Kirmání.
> 
> The last act of the Báb in Mecca was to address a Tablet
> to the Sharíf (Sherif) of Mecca, in which He proclaimed His
> advent and His Divine mandate. Quddús delivered it together
> with a volume of the Writings of the Báb. But the
> Sharíf was preoccupied and ignored the communication
> put in his hands. Ḥájí Níyáz-i-Baghdádí recounts:
> 
> In the year 1267 A.H. [A.D. 1850-51], I undertook a
> pilgrimage to that holy city, where I was privileged to
> meet the Sherif. In the course of his conversation with
> me, he said: 'I recollect that in the year '60, during the
> season of pilgrimage, a youth came to visit me. He
> presented to me a sealed book which I readily accepted
> but was too much occupied at that time to read. A few days
> later I met again that same youth, who asked me whether
> I had any reply to make to his offer. Pressure of work had
> again detained me from considering the contents of that
> book. I was therefore unable to give him a satisfactory
> reply. When the season of pilgrimage was over, one day,
> as I was sorting out my letters, my eyes fell accidentally
> upon that book. I opened it and found, in its introductory
> pages, a moving and exquisitely written homily which was
> followed by verses the tone and language of which bore
> a striking resemblance to the Qur'án. All that I gathered
> from the perusal of the book was that among the people of
> Persia a man of the seed of Fáṭimih and descendant of
> the family of Háshim, had raised a new call, and was
> announcing to all people the appearance of the promised
> Qá'im. I remained, however, ignorant of the name of
> the author of that book, nor was I informed of the
> [Pg 75]circumstances attending that call.' 'A great commotion,'
> I remarked, 'has indeed seized that land during the last
> few years. A Youth, a descendant of the Prophet and a
> merchant by profession, has claimed that His utterance
> was the Voice of Divine inspiration. He has publicly
> asserted that, within the space of a few days, there could
> stream from His tongue verses of such number and excellence
> as would surpass in volume and beauty the
> Qur'án itself—a work which it took Muḥammad no less
> than twenty-three years to reveal. A multitude of people,
> both high and low, civil and ecclesiastical, among the
> inhabitants of Persia, have rallied round His standard
> and have willingly sacrificed themselves in His path.
> That Youth has, during the past year, in the last days of
> the month of Sha`bán [July 1850], suffered martyrdom
> in Tabríz, in the province of Ádhirbáyján. They who
> persecuted Him sought by this means to extinguish the
> light which He kindled in that land. Since His martyrdom,
> however, His influence has pervaded all classes of people.'
> The Sherif, who was listening attentively, expressed his
> indignation at the behaviour of those who had persecuted
> the Báb. 'The malediction of God be upon these evil
> people,' he exclaimed, 'a people who, in days past,
> treated in the same manner our holy and illustrious
> ancestors!' With these words the Sherif concluded his
> conversation with me.[7]
> 
> The Báb reached Medina on the first day of the year
> A.H. 1261: Friday, January 10th
> 1845.[8] It was the first of
> Muḥarram and the day of His birth. From Medina He proceeded
> to Jiddah, where He took a boat bound for the port
> of Búshihr.
> 
> [Pg 76]
> 
> CHAPTER 6
> 
> FORCES OF OPPOSITION ARRAYED
> 
> But man, proud man,
> 
> Drest in a little brief authority,
> 
> Most ignorant of what he's most assured,
> 
> His glassy essence, like an angry ape,
> 
> Plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven
> 
> As makes the angels weep....
> 
> —Shakespeare
> 
> The London Times of Wednesday, November 19th 1845,
> carried this item of news on its third page, taken from the
> Literary Gazette of the preceding Saturday:
> 
> Mahometan Schism.—A new sect has lately set itself
> up in Persia, at the head of which is a merchant who had
> returned from a pilgrimage to Mecca, and proclaimed
> himself a successor of the Prophet. The way they treat
> such matters at Shiraz appears in the following account
> (June 23):—Four persons being heard repeating their
> profession of faith according to the form prescribed by
> the impostor, were apprehended, tried, and found guilty
> of unpardonable blasphemy. They were sentenced to lose
> their beards by fire being set to them. The sentence was
> put into execution with all the zeal and fanaticism
> becoming a true believer in Mahomet. Not deeming
> the loss of beards a sufficient punishment, they were
> further sentenced the next day, to have their faces blacked
> and exposed through the city. Each of them was led by a
> mirgazah[BP] (executioner), who had made a hole in his
> nose and passed through it a string, which he sometimes
> [Pg 77]pulled with such violence that the unfortunate fellows
> cried out alternately for mercy from the executioner and
> for vengeance from Heaven. It is the custom in Persia
> on such occasions for the executioners to collect money
> from the spectators, and particularly from the shopkeepers
> in the bazaar. In the evening when the pockets
> of the executioners were well filled with money, they led
> the unfortunate fellows to the city gate, and there turned
> them adrift. After which the mollahs at Shiraz sent men
> to Bushire, with power to seize the impostor, and take
> him to Shiraz, where, on being tried, he very wisely denied
> the charge of apostacy laid against him, and thus escaped
> from punishment.
> 
> An American quarterly, the Eclectic Magazine of Foreign
> Literature, Science, and Art,[1] in its issue of January-April
> 1846, reproduced the same item of news which was again
> taken in full from the Literary Gazette of London. As far
> as is known, these were the earliest references to the Faith
> of the Báb in any Western publication. British merchants,
> who then happened to be in Shíráz, were responsible for
> that report, which, as we shall see, although correct in its
> essentials, was not devoid of error.
> 
> The Báb, returning from His pilgrimage to Mecca,
> arrived at Búshihr sometime in the month of Ṣafar 1261 A.H.
> (February-March 1845). There He parted from Quddús,
> saying:
> 
> The days of your companionship with Me are drawing to
> a close. The hour of separation has struck, a separation
> which no reunion will follow except in the Kingdom of
> God, in the presence of the King of Glory.[2]
> 
> Quddús left for Shíráz and took with him a letter from the
> Báb addressed to His uncle, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí. Meeting
> Quddús and hearing all he had to impart convinced Ḥájí
> [Pg 78]Mírzá Siyyid `Alí of the truth of the Cause of his Nephew, and
> he immediately pledged Him his unqualified allegiance.
> 
> Mullá Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas now reached Shíráz, accompanied
> by Mullá `Alí-Akbar-i-Ardistání, who had once been
> his pupil in Iṣfahán. Mullá Ṣádiq established himself in a
> mosque known as Báqir-Ábád, where he led the congregation
> in prayer. But as soon as he received a Tablet from the
> Báb, sent from Búshihr, he moved to the mosque adjoining
> His house. There he carried out the specific instruction of
> the Báb to include in the traditional Islamic Call to Prayer—the
> Adhán—these additional words: 'I bear witness that He
> whose name is `Alí Qabl-i-Muḥammad [`Alí preceding
> Muḥammad, the Báb] is the servant of Baqíyyatu'lláh
> [the Remnant of God, Bahá'u'lláh].'[3]
> 
> Then the storm broke. Shaykh Abú-Háshim, notorious
> for his behaviour on the pilgrim boat, had already written
> to his compatriots in Shíráz to arouse their fury. Now the
> divines of that city, led by Shaykh Ḥusayn-i-`Arab,[BQ] Ḥájí
> Shaykh Mihdíy-i-Kujúrí and Mullá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Maḥallátí,
> were demanding blood. Quddús, Muqaddas and
> Mullá `Alí-Akbar were arrested, hauled before the Governor-General,
> and mercilessly beaten, after which they suffered
> the punishments and indignities described in the London
> report already quoted (see p. 76). But there were three of
> them, not four.[BR]
> 
> The Governor-General of the province of Fárs was
> [Pg 79]Ḥusayn Khán, who was called Ájúdán-Báshí (the adjutant-major),
> and had also the titles of Ṣáḥib-Ikhtíyár and
> Niẓámu'd-Dawlih. Ḥusayn Khán was a native of Marághih
> in Ádharbáyján, and had served as Persian envoy both to
> London and Paris. In London, in June 1839, Lord Palmerston
> was at first inclined not to meet him, but then decided
> to receive him unofficially. At that time relations between
> Britain and Írán had reached a low point. Captain Hennell,
> the British Political Agent, had been forced to withdraw
> from Búshihr, and at the same time a British naval force
> had occupied the island of Khárg (Karrack). Palmerston
> thundered at Ḥusayn Khán: 'Had the Admiral on arriving
> on board turned his guns upon the town [Búshihr] and
> knocked it about their ears, in my opinion he would have
> been justified in so doing'.[4] When the envoy returned home,
> Muḥammad Sháh was so displeased that he had him severely
> bastinadoed. Nor had Ḥusayn Khán's mission to France, it
> would seem, been any more successful, although some obscurity
> surrounds his dealings with the French. In Paris
> he engaged a number of officers to train the Persian army,
> and there were irregularities in the matter of their travelling
> expenses. But more serious issues were involved, which are
> described by Sir Henry Layard[BS] in the following passage:
> 
> M. Boré,[BT] with all his learning and enlightenment,
> was a religious fanatic and profoundly intolerant of
> heretics. After residing with him for a fortnight, and
> having been treated by him with great kindness and hospitality,
> I found myself compelled, to my great sorrow, to
> [Pg 80]leave his house [in 1840] under the following circumstances.
> The Embassy which the King of the French[BU] had
> sent to the Shah had not succeeded in obtaining the object
> of its mission, and had left Persia much irritated at its
> failure, which was mainly attributed by it and the French
> Government to English intrigues. The truth was, I
> believe, that they had been duped by Hussein Khan, who
> had been sent as ambassador to Paris. The subject was an
> unpleasant one for me to discuss, and I avoided it in
> conversation with my host. One day, however, at dinner,
> it was raised by M. Flandin,[5] the French artist, who
> denounced my country and countrymen in very offensive
> terms, M. Boré himself joining in the abuse. They
> accused the English Government and English agents of
> having had recourse to poison to prevent Frenchmen from
> establishing themselves and gaining influence in Persia,
> and of having actually engaged assassins to murder
> M. Outray, when on his way on a diplomatic mission to
> Tehran. I denied, with indignation, these ridiculous and
> calumnious charges, and high words having ensued, I
> moved from M. Boré's house to a ruined building occupied
> by Mr. Burgess.[BV][6]
> 
> Failure in London and tortuosity in Paris did not commend
> themselves to Muḥammad Sháh; and so, for the next
> few years, Ḥusayn Khán lived under a cloud. But in 1845 we
> find him riding high in the province of Fárs. He had been
> given that governorship because he was reputed to be a man
> stern in his judgments, and Fárs needed an iron hand.
> 
> Indeed Fárs had been in a terrifying plight. The people of
> Shíráz, high and low alike, had effectively played cat and
> mouse with the governors sent from Ṭihrán to rule over
> them. Firaydún Mírzá, the Farmán-Farmá, Muḥammad
> Sháh's own brother, much favoured by Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí[Pg 81]
> and much detested by the Shírázís, was ousted by a combination
> of the grandees and the mob.
> 
> Mírzá Nabí Khán-i-Qazvíní, the
> Amír-i-Díván,[7] was also
> forced out, not once, but twice. On the second occasion
> many leading citizens—headed by Ḥájí Qavámu'l-Mulk[8] and
> Muḥammad-Qulí Khán-i-Ílbagí, a powerful chieftain of the
> Qashqá'í tribe—went to Ṭihrán, to demand the reinstatement
> of Firaydún Mírzá, whom they had previously challenged
> and maligned. Muḥammad Sháh kept them waiting in the
> capital. Mírzá Riḍá (Meerza Reza), the acting British Agent
> in Shíráz, reported on August 7th 1844 to Captain Hennell
> in Búshihr:
> 
> On the Evening of the 11th Rajab [July 28th] one of the
> King's Chapurs [couriers] arrived at Shiraz, bringing
> two Royal Firmans [edicts] which had been issued at the
> instance of His Excellency Colonel Sheil, to be published
> at Shiraz and Bushire....
> 
> One day the people, consisting of the principal and
> respectable Inhabitants and Merchants, were assembled in
> the Mosque, in order to hear the Firman from the Pulpit,
> when the turbulent and evil [sic] disposed tumultuously
> rushed in to prevent its being read, because addressed to
> the Ameer [Amír, the Governor]; These were of the
> followers of the Hajee Kuwaum [Ḥájí Qavám]. The Ameer
> then gave the Shiraz Firman into the hands of Resheed
> Khan, Surteep [Rashíd Khán-i-Sartíp], who took it to the
> New Mosque in the Naamutee [Ni`matí-Khánih]
> Quarter,[9]
> where it was published from the Reading Desks to the
> assembled Moollahs, respectable Inhabitants, and Merchants.
> 
> On the following day when the Ameer directed that the
> Firman should be read in the Dewan Khaneh [Díván-Khánih—the
> Court], the rioters fully armed again rushed
> in impetuously. Syed Hussein Khan and Resheed Khan
> then assembled their followers and topchees [túpchí:
> gunner], and complaining bitterly, requested permission
> [Pg 82]to meet them ... nor was it without difficulty and much
> persuasion that the Ameer could induce them to desist
> pending instructions from the Capital.
> 
> The several Quarters of Shiraz are for the most part at
> feud—Thieving and disturbance are on the increase—The
> Ameer has not been dismissed nor has a new Governor
> been appointed.[10]
> 
> And matters went from bad to worse. Mírzá Riḍá's
> report to his chief, the following November 24th, was one
> long catalogue of woes, not totally devoid of amusing
> points:
> 
> Last Friday, from the ten Quarters of Hyedree [Ḥaydarí]
> and Naamutte [Ni`matí] a Mob and Crowd was again
> collected in the open plain, which has ever been the
> scene of their conflicts, for the purpose of fighting. From
> Midday to Sunset they fought with slings and stones,
> sticks and arms.... As Meerza Mahomed Ali, the
> secretary of Hajee Kuwam [Ḥájí Qavám], a fine intelligent
> youth, was leaving his dwelling about midday
> upon some business, a drunken lootee,[BW] without reason
> or previous quarrel, plunged a dagger into his right side
> ... two cousins, both young, in a state of Drunkenness,
> were disputing regarding a woman, no person not even
> the woman being present, when one struck a dagger into
> the thigh of the other, who expired two days after ...
> some men of the Fehlee[BX] Tribe were sitting together one
> night, talking over occurrences of former years, when
> ... an excellent horseman, was shot in the side with a
> pistol, and immediately yielded his life.[11]
> 
> Qubád Khán, a nephew of the Ílkhání (the supreme head
> of the Qashqá'í tribe), who governed Fírúzábád in the heart
> of the Qashqá'í terrain, had, for a financial consideration,[Pg 83]
> put armed men at the disposal of some headmen of the
> village of Maymand to settle a vendetta—and so the story
> trails on.
> 
> Towards the end of the year 1844 Ḥusayn Khán was given
> the governorship of Fárs, but as late as December 21st
> and December 24th Mírzá Riḍá was still pouring out tales
> of woe to Captain Hennell in Búshihr. Matters had reached
> such a pitch, he said, that people were stripped naked in
> plain daylight in public thoroughfares, and if anyone
> offered resistance he was repeatedly stabbed; at night so
> many matchlocks were fired at random that no sleep was
> possible, and in any case people had to keep awake to guard
> their homes. The unpleasant yet humorous experience of a
> physician clearly shows the breakdown of law in Shíráz at
> that time:
> 
> ... some of the Alwat[BY] brought a horse to the door of
> a Physician's Dispensary, whose equipment and clothes
> were of the best, saying, 'We have an invalid who is very
> ill, take the trouble to come to him and we will attend
> you.' The Poor Physician starts for the sickman's [sic]
> dwelling, and they take him through two or three streets
> when they desire him to be so good as to dismount from
> the horse; he does so, and they strip him from head to foot
> and go their way.[12]
> 
> During that period of anarchy the Báb was on pilgrimage
> and absent from Shíráz. Ḥusayn Khán arrived at his post
> in the early part of 1845, when the Báb was about halfway
> back to His native land. The new Governor set about with
> all dispatch to give the Shírázís a lesson which he was certain
> they would take to heart. There were mutilations and executions
> until order was finally restored. But in little more than
> three years when Muḥammad Sháh died, Shírázís, headed[Pg 84]
> once again by the astute Ḥájí Qavámu'l-Mulk and the headstrong
> Muḥammad-Qulí Khán (the Ílbagí[BZ] of the Qashqá'ís),
> rebelled and forced the dismissal of Ḥusayn Khán.
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán was the first official in Persia to raise his
> hand against the Báb and His people. Having meted out cruel
> punishments to Quddús and the other two Bábís, and having
> acquainted himself with the identity of the Báb and ascertained
> that He had arrived at Búshihr, Ḥusayn Khán commissioned
> a body of horsemen to go to that port, arrest the
> Báb and bring Him to Shíráz. In the meantime the Báb had
> completed His arrangements to return to the city of His
> birth.
> 
> At Dálakí, some forty miles to the north-east of Búshihr,
> where the coastal plain ends and the plateau begins to rise,
> Ḥusayn Khán's horsemen encountered the Báb. He was the
> first to notice them and sent His Ethiopian servant to call
> them to Him. They were reluctant to approach Him, but
> Aṣlán Khán, a man senior in their ranks, accepted the
> invitation. However, to the Báb's query regarding the purpose
> of their mission they evasively replied that the Governor
> had sent them to make some investigation in that
> neighbourhood. But the Báb said to them:
> 
> The governor has sent you to arrest Me. Here am I; do
> with Me as you please. By coming out to meet you, I
> have curtailed the length of your march, and have made
> it easier for you to find Me.[13]
> 
> [Pg 85]
> 
> CHAPTER 7
> 
> BELIEF AND DENIAL
> 
> Know then thyself, presume not God to scan;
> 
> The proper study of Mankind is Man.
> 
> Plac'd on this isthmus of a middle state,
> 
> A being darkly wise, and rudely great:
> 
> * * *
> 
> Created half to rise, and half to fall;
> 
> Great lord of all things, yet a prey to all;
> 
> Sole judge of Truth, in endless Error hurl'd:
> 
> The glory, jest and riddle of the world!
> 
> —Alexander Pope
> 
> The Báb was now a captive, and a captive, apart from a few
> short months, He remained to the very end. The escort,
> which should have arrested Him and taken Him in chains to
> the city of His birth, was subdued and reverent. He rode to
> Shíráz almost in triumph. It would have been feasible to
> avoid Ḥusayn Khán's horsemen and seek a safe retreat; but
> He Himself chose to reveal Himself to His would-be captors.
> Even more, He said to their spokesman who was enthralled
> by His unrivalled act, and was entreating Him to take the
> road to safety, to go to Mashhad and find refuge in the shrine
> of the eighth Imám:
> 
> May the Lord your God requite you for your magnanimity
> and noble intention. No one knows the mystery
> of My Cause; no one can fathom its secrets. Never will
> I turn My face away from the decree of God. He alone
> is My sure Stronghold, My Stay and My Refuge. Until My
> last hour is at hand, none dare assail Me, none can
> [Pg 86]frustrate the plan of the Almighty. And when My hour
> is come, how great will be My joy to quaff the cup of
> martyrdom in His name! Here am I; deliver Me into the
> hands of your master. Be not afraid, for no one will
> blame you.[1]
> 
> When the identity of the Báb became known some members
> of His family felt concern, even alarm, lest great harm
> might come to Him, and they themselves suffer in the process.
> Only one uncle, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Ali, His former
> guardian, who had reared Him and established Him in the
> world of commerce, believed in His Divine Mission. So did
> His wife. But the rest, even His mother, were sceptical and
> one or two were definitely antagonistic.
> 
> When Muḥammad, the Arabian Prophet, refused to bend
> to the dictates of His tribe, the elders of Quraysh went to His
> aged uncle, Abú-Ṭálib, in whose home He had grown to
> manhood, and demanded that Muḥammad be put under
> restraint. Abú-Ṭálib urged his Nephew to be moderate, but
> finding Muḥammad determined to pursue His course,
> assured Him that his protection would never waver. The
> elders of Quraysh then decided on a stratagem to erode the
> support that Muḥammad received from His clan—the
> Banú-Háshim. A boycott was ordered, but the descendants
> of Háshim, with the solitary exception of Abú-Lahab,[CA] one
> of the several uncles of the Prophet, moved to a section at
> the edge of the town and lived for three years in a state of
> siege, in defence of Muḥammad, although most of them still
> worshipped their old idols.
> 
> The relatives of the Báb did as Muḥammad's relatives[Pg 87]
> before them. Whatever doubts they may have had, they
> stood by Him.
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, another maternal uncle
> of the Báb, did not come to believe in his Nephew as the
> Qá'im of the House of Muḥammad until more than a decade
> later, when he presented his questions and his doubts to
> Bahá'u'lláh and received in answer the Kitáb-i-Íqán—The
> Book of Certitude. Yet, such were the magnetic powers of the
> Báb that when He reached Búshihr and was welcomed by
> this uncle, the latter wrote in these terms to his family in
> Shíráz:
> 
> It has gladdened our hearts that His Honour the Ḥájí
> [the Báb] has arrived safely and is in good health. I am at
> His service and honoured to be in His company. It is
> deemed advisable that He should stay here for a while.
> God willing, He will, before long, honour those parts
> with His presence, be assured.... His blessed Person is
> our glory. Be certain of His Cause and do not let people's
> idle talk cause doubts to creep into your hearts. And have
> no fear whatsoever. The Lord of the world is His Protector
> and gives Him victory....
> 
> At the end of his letter Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad sent
> a message, on behalf of his wife, to the mother of the wife
> of the Báb: 'You have a son-in-law who is peerless in the
> world. All the peoples of the world ought to obey Him.'[3]
> 
> And in a letter written shortly after, to Ḥájí Mírzá
> Muḥammad-`Ali, one of his sons, the same Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid Muḥammad quoted the Báb as saying: My proof is
> My Book—let him who can, produce the like of these
> verses.
> 
> Similarly, Muḥammad had said in the Qur'án:[4]
> 
> Say: 'Bring a Book from God that gives
> 
> better guidance than these, and follow it,
> 
> if you speak truly.'
> 
> [Pg 88]
> 
> Then if they do not answer thee, know that
> 
> they are only following their caprices;
> 
> and who is further astray than he who
> 
> follows his caprice without guidance from
> 
> God? Surely God guides not the people
> 
> of the evildoers.
> 
> —xxviii, 49-50.
> 
> Those are the signs of God that We recite to thee in truth;
> 
> in what manner of discourse then, after God and His signs,
> 
> will they believe?
> 
> —xlv, 5.
> 
> The Báb's entry into Shíráz was truly majestic. It bore
> no resemblance to the condition envisaged by the Governor.
> He had ordered the Báb to be brought to Shíráz in chains.
> Instead, there was the Báb riding, calm and serene, at the
> head of the horsemen. They went straight to the citadel
> where the Governor resided. Ḥusayn Khán received the Báb
> with overbearing insolence: 'Do you realise what a great
> mischief you have kindled? Are you aware what a disgrace
> you have become to the holy Faith of Islám and to the august
> person of our sovereign? Are you not the man who claims
> to be the author of a new revelation which annuls the sacred
> precepts of the Qur'án?'[5] The Báb spoke in reply these
> words from the Qur'án:[6]
> 
> O believers, if an ungodly man
> 
> comes to you with a tiding, make
> 
> clear,[CB] lest you afflict a people
> 
> unwittingly, and then repent of
> 
> what you have done.
> 
> —xlix, 6.
> 
> [Pg 89]
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán was beside himself with rage, and ordered
> an attendant to strike the Báb's face. His turban fell off but
> was replaced gently by Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum`ih,
> who treated the Báb with respect and consideration.
> On the other hand, Shaykh Ḥusayn-i-`Arab, the Tyrant, who
> was also present, following the example set by the arrogant
> Governor of Fárs, assailed the Báb vehemently both with
> hand and tongue. In the meantime news had reached the
> mother of the Báb of this shameless behaviour towards
> her Son. Moved by her pleadings, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí
> hurried to the citadel to demand the release of his Nephew.
> Ḥusayn Khán agreed to let the Báb go to His home, if His
> uncle would promise that apart from the members of His
> family no one else would be allowed to meet Him. Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Ali protested that he himself was a well-known
> merchant of the city, with many connections and a
> host of friends and acquaintances, all of whom would wish
> to visit his Nephew, who had just returned from pilgrimage
> to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. Ḥusayn Khán,
> realizing that an immediate ban was not possible, set a time
> limit of three days, after which the Báb should be kept
> incommunicado.
> 
> The months during which the Báb lived under surveillance
> in His native town saw the birth of the Bábí community.
> Hitherto His identity had remained unrevealed, and only
> individuals, here and there and unrelated to one another,
> were Bábís. Apart from the first few months of His Ministry,
> when the body of the Letters of the Living was gradually
> forming, the Báb had not had a group of disciples around
> Him. Even then, because of the condition which the Báb
> had laid down for the attainment of those who were to be
> the first believers,[CC] cohesion as one firmly-knit body was not
> feasible. And as soon as the requisite number was enrolled,[Pg 90]
> the Báb sent them out into the world to spread the glad
> tidings of the New Day. But, once again in Shíráz, despite
> the oppressive measures of Ḥusayn Khán, an appreciable
> number of Bábís came into the presence of the Báb, consorted
> with Him and received instruction and Tablets from
> Him. Viewed in this light, this Shíráz episode would seem the
> most fecund period in the short Ministry of the Báb.
> 
> Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í, who, as we have seen, had
> known the Báb from His childhood, now hurried to Shíráz;
> and soon after came a man destined to achieve high fame in
> the ranks of the 'Dawn-Breakers'. He was Siyyid Yaḥyá
> of Dáráb, the son of the same greatly-revered Siyyid Ja`fari-Kashfí,
> whom we noted before as a fellow-pilgrim of the
> Báb. Siyyid Yaḥyá was a divine of great erudition, and he
> thought that he could easily overcome the Báb in argument.
> As he lived in Ṭihrán, close to royal circles, Muḥammad
> Sháh asked Siyyid Yaḥyá to go to Shíráz and investigate
> the claim of the Báb. In Shíráz he was the guest of the
> Governor. Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í arranged a meeting
> between the Báb and Siyyid Yaḥyá in the house of Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Ali. At that first encounter Siyyid Yaḥyá,
> proud of his vast knowledge, brought out one abstruse
> point after another from the Qur'án, from Traditions, from
> learned works. To all of them the Báb listened calmly, and
> gave answers concise and convincing. Siyyid Yaḥyá was
> subdued, but still he searched for a test which would relieve
> him from the necessity of giving his allegiance to the Báb.
> He told Ḥájí Siyyid Javád-i-Karbilá'í that if only the Báb
> would show forth a miracle, his lingering doubts would
> vanish, to which Ḥájí Siyyid Javád replied that to demand
> the performance of a miracle, when faced with the brilliance
> of the Sun of Truth, was tantamount to seeking light from a
> flickering candle. Siyyid Yaḥyá has himself related:
> 
> I resolved that in my third interview with the Báb I
> would in my inmost heart request Him to reveal for me a
> [Pg 91]commentary on the Súrih of Kawthar.[CD] I determined not
> to breathe that request in His presence. Should He,
> unasked by me, reveal this commentary in a manner that
> would immediately distinguish it in my eyes from the
> prevailing standards current among the commentators
> on the Qur'án, I then would be convinced of the Divine
> character of His Mission, and would readily embrace His
> Cause. If not, I would refuse to acknowledge Him. As
> soon as I was ushered into His presence, a sense of fear,
> for which I could not account, suddenly seized me. My
> limbs quivered as I beheld His face. I, who on repeated
> occasions had been introduced into the presence of the
> Sháh and had never discovered the slightest trace of
> timidity in myself, was now so awed and shaken that I
> could not remain standing on my feet. The Báb, beholding
> my plight, arose from His seat, advanced towards me, and,
> taking hold of my hand, seated me beside Him. 'Seek
> from Me,' He said, 'whatever is your heart's desire. I will
> readily reveal it to you.' I was speechless with wonder.
> Like a babe that can neither understand nor speak, I felt
> powerless to respond. He smiled as He gazed at me and
> said: 'Were I to reveal for you the commentary on the
> Súrih of Kawthar, would you acknowledge that My words
> are born of the Spirit of God? Would you recognise that
> My utterance can in no wise be associated with sorcery or
> magic?' Tears flowed from my eyes as I heard Him speak
> these words. All I was able to utter was this verse of the
> Qur'án: 'O our Lord, with ourselves have we dealt
> unjustly: if Thou forgive us not and have not pity on us,
> we shall surely be of those who perish.'
> 
> It was still early in the afternoon when the Báb requested
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí to bring His pen-case and
> some paper. He then started to reveal His commentary on
> the Súrih of Kawthar. How am I to describe this scene of
> inexpressible majesty? Verses streamed from His pen
> with a rapidity that was truly astounding. The incredible
> swiftness of His writing, the soft and gentle murmur of
> [Pg 92]His voice, and the stupendous force of His style, amazed
> and bewildered me. He continued in this manner until
> the approach of sunset. He did not pause until the entire
> commentary of the Súrih was completed. He then laid
> down His pen and asked for tea. Soon after, He began to
> read it aloud in my presence. My heart leaped madly as I
> heard Him pour out, in accents of unutterable sweetness,
> those treasures enshrined in that sublime commentary.
> I was so entranced by its beauty that three times over I
> was on the verge of fainting. He sought to revive my
> failing strength with a few drops of rose-water which He
> caused to be sprinkled on my face. This restored my vigour
> and enabled me to follow His reading to the end.[7]
> 
> The Báb's conquest of Siyyid Yaḥyá was total. That night
> and the two following nights, as instructed by the Báb,
> Siyyid Yaḥyá remained a guest in the house of Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid `Alí, until he himself and Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní,
> the scribe, (later known as Mírzá Aḥmad-i-Kátib),
> completed the transcription of the Báb's commentary.
> Siyyid Yaḥyá has stated:
> 
> We verified all the traditions in the text and found them
> to be entirely accurate. Such was the state of certitude to
> which I had attained that if all the powers of the earth were
> to be leagued against me they would be powerless to
> shake my confidence in the greatness of His Cause.[8]
> 
> Siyyid Yaḥyá had stayed away for such a long time from
> the Governor's residence that Ḥusayn Khán's suspicions
> were aroused. To his impatient queries, Siyyid Yaḥyá
> replied:
> 
> No one but God, who alone can change the hearts of
> men, is able to captivate the heart of Siyyid Yaḥyá. Whoso
> can ensnare his heart is of God, and His word unquestionably
> the voice of Truth.[9]
> 
> [Pg 93]
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán was nonplussed and, for the moment, could
> only hold his peace; but he wrote bitterly to Muḥammad
> Sháh to denounce Siyyid Yaḥyá. Nabíl-i-A`ẓam states that
> Muḥammad Sháh reprimanded his Governor, replying:
> 
> It is strictly forbidden to any one of our subjects to utter
> such words as would tend to detract from the exalted
> rank of Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí. He is of noble lineage,
> a man of great learning, of perfect and consummate
> virtue. He will under no circumstances incline his ear
> to any cause unless he believes it to be conducive to the
> advancement of the best interests of our realm and to the
> well-being of the Faith of Islám.[10]
> 
> Nabíl has also recorded that
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh ... was reported to have addressed
> these words to Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí: 'We have been lately
> informed that Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí has become a
> Bábí. If this be true, it behoves us to cease belittling the
> cause of that siyyid.'[10]
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá has stated that Siyyid Yaḥyá
> 
> wrote without fear or care a detailed account of his observations
> to Mírzá Luṭf-`Alí, the chamberlain in order that
> the latter might submit it to the notice of the late king,
> while he himself journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in
> every town and station summoned the people from the
> pulpit-tops in such wise that other learned doctors
> decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case
> of bewitchment.[11]
> 
> At the bidding of the Báb, Siyyid Yaḥyá went first to
> Burújird in the province of Luristán, where his father lived,
> to give that much-revered divine the tidings of the New Day.
> The Báb expressly told him to treat his father with great[Pg 94]
> gentleness. Siyyid Ja`far-i-Kashfí[CE] did not wholly turn away
> from the Faith which his illustrious son was fervently professing
> and advocating, but showed no desire to identify
> himself with it. Siyyid Yaḥyá, as commanded by the Báb,
> did not burden his father more and went his own way which
> he had gladly chosen—the way that was to lead him to
> martyrdom. Siyyid Yaḥyá is known as Vaḥíd—the Unique
> One—a designation given to him by the Báb.[CF]
> 
> The divines of Shíráz were insistent that the Báb should
> attend a Friday gathering in one of the mosques and clarify
> his position. What they really demanded was the complete
> renunciation of any claim. This attendance in a mosque on
> a Friday did take place, but the date of it is not known.
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam thus describes the summoning of the Báb
> to the Mosque of Vakíl:[12]
> 
> The Báb, accompanied by Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí,
> arrived at the Masjid at a time when the Imám-Jum`ih
> had just ascended the pulpit and was preparing to deliver
> his sermon. As soon as his eyes fell upon the Báb, he
> publicly welcomed Him, requested Him to ascend the
> pulpit, and called upon Him to address the congregation.
> The Báb, responding to his invitation, advanced towards
> him and, standing on the first step of the staircase, prepared
> to address the people. 'Come up higher,' interjected
> the Imám-Jum`ih. Complying with his wish, the
> Báb ascended two more steps. As He was standing, His
> head hid the breast of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, who was occupying
> the pulpit-top. He began by prefacing His public
> [Pg 95]declaration with an introductory discourse. No sooner
> had He uttered the opening words of 'Praise be to God,
> who hath in truth created the heavens and the earth,'
> than a certain siyyid known as Siyyid-i-Shish-Parí, whose
> function was to carry the mace before the Imám-Jum`ih,
> insolently shouted: 'Enough of this idle chatter! Declare,
> now and immediately, the thing you intend to say.'
> The Imám-Jum`ih greatly resented the rudeness of the
> siyyid's remark. 'Hold your peace,' he rebuked him, 'and
> be ashamed of your impertinence.' He then, turning to
> the Báb, asked Him to be brief, as this, he said, would
> allay the excitement of the people. The Báb, as He faced
> the congregation, declared: 'The condemnation of God
> be upon him who regards me either as a representative
> of the Imám or the gate thereof. The condemnation of
> God be also upon whosoever imputes to me the charge
> of having denied the unity of God, of having repudiated
> the prophethood of Muḥammad, the Seal of the Prophets,
> of having rejected the truth of any of the messengers of
> old, or of having refused to recognise the guardianship
> of `Alí, the Commander of the Faithful, or of any of the
> imáms who have succeeded him.' He then ascended to the
> top of the staircase, embraced the Imám-Jum`ih, and,
> descending to the floor of the Masjid, joined the congregation
> for the observance of the Friday prayer. The
> Imám-Jum`ih intervened and requested Him to retire.
> 'Your family,' he said, 'is anxiously awaiting your return.
> All are apprehensive lest any harm befall you. Repair
> to your house and there offer your prayer; of greater
> merit shall this deed be in the sight of God.' Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid `Alí also was, at the request of the Imám-Jum`ih,
> asked to accompany his nephew to his home. This
> precautionary measure which Shaykh Abú-Turáb thought
> it wise to observe was actuated by the fear lest, after the
> dispersion of the congregation, a few of the evil-minded
> among the crowd might still attempt to injure the person
> of the Báb or endanger His life. But for the sagacity, the
> sympathy, and the careful attention which the Imám-[Pg 96]Jum`ih
> so strikingly displayed on a number of such
> occasions, the infuriated mob would doubtless have been
> led to gratify its savage desire, and would have committed
> the most abominable of excesses. He seemed to
> have been the instrument of the invisible Hand appointed
> to protect both the person and the Mission of that
> Youth.[13]
> 
> Regarding that gathering in the Mosque of Vakíl, `Abdu'l-Bahá
> has written:
> 
> One day they summoned him to the mosque urging
> and constraining him to recant, but he discoursed from
> the pulpit in such wise as to silence and subdue those
> present and to stablish and strengthen his followers. It
> was then supposed that he claimed to be the medium of
> grace from His Highness the Lord of the Age[CG] (upon him
> be peace); but afterwards it became known and evident
> that his meaning was the Gate-hood [Bábiyyat] of another
> city and the mediumship of the graces of another person
> whose qualities and attributes were contained in his
> books and treatises.[14]
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh-i-Afnán has this record in his
> chronicle:
> 
> 'The late Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq-i-Mu`allim
> [Teacher], who was a man of good repute, was relating the
> story of that day for the late `Andalíb.[15] My brother, Ḥájí
> Mírzá Buzurg, and I were present. This is the summary of
> what he said: "I was about twenty-five years old and able to
> judge an issue. It was noised abroad that the Governor, by
> the request of the divines, had ordered that the people of
> Shíráz, of all classes, should gather in the Masjid-i-Vakíl,
> as the Siyyid-i-Báb was going to renounce His claim. I too
> went to the mosque to find a place near [the pulpit] so that
> [Pg 97]I might hear well all that He had to say. From the morning
> onwards, people, group by group, thronged the mosque.
> Three hours before sunset there was such a press of people
> in the mosque that the cloisters and the courtyard and the
> roofs, even the minarets, were fully crowded. The Governor,
> the divines, the merchants and the notables were sitting
> in the cloisters, near the stone pulpit. (This is a pulpit
> carved out of one piece of marble. It has fourteen steps.)
> I was also sitting near it. Voices were heard in the courtyard,
> saying: 'He is coming.' He came through the gate, accompanied
> by ten footmen and `Abdu'l-Ḥamíd Khán-i-Dárúghih
> [chief of police], and approached the pulpit. He had His
> turban on and an `abá on His shoulders. He displayed such
> power and dignity and His bearing was so sublime that I
> cannot describe it adequately. That vast gathering seemed
> as naught to Him. He paid no heed to that assemblage of
> the people. He addressed Ḥusayn Khán and the divines:
> 'What is your intention in asking Me to come here?' They
> answered: 'The intention is that you should ascend this
> pulpit and repudiate your false claim so that this commotion
> and unrest will subside.' He said nothing and went up to the
> third step of the pulpit. Shaykh Ḥusayn, the Tyrant, said
> with utmost vehemence: 'Go to the top of the pulpit so
> that all may see and hear you.' The Báb ascended the pulpit
> and sat down at the top. All of a sudden, silence fell upon
> that assemblage. It seemed as if there was not a soul in the
> mosque. The whole concourse of people strained their ears.
> He began to recite at the start a homily in Arabic on Divine
> Unity. It was delivered with utmost eloquence, with
> majesty and power. It lasted about half an hour, and the
> concourse of people, high and low, learned and illiterate
> alike, listened attentively and were fascinated. The people's
> silence infuriated Shaykh Ḥusayn, who turned to the Governor
> and said: 'Did you bring this Siyyid here, into the presence
> of all these people, to prove His Cause, or did you
> [Pg 98]bring Him to recant and renounce His false claim? He will
> soon with these words win over all these people to His side.
> Tell Him to say what He has to say. What are all these idle
> tales?' Ḥusayn Khán, the Ṣáḥib-Ikhtiyár, told the Báb:
> 'O Siyyid! say what you have been told to say. What is this
> idle chatter?' The Báb was silent for a moment and then He
> addressed the crowd: 'O people! Know this well that I
> speak what My Grandfather, the Messenger of God, spoke
> twelve hundred and sixty years ago, and I do not speak
> what My Grandfather did not. "What Muḥammad made
> lawful remains lawful unto the Day of Resurrection and what
> He forbade remains forbidden unto the Day of Resurrection",[CH]
> and according to the Tradition that has come down
> from the Imáms, "Whenever the Qá'im arises that will be
> the Day of Resurrection".' The Báb, having spoken those
> words, descended from the pulpit. Some of the people,
> who had been inimical and hostile, that day foreswore their
> antagonism. But when the Báb came face to face with
> Shaykh Ḥusayn, that enemy raised his walking-stick to
> strike Him. The late Mírzá Abu'l-Ḥasan Khán, the
> Mushíru'l-Mulk,[CI] who was then a young man, brought
> forward his shoulder to ward off the attack, and it was his
> shoulder that was hit."
> 
> 'That Ḥájí [Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Ṣádiq], who was not
> a believer but a well-wisher, related this story to the late
> `Andalíb. His meaning was that the Báb, on that occasion,
> affirmed His Cause and completed His proof before the
> concourse of people.'
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Habíbu'lláh goes on to say: 'Then the divines
> came together and passed a sentence of death on the Báb.
> They wrote out their verdict and affixed their seals to it. The
> [Pg 99]instigator of this move and the source of all mischief was
> Shaykh Ḥusayn, the Tyrant, who held the title of Náẓim'ush-Sharíy`ih.
> Their numbers included Shaykh Abú-Háshim,
> Shaykh Asadu'lláh, Shaykh Mihdíy-i-Kujúrí and Mullá
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Maḥallátí. Next they took what they
> had written and sealed to the late Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the
> Imám-Jum`ih, because he had refused to heed their pleas
> and had declined to attend their meeting. Now they presented
> their paper to the Imám-Jum`ih and asked him to put
> his seal on it that "we may finish off this Siyyid". Shaykh
> Abú-Turáb, on perusing the verdict, became very angry,
> threw that piece of paper on the ground and said, "Have you
> gone out of your minds? I will never put my seal on this
> paper, because I have no doubts about the lineage, integrity,
> piety, nobility and honesty of this Siyyid. I see that this young
> Man is possessed of all the virtues of Islám and humanity
> and of all the faculties of intellect. There can be only two
> sides to this question: He either speaks the truth, or He is,
> as you allege, a liar. If He be truthful I cannot endorse
> such a verdict on a man of truth, and if He be a liar, as you
> aver, tell me which one of us present here is so strictly
> truthful as to sit in judgment upon this Siyyid. Away with
> you and your false imaginings, away, away!" No matter
> how hard they tried and how much they insisted, the late
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb did not grant them their wish; and
> because he declined to put his seal on their paper, their plan
> was brought to naught and they did not succeed in achieving
> their objective.'
> 
> According to Nicolas, Muḥammad Sháh asked Siyyid
> Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí to go to Shíráz and investigate the Cause
> of the Báb, when the account of the gathering in the Mosque
> of Vakíl was presented to him.[16]
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá tells us that when the news of the journeys
> of Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí and the anger provoked by them
> [Pg 100]reached Zanján, Mullá Muḥammad `Alí the divine, who
> was a man of mark possessed of penetrating speech, sent
> one of those on whom he could rely to Shíráz to investigate
> this matter. This person, having acquainted himself
> with the details of these occurrences in such wise as was
> necessary and proper, returned with some [of the Báb's]
> writings. When the divine heard how matters were and
> had made himself acquainted with the writings, notwithstanding
> that he was a man expert in knowledge and
> noted for profound research, he went mad and became
> crazed as was predestined: he gathered up his books in the
> lecture-room saying, 'The season of spring and wine has
> arrived,' and uttered this sentence:-'Search for knowledge
> after reaching the known is culpable.' Then from the summit
> of the pulpit he summoned and directed all his disciples
> [to embrace the doctrine], and wrote to the Báb his own
> declaration and confession....
> 
> Although the doctors of Zanján arose with heart and
> soul to exhort and admonish the people they could effect
> nothing. Finally they were compelled to go to Teherán
> and made their complaint before the late king Muḥammad
> Sháh, requesting that Mullá Muḥammad `Alí be
> summoned to Teherán.
> 
> Now when he came to Teherán they brought him before
> a conclave of the doctors ... after many controversies
> and disputations nought was effected with him in that
> assembly. The late king therefore bestowed on him a staff
> and fifty túmáns for his expenses, and gave him permission
> to return.[17]
> 
> The confidant whom Mullá Muḥammad-`Alí of Zanján,
> better known as Ḥujjat (the Proof),[CJ] sent to Shíráz to investigate
> the Cause of the Báb was named Mullá Iskandar. Nabíl-i-A`ẓam
> describes his return:
> 
> [Pg 101]
> 
> He arrived at a time when all the leading `ulamás of the
> city had assembled in the presence of Ḥujjat. As soon as
> he appeared, Ḥujjat enquired whether he believed in, or
> rejected, the new Revelation. Mullá Iskandar submitted
> the writings of the Báb ... and asserted that whatever
> should be the verdict of his master, the same would he
> deem it his obligation to follow. 'What!' angrily exclaimed
> Ḥujjat. 'But for the presence of this distinguished company,
> I would have chastised you severely. How dare you
> consider matters of belief to be dependent upon the
> approbation or rejection of others?' Receiving from the
> hand of his messenger the copy of the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá',
> he, as soon as he had perused a page of that book, fell
> prostrate upon the ground and exclaimed: 'I bear witness
> that these words which I have read proceed from the
> same Source as that of the Qur'án. Whoso has recognised
> the truth of that sacred Book must needs testify to the
> Divine origin of these words, and must needs submit to
> the precepts inculcated by their Author. I take you,
> members of this assembly, as my witnesses: I pledge such
> allegiance to the Author of this Revelation that should He
> ever pronounce the night to be the day, and declare the
> sun to be a shadow, I would unreservedly submit to His
> judgment, and would regard His verdict as the voice of
> Truth.'[18]
> 
> Mullá Muḥammad-`Alí of Zanján, who, like Siyyid
> Yaḥyá of Dáráb, was destined to become a brilliant star in
> the Bábí firmament, was a practitioner of the Akhbárí
> school,[19] and that had placed him oftentimes at odds with
> other divines of his rank and station. Beyond that variance
> Mullá Muḥammad-`Alí was always very forceful and emphatic
> in the expression of his views. That forthrightness,
> sustained by his vast knowledge and lucid speech, had led
> to serious disputations with his peers. Time and again the
> mediation of no less a person than the monarch himself had
> saved the situation from deterioration into violence. He had[Pg 102]
> once before been summoned to Ṭihrán, where, in the presence
> of Muḥammad Sháh, he had worsted his opponents.
> As the common parlance has it, he was not a man to mince
> his words.
> 
> There were a number of Bábís in Karbilá eagerly awaiting
> the arrival of the Báb. The news that the Báb had changed
> His route shook the faith of a few of them. As instructed by
> the Báb Himself, these Bábís left Karbilá for Iṣfahán. At
> Kangávar, situated between Kirmánsháh and Hamadán,
> they encountered Mullá Ḥusayn, the Bábu'l-Báb, and his
> brother and nephew, whose destination was Karbilá. But,
> hearing what had happened, Mullá Ḥusayn decided to
> accompany them to Iṣfahán. There he received the news
> from Shíráz that the Báb was under constraint. He determined
> to continue on to Shíráz, accompanied, as before, by
> his brother and nephew. He took off his turban and clerical
> robes and put on the accoutrements of a horseman of the
> Hizárih tribe in Khurásán. Thus he entered the gate of Shíráz
> and reached the house of Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí. Some days
> later Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Nahrí with his brother
> Mírzá Hádí, and Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní arrived at
> Shíráz, and with them were Mullá `Abdu'l-`Alíy-i-Hirátí
> and Mullá Javád-i-Baraghání, who were fickle and deeply
> jealous of Mullá Ḥusayn. In spite of Mullá Ḥusayn's disguise,
> the enemies of the Báb soon recognized him, and the
> cry went up denouncing his presence in Shíráz. Then the
> Báb directed Mullá Ḥusayn to Yazd, whence he was to
> proceed to Khurásán. Others He also told to leave; only
> Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím remained to be His scribe. Those who
> had professed the Faith of the Báb to gain their own ends,
> such as Mullá `Abdu'l-`Alíy-i-Hirátí, went to Kirmán
> and attached themselves to Ḥájí Muḥammad-Karím Khán-i-Kirmání,
> who, by this date, had assumed the leadership
> of the Shaykhí community.
> 
> [Pg 103]
> 
> A number of other Bábís, as previously mentioned, also
> repaired to Shíráz and attained the presence of the Báb.
> One of them was Mullá Shaykh `Alí of Khurásán, whom the
> Báb designated as `Aẓím[CK] (Great). He was still in Shíráz
> when Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí came to make his investigation.
> Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí was another. Moreover, Shíráz
> itself had by this time a group of native Bábís. Ḥájí Abu'l-Ḥasan,
> the Báb's fellow-pilgrim, was one; another was a
> nephew of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum`ih, a youth
> named Shaykh-`Alí Mírzá; yet another, Ḥájí Muḥammad-Bisát,
> a close friend of the same Imám-Jum`ih; and to name
> a few more: Mírzá-Áqáy-i-Rikáb-Sáz (Stirrup-maker),
> destined to fall a martyr, one of the very few who quaffed
> the cup of martyrdom in Shíráz itself; Luṭf-`Alí Mírzá, a
> descendant of the Afshár kings (1736-95), whom we shall
> meet in a subsequent chapter; Áqá Muḥammad-Karím, a
> merchant, who was eventually compelled by continued persecution
> to abandon his native city; Mírzá Raḥím, a baker,
> who became an ardent teacher of the Faith; Mírzá `Abdu'l-Karím,
> who had the office of key-holder to the shrine known
> as Sháh-Chirágh[CL] (King of the Lamp) where Mír Aḥmad, a
> brother of the eighth Imám, is buried; Mashhadí Abu'l-Qásim-i-Labbáf
> (Quilt-maker), whose son Ḥishmat achieved
> fame as a poet; Mírzá Mihdí, a poet of note, whose soubriquet
> was Ṣábir (Patient), and his son, Mírzá `Alí-Akbar.
> Most of these native Bábís of Shíráz embraced the Faith
> after hearing the Báb from the pulpit of the Mosque of Vakíl.
> 
> By the summer of 1846, the Báb had cleared the way for
> another chapter in the progress of His Ministry. He bequeathed
> all His property jointly to His mother and to His
> wife, who was to inherit subsequently the whole estate.[CM]
> [Pg 104]Then He took up His residence in the house of His uncle,
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí. That was the house where He was
> born and where He had spent much of His childhood. At
> the time of this move, He told those of His followers who
> had come to make their home in Shíráz to go to Iṣfahán.
> Included in that group were Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, one
> of the Letters of the Living, who later became the amanuensis
> of the Báb, Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí and Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní,
> the scribe.
> 
> One evening it was reported to the Governor that a large
> number of Bábís had gathered in the house of Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid `Alí. Ḥusayn Khán ordered `Abdu'l-Ḥamíd Khán,
> the Dárúghih (chief constable) of Shíráz, to rush the house
> of the uncle of the Báb, surprise its occupants and arrest
> everyone he found there. According to Nicolas, Ḥájí Mírzá
> Áqásí had instructed the Governor to put the Báb to death
> in secret. It was apparently Ḥusayn Khán's intention to
> carry out the orders of the Grand Vizier that night. However,
> that very night a severe cholera epidemic swept the city,[CN]
> and Ḥusayn Khán fled precipitately. The chief constable and
> his men entered Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí's house by way of the
> roof-top, but found no one with the Báb, except His uncle
> and one disciple, Siyyid Káẓim-i-Zanjání. With the Governor
> gone, the chief constable decided to take the Báb to his
> own house. Reaching his home, `Abdu'l-Ḥamíd Khán[Pg 105]
> found, to his horror and distress, that within the few hours
> of his absence his sons had been struck by cholera. He
> pleaded with the Báb for their recovery. It was now the hour
> of dawn and the Báb was preparing to say His morning
> prayer. He gave `Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán some of the water
> with which He was making His ablutions and told him to
> take it to his sons to drink; they would recover, the Báb
> assured the chief constable. They recovered indeed, and
> `Abdu'l-Hamíd Khán was so overwhelmed with joy and
> gratitude that he sought out the Governor and begged
> Ḥusayn Khán to permit him to release the Báb. `Abdu'l-Bahá
> states in A Traveller's Narrative that Ḥusayn Khán consented
> on condition that the Báb agreed to depart from Shíráz.[20]
> 
> NOTE
> 
> When this book had reached the stage of paginated proofs,
> the writer received a number of very important documents,
> one of which is a historical find of prime importance. It is
> a letter from the Báb to His uncle, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí,
> written at Kunár-Takhtih, a stage further from Dálakí, on
> the Búshihr-Shíráz road. It was at Dálakí that He encountered
> the horsemen sent to arrest Him. He mentions the esteem
> shown to Him by those horsemen. But the importance of
> this letter lies in the fact that it is precisely dated: 24th of the
> 2nd Jamádí 1261, which corresponds to June 30th 1845. The
> date of the Báb's departure from Búshihr had nowhere been
> recorded and had remained unknown. It must have taken
> Him another week, at least, to reach Shíráz. Departing for
> Iṣfahán in the last days of September 1846, His sojurn in His
> native city was, thus, less than fifteen months.
> 
> [Pg 106]
> 
> CHAPTER 8
> 
> THE CITY OF `ABBÁS THE GREAT
> 
> The garlands wither on your brow,
> 
> Then boast no more your mighty deeds;
> 
> Upon Death's purple altar now
> 
> See where the victor-victim bleeds:
> 
> Your heads must come
> 
> To the cold tomb;
> 
> Only the actions of the just
> 
> Smell sweet and blossom in the dust.
> 
> —James Shirley
> 
> Autumn was setting in when the Báb left the house of
> `Abdu'l-Ḥamíd Khán, turned His back on Shíráz and took
> the road to Iṣfahán. He was attended by Siyyid
> Káẓim-i-Zanjání.[1]
> No opportunity had there been for Him to see
> His mother and His wife, and they never met again. But He
> said farewell to His uncle, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí.
> 
> His family was in great distress, and the confounded
> and frustrated Governor turned upon them to give vent to
> his fury. First he seized and chastised the venerable Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Alí, then had his men break into the house of
> Ḥájí Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim, the brother-in-law of the Báb,
> who was dangerously ill in bed. He was dragged out, carried
> to the Governor's residence, threatened, reviled and fined.
> Porters took him back to his house, slinging him over their
> shoulders since he was unable to walk. The people of
> Shíráz were warned that if a single sheet of the writings of
> the Báb was found in their possession, they would be
> severely punished. In their panic, scores dashed to the house
> of Ḥájí Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim with bundles of the writings of[Pg 107]
> the Báb, all written in His own hand, threw them into the
> open portico of the house and dashed away, lest they might
> be seen with the incriminating material. Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid
> `Alí advised the members of that household to wash away
> the ink and bury the sodden paper.[CO]
> 
> A day or two before the house of Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí
> was raided, Ḥájí Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim wrote to Ḥájí Mírzá
> Siyyid Muḥammad, who was still in Búshihr, in tones of
> great dismay: opposition was mounting, even a relative
> by marriage was vociferously denouncing the Báb (whom he
> names as Ḥájí Mírzá `Alí-Muḥammad throughout his
> letter) and Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí. As there were certain
> matters which Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí could not manage by
> himself, he desired Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad to come as
> soon as possible from Búshihr, to do all that was needed to
> settle their affairs. 'Some people may feel ashamed and keep
> within bounds when they see you,' he wrote. He wanted to
> be freed of their trading engagements so that he could take
> his family and leave Shíráz, to avoid any further injustices.
> 
> Iṣfahán, towards which the Báb set His face, was and is,
> par excellence, the city of `Abbás the Great, the most illustrious
> of the Ṣafavid monarchs (1501-1732), who is best
> known in the West because of his association with the
> Sherley brothers and the East India Company, with whose
> aid he drove the Portuguese out of the Persian Gulf. He is
> 'The Great Sophy' of Shakespeare. Iṣfahán had been the
> capital of the Saljúqs (Seljucids), centuries before, but it
> had suffered neglect in the intervening years. Shah `Abbás[Pg 108]
> moved his capital from Qazvín to Iṣfahán, and began restoring
> the city which was to be styled, erelong, Niṣf-i-Jahán—Half-the-World.
> Magnificent mosques and colleges
> and pavilions, and the largest public square in the world, are
> prominent among that great ruler's works, and are there
> today to inspire wonder and admiration. But with the decline
> and eventual fall of the Ṣafavids, Iṣfahán, too, declined and
> met with repeated misfortunes in the days of the Qájárs,
> who pulled down or painted over Ṣafavid buildings.
> 
> In that autumn of 1846, the Governor-General of Iṣfahán
> was a Georgian eunuch: Manúchihr Khán, the Mu`tamidu'd-Dawlih.
> He had been, writes Layard,
> 
> purchased in his childhood as a slave, had been brought
> up a Musulman, and reduced to his unhappy condition.
> Like many of his kind, he was employed when young in
> the public service, and had by his remarkable abilities
> risen to the highest posts. He had for many years enjoyed
> the confidence and the favour of the Shah. Considered
> the best administrator in the kingdom, he had been sent
> to govern the great province of Isfahan, which included
> within its limits the wild and lawless tribes of the Lurs
> and Bakhtiyari, generally in rebellion, and the semi-independent
> Arab population of the plains between the Luristan
> Mountains and the Euphrates. He was hated and
> feared for his cruelty, but it was generally admitted that
> he ruled justly, that he protected the weak from oppression
> by the strong, and that where he was able to enforce
> his authority life and property were secure.[2]
> 
> Layard established a close friendship with Muḥammad-Taqí
> Khán, the chieftain of the Chahár-Lang section of the
> Bakhtíyárís. Manúchihr Khán captured this chieftain, after
> lengthy manoeuvres, and sent him with his family to
> Ṭihrán, where he died. Chiefly for that reason Layard is
> not at all complimentary in his copious writings about[Pg 109]
> Manúchihr Khán. There is no doubt that the Bakhtíyárí
> chieftain was in rebellion against the central government
> and even intended to take himself and his territory out of its
> jurisdiction. The proof is afforded by the fact that he sent
> Henry Layard to the island of Khárg, then occupied by
> British forces, to sound the British authorities for support.
> Hennell told Layard that although Britain was in a state
> bordering on war with Írán, she would not countenance or
> encourage insurrection or secession.
> 
> Disregarding Layard's prejudices, the fact remains that
> historical evidence exists in plenty to prove that Manúchihr
> Khán had, in the company of his peers, his ample share of
> avarice and cruelty. He had been a faithful servant of
> Muḥammad Sháh, had fought battles for him to make his
> throne secure, and had, in successive appointments, pacified
> a vast area of the country, stretching from Kirmánsháh
> in the west to Iṣfahán in the central regions, and to the waters
> of the Persian Gulf in the south. When he served as the
> Vizier of the province of Fárs, he put down an uprising,
> brought some seventy to eighty prisoners with him to
> Shíráz, and outside the gate of Bágh-i-Sháh had a tower
> erected with their living bodies, which was held firm by
> mortar.
> 
> The Báb, as He approached Iṣfahán, wrote a letter to
> Manúchihr Khán in which he asked for shelter. Siyyid
> Káẓim-i-Zanjání took the letter to the Governor, who,
> greatly impressed by it, sent it on to Siyyid Muḥammad,
> the Sulṭánu'l-`Ulamá, the Imám-Jum`ih of Iṣfahán, and
> requested that high dignitary to open his home to the Báb.
> The Imám-Jum`ih dispatched a number of people close to
> himself, amongst them his brother,[CP] some distance out of the
> city to escort the Báb to Iṣfahán, and at the city-limits he[Pg 110]
> himself welcomed the Visitor with respect and reverence.
> He went far beyond the usual marks of cordial hospitality,
> even to the extent of pouring water from a ewer over the
> hands of the Báb, a task normally performed by attendants.
> 
> There were, by this time, an appreciable number of Bábís
> in Iṣfahán, many of them natives of the city and some directed
> there by the Báb Himself. Amongst the wider public the
> fame of the Báb spread rapidly. There was one occasion
> when people came to take away the water He had used for
> His ablutions, so greatly did they value it. His host was
> enthralled by the Báb. One night, after the evening meal, he
> asked his Guest to write for him a commentary on the
> Súrih of V'al-`Aṣr (Afternoon—Qur'án ciii), one of the
> shortest Súrihs:
> 
> By the afternoon!
> 
> Surely Man is in the way of loss,
> 
> save those who believe, and do righteous deeds,
> 
> and counsel each other unto the truth,
> 
> and counsel each other to be steadfast.[3]
> 
> The Báb took up His pen and wrote His commentary,
> there and then, to the astonishment and delight of all who
> were present. It was past midnight when the assemblage
> broke up. Mullá Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Hirátí, one of the
> divines of Iṣfahán, was so overcome by the power of the
> Báb's pen and voice that he said with great feeling:
> 
> Peerless and unique as are the words which have streamed
> from this pen, to be able to reveal, within so short a time
> and in so legible a writing, so great a number of verses
> as to equal a fourth, nay a third, of the Qur'án, is in itself
> an achievement such as no mortal, without the intervention
> of God, could hope to perform.[4]
> 
> People of all ranks flocked to the house of the Imám-Jum`ih.
> Manúchihr Khán himself called there to meet the
> Báb. He was a proud man and a powerful Governor, ruling[Pg 111]
> over an important section of the realm. His visit to a young
> Siyyid, hitherto unknown, indicates the measure of change
> wrought in him by that one letter which he had received
> from the Báb. Indeed, Manúchihr Khán was to become a
> changed man under the influence of the Báb, who had been
> a fugitive and an exile at his door. He now asked the Báb
> for a treatise on 'Nubuvvat-i-Kháṣṣih'—the specific station
> and mission of the Prophet Muḥammad. Again surrounded
> by a number of the leading divines of Iṣfahán, the Báb
> wrote instantaneously the treatise which the Governor
> desired. Within two hours He produced a disquisition of
> fifty pages, superbly reasoned, proving unassailably the claim
> and the achievement of Islám, and ending His theme on the
> subject of the advent of the Qá'im and the Return of Imám
> Ḥusayn (Rij`at-i-Ḥusayní). Manúchihr Khán's immediate
> response was:
> 
> Hear me! Members of this revered assembly, I take you
> as my witnesses. Never until this day have I in my heart
> been firmly convinced of the truth of Islám. I can henceforth,
> thanks to this exposition penned by this Youth,
> declare myself a firm believer in the Faith proclaimed by
> the Apostle of God. I solemnly testify to my belief in the
> reality of the superhuman power with which this Youth
> is endowed, a power which no amount of learning can
> ever impart.[5]
> 
> It was inevitable that soon the jealousy of the clergy would
> be aroused. Áqá Muḥammad-Mihdí,[CQ] the son of the renowned
> Ḥájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí, began to use
> the pulpit to insult and disparage the Báb. When Ḥájí
> Mírzá Áqásí heard of the situation in Iṣfahán, he wrote to
> upbraid the Imám-Jum`ih for having harboured the Báb.[Pg 112]
> The Grand Vizier was afraid that Manúchihr Khán, because
> of the confidence that Muḥammad Sháh reposed in him,
> might succeed in arranging a meeting between the Báb and
> the monarch. The hold which Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí had on
> Muḥammad Sháh was chiefly due to the quasi-religious
> nature of their relationship. He was the murshid (spiritual
> guide) and his king was the muríd (disciple). The Imám-Jum`ih,
> still loyal, took no step in opposition, but endeavoured
> to reduce the number of visitors.
> 
> As the clamour of the opponents increased, Manúchihr
> Khán thought of a scheme to silence them. He invited the
> leading divines to meet the Báb at his home and argue their
> case. Ḥájí Siyyid Asadu'lláh, the son of the celebrated Ḥájí
> Siyyid Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí, declined the invitation
> and advised the rest to do the same:
> 
> I have sought to excuse myself and I would most certainly
> urge you to do the same. I regard it as most unwise
> of you to meet the Siyyid-i-Báb face to face. He will, no
> doubt, reassert his claim and will, in support of his argument,
> adduce whatever proof you may desire him to give,
> and, without the least hesitation, will reveal as a testimony
> to the truth he bears, verses of such a number as
> would equal half the Qur'án. In the end he will challenge
> you in these words: 'Produce likewise, if ye are men of
> truth.' We can in no wise successfully resist him. If we
> disdain to answer him, our impotence will have been
> exposed. If we, on the other hand, submit to his claim, we
> shall not only be forfeiting our own reputation, our own
> prerogatives and rights, but will have committed ourselves
> to acknowledge any further claims that he may feel
> inclined to make in the future.[6]
> 
> Only Ḥájí Muḥammad-Ja`far-i-Ábádi'í took Ḥájí Siyyid
> Asadu'lláh's advice and kept away. In the presence of
> Manúchihr Khán, Mírzá Ḥasan-i-Núrí was the first to pose
> a question. Mírzá Ḥasan was a follower of the Ishráqí[Pg 113]
> school (Platonism), and his question concerned certain
> elements of the philosophy of Mullá Ṣadrá contained in his
> celebrated work: the Ḥikmatu'l-`Arshíyyah (Celestial or
> Divine Philosophy).[7] The Báb's answers, even though
> couched in simple terms, were beyond the grasp of Mírzá
> Ḥasan's mind. 'The Foolish One of the Learned' was the next
> to face the Báb, and he began to probe into points of Islamic
> jurisprudence. Unable to withstand the force of the Báb's
> exposition he started a verbal assault which the Governor
> quickly brought to an end. Sensing the mood of the audience,
> Manúchihr Khán deemed it prudent that the Báb should
> stay under the protection of his roof and not return to the
> house of the Imám-Jum`ih, where he had been a guest for
> forty days.
> 
> The next move came from the divines. Like their compatriots
> in Shíráz, they gathered together and passed a
> verdict on the Báb which carried with it the sentence of
> death. Both Ḥájí Siyyid Asadu'lláh-i-Rashtí and Ḥájí
> Muḥammad-Ja`far-i-Ábádi'í refused to be identified with it,
> but the Imám-Jum`ih, with an eye to his position, wrote:
> 
> I testify that in the course of my association with this
> youth I have been unable to discover any act that would
> in any way betray his repudiation of the doctrines of
> Islam. On the contrary, I have known him as a pious and
> loyal observer of its precepts. The extravagance of his
> claims, however, and his disdainful contempt for the
> things of the world, incline me to believe that he is devoid
> of reason and judgment.[8]
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh had already instructed Manúchihr
> Khán to send the Báb to Ṭihrán. The transforming
> power of the Báb can now be discerned. Manúchihr
> Khán had served the Qájár monarch faithfully at all times.
> His generalship had helped to secure Muḥammad Sháh's
> position. But, once conquered by the Báb and won over to[Pg 114]
> His Cause, Manúchihr Khán unhesitatingly availed himself
> of the Sháh's command, not to send the Báb immediately to
> the capital which would have put Him at the mercy of
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, but to shield Him from His enemies.
> Under public gaze the Báb was escorted out of Iṣfahán,
> guarded by five hundred horsemen. Nabíl-i-A`ẓam writes:
> 
> Imperative orders had been given that at the completion
> of each farsang[CR] one hundred of this mounted escort
> should return directly to Iṣfahán. To the chief of the last
> remaining contingent, a man in whom he placed implicit
> confidence, the Mu`tamid confidentially intimated his
> desire that at every maydán[CS] twenty of the remaining
> hundred should likewise be ordered by him to return to
> the city. Of the twenty remaining horsemen, the Mu`tamid
> directed that ten should be despatched to Ardistán for the
> purpose of collecting the taxes levied by the government,
> and that the rest, all of whom should be of his tried and
> most reliable men, should, by an unfrequented route,
> bring the Báb back in disguise to Iṣfahán. They were,
> moreover, instructed so to regulate their march that
> before dawn of the ensuing day the Báb should have
> arrived at Iṣfahán and should have been delivered into
> his custody.... At an unsuspected hour, the Báb re-entered
> the city, was directly conducted to the private
> residence of the Mu`tamid, known by the name of `Imárat-i-Khurshíd
> [the Sun-House], and was introduced, through
> a side entrance reserved for the Mu`tamid himself, into
> his private apartments. The governor waited in person
> on the Báb, served His meals, and provided whatever was
> required for His comfort and safety.[9]
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá states in A Traveller's Narrative that Manúchihr
> Khán gave secret orders for the return of the Báb when He[Pg 115]
> and His escort had reached Múrchih-Khár, some thirty-five
> miles to the north of Iṣfahán.[10]
> 
> Wild rumours began to circulate regarding the fate of the
> Báb. It was believed that He had been executed in Ṭihrán.
> To allay the fears of the Bábís of Iṣfahán the Báb allowed
> Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní, Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí and
> Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí to be brought to meet Him. He
> entrusted them with the task of transcribing His Writings.
> Not long afterwards, He instructed them to tell the other
> Bábís who had moved to Iṣfahán to leave the city and go
> northwards, to Káshán, or Qum or Ṭihrán.
> 
> Not long before his death, Manúchihr Khán offered the
> Báb all his immense fortune,[CT] and the resources of his
> army which were considerable, that they might march
> to Ṭihrán and approach the person of Muḥammad Sháh.
> Manúchihr Khán was certain that the monarch, who trusted
> him completely, would listen to his plea, recognize the truth
> of the Revelation of the Báb, and whole-heartedly lend his
> support to the promotion of the new Faith. And Manúchihr
> Khán looked even beyond the frontiers of Írán, for he told
> the Báb: '... I hope to be enabled to incline the hearts of
> the rulers and kings of the earth to this most wondrous
> Cause...' To this the Báb replied:
> 
> May God requite you for your noble intentions. So lofty
> a purpose is to Me even more precious than the act itself.
> Your days and Mine are numbered, however; they are
> too short to enable Me to witness, and allow you to
> achieve, the realisation of your hopes. Not by the means
> which you fondly imagine will an almighty Providence
> accomplish the triumph of His Faith. Through the poor
> [Pg 116]and lowly of this land, by the blood which these shall
> have shed in His path, will the omnipotent Sovereign
> ensure the preservation and consolidate the foundation
> of His Cause. That same God will, in the world to come,
> place upon your head the crown of immortal glory, and
> will shower upon you His inestimable blessings. Of the
> span of your earthly life there remain only three months
> and nine days, after which you shall, with faith and
> certitude, hasten to your eternal abode.[12]
> 
> The Báb, in His Tablet addressed to Muḥammad Sháh,
> states that He foretold, in a letter to two divines in Yazd,
> the date of the death of Manúchihr Khán, eighty-seven days
> before it occurred. And He mentions that Manúchihr
> Khán had offered Him all that he possessed, even taking off
> his rings and placing them before Him.
> 
> Manúchihr Khán had come to realize that his wealth was
> the product of oppression. The Báb accepted both his
> repentance and his wealth, then returned to him his riches
> for his use until his death, which occurred in the month of
> Rabí`u'l-Avval 1263 A.H. (February-March 1847 A.D.)
> 
> Even though in his will Manúchihr Khán left all his
> property to the Báb, his nephew and successor, Gurgín Khán,
> appropriated everything after his death, and informed
> Muḥammad Sháh that the Báb was in Iṣfahán, having been
> kept, well-protected, by the late Governor in the seclusion
> of `Imárat-i-Khurshíd. Muḥammad Sháh's trust in
> Manúchihr Khán was not shaken. He felt certain that that
> wise man and faithful servant had guarded the Báb against
> all possible harm until an opportune time when a meeting
> between himself and the Báb could be arranged. He issued
> orders for the removal of the Báb to the capital in such wise
> that He should not be recognized en route.
> 
> Those four months in the private residence of the Governor
> of Iṣfahán were the calmest that the Báb was to experience
> throughout His Ministry.[13]
> 
> [Pg 117]
> 
> CHAPTER 9
> 
> THE ANTICHRIST OF THE BÁBÍ REVELATION
> 
> No! by heav'n, which He
> 
> Holds, and the abyss and the immensity
> 
> Of worlds and life, which I hold with Him—No!
> 
> I have a victor, true, but no superior.
> 
> Homage he has from all, but none from me.
> 
> I battle it against Him, as I battled
> 
> In highest heav'n. Through all eternity
> 
> And the unfathomable gulfs of Hades
> 
> And the interminable realms of space
> 
> And the infinity of endless ages,
> 
> All, all, will I dispute. And world by world
> 
> And star by star and universe by universe
> 
> Shall tremble in the balance, till the great
> 
> Conflict shall cease, if ever it shall cease....
> 
> —Lucifer in Cain by Lord Byron
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Grand Vizier and the spiritual guide
> of Muḥammad Sháh, has been called the Antichrist of the
> Bábí Revelation.[1] He was a man bankrupt of ideas and bereft
> of graces. A native of Íraván[CU] in the Caucasus, his real name
> was Mírzá `Abbás. From the day he learned of the advent
> of the Báb, he bore Him intense enmity which never abated.
> It was he who prevented a meeting between the Báb and
> Muḥammad Sháh, when, by the direct order of the Sháh
> himself, the Báb was moved from Iṣfahán and it seemed that
> the cherished hope of Manúchihr Khán for their meeting
> would at last be realized.
> 
> [Pg 118]
> 
> Following the instructions of Muḥammad Sháh, Gurgín
> Khán gave the custody of the Báb to Muḥammad Big-i-Chápárchí
> (the chief courier). Muḥammad Big belonged to
> the sect of Ahl-i-Ḥaqq (the People of Truth), commonly
> known as the `Alíyu'lláhí, who have had a long tradition
> of tolerance, liberalism and rectitude.[2] `Abdu'l-Bahá states
> in A Traveller's Narrative that the guards who escorted the
> Báb, on this journey to the north, were Nuṣayrí horsemen.
> Nuṣayrís and `Alíyu'lláhís are almost identical.
> 
> The first town on their road to the capital was Káshán.
> Ḥájí Mírzá Jání, the Bábí merchant of that town, had dreamt
> that he beheld the Báb approaching Káshán by the `Aṭṭár
> (Druggist) Gate. Keeping watch by that gate, on the eve of
> Naw-Rúz, he saw his dream fulfilled, for there was the Báb
> on horseback coming towards Káshán. As he went forward
> to kiss His stirrup, the Báb told him: 'We are to be your
> Guest for three nights.'[3] This was exactly what he had heard
> the Báb say to him in his dream. Muḥammad Big, noticing
> the warmth of their greeting, thought that the young
> Siyyid in his charge and the citizen of Káshán were friends
> of long standing, and he readily agreed to let the Báb stay
> in the house of Ḥájí Mírzá Jání. A colleague, however,
> refused to give his consent; he had been told, he said, not to
> allow the Báb to enter any city en route. After a lengthy
> argument Muḥammad Big succeeded in persuading this
> colleague to withdraw his objection. Ḥájí Mírzá Jání was
> prepared to invite the whole escort to be his guests, but the
> Báb did not permit it. Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, who had
> already proceeded to Káshán as bidden by the Báb, that night
> attained His presence. While the Báb was dictating a Tablet
> to Siyyid Ḥusayn, in honour of Ḥájí Mírzá Jání, a friend of
> the Káshání merchant was announced. His name was Siyyid
> `Abdu'l-Báqí, and he was reputed for his erudition; he sat
> and listened to the Báb, but failed to be moved by what he
> heard and noticed. Some days after the Báb left Káshán he[Pg 119]
> learned who that young Siyyid was. He was sorrow-stricken
> that he had not recognized the powers of the Báb and withdrew
> from society for the rest of his life.
> 
> On the second day after Naw-Rúz the Báb rejoined His
> escort to journey towards Qum,[CV] the next city on the road
> to Ṭihrán. They did not enter Qum but went on to the
> village of Qumrúd, where the entire population was `Alíyu'lláhí.
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam writes:
> 
> At the invitation of the headman of the village, the
> Báb tarried one night in that place and was touched by
> the warmth and spontaneity of the reception which those
> simple folk had accorded Him. Ere He resumed His
> journey, He invoked the blessings of the Almighty in their
> behalf and cheered their hearts with assurances of His
> appreciation and love.[4]
> 
> Two days later, in the afternoon of March 28th, they
> reached the fortress of Kinár-Gird, only twenty-eight miles
> from Ṭihrán. The long journey from Iṣfahán was almost
> over. But here Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí intervened and sent instructions
> to Muḥammad Big to take the Báb to the village
> of Kulayn, where the great Shí`ah jurisconsult, Muḥammad
> ibn-i-Ya`qúb was born and is buried.[CW] Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí
> himself was the owner of Kulayn, and a tent which belonged
> to him was pitched outside the village to accommodate the
> Báb. It was a delectable spot with lush vegetation, orchards
> and running brooks. The Báb was delighted, but uncertainties
> of the future overshadowed Him. Days passed without[Pg 120]
> further instruction from Ṭihrán. Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí and
> his brother Siyyid Ḥasan, as well as Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní
> and Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí, came to Kulayn to
> attend the Báb. And from Ṭihrán came Mullá Mihdíy-i-Khu'í
> accompanied by Mullá Muḥammad-Mihdíy-i-Kindí,
> the latter bearing a letter and presents from Bahá'u'lláh.
> Receiving them brought the Báb untold joy.[5]
> 
> According to A Traveller's Narrative the Báb's sojourn in
> Kulayn was lengthened into twenty days.[6] During this
> time a remarkable incident occurred which Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím
> has thus related:
> 
> My companions and I were fast asleep in the vicinity of
> the tent of the Báb when the trampling of horsemen suddenly
> awakened us. We were soon informed that the tent
> of the Báb was vacant and that those who had gone out in
> search of Him had failed to find Him. We heard Muḥammad
> Big remonstrate with the guards. 'Why feel disturbed?'
> he pleaded. 'Are not His magnanimity and
> nobleness of soul sufficiently established in your eyes to
> convince you that He will never, for the sake of His own
> safety, consent to involve others in embarrassment? He,
> no doubt, must have retired, in the silence of this moonlit
> night, to a place where He can seek undisturbed communion
> with God. He will unquestionably return to His
> tent. He will never desert us.' In his eagerness to reassure
> his colleagues, Muḥammad Big set out on foot
> along the road leading to Ṭihrán. I, too, with my companions,
> followed him. Shortly after, the rest of the
> guards were seen, each on horseback, marching behind
> us. We had covered about a maydán when, by the dim
> light of the early dawn, we discerned in the distance the
> lonely figure of the Báb. He was coming towards us
> from the direction of Ṭihrán. 'Did you believe Me to
> have escaped?' were His words to Muḥammad Big as He
> approached him. 'Far be it from me,' was the instant reply
> as he flung himself at the feet of the Báb, 'to entertain
> [Pg 121]such thoughts.' Muḥammad Big was too much awed by
> the serene majesty which that radiant face revealed that
> morning to venture any further remark. A look of confidence
> had settled upon His countenance; His words
> were invested with such transcendent power, that a
> feeling of profound reverence wrapped our very souls.
> No one dared to question Him as to the course of so
> remarkable a change in His speech and demeanour. Nor
> did He Himself choose to allay our curiosity and wonder.[7]
> 
> Nearly three weeks had passed since His arrival at Kulayn
> when the Báb wrote to Muḥammad Sháh to ask for a meeting.
> And now Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí made the move which
> consigned the Báb to prison for the rest of his days. According
> to A Traveller's Narrative, he persuasively told Muḥammad
> Sháh:
> 
> The royal cavalcade is on the point of starting, and to
> engage in such matters as the present will conduce to the
> disruption of the kingdom. Neither is there any doubt
> that the most notable doctors of the capital also will
> behave after the fashion of the doctors of Isfahán, which
> thing will be the cause of a popular outbreak, or that,
> according to the religion of the immaculate Imám, they
> will regard the blood of this Seyyid as of no account,
> yea, as more lawful than mother's milk. The imperial
> train is prepared for travel, neither is there hindrance
> or impediment in view. There is no doubt that the
> presence of the Báb will be the cause of the gravest trouble
> and the greatest mischief. Therefore, on the spur of the
> moment, the wisest plan is this:—to place this person in
> the Castle of Mákú during the period of absence of the
> royal train from the seat of the imperial throne, and to
> defer the obtaining of an audience to the time of return.[8]
> 
> Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl states that Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí played on the
> fears of Muḥammad Sháh by instancing in particular the[Pg 122]
> rebellion in Khurásán of Muḥammad-Ḥasan Khán, the
> Sálár, and the earlier defiance of the central government by
> Ḥasan-`Ali Khán, Aga Khan I.[CX] Whatever arguments the
> Grand Vizier used, he succeeded in preventing a meeting
> between the Báb and Muḥammad Sháh in that spring of
> 1847. And it was never to take place.
> 
> In April, the Sháh sent a reply to the letter of the Báb
> which, according to A Traveller's Narrative, was couched in
> these terms:
> 
> Since the royal train is on the verge of departure from
> Teherán, to meet in a befitting manner is impossible. Do
> you go to Mákú and there abide and rest for a while,
> engaged in praying for our victorious state; and we have
> arranged that under all circumstances they shall shew
> you attention and respect. When we return from travel
> we will summon you specially.[9]
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, in his narrative, gives this version of the
> contents of Muḥammad Sháh's letter:
> 
> Much as we desire to meet you, we find ourself unable, in
> view of our immediate departure from our capital, to
> receive you befittingly in Ṭihrán. We have signified our
> desire that you be conducted to Máh-Kú, and have issued
> the necessary instructions to `Alí Khán, the warden of the
> castle, to treat you with respect and consideration. It is
> our hope and intention to summon you to this place upon
> our return to the seat of our government, at which time
> we shall definitely pronounce our judgment. We trust that
> we have caused you no disappointment, and that you will
> at no time hesitate to inform us in case any grievances
> befall you. We fain would hope that you will continue
> [Pg 123]to pray for our well-being and for the prosperity of our
> realm.[10]
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán, the Governor of Fárs, was attending the
> Sháh in the capital at the very time that Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí
> blocked the path of the Báb and prevented His entry into
> Ṭihrán.
> 
> [Pg 124]
> 
> CHAPTER 10
> 
> WHERE THE ARAS FLOWS
> 
> Over the banks of Aras shouldst thou, O Zephyr, pass,
> 
> Kiss the earth of that vale and refreshen thy breath thereby.
> 
> —Ḥáfiẓ
> 
> Máh-Kú,[CY] a town of the province of Ádharbáyján, is in the
> extreme north-west of Írán, close to the point where the
> Russo-Turkish frontiers meet. Within a short distance of the
> town of Máh-Kú and its bleak fortress perched on a mountain
> peak above, the Aras flows, the Araxes of the Greeks.
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí contrived to have the Báb banished to this
> remote corner of the land, well away from the capital, and
> well away from the areas where His Faith was born and
> nurtured. But the road to Máh-Kú was through Tabríz,
> the second city of the realm and the seat of the Crown Prince.
> 
> The same horsemen, still under the command of Muḥammad
> Big, were given the task of escorting the Báb to Tabríz.
> They had, by then, become greatly devoted to Him. His
> utter kindness coupled with His majesty of bearing had
> totally captivated them. Two of the followers of the Báb
> were allowed to remain with Him: Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí
> and his brother, Siyyid Ḥasan.
> 
> On the road north, one of the halting-places was the
> village of Síyáh-Dihán, close by Qazvín. There the Báb
> addressed a letter to the Grand Vizier, and also wrote to
> some of the leading divines of Qazvín, including the father
> and the uncle of Qurratu'l-`Ayn. A number of the Bábís
> attained His presence in the village of Síyáh-Dihán during[Pg 125]
> His one night there, and among these was Mullá Iskandar
> of Zanján, the same man who had visited Shíráz as Ḥujjat's
> emissary to learn what he could about the Báb. Now the
> Báb entrusted to him a letter for Ḥájí Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár,
> who happened to be in Zanján; he had been a fervent
> supporter of Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí. To him the Báb
> wrote:
> 
> He whose virtues the late siyyid unceasingly extolled,
> and to the approach of whose Revelation he continually
> alluded, is now revealed. I am that promised One. Arise
> and deliver Me from the hand of the oppressor.[1]
> 
> Ḥájí Sulaymán Khán received the letter within three days,
> but did not heed it and left for the capital.
> 
> At that time Hujjat[CZ] was in Ṭihrán, kept there under surveillance.
> But the moment he heard of the Báb's letter to
> Sulaymán Khán, he sent a message to the Bábís of Zanján
> to march out and rescue the Báb. A sizable number of
> Bábís from Ḥujjat's native town and from Qazvín and
> Ṭihrán came together and made a concerted effort to carry
> out their daring scheme. At midnight they reached the spot
> where the Báb and His escort were bivouacked. The guards
> were asleep and there was every opportunity to escape. But
> the Báb told His would-be rescuers that He would not run
> away. 'The mountains of Adhirbáyján too have their
> claims.'[2]
> 
> Before His mission reached its end Muḥammad Big came
> to believe in the Báb.[DA] Grief-stricken he went to the Báb
> and asked to be forgiven: 'The journey from Iṣfahán has been
> long and arduous. I have failed to do my duty and to serve
> [Pg 126]You as I ought. I crave Your forgiveness, and pray You to
> vouchsafe me Your blessings.' To this the Báb replied:
> 'Be assured. I account you a member of My fold. They who
> embrace My Cause will eternally bless and glorify you, will
> extol your conduct and exalt your name.'[3] Later, Muḥammad
> Big met Ḥájí Mírzá Jání once again, and recounted for
> him the story of that journey to Tabríz. The Káshání merchant
> included Muḥammad Big's story in his chronicle,
> and Mírzá Ḥusayn-i-Hamadání, the author of the Táríkh-i-Jadíd
> (The New History) in turn made use of it in his own
> work:
> 
> ... we proceeded to Mílán,[DB] where many of the inhabitants
> came to see His Holiness, and were filled with
> wonder at the majesty and dignity of that Lord of mankind.
> In the morning, as we were setting out from Mílán,
> an old woman brought a scald-headed child, whose head
> was so covered with scabs that it was white down to the
> neck, and entreated His Holiness to heal him. The guards
> would have forbidden her, but His Holiness prevented
> them, and called the child to him. Then he drew a handkerchief
> over its head and repeated certain words; which
> he had no sooner done than the child was healed. And in
> that place about two hundred persons believed and underwent
> a true and sincere conversion ... on leaving Mílán,
> while we were on the road His Holiness suddenly urged
> his horse into so swift a gallop that all the horsemen
> composing the escort were filled with amazement, seeing
> that his steed was the leanest of all. We galloped after
> him as hard as we could, but were unable to come up with
> him, though the horsemen were filled with apprehension
> lest he should effect his escape. Presently he reined in his
> horse of his own accord, and, so soon as we came up to
> him, said with a smile, 'Were I desirous of escaping, you
> could not prevent me.' And indeed it was even as he said;
> had he desired in the least degree to escape, none could
> [Pg 127]have prevented him, and under all circumstances he
> shewed himself endowed with more than human strength.
> For example, we were all practised horsemen inured to
> travel, yet, by reason of the cold and our weariness, we
> were at times hardly able to keep our saddles, while he,
> on the other hand, during all this period shewed no sign
> of faintness or weariness, but, from the time when he
> mounted till he alighted at the end of the stage, would
> not so much as change his posture or shift his seat.[4]
> 
> The stage beyond the village of Mílán was the city of
> Tabríz itself. As the news spread that the Báb was approaching
> the city, the Bábís there tried to go out to meet him, but
> they were stopped and sent back. Only a youth managed to
> break through the cordon of guards and soldiers. Barefooted,
> he ran more than a mile till he reached the Báb and
> His escort. Such was the state of his ecstasy that he flung
> himself forward in the path of one of the horsemen, caught
> the hem of his cloak and eagerly and fervently kissed his
> stirrup. Addressing them all, he cried out: 'Ye are the companions
> of my Well-Beloved. I cherish you as the apple of
> my eye.'[5] And when he came into the presence of the Báb,
> he fell prostrate on the ground and unrestrainedly wept.
> The Báb dismounted, raised him up, embraced him and
> wiped his tears.
> 
> The Báb's entry into Tabríz, the scene three years later
> of His martyrdom in its public square, bears close resemblance
> to the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday,
> less than a week before He was led to Golgotha to be
> crucified.
> 
> And they that went before, and they that followed, cried,
> saying, Hosanna! Blessed is he that cometh in the name of
> the Lord!
> 
> Blessed be the kingdom of our father David, that
> cometh in the name of the Lord! Hosanna in the highest![DC]
> 
> [Pg 128]
> 
> That is how St. Mark recounts the joy of the people who
> gave Jesus a regal welcome into Jerusalem.
> 
> When the Báb was brought into Tabríz the streets were
> crowded, and amongst the surging mass were Bábís who
> had been deprived of coming close to their Master; but vast
> numbers were there who were not His followers. Those
> narrow thoroughfares echoed with the cry of `Alláh-u-Akbar'—God
> is the Greatest—the opening line of the
> Adhán, the call to prayer which every devout Muslim
> repeats time and again in the course of his devotions. Officials
> were alarmed by this wonderful and unprecedented reception,
> and sent town criers to warn the people against
> attempting to gain access to the Siyyid-i-Báb.
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá states that the Báb was kept for forty days
> in Tabríz.[6] During that time He was strictly secluded, and
> His only visitors were Ḥájí Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Mílání, a
> well-known merchant, and Ḥájí `Alí-`Askar.[DD] When they
> first approached the house where the Báb was lodged,
> guards stopped them, but Siyyid Hasan asserted the authority
> of the Báb and gained them admittance. After that no one
> ever tried to bar their way, and they attained the presence
> of the Báb several times.
> 
> At last came the orders for the removal of the Báb to
> Máh-Kú. That town was the birthplace of Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí,
> although he is generally known as Íravání[DE] because his
> family originated there. The vast majority of the inhabitants
> of Máh-Kú and its environs were Kurds who were Sunní
> by persuasion. `Alí Khán, the warden of the castle, was a
> Kurd, simple, rough and uncouth. He was arrogantly[Pg 129]
> unbending at the start of the Báb's incarceration, and would
> not allow any follower of the Báb to stay in the town, even
> for one night. When Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí reached
> Máh-Kú he found that the only shelter available to him was
> a mosque outside the town. But he was able to meet and
> exchange letters and messages with Siyyid Ḥasan, who came
> into the town each day with a guard to buy provisions, and
> thus for a while he maintained a link between the Báb and
> His people.
> 
> But one day the Báb advised Siyyid Ḥasan that these
> secret contacts with Shaykh Ḥasan were to end; He Himself
> would tell `Ali Khán to permit visitors to come and go in
> peace. Both men were greatly astonished, since they knew
> well the character and attitude of the warden, who had even
> tried to prevent the people of Máh-Kú from coming to the
> foot of the mountain to obtain a glimpse of the Báb. By
> now the Báb had won the love and esteem of these hardened
> frontiersmen, who had shown such marked hostility when
> He was first brought to their fortress, nor could `Ali Khán
> prevent their gathering daily at the mountain's base to gaze
> upwards in the hope of receiving His blessing.
> 
> At an early hour on the morning following the Báb's
> advice to Siyyid Ḥasan, the inmates of the castle were startled
> by an incessant and agitated knocking. It was `Ali Khán,
> peremptorily pounding the gate and shouting at the guardsmen
> for admittance. A guard rushed in to say that the warden
> wished to come immediately into the presence of the Báb.
> Siyyid Ḥusayn presented the request, and the Báb replied that
> He would receive `Ali Khán at once. The warden was visibly
> shaking, obviously caught up by some tremendous emotion.
> He threw himself at the feet of the Báb and begged to be
> relieved of his misery:
> 
> 'Deliver me from my perplexity. I adjure You, by the
> Prophet of God, Your illustrious Ancestor, to dissipate
> [Pg 130]my doubts, for their weight has well-nigh crushed my
> heart. I was riding through the wilderness and was
> approaching the gate of the town, when, it being the
> hour of dawn, my eyes suddenly beheld You standing by
> the side of the river engaged in offering Your prayer. With
> outstretched arms and upraised eyes, You were invoking
> the name of God. I stood still and watched You. I was
> waiting for You to terminate Your devotions that I
> might approach and rebuke You for having ventured to
> leave the castle without my leave. In Your communion
> with God, You seemed so wrapt in worship that You were
> utterly forgetful of Yourself. I quietly approached You;
> in Your state of rapture, You remained wholly unaware
> of my presence. I was suddenly seized with great fear and
> recoiled at the thought of awakening You from Your
> ecstasy. I decided to leave You, to proceed to the guards
> and to reprove them for their negligent conduct. I soon
> found out, to my amazement, that both the outer and
> inner gates were closed. They were opened at my request,
> I was ushered into Your presence, and now find You, to
> my wonder, seated before me. I am utterly confounded.
> I know not whether my reason has deserted me.' The Báb
> answered and said: 'What you have witnessed is true and
> undeniable. You belittled this Revelation and have contemptuously
> disdained its Author. God, the All-Merciful,
> desiring not to afflict you with His punishment, has
> willed to reveal to your eyes the Truth. By His Divine
> interposition, He has instilled into your heart the love
> of His chosen One, and caused you to recognise the
> unconquerable power of His Faith.'[7]
> 
> All the arrogance of the warden left him. He was totally
> conquered. He became humble. The first words that he
> uttered were:
> 
> A poor man, a shaykh, is yearning to attain Your presence.
> He lives in a masjid [mosque] outside the gate of Máh-Kú.
> I pray You that I myself be allowed to bring him to
> [Pg 131]this place that he may meet You. By this act I hope that
> my evil deeds may be forgiven, that I may be enabled to
> wash away the stains of my cruel behaviour toward Your
> friends.[8]
> 
> He went away and returned with Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí.
> 
> `Alí Khán's change of heart and attitude radically altered
> the situation. The prison gates no longer barred the Báb
> from His followers. Bábís came from everywhere to attain
> the presence of their Lord, among them Mullá Ḥusayn, the
> Bábu'l-Báb. The Báb received him at the gate of the castle
> and celebrated the Feast of Naw-Rúz with him. Ere his
> departure, the Báb directed him to visit Tabríz and other
> towns of the province of Ádharbáyján, and then proceed
> to Zanján, Qazvín, Ṭihrán, and finally to the province of
> Mázindarán.
> 
> `Alí Khán's devotion to the person of the Báb increased
> day by day. He did everything possible to mitigate the
> rigours of prison life. Every Friday he came up the mountain
> to offer his homage. Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí was alarmed by
> the news reaching him from Máh-Kú, and so was the
> Russian Minister in Ṭihrán, Prince Dimitri Ivanovich
> Dolgorukov. In dispatches to Count Nesselrode, the
> Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated February 4th and December
> 24th 1848, he mentions that, in the previous year, the
> Báb had been removed from the vicinity of the Russian
> border by his demand.[9] This assertion is borne out by a
> letter of Mullá Aḥmad-i-Ibdál, one of the Letters of the
> Living, written when he was in Káẓimayn, close to Baghdád.
> It is not clear to whom the letter is addressed, most probably
> to one of the uncles of the Báb.[10] Mullá Aḥmad writes:
> 
> These days, God willing, I intend to go and attain the
> presence of my Lord.... These days pilgrims arrived
> here from Urúmíyyih. I sought the news of my Lord
> from them. They said that He was in a district of
> [Pg 132]Urúmíyyih, called Chihrúm [Chihríq?]. The Governor of
> Urúmíyyih wished, at first, to keep Him in the town itself,
> but the clerics had taken fright lest disturbances might
> arise, and had refused their consent; curses of God rest
> upon them. It is said that the Governor is acting with
> kindness, and from the towns of Adharbáyján people
> come in large groups, attain His presence and return
> believers. According to what has been related there is a
> tremendous upsurge, that is to say, many, many people
> have become devoted to Him.... And as to the reason
> for the departure of Dhikr, on Him be peace from Máh-Kú,
> it is this, that the Russian Envoy had heard that He
> was in Máh-Kú, and, being afraid of disturbance, told the
> Vizier, Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí: 'Send the Dhikr, on whom be
> peace, to some other area of your realms, because Máh-Kú
> is on the frontier and close to our territory, and we
> are afraid of disturbances; a few years ago, a certain
> Mullá Ṣádiq claimed to be the deputy [of the Imám] and
> within a month gathered 30,000 followers round him.'
> Russians had witnessed that and had taken fright.
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá states that the Báb's incarceration in the
> castle of Máh-Kú lasted nine months. According to Nabíl-i-A`ẓam,
> on the twentieth day after Naw-Rúz (April 9th
> 1848), He left that mountain fastness on the Russian and
> Turkish frontiers.[11]
> 
> At Máh-Kú the Báb revealed the Dalá'il-i-Sab`ih (The
> Seven Proofs) and began the composition of the Persian
> Bayán[DF] (Exposition or Utterance). Nabíl-i-A`ẓam writes:
> 
> I have heard Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí bear witness to
> the following: 'The voice of the Báb, as He dictated the
> teachings and principles of His Faith, could be clearly
> heard by those who were dwelling at the foot of the[Pg 133]
> mountain. The melody of His chanting, the rhythmic
> flow of the verses which streamed from His lips caught our
> ears and penetrated into our very souls. Mountain and
> valley re-echoed the majesty of His voice. Our hearts
> vibrated in their depths to the appeal of His utterance.'[12]
> 
> [Pg 134]
> 
> CHAPTER 11
> 
> THE GRIEVOUS MOUNTAIN
> 
> Our little systems have their day;
> 
> They have their day and cease to be:
> 
> They are but broken lights of thee,
> 
> And thou, O Lord, art more than they.
> 
> —Alfred, Lord Tennyson
> 
> The man chosen by Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí to take the Báb away
> from the castle of Máh-Kú was Riḍá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár,
> an officer with the rank of Sartíp (brigadier, in today's
> usage). He was the son of Ḥájí Sulaymán Khán, the official
> who, in Zanján, failed to heed the Báb's message to him.
> Ḥájí Sulaymán Khán was intensely devoted to Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí,
> who had told him that he would live to see the
> advent of the Qá'im; he often expressed surprise that the
> Qá'im had not appeared for him to recognize, despite this
> unequivocal promise. Although he met the Báb in Mecca,
> he attached himself to Ḥájí Muḥammad-Karím Khán-i-Kirmání
> and refused to listen to the Bábís. His devotion to
> Siyyid Káẓim was of such a character that, having obtained
> the hand of a daughter of Siyyid Káẓim for his son, he began
> his day by paying his respects in person to his daughter-in-law.
> It was this son who was entrusted with the task of
> moving the Báb from Máh-Kú to Urúmíyyih and Chihríq.[DG]
> And soon he too became captivated by the Prisoner in his
> charge. Eventually, Riḍá-Qulí Khán became an avowed,[Pg 135]
> zealous Bábí, and broke away from his father, who persisted
> in his hostility to the Báb.
> 
> The castle of Chihríq is in the neighbourhood of Urúmíyyih,
> known today as Riḍá'íyyih. Its warden, Yaḥyá Khán,
> was a Kurdish chieftain, whose sister was married to
> Muḥammad Sháh. The son of this union was called `Abbás
> Mírzá, after the Sháh's own father, and bore also his title,
> Náyibu's-Salṭanih (Viceroy or Regent). Because this child
> was such a favourite of Muḥammad Sháh, the mother of the
> heir to the throne, Náṣiri'd-Dín Mírzá, was exceedingly
> jealous of him. Her jealousy put his life in jeopardy after the
> death of his father, but Colonel Farrant's intervention saved
> him.[DH] He was exiled to Qum, but even then he was not
> secure, for he was accused of being in league with the
> Bábís. Mírzá Ḥusayn-i-Mutavallí (Custodian) of Qum was
> forced, under torture, to sign a confession implicating
> `Abbás Mírzá in faked Bábí plots.[DI] This unfortunate prince
> spent many years of his life in exile, mostly in `Iráq. He was
> eventually allowed to return to Írán and was given the title
> of Mulk-Árá; but he was always close to misfortune and
> danger.
> 
> Yaḥyá Khán, the warden of Chihríq, was harsh and unpredictable,
> but before long he too felt unable to keep the
> gates of his castle closed against the Bábís. The same power,
> which had held `Alí Khán of Máh-Kú spellbound, captured
> the heart of Yaḥyá Khán. So many Bábís came to Chihríq
> that it was impossible to house them and rooms had to be
> found for them in Iskí-Shahr, which was not far away. Food
> and all other necessities were purchased in Iskí-Shahr. Once[Pg 136]
> some honey was bought there for the Báb, but He found the
> quality to be inferior and the price exorbitant and had it
> returned.
> 
> Honey of a superior quality [He said] could no doubt have
> been purchased at a lower price. I who am your example
> have been a merchant by profession. It behoves you in
> all your transactions to follow in My way. You must
> neither defraud your neighbour nor allow him to defraud
> you. Such was the way of your Master. The shrewdest
> and ablest of men were unable to deceive Him, nor did He
> on His part choose to act ungenerously towards the meanest
> and most helpless of creatures.[1]
> 
> Khuy was another town of Ádharbáyján which was not
> far from Chihríq. Not long had passed since the Báb's
> arrival at Chihríq when Khuy became aware that a number
> of its prominent citizens among the siyyids, divines and
> officials had become Bábís. Mírzá Asadu'lláh, on whom the
> Báb conferred the designation of Dayyán,[2] was one of them.
> Dayyán means the conqueror or the judge. Mírzá Asadu'lláh,
> a proud man, high in the service of the government, and a
> man of vast learning who wielded a fluent pen,[DJ] had for
> long withstood the attempts of the Bábís to convert him.
> Not only did he refuse to yield any ground to them, he also
> proved a vociferous antagonist. Then he had a dream which
> induced him to write to the Báb. And when he received the
> answer to his letter he gave the Báb his allegiance with a
> zeal and fervour that thoroughly alarmed his father, who
> was a personal friend of the Grand Vizier. He wrote to
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, expatiating on his son's bewitchment and
> deploring his grave aberrations.[DK]
> 
> [Pg 137]
> 
> Once again Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí found himself thwarted.
> The Faith of the Báb was spreading and he could not contain
> it. And now the Grand Vizier had the additional anxiety
> of watching the rapid deterioration of Muḥammad Sháh's
> health. The monarch was only forty years old, but as a
> sufferer from gout his malady was wearing him down.
> 
> At Chihríq itself a dervish arrived from India. Who he
> truly was, no one knew and no one knows even now. The
> Báb gave him the name Qahru'lláh (the Wrath of God). All
> that this dervish would say about himself was:
> 
> In the days when I occupied the exalted position of a
> navváb in India, the Báb appeared to me in a vision. He
> gazed at me and won my heart completely. I arose, and
> had started to follow Him, when He looked at me intently
> and said: 'Divest yourself of your gorgeous attire, depart
> from your native land, and hasten on foot to meet Me in
> Ádhirbáyján. In Chihríq you will attain your heart's desire.'
> I followed His directions and have now reached my goal.[4]
> 
> The Báb instructed him to go back to his native land, the
> same way he had come, as a dervish and on foot. Qahru'lláh
> would have no companion on that long journey back. His
> fate remains a mystery, just as does the fate of Shaykh Sa`íd,
> the Indian Letter of the Living.
> 
> The Báb had been in Chihríq for three months when Ḥájí
> Mírzá Áqásí decided He should be taken, once more, to
> Tabríz. Before the summons came, the Báb sent away those
> Bábís who had congregated in and around Chihríq; among
> them was the redoubtable `Aẓím.[DL] At the same time, He
> commissioned Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí to collect the
> [Pg 138]Writings He had revealed in the two castles, and hand them
> for safe-keeping to Siyyid Ibráhím-i-Khalíl, who resided in
> Tabríz.
> 
> When the Báb reached Urúmíyyih, on his way to Tabríz,
> the Governor, Malik Qásim Mírzá, a descendant of Faṭh-`Alí
> Sháh, received Him reverently. Nevertheless, he decided
> to pose a test for his Guest. On a Friday, when the Báb
> planned to go to the public bath, he directed that a particularly
> unruly horse be brought to convey Him. Those who
> knew of his plan awaited the outcome with bated breath.
> Miraculously, the horse stood quietly for the Báb, who
> mounted and rode it to the bath with perfect control. The
> Prince-Governor, ashamed and abashed, walked on foot
> beside the Báb's steed nearly to His destination, until the
> Báb asked him to return to his house. The news spread and
> stunned the town. When the Báb came out of the bath and
> mounted the same horse again, men, women and children
> rushed in to take away every drop of the water He had used.
> 
> From now on the Governor's residence was thronged daily
> by people who wished to meet the Báb or just to catch a
> glimpse of Him. During this time, Áqá-Bálá Big, the
> Naqqásh-Báshí (Chief Painter) made a portrait of the Báb,
> the only one ever drawn of Him; its story is of tremendous
> interest.
> 
> Áqá-Bálá Big was a native of Shíshván, a village on the
> banks of Lake Urúmíyyih. Like scores of others, he was
> attracted to Government House to see the Báb. Years later
> he related his experience to Varqá, the Bahá'í martyr-poet.
> He had noticed that as soon as the Báb's eyes alighted on
> him He arranged His `abá neatly and looked at him intently.
> This happened again the next day, and Áqá-Bálá Big
> realized that the Báb was giving him a sign that he might
> draw His portrait. The painter made a rough sketch there
> and then. Later, he composed the portrait in black and
> white. When Varqá informed Bahá'u'lláh of this, he was[Pg 139]
> instructed to ask the painter to make two copies of the
> portrait in water colour, one to be sent to the Holy Land
> and one to be kept by Varqá himself. The copy taken to the
> Holy Land is in the International Archives of the Bahá'í
> Faith. The copy which the martyr-poet held was among his
> possessions, looted at the time of his arrest. The original
> black and white portrait was discovered years later by Siyyid
> Asadu'lláh-i-Qumí, who conveyed it to the Holy Land and
> presented it to `Abdu'l-Bahá.[DM]
> 
> The Báb must have reached Tabríz in the last week of
> July 1848. Muḥammad Sháh's illness was, by then, giving
> concern to Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, and the wily old Grand Vizier,
> conscious of his approaching downfall, was already seeking
> ways and means of softening the blow. Over the course of
> years he had grown to be a very rich man, owning villages
> and farmlands and urban property. He knew that with the
> death of Muḥammad Sháh he would lose not only his
> position and power, but also his enormous wealth. When
> Muḥammad Sháh was dying, Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí was no
> longer to be seen within the precincts of the palace, for his
> powerful enemies in the Court, whom he had not been able
> to destroy,[DN] were ready to pounce on him. He retired to
> his village of `Abbásábád. There his body-guard, recruited
> from his home town of Máh-Kú, disintegrated. The people of
> Ṭihrán who had suffered so much at their hands now found
> opportunities to avenge themselves, and Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí
> found himself in such straits that he felt constrained to write
> to the boy-prince, `Abbás Mírzá, and a number of prominent
> courtiers, to plead for harmony and friendship. As[Pg 140]
> no response was forthcoming from these quarters, he put on
> a bold face and tried to regain his residence in Ṭihrán. But
> the artillery General, who commanded the royal guard at
> the citadel, let him know that his stay in Ṭihrán was undesirable.
> So he tried to reach Ádharbáyján, the province
> to which he had exiled the Báb, to take refuge with the
> inhabitants of his native town. He had not gone far from
> the capital when he was turned back. Deserted and mocked,
> he had no course open but to seek sanctuary in the shrine
> of Sháh `Abdu'l-`Aẓím. Such was the end of all power for
> Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Antichrist of the Bábí Revelation.
> 
> In Tabríz the Báb was brought before the Crown Prince,
> Náṣiri'd-Dín Mírzá, who was only seventeen years old and
> had recently been given the governorship of Ádharbáyján.
> A panel of the prominent divines of Tabríz gathered to
> examine the Báb. The leading men of that panel were: Ḥájí
> Mírzá Maḥmúd, the Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá, who was the chief
> tutor of the Crown Prince; Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání,
> a disciple of Siyyid Káẓim and an outstanding figure among
> the Shaykhís; Ḥájí Murtiḍá-Qulíy-i-Marandí, the `Alamu'l-Hudá;
> Ḥájí Mírzá `Alí-Aṣghar, the Shaykhu'l-Islám;[DO] and
> Mírzá Aḥmad, the Imám-Jum`ih. The procedures of that
> high tribunal were frivolous from beginning to end. Here
> were the shining lights of the religious hierarchy of Tabríz,
> assembled to learn from a young Siyyid, who claimed to be
> the bearer of a Message from God, what the nature of His
> claim was and what proofs He could adduce to substantiate
> it. That they failed miserably to be just and to apply themselves
> to the problem before them need not be sought in the
> evidence of the followers of the Báb. Two of the best known
> Persian histories of the time plentifully provide that[Pg 141]
> evidence. These are the Násikhu't-Taváríkh by Muḥammad-Taqí
> Khán of Káshán[5]
> and the Supplement to the Rawḍatu'ṣ-Ṣafá
> of Mírkhund[DP] by Riḍá-Qulí Khán-i-Hidáyat; both
> works were written during the reign of Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh.
> From these two histories, Edward Granville Browne
> prepared a version of the procès-verbal of that infamous
> tribunal for the Appendices to his translation of A Traveller's
> Narrative. He also used another book, the Qiṣaṣu'l-`Ulamá
> (Chronicles of the Divines) written in 1873. Typical are
> these two questions, said to have been put to the Báb by
> Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá:
> 
> 'As the Prophet or some other wise man hath said
> "Knowledge is twofold—knowledge of bodies, and
> knowledge of religions"; I ask, then, in Medicine, what
> occurs in the stomach when a person suffers from
> indigestion? Why are some cases amenable to treatment?
> And why do some go on to permanent dyspepsia or
> syncope [swooning], or terminate in hypochondriasis?'
> 
> 'The science of "Applications" is elucidated from the
> Book and the Code, and the understanding of the Book
> and the Code [the Qur'án and the Traditions] depends
> on many sciences, such as Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic.
> Do you who are the Báb conjugate Ḳála?'[DQ]
> 
> The Báb is alleged to have replied that He had learned to
> conjugate Arabic words in His childhood, but had forgotten
> the rules. This is supposed to have been the answer of a
> Person who had revealed the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', the Commentary
> on the Súrih of Kawthar, the Commentary on the Súrih
> of V'al-`Aṣr—all in Arabic.
> 
> When the Báb stated clearly: 'I am that person for whose[Pg 142]
> appearance ye have waited a thousand years,' Nizámu'l-`Ulamá
> retorted:
> 
> 'That is to say you are the Mahdí, the Lord of Religion?'
> 
> 'Yes,' answered the Báb.
> 
> 'The same in person, or generically?'
> 
> 'In person.'
> 
> 'What is your name, and what are the names of your
> father and mother? Where is your birthplace? And how
> old are you?'
> 
> 'My name is `Alí Muḥammad,' answered the Báb. 'My
> mother was named Khadíja and my father Mírzá Riẓá the
> cloth-seller; my birth-place is Shíráz; and of my life,
> behold, thirty-five years have elapsed.'[DR]
> 
> 'The name of the Lord of Religion is Muḥammad; his
> father was named Ḥasan and his mother Narjis; his birthplace
> was Surra-man-Ra'a; and his age is more than a
> thousand years. There is the most complete variance. And
> besides I did not send you.'
> 
> 'Do you claim to be God?' asked the Báb.
> 
> 'Such an Imám is worthy of such a God,' replied Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá.
> 
> 'I can in one day write two thousand verses. Who else
> can do this?'
> 
> 'When I resided at the Supreme Shrines I had a secretary
> who used to write two thousand verses a day. Eventually
> he became blind. You must certainly give up this occupation,
> or else you too will go blind.'[6]
> 
> Even from these few quotations the absurdity of the trial
> may be seen.
> 
> The authors of Násikhu't-Taváríkh, the Supplement to
> Rawḍatu'ṣ-Ṣafá and Qiṣaṣu'l-`Ulamá took their material from[Pg 143]
> a tract written by the same Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá who presided
> over the tribunal in Tabríz. But Shaykh Muḥammad-Taqí,
> the son of Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání, and no less an
> opponent of the Faith of the Báb than his father, in a book
> written specifically to refute that Faith, took Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá
> to task for having perverted the truth. Shaykh
> Muḥammad-Taqí was himself present at the tribunal; in
> his book he underlined, one by one, Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá's
> misrepresentations. His testimony to the powers of the Báb,
> which he recorded despite his avowed, unrelenting antagonism,
> has recently been reprinted. Eventually, Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá
> collected as many copies as he could of his own tract
> and destroyed them.
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam states, on the authority of Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí,
> that the person most insolent in the course of
> that mock trial was Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání.[DS] The
> Báb was sitting between him and the Crown Prince, and
> when He affirmed that He was the Qá'im, whose advent
> they expected, Mullá Muḥammad called out in anger:
> 
> 'You wretched and immature lad of Shíráz! You have
> already convulsed and subverted `Iráq; do you now wish
> to arouse a like turmoil in Ádhirbáyján?'
> 
> The Báb's answer to his outburst was only this: 'Your
> Honour, I have not come hither of My own accord. I have
> been summoned to this place.'
> 
> Mullá Muḥammad, yet more haughty and disdainful,
> shouted back: 'Hold your peace, you perverse and contemptible
> follower of Satan!'
> 
> And the Báb replied serenely: 'Your Honour, I maintain
> what I have already declared.'
> 
> Then, according to Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá posed
> this challenge:
> 
> 'The claim which you have advanced is a stupendous one;
> [Pg 144]it must needs be supported by the most incontrovertible
> evidence.'
> 
> 'His own word,' said the Báb, 'is the most convincing
> evidence of the truth of the Mission of the Prophet of God.'
> And He quoted from the Qur'án a verse in support of His
> argument: '"Is it not enough for them that We have sent
> down to Thee the Book?"'[DT]
> 
> Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá rejoined: 'Describe orally, if you speak
> the truth, the proceedings of this gathering in language that
> will resemble the phraseology of the verses of the Qur'án
> so that the Valí-`Ahd [Crown Prince] and the assembled
> divines may bear witness to the truth of your claim.'
> 
> The Báb had spoken no more than a few words in response
> to this request when Mullá Muḥammad rudely
> intervened:
> 
> 'This self-appointed Qá'im of ours has at the very start
> of his address betrayed his ignorance of the most rudimentary
> rules of grammar!'
> 
> 'The Qur'án itself does in no wise accord with the rules
> and conventions current amongst men,' said the Báb. 'The
> Word of God can never be subject to the limitations of His
> creatures. Nay, the rules and canons which men have adopted
> have been deduced from the text of the Word of God and
> are based upon it. These men have, in the very texts of
> that holy Book, discovered no less than three hundred
> instances of grammatical error, such as the one you now
> criticise. Inasmuch as it was the Word of God, they had
> no other alternative except to resign themselves to His
> will.'
> 
> But Mullá Muḥammad turned a deaf ear to the Báb, and
> another divine interrupted with an absurd question about
> the tense of a verb. Then the Báb spoke this verse of the
> Qur'án: 'Far be the glory of thy Lord, the Lord of all greatness,
> from what they impute to Him, and peace be upon
> [Pg 145]His Apostles!' And He rose up from His seat and walked
> out.[DU][7]
> 
> Shortly after these proceedings, it was decided to inflict
> corporal punishment upon the Báb, and He was taken to the
> house of Muḥammad-Káẓim Khán, the farrásh-báshí.[DV] As
> the guards refused to carry out the sentence, Mírzá `Alí-Aṣghar,
> the Shaykhu'l-Islám, personally administered the
> bastinado. When the news reached Urúmíyyih that the Báb
> had been subjected to such indignity, many of those who
> had been attracted to His Faith abandoned it. In Tabríz,
> the Báb was seen by Dr. Cormick, an English physician, the
> only Westerner ever to have met Him. The Reverend Benjamin
> Labaree, D.D., of the American Presbyterian Mission[Pg 146]
> at Urúmíyyih, asked Dr. Cormick for the particulars of
> his visit. The English physician wrote in answer:
> 
> You ask me for some particulars of my interview with
> the founder of the sect known as Bábís. Nothing of any
> importance transpired in this interview, as the Báb was
> aware of my having been sent with two other Persian
> doctors to see whether he was of sane mind or merely a
> madman, to decide the question whether to put him to
> death or not. With this knowledge he was loth to answer
> any questions put to him. To all enquiries he merely
> regarded us with a mild look, chanting in a low melodious
> voice some hymns, I suppose. Two other Sayyids, his
> intimate friends, were also present, who subsequently
> were put to death with him,[DW] besides a couple of government
> officials. He only once deigned to answer me, on my
> saying that I was not a Musulmán and was willing to know
> something about his religion, as I might perhaps be
> inclined to adopt it. He regarded me very intently on my
> saying this, and replied that he had no doubt of all
> Europeans coming over to his religion. Our report to
> the Sháh at that time was of a nature to spare his life. He
> was put to death some time after by the order of the
> Amír-i-Niẓám Mírzá Taqí Khán. On our report he
> merely got the bastinado, in which operation a farrásh,
> whether intentionally or not, struck him across the face
> with the stick destined for his feet, which produced a
> great wound and swelling of the face. On being asked
> whether a Persian surgeon should be brought to treat
> him, he expressed a desire that I should be sent for, and
> I accordingly treated him for a few days, but in the
> interviews consequent on this I could never get him to
> have a confidential chat with me, as some Government
> people were always present, he being a prisoner.
> 
> He was very thankful for my attentions to him. He was
> [Pg 147]a very mild and delicate-looking man, rather small in
> stature and very fair for a Persian, with a melodious soft
> voice, which struck me much. Being a Sayyid, he was
> dressed in the habits of that sect, as were also his two
> companions. In fact his whole look and deportment went
> far to dispose one in his favour. Of his doctrine I heard
> nothing from his own lips, although the idea was that
> there existed in his religion a certain approach to Christianity.
> He was seen by some Armenian carpenters, who
> were sent to make some repairs in his prison, reading the
> Bible, and he took no pains to conceal it, but on the contrary
> told them of it. Most assuredly the Musulmán fanaticism
> does not exist in his religion, as applied to Christians,
> nor is there that restraint of females that now exists.[8]
> 
> It must have been sometime in the first days of August
> 1848 that the Báb was restored to Chihríq. From there, He
> addressed a letter to Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí:
> 
> O thou who hast disbelieved in God, and hast turned thy
> face away from His signs![9]
> 
> That letter, stern and unsparing, is known as the Khuṭbiy-i-Qahríyyih
> (Sermon of Wrath). The Báb sent it to Ḥujjat,
> who was still in Ṭihrán unable to return to his native town,
> to give it in person to the Grand Vizier. Hujjat carried out
> the task entrusted to him. By then Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí had
> fallen from power, to end his days in obscurity in `Iráq.
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh died on September 4th 1848.[DX] Less
> than a year later, Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí followed him to the grave.
> 
> [Pg 148]
> 
> CHAPTER 12
> 
> THAT MIDSUMMER NOON
> 
> Transcendent Star, past mortal ken
> 
> The glory of your Life through all the spheres
> 
> Bathes the unending vista of the years.
> 
> The radiance of the Light you brought to men
> 
> Has purified the planet's heart anew!
> 
> Your blood was poured upon its dearth like dew,
> 
> Ichor of God's decree, let each drop shed
> 
> Raise up the nations, and the living dead,
> 
> Revive the vision of the spirit's youth:
> 
> Auroral is the fountain of your Truth.
> 
> —Beatrice Irwin
> 
> The death of Muḥammad Sháh and the downfall of Ḥájí
> Mírzá Áqásí were events of far-reaching consequence. The
> new monarch was very young and inexperienced, while the
> man who now occupied the seat left vacant by the disappearance
> of Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí was capable and uncorrupted,
> but self-willed and headstrong. Mírzá Taqí Khán,
> the Amír-Niẓám (better known by his later title Amír-i-Kabír)
> had by sheer force of his abilities raised himself from
> humble origins to a position of power. His father had been
> a cook in the employment of the illustrious Qá'im-Maqám.
> And it had been that great minister who had first noticed
> high promise in the young Taqí. Although Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh now reigned over Írán, it was Mírzá Taqí Khán who
> ruled it.
> 
> Once again, within the confines of Chihríq, the Báb had
> uninterrupted communication with His followers. Mullá[Pg 149]
> Ádí Guzal, a native of Marághih (Ádh-rbáyján), acted as a
> courier, often traversing vast distances on foot. Decades
> later `Abdu'l-Bahá recalled a day when this indefatigable
> man arrived at Ṭihrán, dressed as a dervish and much travel-stained.
> Vaḥíd, on learning who he was and from whence he
> had come, bent low and kissed the mud-encrusted feet
> of the courier, for he had been in the presence of the
> Beloved.
> 
> One of this courier's journeys took him to Quddús, with
> the gift of a valuable pen-case and a silk turban sent by the
> Báb. And when Quddús and Mullá Ḥusayn and their companions
> died as martyrs in Mázindarán, the Báb chose this
> same faithful courier to go on pilgrimage in His stead to the
> land drenched with their blood. Thus Mullá Ádí Guzal
> was the first Bábí to set eyes on the scenes of that carnage.
> He was also, for two months, the Báb's personal attendant
> in the castle of Chihríq.[1]
> 
> Sulaymán Khán, the son of Yaḥyá Khán of Tabríz, was
> one of the prominent followers of the Báb who attained His
> presence in this castle, after making the journey in disguise.[DY]
> He had no liking for service at court, and had gone to
> `Iráq, to live under the shadow of the Shrine of Imám
> Ḥusayn. There he found himself attracted to the teachings
> of Siyyid Káẓim and, hearing later of the advent of the Báb,
> gave Him his allegiance. The news of the plight of his
> fellow-believers, who were hounded and besieged in Mázindarán,
> drew him back to his native land. He reached Ṭihrán
> dressed as a cleric. Mírzá Taqí Khán, however, made him
> discard his turban and long cloak, and forced him to wear
> a military uniform. But he could not prevail upon him to
> enter the service of the Government. Sulaymán Khán's
> primary purpose remained unfulfilled: to give aid to Quddús
> and the Bábu'l-Báb proved impossible, but his sudden[Pg 150]
> departure from Karbilá was not to be in vain, or barren of
> significant result.
> 
> Another visitor to Chihríq during the closing months of
> the life of the Báb was His uncle, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí.
> His life too was nearing its end, to be laid down in the path
> of his Nephew. Two years had passed since the day his
> Nephew bade him farewell in Shíráz, and Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid
> `Alí could no longer bear the pangs of separation. He settled
> his accounts, closed his books and took the road to Ádharbáyján.
> Having attained his heart's desire, he wrote to his
> brother, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, to help him see
> the truth of their Nephew's mission. His letter was written
> on the fifth day of Jamádíu'l-Úlá—the anniversary of the
> Declaration of the Báb. 'On such a day,' he told his brother,
> 'the resplendent Light of God shone forth.... This is the
> day of Resurrection ... the day to behold the Visage of
> God.'[2] The One promised, expected and awaited had indeed
> come, he asserted, and come with verses constituting the
> primal proof of all the Manifestations of God. He desired
> all the members of his family to see his letter. One cannot but
> marvel at the quality of devotion and certainty that this
> letter reveals.
> 
> To meet, after such a long interval, the uncle who had
> stood in loco parentis to Him when He was orphaned, must
> have given the Báb intense joy. But within a few months[DZ]
> of His uncle's visit, news came that brought Him unbearable
> sorrow. At Shaykh Ṭabarsí in Mázindarán a large number of
> His followers had been massacred, including nine of His
> first disciples, the Letters of the Living; amongst them
> were the Bábu'l-Báb who had first believed in Him, and
> Quddús, His companion on the journey to Ḥijáz, the beloved
> disciple whose primacy was unquestioned.
> 
> According to His amanuensis:
> 
> [Pg 151]
> 
> The Báb was heart-broken at the receipt of this unexpected
> intelligence. He was crushed with grief, a grief
> that stilled His voice and silenced His pen. For nine days
> He refused to meet any of His friends. I myself, though
> His close and constant attendant, was refused admittance.
> Whatever meat or drink we offered Him, He was disinclined
> to touch. Tears rained continually from His eyes,
> and expressions of anguish dropped unceasingly from
> His lips. I could hear Him, from behind the curtain,
> give vent to His feelings of sadness as He communed, in
> the privacy of His cell, with His Beloved. I attempted to
> jot down the effusions of His sorrow as they poured
> forth from His wounded heart. Suspecting that I was
> attempting to preserve the lamentations He uttered, He
> bade me destroy whatever I had recorded. Nothing remains
> of the moans and cries with which that heavy-laden
> heart sought to relieve itself of the pangs that had
> seized it. For a period of five months He languished,
> immersed in an ocean of despondency and sorrow.[3]
> 
> Conscious that His own life was fast approaching its end,
> the Báb put all His Writings, His pen-case, His seals and
> rings in a box which He entrusted to Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí,
> one of the Letters of the Living, with instructions to deliver
> it, together with a letter, to Mírzá Aḥmad-i-Kátib (Mullá
> `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní). Nabíl-i-A`ẓam writes:
> 
> Mullá Báqir departed forthwith for Qazvín. Within
> eighteen days he reached that town and was informed
> that Mírzá Aḥmad had departed for Qum. He left
> immediately for that destination and arrived towards the
> middle of the month of Sha`bán.[EA] I was then in Qum....
> I was living in the same house with Mírzá Aḥmad.... In
> those days Shaykh `Aẓím, Siyyid Ismá`íl, and a number
> of other companions likewise were dwelling with us.
> Mullá Báqir delivered the trust into the hands of Mírzá
> Aḥmad, who, at the insistence of Shaykh `Aẓím, opened it
> [Pg 152]before us. We marvelled when we beheld, among the
> things which that coffer contained, a scroll of blue paper,
> of the most delicate texture, on which the Báb, in His own
> exquisite handwriting, which was a fine shikastih script,
> had penned, in the form of a pentacle, what numbered
> about five hundred verses, all consisting of derivatives
> from the word 'Bahá'.[EB] That scroll was in a state of perfect
> preservation, was spotlessly clean.... So fine and
> intricate was the penmanship that, viewed at a distance,
> the writing appeared as a single wash of ink on the paper.
> We were overcome with admiration as we gazed upon a
> masterpiece which no calligraphist, we believed, could
> rival. That scroll was replaced in the coffer and handed
> back to Mírzá Aḥmad, who, on the very day he received
> it, proceeded to Ṭihrán. Ere he departed, he informed us
> that all he could divulge of that letter was the injunction
> that the trust was to be delivered into the hands of Jináb-i-Bahá[EC]
> in Ṭihrán.[4]
> 
> It was also during the last few months of His life that the
> Báb composed the Arabic Bayán, which, in the estimation of
> Nicolas, is the epitome of the teachings of the Báb.
> 
> The man who took the decision to have the Báb executed
> was Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Grand Vizier of Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh.
> His obdurate nature brooked no opposition. Mírzá Áqá
> Khán-i-Núrí, who had a ministerial post, made a faint protest,
> but his voice went unheeded. Orders were sent to
> Ḥamzih Mírzá, the Ḥishmatu'd-Dawlih, Governor-General
> of Ádharbáyján, to bring the Báb to Tabríz. When these were
> carried out further orders came from the Grand Vizier,
> brought by no less a person than his brother, Mírzá Ḥasan
> Khán, the Vazír Nizám. They were to the effect that the Báb
> should be executed by a firing squad, in full public view.
> [Pg 153]Ḥishmatu'd-Dawlih refused absolutely to be associated in
> any way with such a dastardly action. His response was: 'I am
> neither Ibn-i-Zíyád nor Ibn-i-Sa`d[ED] that he should call upon
> me to slay an innocent descendant of the Prophet of God.'[5]
> 
> The Grand Vizier, on being informed by Mírzá Ḥasan
> Khán of this refusal, instructed his brother to carry out the
> orders under his own authority. Divested of His turban and
> sash which indicated His lineage, the Báb and His attendants
> were taken on foot to the barracks, from the house
> which the Governor had put at their disposal. On the way to
> the citadel, a youth, barefoot and dishevelled, threw himself
> at the feet of the Báb, beseeching Him: 'Send me not
> from Thee, O Master. Wherever Thou goest, suffer me to
> follow Thee.' To this the Báb replied: 'Muḥammad-`Alí,
> arise, and rest assured that you will be with Me. Tomorrow
> you shall witness what God has decreed.'[6]
> 
> This youth, Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Zunúzí, had long
> been devoted to the Báb, but his stepfather[EE] had used every
> subterfuge to prevent him from meeting the Báb and voicing
> his allegiance, even going to the length of locking him up
> in his own house. Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí was related to the
> family, and thus had access to Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí.
> Visiting him one day, Shaykh Ḥasan found the youth transformed,
> no longer wretched and bemoaning his fate, but
> happy and at peace. 'The eyes of my Beloved,' he told
> Shaykh Ḥasan, 'have beheld this face, and these eyes have
> gazed upon His countenance.' He then recounted an
> experience he had had:
> 
> Let me tell you the secret of my happiness. After the Báb
> had been taken back to Chihríq,[EF] one day, as I lay confined
> [Pg 154]in my cell, I turned my heart to Him and besought Him in
> these words: 'Thou beholdest, O my Best-Beloved, my
> captivity and helplessness, and knowest how eagerly I
> yearn to look upon Thy face. Dispel the gloom that
> oppresses my heart, with the light of Thy countenance.'
> What tears of agonising pain I shed that hour! I was so
> overcome with emotion that I seemed to have lost
> consciousness. Suddenly I heard the voice of the Báb, and,
> lo! He was calling me. He bade me arise. I beheld the
> majesty of His countenance as He appeared before me.
> He smiled as He looked into my eyes. I rushed forward
> and flung myself at His feet. 'Rejoice,' He said; 'the hour
> is approaching when, in this very city, I shall be suspended
> before the eyes of the multitude and shall fall a victim
> to the fire of the enemy. I shall choose no one except you
> to share with Me the cup of martyrdom. Rest assured that
> this promise which I give you shall be fulfilled.'[7]
> 
> Now, two years later, in a thoroughfare of Tabríz, Mírzá
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Zunúzí received the same promise and
> assurance from the Báb.
> 
> That night the Báb was joyous. He knew that on the
> following day He would quaff the cup of martyrdom. He
> also knew that His Mission on this earth was totally accomplished,
> despite fierce opposition mounted by the divines
> and rulers of the land, and despite the tyrannies and indignities
> to which He had been mercilessly subjected. No
> power had succeeded in quenching the flame of faith which
> His Word had set ablaze. He had knowingly sacrificed His
> life for the sake of the Redeemer promised unto all Faiths.
> The near advent of 'Him Whom God shall make manifest'
> (Man-Yuẓhiruhu'lláh) had been His constant theme. He
> had made the acceptance of His own Book—the mighty
> Bayán—dependent upon the good pleasure of 'Him Whom
> God shall make manifest', Whom He had addressed in the
> early days of His Ministry:
> 
> [Pg 155]
> 
> O Thou Remnant of God! I have sacrificed myself wholly
> for Thee; I have accepted curses for Thy sake, and have
> yearned for naught but martyrdom in the path of Thy
> love.[8]
> 
> And now on this night—His last on earth—He was happy
> and contented. He told the faithful disciples who were with
> Him that He preferred to meet His death at the hand of a
> friend rather than at the hands of enemies, and invited them
> to fulfil His wish. Among those men who so dearly loved
> Him, only Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí dared to undertake that
> fearsome task, but his companions restrained him. 'This
> same youth who has risen to comply with My wish,' the
> Báb said, 'will, together with Me, suffer martyrdom. Him
> will I choose to share with Me its crown.' And He added:
> 'Verily Muḥammad-`Alí will be with Us in Paradise.'[9]
> 
> Jesus was crucified with two criminals, and St. Luke tells
> us:
> 
> And one of the malefactors which were hanged railed
> on him, saying, If thou be Christ, save thyself and us.
> 
> But the other answering rebuked him, saying, Dost not
> thou fear God, seeing thou art in the same condemnation?
> 
> And we indeed justly; for we receive the due reward
> of our deeds: but this man hath done nothing amiss.
> 
> And he said unto Jesus, Lord, remember me when thou
> comest into thy kingdom.
> 
> And Jesus said unto him, Verily I say unto thee, To day
> shalt thou be with me in paradise.[EG]
> 
> In the morning they took the Báb to the homes of the
> leading divines: Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání, Mullá
> Murtiḍá-Qulíy-i-Marandí and Mírzá Báqir, to obtain the
> death-warrants. These men needed no inducement: they
> had the warrants written, signed and sealed, ready to[Pg 156]
> deliver to the farrásh-báshí, and did not even deign to
> show their faces to the Prisoner.
> 
> Again we are reminded of St. Luke:
> 
> And the men that held Jesus mocked him, and smote
> him.
> 
> And when they had blindfolded him, they struck him
> on the face, and asked him, saying, Prophesy, who is it
> that smote thee?
> 
> And many other things blasphemously spake they
> against him.
> 
> And as soon as it was day, the elders of the people and
> the chief priests and the scribes came together, and led
> him into their council, saying,
> 
> Art thou the Christ? tell us. And he said unto them, If
> I tell you, ye will not believe:
> 
> And if I also ask you, ye will not answer me, nor let
> me go.
> 
> Hereafter shall the Son of man sit on the right hand of
> the power of God.
> 
> Then said they all, Art thou then the Son of God?
> And he said unto them, Ye say that I am.
> 
> And they said, What need we any further witness? for
> we ourselves have heard of his own mouth.[EH]
> 
> The stepfather of Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí now made an
> attempt to save him. Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí and his brother,
> at the instructions of the Báb Himself, had recanted so that
> they could take to the followers of the Báb His last words
> and wishes. Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí refused all blandishments,
> declared his desire to die with his Master, and told
> Mullá Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání to his face: 'I am not mad.
> Such a charge should rather be brought against you who
> have sentenced to death a man no less holy than the promised
> Qá'im. He is not a fool who has embraced His Faith
> and is longing to shed his blood in His path.'[10] His
> young[Pg 157]
> child was brought to him. They thought that, perchance,
> the sight of the boy might soften his heart. But Mírzá
> Muḥammad-`Alí's resolve remained unshaken. God would
> provide for his child and protect him.
> 
> So at noon they led the Báb and His disciple to the square
> in front of the citadel of Tabríz. Sám Khán, the commander
> of the Armenian regiment detailed to execute them, was ill
> at ease. The Prisoner looked kind and compassionate. For
> what crime was He to be put to death? Unable to still the
> voice of his conscience, Sám Khán approached the Báb:
> 'I profess the Christian Faith and entertain no ill will against
> you. If your Cause be the Cause of Truth, enable me to free
> myself from the obligation to shed your blood.' To this
> the Báb replied: 'Follow your instructions, and if your
> intention be sincere, the Almighty is surely able to relieve
> you from your perplexity.'[11]
> 
> The Báb and His disciple were suspended by ropes from
> a nail in the wall, the head of Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí
> resting on the breast of the Báb. Seven hundred and fifty
> soldiers were positioned in three files. Roofs of the buildings
> around teemed with spectators.
> 
> Each row of soldiers fired in turn. The smoke from so
> many rifles clouded the scene. When it lifted the Báb was
> not there. Only His disciple could be seen, standing under
> the nail in the wall, smiling and unconcerned. Bullets had
> only severed the ropes with which they were suspended.
> Cries rang out from the onlookers: 'The Siyyid-i-Báb has
> gone from our sight!'
> 
> A frantic search followed. The Báb was found, sitting
> in the same room where He had been lodged the night before,
> in conversation with His amanuensis. That conversation had
> been interrupted earlier in the day. Now it was finished and
> He told the farrásh-báshí to carry out his duty. But the
> farrásh-báshí was terror-stricken and ran away, nor did he
> ever return to his post. Sám Khán, for his part, told his[Pg 158]
> superiors that he had carried out the task given to him; he
> would not attempt it a second time. So Áqá Ján Khán-i-Khamsih
> and his Náṣirí regiment replaced the Armenians,
> and the Báb and His disciple were suspended once again
> at the same spot.
> 
> Now the Báb addressed the multitude gathered to see Him
> die:
> 
> Had you believed in Me, O wayward generation, every
> one of you would have followed the example of this youth,
> who stood in rank above most of you, and willingly
> would have sacrificed himself in My path. The day will
> come when you will have recognised Me; that day I shall
> have ceased to be with you.[12]
> 
> And St. Luke relates:
> 
> And there followed him a great company of people,
> and of women, which also bewailed and lamented him.
> 
> But Jesus turning unto them said, Daughters of Jerusalem,
> weep not for me, but weep for yourselves, and for
> your children.
> 
> For, behold, the days are coming, in the which they
> shall say, Blessed are the barren, and the wombs that
> never bare, and the paps which never gave suck.
> 
> Then shall they begin to say to the mountains, Fall on
> us; and to the hills, Cover us.[EI]
> 
> The Náṣirí regiment fired. The bodies of the Báb and His
> disciple were shattered, and their flesh was united. But the
> face of the Báb was untouched. Then a storm descended
> upon Tabríz. Tempestuous winds blew and dust darkened
> the skies, and the skies remained dark, until the darkness of
> the day merged into the darkness of the night.
> 
> And it was about the sixth hour, and there was a darkness
> over all the earth until the ninth hour.
> 
> [Pg 159]
> 
> And the sun was darkened, and the veil of the temple
> was rent in the midst.
> 
> And when Jesus had cried with a loud voice, he said,
> Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit: and having
> said thus, he gave up the ghost.[EJ]
> 
> Thus at noon, one midsummer day—Sunday July 9th
> 1850[EK]—they put to death a Manifestation of God, just as at
> noon, centuries before, another Manifestation of God was
> slain.
> 
> When night fell, they dragged the bodies through the
> streets of Tabríz, and threw them on the edge of the moat
> surrounding the city. Soldiers were stationed there to guard
> over them, lest the Bábís attempt to retrieve the precious
> remains. Not far away, two Bábís, feigning madness, kept
> vigil throughout the night.
> 
> Next morning the Russian Consul took an artist with him
> to make a drawing of the remains of the Báb.
> 
> Sulaymán Khán, that loyal disciple who attained the
> presence of the Báb in Chihríq, reached Tabríz the day after
> His martyrdom. He had intended to rescue his Master. But
> that was not to be. Now, he went straightway to Ḥájí
> Mírzá Mihdí Khán, the Kalántar (Mayor) of Tabríz, who
> was a friend of long standing, and told him that he had
> decided to dare everything that very night and carry the
> bodies away by a surprise attack on the soldiers guarding
> them on the edge of the moat. The Kalántar told Sulaymán
> Khán to withdraw for the moment and assured him that
> there was a much safer and more reliable way to achieve
> his purpose.
> 
> There was in Tabríz a certain Ḥájí Alláh-Yár, a confidant
> of the Kalántar, well-known for his exploits. Instructed by[Pg 160]
> the Kalántar, Ḥájí Alláh-Yár used such means as he knew
> best to take the bodies away from under the eyes of the
> soldiers. He delivered the remains to Sulaymán Khán, who
> had them moved to the silk factory of Ḥájí Aḥmad, a Bábí
> of Mílán. There they were enshrouded and hidden under the
> bales of silk. Next day a casket was made to contain them,
> and they were sent away to safety. Ḥájí Alláh-Yár refused to
> accept any reward for his service.[13]
> 
> Soldiers reported the disappearance of the bodies. Wild
> beasts had devoured the remains, they alleged, while they
> slept. And the divines gave credence to that story and
> shouted for joy. What better proof could there be to show
> how false the Siyyid-i-Báb was? Beasts do not, cannot
> consume the remains of the Imám.[EL]
> 
> [Pg 161]
> 
> CHAPTER 13
> 
> THE DAWN-BREAKERS
> 
> Knowest thou what the seekers of life should seek?
> 
> Death—and submitting cast their lives at the
> 
> Beloved's feet.
> 
> He who towards Ka`bah his steps directs
> 
> Should not heed the wounding thorn in deserts forlorn.
> 
> —`Azízu'lláh Miṣbáḥ
> 
> The Báb appeared in a country renowned for a glorious
> and envied past; but since the beginning of the nineteenth
> century Írán had declined rapidly. The structure of the State
> had begun to falter under the Ṣafavid dynasty (1501-1732),
> enjoying only a brief revival in the next two reigns.[EM] But by
> the middle of the nineteenth century, Persia was materially
> impoverished, intellectually stagnant, spiritually moribund.
> The condition of the peasantry was appalling. Corruption
> had eaten deep into the vitals of the nation and oppression
> and tyranny were widespread. It is said that every man has
> his price; the adage was particularly true of the Persians of
> the mid-nineteenth century. Offices of State and governorships
> were shamelessly bought and sold. Taxes and customs
> revenues were farmed. Bribery, peculation and extortion
> were legitimized under the respectable name of Madákhil
> (Perquisites). Historic cities and buildings were falling
> into ruin. Many a traveller has remarked on the magnificent
> aspect of famous cities, towns and villages when seen from
> afar, with their domes and minarets, citadels and gateways,[Pg 162]
> groves and orchards; but how miserable and dilapidated
> they were found to be when one entered them. The toll of
> disease and neglect and insecurity had reduced the population
> of a country with an area the size of Western Europe
> to well below ten million.
> 
> The burden of a semi-feudal state was indeed onerous,
> and no less so was the burden of the dominance established
> by the divines. Certainly, they had in their ranks men of the
> calibre and quality of Shaykh Aḥmad-i-Aḥsá'í, Siyyid
> Káẓim-i-Rashtí, Ḥájí Siyyid Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí[EN]
> and Shaykh Murtiḍáy-i-Anṣárí, men who had high regard
> for truth and righteousness; just as there were in the service
> of the State men of enlightened vision and shining integrity.
> But collectively the divines abused the power they had
> obtained with the advent of the Ṣafavid dynasty.
> 
> The fall of a nation from the pinnacle of achievement is
> more marked than the decline from lesser heights.
> 
> The Call to a New Day
> 
> The Call of the Báb was a call to awakening, a claim that
> a New Day had dawned. But the magnitude of this claim
> was not easily realized; one of the first to do so was Qurratu'l-`Ayn.
> When Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí was condemned and
> imprisoned in Baghdád, she was still at Karbilá. Because
> of complaints by the Shí`ah divines, the Government sent
> her back to Baghdád, where she lodged in the house of
> Shaykh Muḥammad Shibl, the father of Áqá Muḥammad
> Muṣṭafáy-i-Baghdádí, until the Government moved her to
> the house of the Muftí of Baghdád.[EO] So outspoken was she in
> her public statements that some of her fellow-believers from
> Káẓimayn were alarmed and, according to Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá,
> agitated against her. Siyyid `Alí Bishr, the[Pg 163]
> most learned of them, wrote a letter on their behalf to the
> Báb, which Nawrúz-`Alí, once an attendant of Siyyid
> Káẓim, took to Him in Máh-Kú, returning with His answer
> which rang with high praise of Qurratu'l-`Ayn. It caused
> Siyyid `Alí Bishr and his party from Káẓimayn[EP] to withdraw
> from the Faith they had previously espoused with enthusiasm.
> The Báb described Qurratu'l-`Ayn, in that Epistle,
> as Ṭáhirih, the Pure, and Ṣiddíqih, the Truthful, and laid an
> injunction on His followers in `Iráq to accept without question
> whatever she might pronounce, for they were not in a
> position to understand and appreciate her station. By this
> time a large number of Bábís had assembled in Baghdád,
> and Qurratu'l-`Ayn was constantly and openly teaching the
> Faith. She had received a copy of the Commentary on the
> Súrih of Kawthar, which the Báb had revealed for Vaḥíd,
> and she made full use of it, driving the opposing divines to
> desperation. When she threw down a challenge to them to
> debate the issue with her, their only reply was vehement
> denunciation.
> 
> Najíb Páshá was still at his post as Válí of Baghdád, but
> he was now a chastened man. Moreover, the opponents of
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn were the Shí`ah divines and Najíb Páshá,
> being a Sunní, would take no action to please them, but
> he reported to the Sublime Porte that Qurratu'l-`Ayn had
> challenged them. The authorities in Constantinople were
> also not prepared to give comfort to Shí`ahs by making a
> martyr of Qurratu'l-`Ayn. At the same time they had no
> wish to champion her cause. They told Najíb Páshá that,
> as Qurratu'l-`Ayn was Persian, she should confine her
> challenge to the divines of her native land; she should be
> sent to Persia.[EQ] So Qurratu'l-`Ayn (or Ṭáhirih as we shall[Pg 164]
> call her), accompanied by a number of ardent and prominent
> Bábís,[1] quitted Baghdád and was escorted to the frontier
> by Muḥammad Áqá Yávar, an officer in the service of Najíb
> Páshá, who became attracted to the Cause she was advocating.
> 
> Various eventful stops were made by Ṭáhirih and her
> companions in their journey across Persia to Qazvín. In the
> small town of Kirand, her eloquence and the clarity of her
> disquisition so impressed the chiefs of that area that they
> offered to place twelve thousand men under her command, to
> follow her wherever she went. The great majority (if not
> all) of the inhabitants of Kirand and its neighbourhood were
> `Alíyu'lláhís. Ṭáhirih gave them her blessing, told them to
> keep to their homes, and moved on to Kirmánsháh. The
> challenge she presented to Áqá `Abdu'lláh-i-Bihbihání, the
> leading divine of that town, thoroughly discomfited him.
> With the populace clamouring for a positive answer, and
> the Governor treating Ṭáhirih with great respect, the cornered
> divine sought to free himself from his dilemma by
> writing to her father in Qazvín, asking him to send some of
> his close relatives to remove her from Kirmánsháh. Áqá
> Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá, himself an eye-witness, vividly describes
> how four men came from Qazvín, joined forces with
> a Qazvíní officer stationed in Kirmánsháh, invaded the
> house where Ṭáhirih's companions resided, and beat and
> robbed them of all they possessed. When the Governor
> learned what had happened, he ordered the arrest of the
> culprits and restored to the Bábís their property. It was soon
> known that Áqá `Abdu'lláh had conspired to bring about
> this situation.
> 
> From Kirmánsháh, Ṭáhirih and her companions moved
> on to fresh scenes of triumph in the small town of Ṣaḥnih,
> before reaching Hamadán. Here her brothers arrived from
> Qazvín to beg her to return with them to their native place.
> She agreed on condition that she should stay in Hamadán[Pg 165]
> long enough to make the public cognizant of the Faith of
> the Báb. During her days in Hamadán, she issued a challenge
> to Ra'ísu'l-`Ulamá, the leading divine of the city, whose
> response was to have the bearer of her treatise, Mullá
> Ibráhím-i-Maḥallátí, himself a distinguished divine, beaten
> and thrown out of his house. Mullá Ibráhím lingered between
> life and death for some days, and although he recovered, his
> martyrdom was not far off. This reverse was outweighed by
> Ṭáhirih's success in converting two ladies of the Royal
> Family, married to scions of the aristocracy of Hamadán,
> and even more significant were her talks with two of the
> most learned Jewish rabbis,[ER] which led to attracting members
> of the Jewish Faith to the Bábí fold.[ES] Hamadán, flourishing
> on the site of ancient Ecbatana, is the city where the tombs
> of Esther and Mordecai are situated.
> 
> As promised, Ṭáhirih then left for Qazvín in the company
> of her brothers. Before departing, she asked most of the
> Arab Bábís, who were with her, to return to `Iráq. Only a
> few stayed behind, to join her later in Qazvín, but within a
> month she requested all of her fellow-believers, Arab and
> Persian alike, who had travelled with her, to leave her native
> town. Of the large company who had come from `Iráq,
> attending and supporting her, only Mullá Ibráhím-i-Maḥallátí
> and Shaykh Ṣáliḥ-al-Karímí remained with her in
> Qazvín.
> 
> [Pg 166]
> 
> Three of the others[ET] went on to Ṭihrán, where they met
> the Bábu'l-Báb. In April 1890, Edward Granville Browne,
> returning from `Akká, met one of them, Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá,
> in Beirut and inquired about that meeting and the
> appearance of Mullá Ḥusayn. He learned that the Bábu'l-Báb
> was
> 
> Lean and fragile to look at, but keen and bright as the
> sword which never left his side.[EU] For the rest, he was not
> more than thirty or thirty-five years old, and his raiment
> was white.[2]
> 
> At Qazvín, Ṭáhirih refused to be reunited with her husband
> and went to her father's house. Her impetuous uncle,
> Ḥájí Mullá Taqí, felt greatly insulted and his wrath knew no
> bounds. His denunciation of those whom he considered to
> be responsible for his daughter-in-law's waywardness became
> fiercer than ever before. Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid Káẓim
> were the particular targets of his vilification. Then, one
> morning at dawn, he was found in the mosque, fatally
> stabbed. Immediately the Bábís were accused of his murder,
> and even Ṭáhirih was considered guilty, was kept under
> close watch, and her life was in danger. Although a Shírází[3]
> confessed that he had slain Ḥájí Mullá Taqí because of his
> rabid animosity towards Shaykh Aḥmad and Siyyid Káẓim,
> three Bábís, totally innocent of the crime, were put to death—Shaykh
> Ṣáliḥ-al-Karímí in Ṭihrán, and Mullá Ibráhím-i-Maḥallatí
> and Mullá Ṭáhir in Qazvín. These three were the
> first martyrs of the Bábí Faith in Persia itself, and their
> deaths constituted the first public execution of Bábís.[EV]
> [Pg 167]Ḥájí Asadu'lláh, a well-known merchant of the Farhádí
> family, was also martyred, while in prison, by partisans
> of Ṭáhirih's husband, the Imám-Jum`ih of Qazvín, and a
> report was circulated that he had died from natural causes.
> 
> Ṭáhirih was now totally isolated. Bahá'u'lláh gave the
> task of rescuing her to Mírzá Hádí, the nephew of the martyred
> Ḥájí Asadu'lláh. This young man, who had left
> Qazvín at the outset of agitation against the Bábís, returned
> at the risk of his life and successfully carried out his mission.
> Ṭáhirih reached Ṭihrán in safety. Thus it was that she could
> be at the conference of Badasht, where she rendered her
> most signal service to the Faith of the Báb.
> 
> The Conference of Badasht
> 
> The gathering of the Bábís at Badasht coincided with the
> removal of the Báb, from the castle of Chihríq to Tabríz,
> for His public examination. Contrary to certain allegations,
> the Bábís did not congregate in Badasht to concert plans to
> rescue Him. They came there, guided by Bahá'u'lláh, to
> settle a vital and cardinal issue: was this persuasion of theirs
> just an offshoot of Islám, or was it an independent Faith?
> Until then no public claim had been made that the Báb,
> as the Qá'im of the House of Muḥammad, was an Inaugurator
> of a new theophany. Strange it seems, in perspective,
> that about the time when a decision was being reached in
> a tiny hamlet on the edge of Khurásán, hundreds of miles
> away in the city of Tabríz, the Báb was announcing His
> station before a tribunal summoned to question Him.[EW]
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá states that Bahá'u'lláh and Quddús had
> agreed that the time had come to declare the advent of a new
> Dispensation.[4] However, there were faint hearts in the Báb[Pg 168]í
> ranks, as events were to prove. Ṭáhirih had met opposition
> from fellow-Bábís because she had always been bold enough
> to assert that this was indeed a new day. Any announcement
> at Badasht would have to be emphatic and unhedged, to
> make a persuasive impact. And this it was, in a most dramatic
> way.
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh had rented three gardens in Badasht: Quddús
> lived in one, Ṭáhirih in the second, and Bahá'u'lláh had a
> tent pitched in the third. Other Bábís, among whom were a
> number of the Letters of the Living such as Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí,
> the brother-in-law of Ṭáhirih, and Mullá Báqir-i-Tabrízí,
> lived under tents in the grounds facing the three
> gardens.[EX]
> 
> During the three weeks of the conference, argument and
> counter-argument were put forward, and differences of view
> and approach arose between Quddús and Ṭáhirih. At last
> it was Ṭáhirih's unheard-of gesture, courageous beyond
> belief and description, followed by Bahá'u'lláh's decisive
> intervention, which made clear to all that a new Dispensation
> had begun. Ṭáhirih's brave act was to cast aside her veil.
> Men were shaken to the depths of their being to see her
> thus. Some fled with horror from the scene. One, in
> desperation, tried to cut his throat. When the uproar subsided,
> Bahá'u'lláh called for a copy of the Qur'án and
> directed a reciter to read the fifty-sixth súrih, 'al-Wáqi`a':[EY]
> 
> When the inevitable day of judgment shall suddenly
> come, no soul shall charge the prediction of its coming
> with falsehood: it will abase some, and exalt others. When
> [Pg 169]the earth shall be shaken with a violent shock; and the
> mountains shall be dashed in pieces, and shall become as
> dust scattered abroad; and ye shall be separated into three
> distinct classes: the companions of the right hand (how
> happy shall the companions of the right hand be!), and
> the companions of the left hand (how miserable shall the
> companions of the left hand be!), and those who have
> preceded others in the faith shall precede them to paradise.
> These are they who shall approach near unto God: they
> shall dwell in gardens of delight.
> 
> At Badasht the faint-hearted fell away. And when those
> who had remained steadfast left the hamlet it was to go out
> into a world, for them, greatly changed. That change was in
> a sense a reflection of the transformation they had experienced.
> They were determined to assert their freedom
> from the fetters of the past. In a country tightly wedded to
> blind, rigid orthodoxy, the deportment of the Bábís would
> arouse bitter hostility. There were Bábís, undoubtedly, who
> in their newly-found consciousness of emancipation, committed
> repellent excesses, and they deserved rejection by
> their fellow-countrymen. But for the majority, the animosity
> now directed against them created a situation which was new,
> and in turn required counter-measures to ensure their very
> existence. The opposition they had met in the past was
> sporadic, and not nation-wide, depending on the character,
> influence and power of the leaders, directors and instigators
> of such opposition, in any particular locality. The open
> welcome which the Bab had received when He reached Iṣfahán,
> following the barbaric treatment He had suffered at
> the hands of the Governor-General and the divines of Fárs;
> the enthusiasm and eagerness with which the people had, at
> first, greeted Him both in Tabríz and Urúmíyyih; the friendly
> reception which Quddús had found in Kirmán, after being
> humiliated in Shíráz; the reverence shown conspicuously
> to Ṭáhirih in Kirand and Kirmánsháh; the respect and kindly[Pg 170]
> attention accorded to the Bábu'l-Báb by Ḥamzih Mírzá, the
> Governor-General of Khurásán[EZ]—all were to become only
> memories, sadly lacking counterparts in the era whose
> opening was marked by the Báb's public declaration of His
> station as the promised Qá'im during His examination at
> Tabríz, the echoing affirmation of the dawning of a new and
> independent religious Dispensation at the conference of
> Badasht, and by the death of Muḥammad Sháh.
> 
> Hardly had the conference of Badasht ended when the
> people of the village of Níyálá attacked the Bábís. Nabíl-i-A`ẓam
> heard the story from Bahá'u'lláh Himself:
> 
> We were all gathered in the village of Níyálá and were
> resting at the foot of a mountain, when, at the hour of
> dawn, we were suddenly awakened by the stones which
> the people of the neighbourhood were hurling upon us
> from the top of the mountain. The fierceness of their attack
> induced our companions to flee in terror and consternation.
> I clothed Quddús in my own garments and despatched
> him to a place of safety, where I intended to
> join him. When I arrived, I found that he had gone.
> None of our companions had remained in Níyálá except
> Ṭáhirih and a young man from Shíráz, Mírzá `Abdu'lláh.
> The violence with which we were assailed had brought
> desolation into our camp. I found no one into whose
> custody I could deliver Ṭáhirih except that young man,
> who displayed on that occasion a courage and determination
> that were truly surprising. Sword in hand, undaunted
> by the savage assault of the inhabitants of the village, who
> had rushed to plunder our property, he sprang forward
> to stay the hand of the assailants. Though himself
> wounded in several parts of his body, he risked his life
> to protect our property. I bade him desist from his act.
> [Pg 171]When the tumult had subsided, I approached a number
> of the inhabitants of the village and was able to convince
> them of the cruelty and shamefulness of their behaviour.
> I subsequently succeeded in restoring a part of our plundered
> property.[5]
> 
> The Episode of Shaykh Ṭabarsí
> 
> It was mid-July 1848 when the Bábís were scattered by
> the assault of the villagers of Níyálá. They took different
> routes, but many of them came together again. Bahá'u'lláh
> travelled to Núr, His home in Mázindarán. Quddús was
> arrested and taken to the town of Sárí, also in Mázindarán,
> where he was lodged, under restraint, in the home of Mírzá
> Muḥammad-Taqí, the leading divine. Ṭáhirih also went to
> the same province, and she too was arrested. Later, she was
> sent to the capital and was given into the charge of Maḥmúd
> Khán, the Kalántar (Mayor) of Ṭihrán, who detained her
> until the hour of her martyrdom in August 1852.
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn, whose visit to the camp of Ḥamzih Mírzá
> had prevented him from attending the conference of
> Badasht, had in the meantime returned to Mashhad, and
> intended to go to Karbilá. But an emissary of the Báb
> overtook him with an urgent message. The Báb had conferred
> on him the name of Siyyid `Alí, had sent him a green
> turban of His own to wear, and had instructed him to go to
> the aid of Quddús with the Black Standard unfurled before
> him—the Standard of which the Prophet Muḥammad had
> said:
> 
> Should your eyes behold the Black Standards proceeding
> from Khurásán, hasten ye towards them, even though ye
> should have to crawl over the snow, inasmuch as they
> proclaim the advent of the promised Mihdí, the Vicegerent
> of God.[6]
> 
> Mullá Ḥusayn began his long march to Mázindarán to
> rescue Quddús, accompanied by many of the Bábís who had[Pg 172]
> scattered after the incident in Níyálá, and some of the newly-converted
> who ranged themselves behind the Black Standard.
> Their numbers, on that journey, swelled into hundreds.
> On their way they raised the call of the New Day, finding
> eager supporters, but also such venomous hostility that they
> could not take residence in any town or village. Yet they
> did not intend to engage in combat with anyone, let alone
> the forces of the State. They were only demonstrating their
> belief and their vision.
> 
> As they approached Bárfurúsh, its leading divine, Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá,
> was so vituperative in denouncing Mullá Ḥusayn
> that the whole town rose up to oppose the Bábís. Clashes
> and casualties were inevitable. Mullá Ḥusayn himself, in
> the fray, cut through the trunk of a tree and the barrel of a
> gun, in one stroke of his sword, to fell an adversary.[FA] The
> people of Bárfurúsh were worsted and asked for a truce, and
> because of their unrest, their leaders begged Mullá Ḥusayn
> to leave on the morrow for Ámul. `Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Láríjání,
> whom Nicolas names as 'the chief military personage
> of the province,'[7] gave Mullá Ḥusayn a solemn
> promise, fortified by an oath on the Qur'án, that Khusraw-i-Qádí-Kalá'í
> and his horsemen would escort the Bábís to
> safety through the forests. This military chief impressed
> on Khusraw the need to do his duty by Mullá Ḥusayn, and
> to show him respect and consideration. But Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá
> corrupted Khusraw by telling him that he personally would
> accept responsibility before God and man for any injury,
> or even death, that might be inflicted on the Bábís. Once in[Pg 173]
> the depths of the forest, Khusraw and his hundred men
> treacherously attacked the Bábís. He received his desert
> at the hands of a man[FB] of learning, not a hardened trooper,
> who at the first opportunity stabbed and killed Khusraw
> with a dagger.
> 
> The Grand Vizier was particularly irked and infuriated
> that the Bábís could defeat and put to flight his force,
> although, for the most part, they were untrained in the arts
> of war. True, one could find in their ranks men such as
> Riḍá Khán-i-Turkamán,[FC] an accomplished young courtier,
> whose father was the Master of the Horse in the royal
> establishment. But these were exceptions. The vast majority
> were artisans, small traders, merchants, students of theology,
> divines.
> 
> Khusraw's treachery and death, and raids by hostile
> villagers on the exposed flanks of the Bábí camp, forced
> Mullá Ḥusayn to seek a place where the Bábís could be
> safely lodged. Arriving on October 12th 1848 at the shrine
> of Shaykh Aḥmad ibn-i-Abí-Ṭálib-i-Ṭabarsí, about fourteen
> miles south-east of Bárfurúsh, he gave orders for the construction
> of a fortress round the shrine, under the supervision
> of the builder of the Bábíyyih in Mashhad (see p. 56).
> They were harassed at every stage by neighbouring villagers
> and had often to defend themselves. No sooner was their
> work finished than they received a visit from Bahá'u'lláh,
> who advised Mullá Ḥusayn to seek the release of Quddús,
> that he might be with them. This mission was soon accomplished
> and, towards the end of that year, Quddús joined
> them in the newly-built fortress, to be acknowledged by
> Mullá Ḥusayn as above him in rank.
> 
> On January 30th 1849, Lt.-Col. Farrant, then chargé
> d'affaires in Ṭihrán, reported to Lord Palmerston that some
> five hundred persons, 'disciples of a Fanatic, who calls[Pg 174]
> himself the door, or gate of the true Mahomedan Religion',
> had assembled in Mázindarán, that fighting had broken
> out, and that `Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Láríjání had been ordered
> to proceed to that province and arrest the leaders.[9]
> 
> The Bábís would gladly have lived peacefully within the
> four walls they had erected around the shrine of Shaykh
> Ṭabarsí. But the continuous clamouring of the divines, led
> by Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá of Bárfurúsh, and the despotic, obstinate
> and haughty nature of the Grand Vizier, combined to deny
> them peace and security. One army after another was sent
> to reduce them. In sorties from their fortress they inflicted
> heavy losses on the besieging forces, causing commanders
> to flee for their lives. Some of the commanders[FD] died on the
> battlefield, while Quddús, during one of the sorties, received
> a bullet wound in his mouth.
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh, accompanied by His brother Mírzá Yaḥyá,
> with Ḥájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán, and Mullá Báqir of Tabríz
> (one of the Letters of the Living), set out from Ṭihrán
> to join the defenders of Shaykh Ṭabarsí, but they were
> intercepted and taken to Ámul. Bahá'u'lláh offered to
> bear the punishment intended for the others, and was
> bastinadoed.
> 
> At dawn of February 2nd 1849, Mullá Ḥusayn led his last
> sortie. `Abbás-Qulí Khán, in joint command of the Government
> forces, had climbed a tree and, picking out the figure
> of Mullá Ḥusayn on horseback, shot him in the chest. He
> did not know whom he had mortally wounded, until a
> timorous siyyid from Qum[FE] turned traitor and informed
> him. Mullá Ḥusayn was carried by his companions to the
> fort, where he died and was buried inside the shrine. He
> was thirty-five years old. Bahá'u'lláh wrote of him in the
> Kitáb-i-Íqán—The Book of Certitude:—'But for him, God[Pg 175]
> would not have been established upon the seat of His
> mercy, nor ascended the throne of eternal glory.'[10]
> 
> Now Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Qá'iní replaced Mullá
> Ḥusayn in leading the companions. But the end could not
> be far off. Of the three hundred and thirteen defenders of
> the fortress, a number had died, many were wounded, and
> a few wavered in their resolve. The pressure of the forces
> arrayed against them increased. Cannon were levelled at
> them. Food became scarce and they ate grass, leaves of trees,
> the skin and ground bone of their slaughtered horses, the
> boiled leather of their saddles. `Abdu'l-Bahá speaks of their
> sufferings in the Memorials of the Faithful:
> 
> For eighteen days they remained without food. They lived
> on the leather of their shoes. This too was soon consumed,
> and they had nothing left but water. They drank a mouthful
> every morning, and lay famished and exhausted in
> their fort. When attacked, however, they would instantly
> spring to their feet, and manifest in the face of the enemy
> a magnificent courage and astonishing resistance....
> Under such circumstances to maintain an unwavering
> faith and patience is extremely difficult, and to endure
> such dire afflictions a rare phenomenon.[11]
> 
> The end came not through abject surrender, but through
> the perfidy of the foe. Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, brother of
> Muḥammad Sháh, took a solemn oath on the Qur'án that
> their lives and property would be inviolate should they come
> out of the fortress and disperse in peace. A horse was sent
> for Quddús to take him to the camp of the Prince. But once
> the companions had been lured out of the fortress, the oath
> was conveniently forgotten. The Bábís were massacred, the
> fortress was pillaged and razed to the ground. Hideous outrages
> were committed upon the corpses of the slain, and a
> vast area of the forest was strewn with their remains:
> disembowelled, hacked to pieces, burned. Survivors were[Pg 176]
> few. No more than three or four were kept to be heavily
> ransomed. A few who were left for dead recovered. Still a
> few others were sold into slavery and eventually found their
> way back to the company of their fellow-believers. All the
> dead were Persians except two Arabs of Baghdád who had
> come out with Ṭáhirih from `Iráq.[12]
> 
> Quddús was taken to Bárfurúsh, his native town, where
> Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá, his pitiless foe, awaited him. Prince Mihdí-Qulí
> Mírzá, oblivious to his pledge, forsook Quddús and
> gave him into the hands of that bloodthirsty priest.
> Imprecations were heaped upon the head of the captive.
> He was made to suffer refined tortures and searing
> agonies which an insanely jealous adversary had devised
> for him. At the height of his torments he was heard to
> say:
> 
> Forgive, O my God, the trespasses of this people. Deal
> with them in Thy mercy, for they know not what we
> already have discovered and cherish.[13]
> 
> In the public square of Bárfurúsh (the Sabzih-Maydán),
> Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá struck Quddús down with an axe, and any
> instrument which a frenzied mob could lay its hands on was
> used to tear his flesh and dismember him. Then they threw
> his shattered, mutilated body onto a blazing fire lit in the
> square. That night, when all were gone, Ḥájí Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Ḥamzih,
> a divine, humane and compassionate,
> universally acclaimed for his integrity, collected from the
> dying embers what remained of the body of the martyr,
> and reverently buried it.
> 
> The martyrdom of Quddús took place in the month of
> May 1849, seven months after his fellow-Bábís had first
> taken refuge in the fort of Shaykh Ṭabarsí.[14] It marked the
> end of an episode which had begun, eleven months before,
> with the raising of the Black Standard on the plain of Khur[Pg 177]ásán; during
> which deeds of incredible heroism by some
> three hundred Bábís had stunned and humiliated opposition
> forces vastly outnumbering them; which had witnessed the
> deaths of half the Letters of the Living, including the first,
> the Bábu'l-Báb, and Quddús, the last and greatest; and which
> closed with acts of treachery and atrocious cruelty. Words
> which Quddús spoke during their occupation of the fort
> are a fitting commentary upon the spirit of those who
> defended it:
> 
> Never ... have we under any circumstances attempted to
> direct any offensive against our opponents. Not until
> they unchained their attack upon us did we arise to defend
> our lives. Had we cherished the ambition of waging holy
> war against them, had we harboured the least intention of
> achieving ascendancy through the power of our arms
> over the unbelievers, we should not, until this day, have remained
> besieged within these walls. The force of our arms
> would have by now, as was the case with the companions
> of Muḥammad in days past, convulsed the nations of the
> earth and prepared them for the acceptance of our Message.
> Such is not our way, however, which we have
> chosen to tread. Ever since we repaired to this fort, our
> sole, our unalterable purpose has been the vindication,
> by our deeds and by our readiness to shed our blood in
> the path of our Faith, of the exalted character of our
> mission. The hour is fast approaching when we shall be
> able to consummate this task.[15]
> 
> The Year 1850
> 
> While Quddús and his companions were defending themselves
> at Shaykh Ṭabarsí, Bábís in other parts of Persia
> were increasingly the victims of an intense and systematic
> persecution on the part of both civil and ecclesiastical
> authorities. The reason was not far to seek and was stated
> by Sheil, once more at his post in Ṭihrán after a long period[Pg 178]
> of absence, when he addressed Lord Palmerston on February
> 12th 1850:
> 
> ... unluckily the proselytes are all of the Mahommedan
> faith, which is inflexible in the punishment of a
> relapsed Mussulman. Thus both the temporal and religious
> authorities have an interest in the extermination
> of this sect.
> 
> It is conjectured that in Teheran this religion has
> acquired votaries in every class, not even excluding the
> artillery and regular Infantry—Their numbers in this
> city, it is supposed, may amount to about two thousand.[16]
> 
> Sheil's dispatches took note of four occurrences in
> particular, in the year 1850: the execution of the Báb,[FF] the
> episodes of Nayríz and Zanján, and the public martyrdom
> of seven Bábís in Ṭihrán.
> 
> The Episode of Nayríz
> 
> The incomparable Vaḥíd—Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí—the
> trusted emissary whom Muḥammad Sháh had sent to investigate
> the claims of the Báb and who had returned His
> devoted supporter—was in Yazd in the early weeks of 1850,
> fearlessly proclaiming the advent of the Qá'im in the person
> of the Báb. Unwise acts by a purported fellow-believer put
> his life in danger in that city, and he was forced to leave
> secretly for Nayríz in the province of Fárs.[FG] On hearing of
> his approach, the people of his native quarter of Chinár
> Súkhtih who loved and honoured Vaḥíd, together with a
> number of the notables of Nayríz, went out to meet him,
> thus bringing on their families threats of dire punishment
> by the Governor of Nayríz, Zaynu'l-`Ábidín Khán, who
> was fearful and desired to prevent Vaḥíd's entry to the[Pg 179]
> town.[17] But these warnings went unheeded; Vaḥíd continued
> his journey and on arrival at his native quarter,
> went straight to the Masjid-i-Jum`ih where, ascending the
> pulpit, he addressed a congregation estimated to have
> numbered fifteen hundred. He said:
> 
> My sole purpose in coming to Nayríz is to proclaim the
> Cause of God. I thank and glorify Him for having enabled
> me to touch your hearts with His Message. No need for
> me to tarry any longer in your midst, for if I prolong my
> stay, I fear that the governor will ill-treat you because of
> me. He may seek reinforcement from Shíráz and destroy
> your homes and subject you to untold indignities.[18]
> 
> But the people refused to let him go, for they were willing
> and prepared, they assured him, to meet any misfortune
> and hardship that might overtake them.
> 
> Zaynu'l-`Ábidín Khán, thwarted in his efforts to prevent
> Vaḥíd's entrance into Nayríz, and aroused to fury by the
> influence he was exerting on the populace, schemed to entrap
> and arrest him. For this purpose he recruited a thousand
> trained soldiers. Some of those who had joined Vaḥíd
> now broke away and forsook him, thus adding to the
> strength of his opponents. The menace posed by the Governor
> became so severe that Vaḥíd could find no way to secure
> the safety of his people and himself, other than by taking
> refuge with seventy-two of his companions in the fort of
> Khájih outside Nayríz. The Governor sent his brother,
> `Alí-Aṣghar Khán, to attack this small band with the force
> he had gathered. They did not succeed, but his brother was
> killed in the engagement. The Bábís now lived under
> conditions of siege, and their water supply was cut off. They
> built a water-cistern, strengthened their fort, and were
> reinforced by additional residents of Nayríz. Meanwhile,
> appeals were being made by Zaynu'l-`Ábidín Khán for
> assistance from Shíráz, until the Governor-General of[Pg 180]
> Fárs, Prince Fírúz Mírzá (the Nuṣratu'd-Dawlih), who had
> ordered the extermination of the besieged Bábís, sent an
> army to conclude the affair.[19] Even this large force could
> not overcome the resistance of the defenders of the fortress.
> Not only did victory elude it, but heavy losses were suffered.[FH]
> 
> What had happened at Shaykh Ṭabarsí was now reenacted
> in Nayríz. Zaynu'l-`Ábidín Khán and his associates
> resorted to fraud to overcome the Bábís. They suspended
> their attack and sent a written message to Vaḥíd, which
> said, in effect:
> 
> Hitherto, as we were ignorant of the true character of
> your Faith, we have allowed the mischief-makers to
> induce us to believe that every one of you has violated
> the sacred precepts of Islám. Therefore did we arise
> against you, and have endeavoured to extirpate your
> Faith. During the last few days, we have been made
> aware of the fact that your activities are untinged by any
> political motive, that none of you cherish any inclination
> to subvert the foundations of the State. We also have been
> convinced of the fact that your teachings do not involve
> any grave departure from the fundamental teachings of
> Islám. All that you seem to uphold is the claim that a man
> has appeared whose words are inspired and whose testimony
> is certain, and whom all the followers of Islám
> must recognise and support. We can in no wise be convinced
> of the validity of this claim unless you consent to
> repose the utmost confidence in our sincerity, and accept
> our request to allow certain of your representatives to
> emerge from the fort and meet us in this camp, where we
> can, within the space of a few days, ascertain the character
> of your belief. If you prove yourselves able to demonstrate
> the true claims of your Faith, we too will readily
> [Pg 181]embrace it, for we are not the enemies of Truth, and none
> of us wish to deny it. Your leader we have always recognised
> as one of the ablest champions of Islám, and we
> regard him as our example and guide. This Qur'án, to
> which we affix our seals, is the witness to the integrity of
> our purpose. Let that holy Book decide whether the claim
> you advance is true or false. The malediction of God and
> His Prophet rest upon us if we should attempt to deceive
> you. Your acceptance of our invitation will save a whole
> army from destruction, whilst your refusal will leave them
> in suspense and doubt. We pledge our word that as soon
> as we are convinced of the truth of your Message, we shall
> strive to display the same zeal and devotion you already
> have so strikingly manifested. Your friends will be our
> friends, and your enemies our enemies. Whatever your
> leader may choose to command, the same we pledge
> ourselves to obey. On the other hand, if we fail to be
> convinced of the truth of your claim, we solemnly promise
> that we shall in no wise interfere with your safe
> return to the fort, and shall be willing to resume our
> contest against you. We entreat you to refuse to shed more
> blood before attempting to establish the truth of your
> Cause.[20]
> 
> Vaḥíd was well aware of the dishonesty of this message;
> nevertheless, he walked out in person, with five attendants,
> into the camp of his enemies, where he was received
> for three days with great ceremony. But all the while they
> were planning a stratagem to overcome the occupants of
> the fort. Under duress, they compelled Vaḥíd to write a
> letter to his people, assuring them that a settlement had been
> reached, and that they should abandon the fortress and return
> to their homes. Vaḥíd attempted to caution his companions
> against this treachery in a second letter which was never
> delivered to them. Thus, within a month, did the defenders
> of the fort of Khájih meet the same fate as the defenders of
> Shaykh Ṭabarsí.
> 
> [Pg 182]
> 
> Four years later, a divine of Nayríz,[FI] a man who was just
> and truthful and courageous, wrote the whole story of that
> episode high on an inner wall of the Masjid-i-Jum`ih in the
> Bázár quarter. Although he had to write with circumspection
> to avoid being denounced, he composed his narrative
> in such a way that one can, without difficulty, read more of it
> between the lines. His account bears out the fact that Vaḥíd
> was given solemn assurances, that he was received with great
> esteem and reverence, that those who had pledged their
> word broke their pledges, that the quarter of Chinár-Súkhtih,
> which was then a stronghold of the Bábís of Nayríz,[FJ]
> and the quarter of the Bázár were sacked, that houses
> were demolished, huge sums of money extorted, and Nayríz
> was reduced to a state of desolation.
> 
> The circumstances of Vaḥíd's martyrdom recall the
> tragedy of Karbilá. All alone, he was assailed in the streets
> of Nayríz, as Imám Ḥusayn, whose descendant he was, had
> been assailed on the Euphrates plain. There the body of the
> Imám had been trampled into the dust by the hooves of
> horses, and in Nayríz the corpse of Vaḥíd suffered similar
> indignities. When the victorious army marched back to
> Shíráz, it took as prisoners women and children, with the
> heads of the martyrs of Nayríz raised aloft on lances. Damascus
> had witnessed a similar scene centuries before, when the
> family of the martyred Ḥusayn, which included his only
> surviving son, was paraded in its streets, to be led into the
> court of the tyrant Yazíd, preceded by the head of the Imám
> and those of his sons and brothers and nephews—the flower
> of the House of Muḥammad.
> 
> The Seven Martyrs of Ṭihrán
> 
> At the beginning of 1850, seven Bábís were arrested in
> Ṭihrán, charged with plotting to assassinate the Grand
> [Pg 183]Vizier. They are known as the Seven Martyrs of Ṭihrán.
> The accusation was palpably false. There were many Bábís
> in Ṭihrán better equipped to engage in such an exercise.
> But more significant, all seven were men of outstanding
> character and repute, and respected by their countrymen.
> The real reason for their arrest was their espousal of the
> Faith of the Báb. Although efforts were made by men high
> in the professions they represented, to persuade them to give
> lip-denial to their most sacred beliefs, they steadfastly
> refused and were beheaded.
> 
> The Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith has vividly described
> this terrible scene, which was enacted in a public square
> of Ṭihrán (the Sabzih-Maydán):
> 
> The defiant answers which they flung at their persecutors;
> the ecstatic joy which seized them as they drew near the
> scene of their death; the jubilant shouts they raised as they
> faced their executioner; the poignancy of the verses which,
> in their last moments, some of them recited; the appeals
> and challenges they addressed to the multitude of onlookers
> who gazed with stupefaction upon them; the
> eagerness with which the last three victims strove to
> precede one another in sealing their faith with their blood;
> and lastly, the atrocities which a bloodthirsty foe degraded
> itself by inflicting upon their dead bodies which lay
> unburied for three days and three nights in the Sabzih-Maydán,
> during which time thousands of so-called devout
> Shí`ahs kicked their corpses, spat upon their faces, pelted,
> cursed, derided, and heaped refuse upon them—these
> were the chief features of the tragedy of the Seven Martyrs
> of Ṭihrán, a tragedy which stands out as one of the
> grimmest scenes witnessed in the course of the early unfoldment
> of the Faith of Bahá'u'lláh.[21]
> 
> Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid `Alí, the uncle of the Báb, was one of
> these martyrs. He had recently returned from his visit to the
> Báb in Chihríq (see p. 150) and could easily have left the[Pg 184]
> capital, when rumours were rife following the events of
> Mázindarán and Yazd. But he fearlessly stayed on, spurned
> all efforts made to induce him to recant, and met death gladly
> in the path of his Nephew.
> 
> The other six were: Mírzá Qurbán-`Alí of Bárfurúsh,
> Ḥájí Mullá Ismá`íl-i-Qumí, Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Turshízí, Ḥájí
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Kirmání, Siyyid Murtaḍáy-i-Zanjání
> and Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Marághi'í.
> 
> Mírzá Qurbán-`Alí had been a Ni`matu'lláhí dervish, and
> a leading figure of that mystic order. He was well-known in
> the ruling circles of the capital and greatly respected. Mírzá
> Taqí Khán (the Grand Vizier) particularly wished to save
> him, but the faith of the dervish remained unshakable. At
> his execution, the first blow of the executioner's sword
> only knocked his turban off his head, whereupon he recited
> aloud:
> 
> Happy he whom love's intoxication
> 
> So hath overcome that scarce he knows
> 
> Whether at the feet of the Beloved
> 
> It be head or turban which he throws![22]
> 
> Ḥájí Mullá Ismá`íl had been a disciple of Siyyid Káẓim.
> Even at the moment of his execution, someone came up to
> him with a message from a friend, pleading with him to
> recant, but his answer was:
> 
> Zephyr, prythee bear for me a message
> 
> To that Ishmael[FK] who was not slain,
> 
> 'Living from the street of the Beloved
> 
> Love permits not to return again.'[23]
> 
> Ḥájí Muḥammad-Taqí and Siyyid Murtaḍá were merchants
> of note, and Siyyid Ḥusayn had been a divine famed[Pg 185]
> for his piety. Siyyid Murtaḍá was a brother of that Siyyid
> Káẓim-i-Zanjání who attended the Báb during His journey
> to Iṣfahán and later fell a martyr at Shaykh Ṭabarsí. Áqá
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn had been tortured to betray his companions,
> but he would not implicate innocent men in
> fictitious plots.
> 
> The Báb, from his remote prison in Chihríq and already
> overwhelmed by calamity, eulogized these heroic men as
> the 'Seven Goats' of Islamic tradition, who would precede
> the promised Qá'im, their true Shepherd, to His own martyrdom.[FL]
> 
> The Episode of Zanján
> 
> The fiercest and most devastating of the three military
> actions against the Bábís began in Zanján, in May 1850,
> after the return of Ḥujjat from his detention in Ṭihrán.
> (See p. 125.) Although he had enjoyed the protection of
> Muḥammad Sháh in his defence of the Faith of the Báb, he
> was feared and hated as an infidel by the divines of Zanján.
> With the death of the Sháh and the accession to power of
> Mírzá Taqí Khán under the succeeding reign, he was the
> object of a concealed hostility on the part of the authorities,
> while enjoying the devoted loyalty and affection of countless
> men and women of his native town.
> 
> A small quarrel between children, in which Ḥujjat intervened
> to save the Bábí child, sparked into flame the
> smouldering animosity against Ḥujjat and a plan was made
> to seize and bring him before the Governor. Failing in this,
> his opponents subjected one of his companions to painful
> injury and death. Then, by the Governor's decree, Zanján
> was split into two opposing camps, a large number of men
> were recruited from surrounding villages, and Ḥujjat and his
> companions were forced to seek safety in the nearby fort
> of `Alí-Mardán Khán. Counting women and children, about[Pg 186]
> three thousand of Ḥujjat's supporters entered the fort,
> which they held against repeated attack and siege for almost
> nine months.
> 
> Edward Granville Browne, who visited Zanján nearly
> forty years later, could find no natural advantages in the
> fort to account for the 'desperate resistance offered by the
> Bábís', and concluded that their success in holding off the
> vastly superior regiments of the Sháh should 'be attributed
> less to the strength of the position which they occupied than
> to the extraordinary valour with which they defended
> themselves'.[24] They were sustained in their cruel ordeal by
> the indomitable Ḥujjat, whom no calamity could overcome,
> and by the tenacity of their own devotion to the Báb, their
> promised Qá'im. A British observer in the 'Persian camp
> before Zenjan' reported to Sheil in Ṭihrán:
> 
> They [the Bábís] fight in the most obstinate and spirited
> manner, the women even, of whom several have been
> killed, engaging in the strife—and they are such excellent
> marksmen that up to this time a good many have fallen
> of the Government troops.[25]
> 
> The most celebrated of the women was a village girl, Zaynab,
> who dressed as a man and, for five months until her
> death in the struggle, guarded the ramparts with the men.
> Ḥujjat gave her the name of Rustam-`Alí.
> 
> Finding that all efforts to defeat the Bábís were fruitless,
> the commander determined to adopt the same treacherous
> tactics as had succeeded at Ṭabarsí and Nayríz. He drew up
> a proposal for peace, assuring the defenders of the forgiveness
> of the Sháh and pledging with a sealed copy of the
> Qur'án the safety of all who would leave the fort. Ḥujjat,
> fully conscious of their intentions but honouring the Qur'án,
> sent a delegation of nine young children and men over
> eighty to the camp of the commander. They were insolently[Pg 187]
> received and most were thrown into a dungeon. It was the
> signal for a final month-long siege, in which some eighteen
> regiments were brought into action, subjecting the now
> famished and depleted Bábís to a constant bombardment of
> cannon. With the wounding of Ḥujjat, the fort was captured,
> but its occupants continued their struggle from
> nearby houses, throwing the opposing army into despair.
> Then Ḥujjat's wife and baby son were killed, and a few
> days later he himself died of his wounds. There were left
> of the Bábís only two hundred able-bodied men who were
> struck down in a fierce attack. When the survivors had been
> inhumanly tortured, killed and their bodies mutilated, the
> body of Ḥujjat was discovered and exposed for three days
> to dishonour in the public square. Hands unknown rescued
> and carried it away. Already Ḥujjat's eight-year-old son
> had been 'literally cut into small pieces', and the wives and
> daughters of the Bábís were handed over to the
> soldiers.[26][FM]
> 
> Yet never had the martyrs of Zanján sought a holy war,
> nor contemplated disloyalty to their country and sovereign.
> Assailed by enemies who purposed only their destruction,
> they had courageously defended themselves. The spirit of
> their defence shines in these words of Ḥujjat in his last days:
> 
> The day whereon I found Thy beloved One, O my God,
> and recognised in Him the Manifestation of Thy eternal
> Spirit, I foresaw the woes that I should suffer for Thee....
> Would that a myriad lives were mine, would that
> I possessed the riches of the whole earth and its glory,
> that I might resign them all freely and joyously in Thy
> path.[27]
> 
> On January 6th 1851 Sheil closed his reports on Zanján:
> 
> For the present, the doctrines of Bâb have received a
> check—In every part of Persia his disciples have been
> [Pg 188]crushed or scattered—But though there is a cessation of
> the open promulgation of his tenets, it is believed that
> in secret they are not the less cherished....[28]
> 
> The Dawn-Breakers had paid dearly with their lives that
> the Faith of the Báb might live on. And it did live on, to
> attain its efflorescence in the Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> [Pg 189]
> 
> EPILOGUE
> 
> I am the Primal Point from which have been generated
> all created things.... I am the Countenance of God Whose
> splendour can never be obscured, the Light of God Whose
> radiance can never fade.... I am one of the sustaining
> pillars of the Primal Word of God. Whosoever hath recognised
> Me, hath known all that is true and right, and
> hath attained all that is good and seemly.
> 
> —The Báb
> 
> On the third day after the martyrdom of the Báb, His
> remains, inextricably united with those of His heroic,
> faithful disciple, were placed in a casket and taken to a
> locality which was safe and secure.
> 
> What happened, during the next fifty years, to the remains
> of the Báb cannot be better summarized than in the words of
> Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith:
> 
> Subsequently, according to Bahá'u'lláh's instructions,
> they were transported to Ṭihrán and placed in the shrine
> of Imám-Zádih Ḥasan. They were later removed to the
> residence of Ḥájí Sulaymán Khán[FN] himself in the Sar-Chashmih
> quarter of the city, and from his house were
> taken to the shrine of Imám-Zádih Ma`ṣúm, where they
> remained concealed until the year 1284 A.H. (1867-1868),
> when a Tablet, revealed by Bahá'u'lláh in Adrianople,
> directed Mullá `Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí[FO] and Jamál-i-Burújirdí
> to transfer them without delay to some other
> [Pg 190]spot, an instruction which, in view of the subsequent
> reconstruction of that shrine, proved to have been providential.
> 
> Unable to find a suitable place in the suburb of Sháh
> `Abdu'l-`Aẓím, Mullá `Alí-Akbar and his companion
> continued their search until, on the road leading to
> Chashmih-`Alí [the `Alí Springs], they came upon the
> abandoned and dilapidated Masjíd-i-Mashá'u'lláh, where
> they deposited, within one of its walls, after dark, their
> precious burden, having first re-wrapt the remains in a
> silken shroud brought by them for that purpose. Finding
> the next day to their consternation that the hiding-place
> had been discovered,[FP] they clandestinely carried the casket
> through the gate of the capital direct to the house of
> Mírzá Ḥasan-i-Vazír, a believer and son-in-law of Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Alíy-i-Tafrishí, the Majdu'l-Ashráf, where
> it remained for no less than fourteen months.[FQ] The long-guarded
> secret of its whereabouts becoming known to the
> believers, they began to visit the house in such numbers
> that a communication had to be addressed by Mullá
> `Alí-Akbar to Bahá'u'lláh, begging for guidance in the
> matter. Ḥájí Sháh Muḥammad-i-Manshádí, surnamed
> Amínu'l-Bayán, was accordingly commissioned to receive
> the Trust from him, and bidden to exercise the utmost
> secrecy as to its disposal.
> 
> [Pg 191]
> 
> Assisted by another believer, Ḥájí Sháh Muḥammad
> buried the casket beneath the floor of the inner sanctuary
> of the shrine of Imám-Zádih Zayd, where it lay undetected
> until Mírzá Asadu'lláh-i-Iṣfahání was informed of its exact
> location through a chart forwarded to him by Bahá'u'lláh.
> Instructed by Bahá'u'lláh to conceal it elsewhere, he first
> removed the remains to his own house in Ṭihrán, after
> which they were deposited in several other localities
> such as the house of Ḥusayn-`Alíy-i-Iṣfahání and that of
> Muḥammad-Karím-i-`Aṭṭár, where they remained hidden
> until the year 1316 (1899) A.H., when, in pursuance of
> directions issued by `Abdu'l-Bahá, this same Mírzá
> Asadu'lláh, together with a number of other believers,
> transported them by way of Iṣfahán, Kirmánsháh,
> Baghdád and Damascus, to Beirut and thence by sea to
> `Akká, arriving at their destination on the 19th of the
> month of Ramaḍán 1316 A.H. (January 31, 1899),
> fifty lunar years after the Báb's execution in Tabríz.[1]
> 
> Forty years after the martyrdom of the Báb, on a day in
> spring, Bahá'u'lláh was standing under the shade of a cluster
> of cypress trees on the slopes of Mount Carmel. In front of
> Him stretched the curve of the Bay of Haifa, beyond which
> loomed a sinister sight, the grim citadel of `Akká—His first
> abode when He was brought, a Prisoner and an Exile, to the
> Holy Land. In darkest days He had told His people not to
> grieve, the prison gates would open and He would raise
> His tent on the fair mountain across the bay.
> 
> He it was Whose advent the Báb had come to herald.
> For Him—He Whom God shall make manifest—the young
> Martyr-Prophet had suffered tribulations, had sacrificed His
> life. In His Dispensation, the Dispensation of His Forerunner
> had found its fulfilment, regained its splendour. And
> now as Bahá'u'lláh—the Lord of Hosts—looked at the
> expanse of rock below those cypress trees (which today still
> stand, firm and proud), He told His Son, `Abdu'l-Bahá, who
> would shortly wield authority in His Name, that a mausoleum[Pg 192]
> should be raised on that mountain-mass to receive the remains
> of the Báb.
> 
> A decade went by before `Abdu'l-Bahá could carry out
> that command. The sons of Bahá'u'lláh, who had strayed
> away from His Covenant, strove hard to block the enterprise.
> But at last the land was secured, the access route was
> obtained, the foundation-stone was laid, and construction
> work had begun. Then the mischief wrought by those
> violators of the Covenant of Bahá'u'lláh led to the incarceration
> of `Abdu'l-Bahá within the walls of `Akká. His life
> was in peril, but though, for a while, all His activities were
> either curtailed or stopped, the work of constructing that
> mausoleum on Mount Carmel was never allowed to lapse.
> 
> In the year 1908, the despotism of the Ottoman rulers
> came to an end, and `Abdu'l-Bahá found His freedom. The
> next year on Naw-Rúz Day—March 21st—in a vault
> beneath the building which He had raised with undaunted
> resolution and with heart-ache, He deposited the casket
> containing the remains of the Báb within a marble sarcophagus,
> the gift of the Bahá'ís of Rangoon. Nearly forty
> years later, Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá'í
> Faith, undertook to adorn the Shrine of the Báb with a
> superstructure, both strong and beautiful, crowned with a
> golden dome. Today it shines dazzlingly in the heart of
> Mount Carmel—the Mountain of God—a spiritual home for
> a flourishing world community and a beacon of hope for
> the whole of mankind.
> 
> [Pg 193]
> 
> APPENDIX I
> 
> THE SIEGE OF KARBILÁ
> 
> The best and fullest account of the upheavals in Karbilá
> is contained in a sixty-six-page dispatch from Lt.-Col.
> Farrant, the British Special Commissioner, to Sir Stratford
> Canning (later Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe), the British
> Ambassador in Istanbul.[1] His description of the position
> and the condition of Karbilá is particularly worthy of
> note:
> 
> "The town of Kerbella is situated about four hours
> distance from the right bank of the Euphrates on the confines
> of the Syrian desert, south south west of Bagdad about
> 55 miles distant, and is about 1-3/4 miles in circumference,
> surrounded by a brick wall about 24 feet high with twenty
> nine bastions each of which is capable of containing one
> gun—it contains 3400 houses of a very inferior description;
> the houses closely crowded together approach within
> three yards of the wall—the streets are very narrow, the
> tops of the houses are surrounded by a brick parapet and
> can be fired from without exposure, it has six gates three of
> which are very small—The tomb of Imaum Hossein is a
> fine building and stands nearly in the centre of the town, that
> of his brother Abbas in the South East quarter about two
> hundred and fifty yards from the Najif gate. The town is
> surrounded by gardens which approach close to the walls,
> leaving only a small footpath. The gardens are filled with
> huge date trees, intersected with numerous ditches, and
> extend to some distance from the town which is not perceptible
> until you are close under the walls. Its strength[Pg 194]
> consists in its situation, but it appeared to me that a few
> good troops ought to be able to take it in a short time. The
> houses mostly belonged to Persians who have left their
> country and settled there for generations. Many of the rich
> men in Persia have houses and land there, that in time of
> need they may have a safe place of refuge, or wishing in
> their old age to retire to a place held in such veneration by
> them—
> 
> 'The population varies from ten thousand to twenty
> thousand and eighty thousand, it is always fluctuating, and
> I was informed that during the time the pilgrims arrive, the
> streets are almost impassable—The houses are mostly
> divided into several small courts, occasionally one hundred
> persons are crowded into one of these houses, which to
> outward appearance could with difficulty contain half that
> number—The poorer pilgrims take up their abodes in the
> Courts of the Mosques—
> 
> 'The working classes at Kerbella viz Bakers small shopkeepers
> day labourers &c. were all Persians.'
> 
> Najíb Páshá had warned the Persian, the British and the
> French Agents that he intended to attack Karbilá. In a long
> letter addressed to the Persian Agent in Baghdád dated
> Shavvál 16th 1258 (November 18th 1842), he had, after
> detailing the history of the rebellion in Karbilá and its
> consequences, uttered this clear warning:
> 
> 'Being, however, near the shrines of Ali & Hoosein
> [Ḥusayn] I thought it my duty to visit them; with this
> auspicious determination I proceeded thither, when the
> rebel above named [Ibráhím Za`farání][FR] declared that if I
> came with troops he would not permit my entrance; and I
> ascertained that he had also prepared the means of opposition.
> To withdraw in this position of affairs from my publickly
> announced purpose was a difficult step; & should the
> report of it spread abroad, it might, God forbid, affect the[Pg 195]
> whole order of government, the rejection, too, of the petitions
> of loyal & suffering subjects, who are the most sacred
> charge of the deity to us, is contrary to all the rules &
> requirements of justice; I therefore, determined to proceed,
> under the Imperial shadow, and the aid of the Almighty to
> the punishment of the rebels, as a warning example to his
> equals; & if, as I hear, he is prepared for resistance he shall
> submit to my entrance by force. There are many subjects
> of Iran in the town alluded to; let there hereafter be no
> claims, on the part of that high power, in behalf of these
> persons; let them come out with their children, families
> and property ... in fact they must not be in that town in
> the hour of hostility, as this is quite inconsistent with the
> state of the town & place. You must therefore in compliance
> with your duty in such cases, without delay, inform, all
> those whom it may concern, of these facts; for which
> friendly aid this letter is written and despatched; and, please
> God you will doubtless thus act on the receipt thereof, &
> without delay favour me with a reply to the same.'[2]
> 
> However, no warning was given to the Persians to quit
> Karbilá as Farrant's report makes clear: 'The Mollahs also
> excited the religious feelings of the peoples, making them
> believe it was a common cause, a religious war, a Persian
> seyd who was present, stated to me that many of the Persians
> fought or gave assistance, that he amongst many did
> not leave the town, thinking it would not be taken, and
> rumours were spread that the Shah was sending a large
> force to their assistance, he also stated that those Persians
> who were unfitted or refused to bear arms were obliged to
> give money ... likewise they considered themselves safe,
> as their Consul did not come to order them away.'
> 
> Instead, Farrant reports: 'The Persian Consul in reply to
> the Pacha begged him to postpone his intended attack, that
> if the town was taken by assault many innocent people
> (Persian subjects) would suffer, who at present were unable[Pg 196]
> to come away ... that if he would delay his expedition for
> four or six months to give the Persians time to arrange their
> affairs, he would proceed to Kerbella, and bring the Persians
> away, and arrange everything for him.
> 
> 'Three days before receiving the Pacha's letter, the Consul
> asserts he wrote privately to the Chief Priest Hajee Seid
> Kausem saying "we hear the Pacha will move on Kerbella,
> and if he is determined, he will certainly come, he is not an
> Ali Pacha—tell the Persians they had better come out—"
> After the receipt of the Pacha's official letter he again wrote
> to the Chief Priest [Siyyid Káẓim] of the Pacha's fixed
> determination, and requested him to tell all the Persians to
> quit the town—This letter he sent by a confidential person,
> but it appears it never reached, as the Chief Priest declares
> he never wrote to him, although he requested him to come
> to Kerbella—'
> 
> Farrant goes on to say: 'The Pacha would not listen to the
> propositions of the Consul—H.R.H. The Zel-i Sultan (son
> of the late Shah of Persia, a refugee) accompanied by Hajee
> Seid Kausem Chief Priest, Seid Wahab Governor[FS] of
> Kerbella, Seid Hossainee and Seid Nasseroola [Siyyid
> Naṣru'lláh], influential people of Kerbella, came to the Pacha's
> camp at Mossaib and remained four days—The Pacha told
> them he did not wish to injure the people, that Kerbella
> was in rebellion and belonged to the Sultan...' However,
> he was willing to make concessions, should the people of
> Karbilá submit to his rule and let soldiers be stationed in
> their city.
> 
> Farrant further relates: 'The Pacha told His R.H. the Zel
> i Sultan and Chief Priest before leaving his camp to warn all
> Persians to separate themselves from the Geramees (and
> gave the Prince a paper to that effect) that if they could
> not leave the town, they should retire altogether to one[Pg 197]
> quarter of it, or else with their families and property seek
> protection in the Courts of the tombs of Hoossein and
> Abbas, for he was determined to proceed to extremities
> if the Kerbellai's refused to submit to his orders...'
> 
> Farrant reports a second excursion by Ḥájí Siyyid Káẓim
> and `Alí-Sháh, the Ẓillu's-Sulṭán, on behalf of the people
> of Karbilá, this time to the camp of Sa`du'lláh Páshá, the
> Colonel commissioned by Najíb Páshá to invest the city.
> 'About the 1st January [1843],' writes Farrant, 'the Persian
> Consul accompanied by Seid Ibrahim Kasveenee[FT] arrived
> at Najib Pacha's camp at Mossaib from Bagdad—The army
> had now been eleven days before Kerbella and much fighting
> had taken place, and many on both sides had been killed.'
> The talks which Mullá `Abdu'l-`Azíz (Persian Consul) and
> Siyyid Ibráhím had with Najíb Páshá bore no result, and as
> Farrant reports: 'The Consul and Chief Priest returned to
> Bagdad, they had been four or five days in the Pacha's
> camp—The Chief Priest in Kerbella Hajee Seid Kausem it
> is said (he told me also the same thing) wrote to the Persian
> Consul and Seid Ibrahim Kasveenee begging the former to
> come on to Kerbella, that "his presence was necessary, it was
> the hour of danger"—This letter was received by them
> after they had quitted the Pacha's camp about two hours.
> Rumours in the town were very prevalent, that the Shah
> of Persia was sending an army of twenty thousand men to
> their assistance, which gave great confidence to the Persians
> inside—Persians have informed me that they heard these
> reports and many believed them, also they have most positively
> assured me that their Consul never wrote or communicated
> with them, and on learning, that he had returned
> to Bagdad, did not consider there was any danger. The
> Consul asserts he wrote to the Chief Priest Hajee Seid
> Kausem, which the latter most positively denies....
> 
> [Pg 198]
> 
> '... The walls were daily crowded,' Farrant writes, 'by
> the inhabitants who vented the grossest abuse on the Sultan,
> and cursed the soldiers and their religion. The chief people
> in Kerbella did all in their power to excite the religious
> feelings of the Sheeahs against the Soonies, the Priests also
> were most active, I have been told, and as they could not
> fight, repaired any damages the walls might receive. They
> prayed also in the Mosques encouraging and exciting the
> people by telling them it was a religious war.'
> 
> And then came the final assault. Farrant reports: 'Before
> daylight on the 13 January the storming party moved from
> Camp accompanied by the main body which halted at the
> battery, a soldier advanced and clambered up the breach,
> observing that the guards had left their posts, and the few
> who remained were asleep at the bottom of the wall round
> a fire—he returned to the Seraskier and reported what he
> had seen—
> 
> 'The storming party was then ordered to move forward...'
> 
> There was panic and slaughter. Farrant states that the
> sanctuary of the tomb of `Abbás was violated, but Sa`du'lláh
> Páshá personally intervened to prevent the desecration of the
> Shrine of Imám Ḥusayn. The boastful leaders fled the city
> and as Farrant puts it: 'The principal cause of the late affair
> at Kerbella may be ascribed to the chiefs of that place who
> supported the Geramees in opposition to the Government,
> and in the time of danger withdrew from the contest and
> left the innocent and helpless to the fury of the soldiers.'
> 'Many flung themselves over the walls and were dashed to
> pieces,' Farrant reports, 'whilst others sought shelter in the
> houses of H.R.H. The Zil i Sultan and Hajee Seid Kausem
> [Siyyid Káẓim] Chief Priest, the latter shewed me a court in
> his house where 66 persons of all ages and sexes were suffocated,
> or crushed to death flying from the fury of the
> soldiers...'
> 
> [Pg 199]
> 
> Farrant further reports: 'No Prince of the Royal blood nor
> any Persian of rank were [sic] killed, the sufferers were all
> of the poorer classes, small shopkeepers and labourers,
> also a few learned men—The wife of Prince Holakoo
> Meerza [Hulákú Mírzá] was severely wounded by a soldier
> (she is closely connected with the Shah of Persia being a
> daughter of the late Hoossein Ali Meerza Prince Governor
> of Fars).... The Secretary of Seid Ibrahim Kasveenee
> Chief Priest; Seid Mahomed Ali Moosvee [Siyyid Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Músaví]
> was seized by the soldiers and forced
> to carry outside the walls some plunder for them, he stated
> who he was, but it was of no avail, on arriving outside the
> gate, they cut off his head and took it to the cashier of the
> Seraskier Pacha for a reward—he was a young man much
> respected.... The house of Alee Werdee Khan [`Alí-Virdí
> Khán] (an uncle of the present Shah) was also entered by the
> soldiers, this house was defended by the Arabs. The Khan
> jumped into a well to save his life, one of his servants went
> and informed the Seraskier who immediately sent some men
> to his relief—The Khan was taken to the Seraskier nearly
> dead with cold, who sent him into the haram [Shrine] of
> Hoossein for safety—Why the Khan did not leave the town
> before the siege is a mystery, it is said that he was very active
> in advising the Persians to remain in the town—'
> 
> The exaggerated reports from Mullá `Abdu'l-`Azíz, the
> Persian Agent in Baghdád, had served to heighten the crisis.
> He had apparently been slack in the exercise of his duties
> and when the siege was over, alarmed by the magnitude of
> the disaster, he endeavoured to make a quick getaway from
> Baghdád. Although the following report which he made to
> the Prime Minister of Írán, Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí, is unreliable
> and highly-coloured, it is of sufficient interest to reproduce.
> 
> 'In short,' he wrote, 'there is no one left in Kerbelah, and
> of those who are alive, they are either wounded, naked or
> destitute of property. According to what is described, about[Pg 200]
> 5,000 persons were killed in the shrine of Abbass,[FU] and
> property pillaged is beyond estimate—no one has anything
> left. Whatever the people of Persia possessed was brought
> to this place; afterwards it will become known, what quantity
> of Persian property was there.... Whatever Ali Nakee
> Meerza [`Alí-Naqí Mírzá] and Imam Verdee Meerza [Imám-Virdí
> Mírzá] (sons of Fatteh Ali Shah [Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh])
> possessed was plundered even to the stripping naked their
> wives.... The wives of the people who were not killed
> were made captives.... Moollah Ali a person belonging to
> Ali Pasha, who is at present in the service of Mahomed
> Nejeeb Pasha, interceded for the women—Sadoollah Pasha
> (Colonel) replied, that "the troops being without women,
> they must remain some nights with them, after which we will
> dismiss them"...
> 
> 'Besides what I have related, the two shrines were converted
> into barracks, and all the troops which are in Kerbelah
> have been quartered in the two shrines with their
> horses and cattle—They have tied their cattle in the apartments
> of the shrine and the college, and the troops have made
> their own quarters in the corridor and private apartments,
> and twice a day their drums and band play within the
> shrine—On whatever persons they wish to inflict punishment,
> it is done within the shrine of Imam Hoossein....
> The remainder of the Sheeahs, who are in Nejeff, Hillah,
> Kazimeyn and Bagdad are dispirited to such a degree, that
> they have not the courage to weep at this calamity—
> 
> 'All those who were in the private apartments of Hajee
> Syed Kazim (Chief Priest) and in the house of Ali Shah
> (Zil.e.Sultan) remained in safety—at the most about 200
> persons were killed in the outer apartments of Hajee Syed
> Kazim....
> 
> 'From the commencement to the close of the siege occupied
> 24 days—and from the day that the Pasha informed me,[Pg 201]
> he would send troops against Kerbelah until they arrived
> there occupied 15 days, and notwithstanding my wishes
> that he would delay, until the people of Persia should quit
> Kerbelah, he neither gave any delay nor opportunity for
> their doing so....
> 
> 'On account of these circumstances, the stay of your
> devoted servant in Bagdad is needless—As yet I have received
> no money from Kermanshah, if you were graciously
> pleased to grant it, and wrote to the Shoojah ood. dowleh
> [Shujá`u'd-Dawlih], to send some money speedily to me
> your devoted servant, to pay some of my debts,[FV] it is possible
> that I might be able to bring the Zil.i.Sultan[FW] along
> with me.'[3]
> 
> 'The latest accounts from Kerbella,' wrote Lt.-Col.
> Farrant at the end of his long report on the siege, 'state the
> town to be perfectly quiet and its population daily increasing.'
> 
> [Pg 202]
> 
> APPENDIX 2
> 
> THE MARTYRDOM OF THE BÁB
> 
> The martyrdom of the Báb was reported by Lt.-Col. Sheil
> to Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, on
> July 22nd 1850:
> 
> 'The founder of this sect has been executed at Tabreez—He
> was killed by a volley of musketry, and his death was on
> the point of giving his religion a lustre which would have
> largely increased its proselytes. When the smoke and dust
> cleared away after the volley, Báb was not to be seen, and
> the populace proclaimed that he had ascended to the skies—The
> balls had broken the ropes by which he was bound,
> but he was dragged from the recess where after some search,
> he was discovered, and shot.
> 
> 'His death according to the belief of his disciples will
> make no difference, as Bâb must always exist.'[1]
> 
> At the time of the martyrdom of the Báb, R. W. Stevens,
> the British Consul, was absent from Tabríz, and his brother,
> George, was left in charge of the Consulate. The latter had
> failed to report the event to Sheil. On July 24th, R. W.
> Stevens, back at his post, rectified that omission and added
> that the body of the Báb and His disciple had been 'thrown
> into the Town ditch where they were devoured by dogs.'[2]
> Sheil wrote to Palmerston, on August 15th, that 'Although
> the advice and opinions of foreign agents are generally
> unpalatable to the Persian Minister, I nevertheless think it
> my duty to bring under his observation any flagrant abuse
> or outrage that reaches my knowledge. I persuade myself
> that on such occasions notwithstanding the absence of[Pg 203]
> acknowledgement on the part of the Ameer-i-Nizam [Mírzá
> Taqí Khán, the Grand Vizier], he may perhaps privately
> take steps for applying a remedy.' He went on to say that
> the Consul at Tabríz had reported that the body of the Báb,
> 'by order of the Ameer-i-Nizam's brother, was thrown into
> the ditch of the town to be devoured by dogs, which
> actually happened.'[3] He enclosed the copy of the letter he
> had written to the Grand Vizier on this subject. This is
> what he wrote to Mírzá Taqí Khán:
> 
> 'Your Excellency is aware of the warm interest taken by
> the British Government in all that concerns the honor,
> respectability and credit of this Government, and it is on
> this account I make you acquainted with a recent occurrence
> in Tabreez which perhaps has not been brought to Your
> Excellency's knowledge—The execution of the Pretender
> Bab in that city was accompanied by a circumstance which if
> published in the Gazettes of Europe would throw the utmost
> discredit on the Persian Ministers. After that person was put
> to death, his body by orders of the Vezeer.i.Nizam was
> thrown into the ditch of the town to be devoured by dogs,
> which actually happened—This act resembles the deeds of
> bye gone ages, and could not I believe now occur in any
> country between China and England—Feeling satisfied that
> it did not receive Your Excellency's sanction, and knowing
> what sentiments it would excite in Europe, I have thought
> it proper to write this friendly communication, not to
> let you remain in ignorance of the occurrence.'[4]
> 
> Palmerston wrote back on October 8th: '... Her Majesty's
> Government approve of your having called the attention of
> the Ameer-i-Nizam ... to the manner in which the corpse
> of the Pretender Bâb was treated after his execution at
> Tabreez.'[5]
> 
> [Pg 204]
> 
> APPENDIX 3
> 
> PRELUDE TO THE EPISODE OF NAYRÍZ
> 
> On February 12th 1850, Lt.-Col. Sheil, back at his post in
> Ṭihrán after a long leave of absence, reported to Lord
> Palmerston:
> 
> '... a serious outbreak lately took place at Yezd, which
> however the Governor of that city with the assistance of
> the priesthood succeeded in quelling—
> 
> 'The exciters of the insurrection were the partizans of the
> new Sect called Babee, who assembled in such numbers as
> to force the Governor to take refuge in the citadel, to which
> they laid siege—The Moollas conscious that the progress of
> Babeeism is the decay of their own supremacy determined
> to rescue the Governor, and summoning the populace in
> the name of religion to attack this new Sect of infidels, the
> Babees were overthrown and forced to take flight to the
> adjoining province of Kerman....
> 
> 'The tenets of this new religion seem to be spreading in
> Persia—Bab the founder, a native of Sheeraz, who has
> assumed this fictitious name, is imprisoned in Azerbijan,
> but in every large town he has disciples, who with the fanaticism
> or fortitude so often seen among the adherents of new
> doctrines, are ready to meet death.... Bab declares himself
> to be Imam Mehdee, the last Imam, who disappeared from
> human sight but is to reappear on earth—His decrees supersede
> the Koran among his disciples, who not only revere
> him as the head of their faith, but also obey him as the
> temporal Sovereign of the world, to whom all other
> monarchs must submit—Besides this inconvenient doctrine,
> they have adopted other tenets pernicious to society....
> 
> [Pg 205]
> 
> 'Conversion by the sword is not yet avowed, argument
> and inspiration from heaven being the present means of
> instilling or attaining faith in the Mission of Bab—If left
> to their own merits the not novel doctrines of this Preacher
> will doubtless sink into insignificancy, it is persecution only
> which can save them from neglect and contempt, and unluckily
> the proselytes are all of the Mahommedan faith,
> which is inflexible in the punishment of a relapsed Mussulman—Thus
> both the temporal and religious authorities
> have an interest in the extermination of this Sect.
> 
> 'It is conjectured that in Teheran this religion has acquired
> votaries in every class, not even excluding the artillery and
> regular Infantry—Their numbers in this city, it is supposed,
> may amount to about two thousand.'[1][FX]
> 
> The incident at Yazd, which the British Minister was
> reporting to the Foreign Secretary, concerned the activities
> of a man named Muḥammad-`Abdu'lláh, who professed
> belief in the new Revelation. Vaḥíd was in Yazd at the
> time, fearlessly proclaiming the advent of the Qá'im.
> Navváb-i-Raḍaví, an influential man of the city, who hated
> Vaḥíd as much as Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá had hated Quddús,[FY] was
> plotting to destroy him. Despite Vaḥíd's injunction,
> Muḥammad-`Abdu'lláh went ahead with his own schemes
> which resulted in clashes with the civil authority, and his
> own death. Vaḥíd was forced to leave Yazd in the dead of
> night, on foot. His house in Yazd was pillaged, and his
> servant Ḥasan was seized and put to death. While horsemen
> sent by his adversaries were searching for him, he hid in the
> mountains; and by mountain tracks made his way to Bavánát
> in the province of Fárs. There were many in that area who
> gave him whole-hearted support, among them the renowned
> Ḥájí Siyyid Ismá`íl, the Shaykhu'l-Islám of Bavánát.
> Then by way of Fasá he approached the city of Nayríz.
> 
> [Pg 206]
> 
> APPENDIX 4
> 
> THE SEVEN MARTYRS OF ṬIHRÁN
> 
> In the course of 1849, Prince Dolgorukov, the Russian
> Minister in Ṭihrán, had protested to the Persian Government
> that while going into the presence of the Sháh he
> had been forced to witness the dragging away of the writhing
> corpses of eight criminals, executed in front of the Sháh.
> Dolgorukov considered it an affront to him, the envoy of
> the Tsar, to be presented with such a spectacle. Sheil had
> backed Dolgorukov's protest.[1] Palmerston had, in turn,
> approved Sheil's action. On February 12th 1850, Prince
> Dolgorukov sent this report to Count Nesselrode in St.
> Petersburg:
> 
> 'Minds are in an extraordinarily excited state due to the
> execution which has just taken place in the great square of
> Tihran. I have already once expressed my opinion that the
> method by which last year the troops of the Shah under the
> command of Prince Mahdi Quli Mirza exterminated the
> Babis will not lessen their fanaticism.
> 
> 'From that time on the Government has learned that
> Tihran is full of these dangerous sectaries who do not
> recognize civil statutes and preach the partitioning of the
> property of those who do not join their doctrine. Becoming
> fearful for the social peace, the ministers of Persia decided
> to arrest some of these sectaries and, according to the
> common version, having received during the interrogation
> their confession of their faith, executed them. These persons,
> numbering seven, and arrested at random, since the
> Babis are counted already by thousands within the very[Pg 207]
> capital, would by no means deny their faith and met death
> with an exultation which could only be explained as fanaticism
> brought to its extreme limit. The Assistant Minister
> of Foreign Affairs, Mirza Muhammad Ali, on the contrary
> affirms that those people have confessed nothing and that
> their silence was interpreted as a sufficient proof of their
> guilt.
> 
> 'One can only regret the blindness of the Shah's authorities
> who imagine that such measures could extinguish
> religious fanaticism, as well as the injustice which guides
> their actions when examples of cruelty, with which they are
> trying to frighten the people, are committed without distinction
> against the first passer-by who falls into their
> hands...'[2]
> 
> Ten days later (February 22nd 1850), Sheil wrote to
> Palmerston that apparently the advice tendered by Her
> Majesty's Government that criminals should not be executed
> in the presence of the Sovereign had had some effect, because
> a few days before, seven Bábís, accused of conspiring
> to assassinate the Grand Vizier, had been put to death in
> public with no untoward incident. Sheil asserted that this
> fact proved the feasibility of public executions. Mírzá Taqí
> Khán had earlier stated that with executions in public there
> was the risk of a malefactor being snatched and spirited
> away. Sheil felt, however, that on this occasion there was
> sympathy for the executed, because the story of a conspiracy
> to murder the Grand Vizier was not generally
> believed. He further observed that the Bábís had been offered
> their lives, were they to recant, and they had firmly refused
> to do so. His own comment to the Grand Vizier had been
> that executing the Bábís was the surest way of propagating
> their doctrines.[3]
> 
> Lord Palmerston in answer to Sheil stated that Her
> Majesty's Government was pleased to learn that Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh had agreed with the advice not to have executions[Pg 208]
> carried out in his presence, but added, 'the punishment of
> men for religious belief, besides being unjust and cruel, is
> also an erroneous practice, and tends to encourage and propagate
> the belief which it is intended to suppress.'[4]
> 
> [Pg 209]
> 
> APPENDIX 5
> 
> THE EPISODE OF ZANJÁN
> 
> The episode of Zanján covered the period from May to
> December 1850, and much engaged the attention of the
> British and Russian envoys. On May 25th Sheil reported
> to Palmerston: 'At Zenjan ... an attempt at insurrection
> was made by the Sect of the Babees whose leader is the chief
> priest of the town—Five hours after the receipt of this
> intelligence a Battalion of Infantry 400 horse and three guns
> marched towards Zenjan—This is an instance unexampled
> in Persia of military celerity, which perhaps would not be
> surpassed in many countries of Europe.'[1] A month later,
> Sheil reported: 'The insurrection at Zenjan has not yet been
> quelled. The Bâbees of that city continue to defend themselves
> with the zeal of proselytes and the contempt of life
> inculcated by their faith...'[2]
> 
> Prince Dolgorukov, the Russian Minister, commented
> on July 31st: 'The Government has exhausted all possible
> means to compel the Babis to submit voluntarily. Muhammad
> Ali who heads the two or three hundred of these
> fanatics in Zanjan, has fortified himself in one of the quarters
> of the said town and terrifies the inhabitants. The Amir was
> finally forced to take energetic measures, and the former
> beglerbegi of Tabriz, Muhammad Khan, has just been sent
> against them with an army of 2000 men and four cannons.'[3]
> Dolgorukov had grossly underestimated the number of the
> Bábís. (See pp. 185-6.)
> 
> Sheil wrote on August 22nd: 'The Bâbees of Zenjan still
> continue to maintain that nearly defenceless city against the[Pg 210]
> Shah's troops.'[4] On September 5th he reported: '... these
> fanatics are reduced to a few hundred fighting men, they
> continue to maintain a hopeless contest, with undaunted
> resolution, refusing submission on any terms...'[5]
> 
> Dolgorukov reported on September 14th: 'The Babis,
> who are engaged there in a life and death struggle against
> the troops of the Shah, are still resisting the attacks of
> Muhammad Khan, and one can only wonder at the fierceness
> with which they meet the danger of their situation. Their
> leader Mulla Muhammad Ali, has appealed to the Turkish
> Minister, Sami Effendi, and also to Colonel Sheil for their
> mediation. However, my English colleague is of the
> opinion that it would be very difficult to force the Persian
> Government to consent to foreign intervention in favor of
> the above mentioned sectaries.'[6] On October 6th, the
> Russian Minister was in a petulant mood: 'I think it would
> have been better if they [the Persian Government] had given
> more serious attention to the affairs of Zanjan. The Babis
> have been fighting against 6000 of the Shah's best troops
> for almost five months now, and Muhammad Khan, who is
> already master of three quarters of the city, cannot take the
> quarter which they have fortified themselves and are
> defending ... with a heroism and a fury worthy of a better
> application.'[7] In his dispatch of November 9th, Dolgorukov
> wrote: 'New military units have just been dispatched
> against the Babis of Zanjan. This time the Governor
> of that city, a brother of the Shah's mother, Amir Aslan
> Khan, is accused of provoking the resistance, which the
> Babis offer the Shah's army, by his incautious behavior.'[8]
> And, at last, on December 26th Dolgorukov could report:
> 'The Zanjan disturbances have ended. After a siege which
> lasted for almost six months the Shah's troops have destroyed
> the center of the rebellion. The Babis who defended
> themselves to the last, and whose numbers were finally
> reduced to twenty men, who sought refuge in a cellar, were[Pg 211]
> torn to pieces. In addition to monetary expenditures, this
> struggle has cost Persia 1500 in killed and disabled.'[9]
> 
> Meanwhile Sheil had been reporting on September 25th:
> 'The disciples of Bâb have barricaded a portion of that town,
> from which they cannot be expelled without a greater loss
> of life than the assailants seem willing to encounter.'[10] And
> he wrote on October 25th: 'Contrary to all rational expectation
> the small portion of Zenjan occupied by the Bâbees
> continues to set at defiance the efforts of the Shah's troops to
> expel that sect from the City.' In the same dispatch he stated
> that 'General Sir Henry Bethune who visited the scene of
> operations, expressed a conviction that three hours with
> ordinary troops would finish the affair...'[11] Bethune was
> the man who had helped Muḥammad Sháh to his throne.
> Sheil seems to have become wearied of reporting on Zanján,
> for on November 23rd he wrote: 'I continue unable to make
> any variation in my reports relative to Zenjan—The same
> feeble ineffectual attempts at assault, the same repulses still
> mark the progress of the siege.' Then he made the extraordinary
> assertion that it had been affirmed that the defenders
> of Zanján were not Bábís at all, that they had been
> heard to 'proclaim from the walls in hearing of the troops,
> the creed that "there is no God but God, and Mahomed is
> his prophet."' Those men were fighting, it was said, because
> of the enormities perpetrated by the troops. Even
> more extraordinary is this fantastic and incredibly false
> statement in that same dispatch of November 23rd: 'Moolla
> Mahomed Ali, their chief, has the reputation of having
> proclaimed himself to be the true Bâb, and his predecessor
> to have been an impostor.'[12] On December 16th Sheil
> wrote to Palmerston: 'Her Majesty's Consul at Tabreez
> having informed me that great atrocities are committed at
> Zenjan by the soldiery particularly by their shocking treatment
> of such women as have been captured, I brought the
> circumstances to the knowledge of the Persian Minister—The Ameer-i.Nizam[Pg 212]
> thanked me for the information, and
> said he would take immediate steps for preventing such
> barbarous proceedings, which are entirely opposed to his
> sentiments and feelings—' '... the mode in which my
> communication was received by the Ameer. i. Nizam shows
> an improvement in his tone, and in the temper with which
> he listens to suggestions of the above nature.'[13]
> 
> On December 24th, Sheil reported to Palmerston: 'This
> protracted siege, if siege it can be called, is inexplicable—An
> English gentleman who lately passed through Zenjan informed
> me a few days ago that the portion of the town
> occupied by the Bâbees is confined to three or four houses,
> and that their numbers are utterly insignificant—They have
> adopted a mode of defence which seems to exceed the
> military skill of the Persian commanders—The entire of the
> space included within these houses is mined or excavated and
> connected by passages. Here the Bâbees live in safety from
> the shot and shells of the assailants, who evidently have no
> predilection for underground warfare.'[14]
> 
> Lord Palmerston on February 11th 1851 wrote to Sheil
> that '... Her Majesty's Government approve of your
> having called the attention of the Ameer-i-Nizam ... to
> the acts of violence committed by the Persian Troops against
> Zenjan.'[15]
> 
> And finally, here is the last report of Sheil on the episode
> of Zanján. It is dated January 6th 1851. 'I have the honor
> to report to Your Lordship that Zenjan has been at length
> captured—Moolla Mahomed Ali, the leader of the insurgents,
> had received a wound in the arm, which terminated
> in his death—His followers dismayed by the loss of their
> chief, yielded to an assault which their relaxation in the
> energy of their defence encouraged the commander of the
> Shah's troops to make—This success was followed by a
> great atrocity—The pusillanimity of the troops, which the
> events of this siege had rendered so notorious, was equalled[Pg 213]
> by their ferocity—All the captives were bayonetted by the
> soldiers in cold blood, to avenge ... the slaughter of their
> comrades—Religious hatred may have conspired with the
> feelings excited by a blood feud, which among the tribes
> are very strong, to cause this ruthless act—Four hundred
> persons are said to have perished in this way, among whom
> it is believed were some women and children—Of the fact
> itself there can be no doubt, as it is admitted by the Government
> in its notification of the reduction of the city, though
> it may be presumed that in the number there is exaggeration.'[16]
> 
> [Pg 214]
> 
> APPENDIX 6
> 
> LORD PALMERSTON'S ENQUIRY
> 
> Lord Palmerston wrote to Sheil on May 2nd 1850:
> 
> 'I have to instruct you to furnish me with a more detailed
> account than that contained in your despatch No. 20, of the
> 12th of February, of the difference between the tenets of the
> new sect of Bab, and those of the established religion of
> Persia.'[1]
> 
> Sheil answered Lord Palmerston on June 21st:
> 
> 'In conformity with Your Lordship's instructions I have
> the honor to enclose an account of the new Sect of Bab—The
> statement contained in the enclosure numbered No. 1
> is taken from an account given to me by a disciple of Bab,
> and which I have no doubt is correct. The other is extracted
> from a letter from a chief Priest in Yezd, and cannot be
> trusted—
> 
> 'This is the simplest of religions. Its tenets are summed up
> in materialism, communism, and the absolute indifference
> of good and evil, and of all human actions.'[2]
> 
> Unfortunately both accounts sent to Palmerston are highly
> inaccurate. Moreover, Sheil's own comments indicate that
> he himself did not have an open mind. Plainly the account
> given to him, as he had stated, 'by a disciple of Bab', was
> not a verbatim rendering into English, but a reconstruction
> with interpolations, as witnessed by these two sentences:
> 'They believe in Mahomed as a Prophet and in the divine
> origin of the Koran: but Bâb contends that until this moment
> only the apparent meaning of the Koran was understood
> and that he has come to explain the real secret and divine[Pg 215]
> essence of God's word. But it will be seen in a subsequent
> part of this account that the words Prophet and Divine origin
> have no signification.' Further evidence is provided by
> Sheil's rough notes with marginal additions[3] from which
> the account by a Bábí is drawn.
> 
> What disciple of the Báb would say: 'The intercourse of
> the sexes is very nearly promiscuous—There is no form of
> marriage; a man and woman live together as long as they
> please and no longer, and if another man desires to have
> possession of that woman, it rests with her, not with the
> man who has been her husband, if he can be so termed:—A
> man may have wives without limit; a woman has a similar
> licence.' This Bábí, unless his account was garnished, was
> either a nihilist of sorts, or totally ignorant of what the
> teaching of the Báb was.
> 
> Equally extraordinary, confused and contrary to the
> Writings of the Báb in the Persian and Arabic Bayán are the
> following lines in that account by a Bábí: 'There is no hell
> or heaven, therefore there is no hereafter—annihilation is
> man's doom in fact—he with every living and vegetable
> thing, in short everything whatever, will be absorbed in
> the Divinity—Everything is God, and therefore absorbed,
> which is the phrase of the Soofees, who consider every
> thing is a reflection of God—Hell is suffered and heaven is
> enjoyed in this world; but there is no such thing as crime,
> nor of course virtue, only as they concern the relations of
> man and man in this world. A man's will is his Law in all
> things....
> 
> 'The most absolute materialism seems to form the essence
> of their belief—God is one—Every individual substance
> and particle, living or not, is God, and the whole is God—and
> every individual thing, always was, always is, and always
> will be.'[4]
> 
> The account by the Chief Priest of Yazd, which was a
> vitriolic attack on the Báb and Vaḥíd, and which Sheil had[Pg 216]
> ruled out in his letter to the Foreign Secretary as 'cannot
> be trusted', was not dissimilar, in some respects, to the
> account by 'a disciple of Bab'.
> 
> These extracts make it clear how misinformed was Lord
> Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, by the reports
> of his representative in Ṭihrán.
> 
> [Pg 217]
> 
> APPENDIX 7
> 
> MYTH-MAKING
> 
> The volume of writing in the West about the Bábí and Bahá'í
> Faiths is not insignificant. There are copious scholarly works
> on the subject in Russian, French and English. We have
> the works of Alexander Toumansky, Baron Rosen, Mírzá
> Kazem-Beg, Count Gobineau, A.-L.-M. Nicolas, and Edward
> Granville Browne. We also have attacks and refutations, but
> these latter categories belong to more recent years, when the
> Bahá'í Faith has been making considerable headway in the
> Western world.
> 
> There is another genre of writing which merits attention,
> if only for a negative reason. These writings do not enlighten;
> they create myths. Generally speaking, remarks by
> travellers and casual visitors to Írán fall within this category,
> but are by no means confined to such writers.
> 
> A sizable book could be compiled of the remarks and
> observations which are myth-making. Here we must be
> content with only a few extracts. Some of these solemn
> pronunciations are highly amusing, as with the following
> which is taken from a book by Arthur Arnold:[FZ]
> 
> 'The measure of injustice and oppression which these
> courts of the Koran inflict upon the Christians may seem
> mild, in comparison with the treatment by which they
> suppress nonconformity within the pale of their own
> community. We have seen an example in the sentence of
> "a hundred sticks", which the incautious expression of[Pg 218]
> liberal views brought upon the friend of the Zil-i-Sultan
> [Ẓillu's-Sulṭán],[GA] who added to free speech the wickedness
> of wearing trousers of European cut. There is, however,
> in Ispahan a surviving heresy, the most notable in Persia,
> which, when proved against a man, is almost a death
> warrant.[GB]
> 
> 'Early in the present century, a boy was born at Shiraz,
> the son of a grocer, whose name has not been preserved.
> Arrived at manhood, this grocer's son expounded his idea
> of a religion even more indulgent than that of Mahommed.
> He is known by the name of Bāb (the gate), and his followers
> are called Bābis. In 1850, Bāb had established some reputation
> as a prophet, and was surrounded by followers as ready
> to shed their blood in his defence as any who formed the
> body-guard of Mahommed in those early days at Medina,
> when he had gained no fame in battle, and had not conceived
> the plan of the Koran. Bāb was attacked as an enemy of God
> and man, and at last taken prisoner by the Persian Government,
> and sentenced to death. He was to be shot. Tied to a
> stake in Tabriz, he confronted the firing party and awaited
> death. The report of the muskets was heard, and Bāb felt
> himself wounded, but at liberty. He was not seriously hurt,
> and the bullets had cut the cord which bound him. Clouds
> of smoke hung about the spot where he stood, and probably
> he felt a gleam of hope that he might escape when he rushed
> from the stake into a neighbouring guardhouse. He had
> a great reputation, and very little was necessary to make
> soldiers and people believe that his life had been spared by
> a genuine miracle. Half the population of Persia would
> perhaps have become Bābis, had that guardhouse contained[Pg 219]
> the entrance to a safe hiding place. But there was nothing of
> the sort. The poor wretch was only a man, and the soldiers
> saw he had no supernatural powers whatever. He was
> dragged again to the firing place and killed. But dissent is not
> to be suppressed by punishment, and of course Bābism
> did not die with him. Two years afterwards, when the present
> Shah was enjoying his favourite sport, and was somewhat
> in advance of his followers, three men rushed upon his
> Majesty and wounded him in an attempted assassination.
> The life of Nazr-ed-deen [Náṣiri'd-Dín] Shah, Kajar, was
> saved by his own quickness and by the arrival of his followers,
> who made prisoners of the assassins. They declared
> themselves Bābis, and gloried in their attempt to avenge the
> death of their leader and to propagate their doctrines by the
> murder of the Shah. The baffled criminals were put to death
> with the cruelty which the offences of this sect always meet
> with. Lighted candles were inserted in slits cut in their living
> bodies, and, after lingering long in agony, their tortured
> frames were hewn in pieces with hatchets.
> 
> 'In most countries, the theory of punishment is, that the
> State, on behalf of the community, must take vengeance
> upon the offender. But in Persia it is otherwise. There, in
> accordance with the teaching of the Koran, the theory and
> basis of punishment is, that the relations of the victim must
> take revenge upon the actual or would-be murderers. In
> conformity with this idea, the Shah's chamberlain executed
> on his Majesty's behalf, and with his own hand, one of the
> conspirators. Yet the Bābis remain the terror and trouble of
> the Government of Ispahan, where the sect is reputed to
> number more followers than anywhere else in Persia. But
> many of them have, in the present day, transferred their
> allegiance from Bāb to Behar, a man who was lately, and
> may be at present, imprisoned at Acca, in Arabia, by the
> Turkish Government. Behar represents himself as God the
> Father in human form, and declares that Bāb occupies the[Pg 220]
> same position, in regard to himself, that John the Baptist
> held to Jesus Christ. We were assured that there were
> respectable families in Ispahan who worship this imprisoned
> fanatic, who endanger their property and their lives by a
> secret devotion, which, if known, would bring them to
> destitution, and probably to a cruel death.'[1]
> 
> Our second extract is from a much weightier book written
> by an American diplomat, Mr. S. G. W. Benjamin, the first
> United States Minister accredited to Írán:[GC]
> 
> 'But the most remarkable sect now in Persia is probably
> that of the Bâbees, or followers of the Bâb. Their importance
> is not so much due to their numbers or political
> influence, as to the fact that the sect is of recent origin,
> full of proselyting zeal, and gaining converts every day in
> all parts of Persia, and latterly also in Turkey. The Bâbees
> present one of the most important religious phenomena of
> the age. It must be admitted, however, that they very
> strongly resemble in their communistic views the doctrines
> enounced [sic] by the famous Mazdâk [Mazdak], who was
> executed by Chosroes I after bringing the empire to the
> verge of destruction by the spread of his anarchical tenets.
> 
> 'In 1810 was born Seyed Alee Mohammed, at Shirâz....
> Like all the founders of oriental religions, he began his
> career with a period of seclusion and meditation. He accepted
> Mahomet and Alee in the creed which he considered himself
> predestined to proclaim; but he added to this the declaration
> that their spirits had in turn entered into his own soul,
> and that he was therefore a great prophet,—the Bâb, who
> was to bring their gospel to a legitimate conclusion. It[Pg 221]
> became his mission, therefore, to announce that all things
> were divine, and that he, the Bâb, was the incarnate presentment
> of the universal life. To this doctrine was added a
> socialism which formulated the equality of all, sweeping
> away social classes and distinctions, and ordaining a community
> of property, and also, at first, of wives. The new
> doctrines took hold of the heart of the masses; men and
> women of all ranks hastened to proclaim their yearning for
> something that promised to better their condition, by embracing
> the wild teachings of the Bâb ... the Government
> could not long remain blind to the possible results if the
> movement were allowed to spread unchecked. Therefore,
> after several serious tumults, the Bâb was seized and executed
> at Tabreez. This only served to add fuel to the fire. A fierce
> persecution broke forth; but the Bâbees were not willing
> to submit tamely to suppression.... The Bâbees are now
> obliged to practise their faith in secret, all of those in Persia
> being outwardly of the Sheäh sect. But their activity does
> not cease, and their numbers are increasing rapidly. The
> sect has also extended to Turkey. The leader of the Turkish
> branch resides at Constantinople.
> 
> 'In Persia the title of the present head of the sect is
> Sob-e-Azêl [Ṣubḥ-i-Azal]. As his belief in the Bâb is a secret,
> his name is not mentioned in this connection.... Just now
> there seems to be unusual activity among the Bâbees, emissaries
> or missionaries are secretly pervading the country,
> not only seeking to make proselytes but also presenting
> modifications in belief. The community in wives is no
> longer a practised tenet of the Bâb sect, while it is proclaimed
> with increasing emphasis that the Bâb is none other
> than God himself made manifest in the flesh.'[3]
> 
> The next extract is by another diplomat, General Sir
> Thomas Edward Gordon, who had once been the Military
> Attaché and Oriental Secretary of Queen Victoria's Legation[Pg 222]
> in Ṭihrán, and wrote his book after a second visit to
> Írán:
> 
> 'The Babi sect of Mohammedans, regarded as seceders
> from Islam, but who assert their claim to be only the advocates
> for Mohammedan Church reform, are at last better
> understood and more leniently treated—certainly at Tehran.
> They have long been persecuted and punished in the cruellest
> fashion, even to torture and death, under the belief that they
> were a dangerous body which aimed at the subversion of
> the State as well as the Church. But better counsels now
> prevail, to show that the time has come to cease from persecuting
> these sectarians, who, at all events in the present
> day, show no hostility to the Government; and the Government
> has probably discovered the truth of the Babi saying,
> that one martyr makes many proselytes....
> 
> 'An acknowledged authority on the Bab, the founder of
> this creed, has written that he "directed the thoughts and
> hopes of his disciples to this world, not to an unseen world."
> From this it was inferred he did not believe in a future
> state, nor in anything beyond this life. Of course, among
> the followers of a new faith, liberal and broad in its views,
> continued fresh developments of belief must be expected;
> and with reference to the idea that the Babis think not of a
> hereafter, I was told that they believe in the reincarnation
> of the soul, the good after death returning to life and
> happiness, the bad to unhappiness. A Babi, in speaking
> of individual pre-existence, said to me, "You believe in a
> future state; why, then, should you not believe in a pre-existent
> state? Eternity is without beginning and without
> end." This idea of re-incarnation, generally affecting all
> Babis, is, of course, an extension of the original belief
> regarding the re-incarnation of the Bab, and the eighteen
> disciple-prophets who compose the sacred college of the
> sect....
> 
> 'The Babi reform manifests an important advance upon[Pg 223]
> all previous modern Oriental systems in its treatment of
> woman. Polygamy and concubinage are forbidden, the use
> of the veil is discouraged, and the equality of the sexes is
> so thoroughly recognised that one, at least, of the nineteen
> sovereign prophets must always be a female. This is a return
> to the position of woman in early Persia, of which Malcolm
> speaks when he says that Quintus Curtius told of Alexander
> not seating himself in the presence of Sisygambis till told to
> do so by that matron, because it was not the custom in Persia
> for sons to sit in presence of their mother.'[4]
> 
> It must be said that Sir Thomas Gordon's long account
> of the Bábís (from which only a few passages are taken) is
> good in many respects; nevertheless, it perpetuates myths.
> 
> Finally, here are two extracts from a book[GD] so highly rated
> that, when it was published in 1915, it was put on the 'Secret
> List' of the British Foreign Office, and kept there for more
> than a decade:
> 
> 'A religious heresy which was destined to produce
> serious political consequences in Persia made its appearance
> during the later years of Muhammad Shāh: this was Bābism,
> the creed of the Bābis or followers of the Bāb. The founder
> was Saiyid `Ali Muhammad, the son of a grocer of Shīrāz,
> who, being sent as a youth to represent his father at Būshehr,
> soon left that place on pilgrimage to Makkah and afterwards
> sat as a student at the feet of Hāji Saiyid Kāzim, the[Pg 224]
> greatest Mujtahid of the day at Karbala. On the death of his
> teacher he returned to Būshehr, where he proclaimed himself
> a prophet, the 23rd May 1844 being accounted the date
> of his manifestation in that character.
> 
> '"He now assumed the title of the Bāb, or gate, through
> whom knowledge of the Twelfth Imam Mahdi could alone
> be attained. His pretensions undoubtedly became more
> extravagant as time proceeded, and he successfully announced
> himself as the Mahdi, as a re-incarnation of the
> prophet, and as a Revelation or Incarnation of God himself."[GE]
> The Bābi faith was ecclesiastically proscribed
> throughout Persia; and massacres of its adherents, with
> counter-assassinations of leading persecutors, became the
> order of the day.'
> 
> 'The new Bābi religion in Persia, of which the institution
> may be dated from 1844, the year in which Mīrza `Ali
> Muhammad, commonly known as the Bāb, declared his
> mission, does not appear to have obtained as yet much hold
> on the coast of the Persian Gulf, notwithstanding that the
> Bāb visited Būshehr at an early stage in his public career.
> It was reported that at Būshehr there were in 1905 only about
> 50 Bābis, chiefly employed in the Customs Department or
> in the Artillery; a very few others were found at the ports
> of Bandar `Abbas and Lingeh, and possibly at Shehr-i-Vīrān
> in the Līrāvi district; but at Baghdād, which was
> the headquarters of the Bābi religion from 1853 to 1864,
> it did not appear that there are any. It is probable, however,
> that Bābis are to be found in places where their existence
> has not been ascertained.'[5]
> 
> FOOTNOTES:
> 
> [A] The Rukni'd-Dawlih.
> 
> [B] Mashhad (Meshed) contains the Shrine of Imám Riḍá, the
> eighth Imám.
> 
> [C] Ḥájí Muḥammad-Ismá`íl-i-Gulpáygání.
> 
> [D] The following verse in the Qur'án (xvii, 4) refers to the
> Mi`ráj:
> 
> Glory be to Him, who carried His servant by night
> 
> from the Holy Mosque to the Further Mosque
> 
> the precincts of which We have blessed,
> 
> that We might show him some of Our signs.
> 
> He is the All-hearing, the All-seeing.
> 
> —Arberry, The Koran Interpreted
> 
> The Holy Mosque (Masjid-al-Ḥarám) is the Ka`bah in Mecca;
> the Further Mosque (Masjid-al-Aqṣá) is in Jerusalem.
> 
> [E] `Abdu'l-Bahá has related this story of Siyyid Káẓim's
> works of charity: '`Alí-Sháh [the Ẓillu's-Sulṭán, see Prologue II,
> p. 10]
> 
> [F] Probably 'yárámáz', meaning 'good-for-nothing'.
> 
> [G] For other aspects the reader is referred to the Introduction
> of Nabíl's The Dawn-Breakers.
> 
> [H] Ḥájí Ibráhím Khán (the I`timádu'd-Dawlih).
> 
> [I] This incident is referred to by Bahá'u'lláh in His Tablet to
> Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh.
> 
> [J] The Áṣafu'd-Dawlih, who later rose in rebellion against the
> central government during the reign of Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh.
> 
> [K] In reality `Alí-Sháh, the Ẓillu's-Sulṭán, not to be confused
> with Prince Sulṭán Mas`úd Mírzá, the Governor-General of
> Iṣfahán, who had the same title in later years.
> 
> [L] See Balyuzi, `Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 373 and note.
> 
> [M] A descendant of the Prophet Muḥammad.
> 
> [N] The quotations in this chapter without reference numbers
> are taken from Nabíl, The Dawn-Breakers, ch. iii.
> 
> [O] Qur'án xv, 46.
> 
> [P] A well-known mosque in Shíráz.
> 
> [Q] The daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad, and the wife of
> `Alí, the first Imám.
> 
> [R] Súrih xii.
> 
> [S] Today that night and that hour are celebrated with joy and
> reverence and gratitude all over the world.
> 
> [T] The commentary on the Súrih of Joseph.
> 
> [U] Qur'án xxxvii, 180.
> 
> [V] Now named Bábul.
> 
> [W] Ḥurúf-i-Ḥayy. Ḥayy (the Living) is an Arabic word, numerically
> equivalent to eighteen.
> 
> [X] Zarrín-Táj.
> 
> [Y] The school of Shaykh Aḥmad.
> 
> [Z] We shall see on p. 163 how she acquired this name.
> 
> [AA] Qur'án xxxvi, 65.
> 
> [AB] Qur'án lxxxix, 23.
> 
> [AC] ibid., xlvii.
> 
> [AD] Qur'án.
> 
> [AE] ibid., xxviii, 4.
> 
> [AF] He was the son of Fáṭimih and `Alí.
> 
> [AG] Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's father, Áqá Mírzá-Áqá, was a
> nephew of the wife of the Báb, and his paternal grandfather, Áqá
> Mírzá Zaynu'l-`Ábidín, was a paternal cousin of the father of the
> Báb. (See Foreword for other details of the manuscript.)
> 
> [AH] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 2.
> 
> [AI] Literally, 'The Leader of Friday'—the leading imám (he
> who leads the congregation in prayer) in a town or city.
> 
> [AJ] Literally, the 'Sea of All Knowledge'.
> 
> [AK] A well-known inn (caravanserai).
> 
> [AL] Islamic law specifies fifteen as the age of maturity.
> 
> [AM] The holy cities of `Íráq are: (1) Najaf and (2) Karbilá (both
> already mentioned), which have within them the shrines of the
> first and the third Imáms, respectively; (3) Káẓimayn, in the
> close vicinity of Baghdád, which harbours the shrines of Imám
> Músá al-Káẓim, the seventh Imám, and Imám Muḥammad al-Taqí,
> the ninth Imám; (4) Sámarrá, where the shrines of the
> tenth and the eleventh Imáms, `Alí an-Naqí and Ḥasan al-`Askarí,
> are situated.
> 
> [AN] Qur'án lxxvi, 21.
> 
> [AO] 'Siyyidu'sh-Shuhadá'' can be variously translated as the
> 'Head', the 'Chief', the 'Master' or 'Prince of the Martyrs'. It is
> applied to Imám Ḥusayn (the grandson of the Prophet Muḥammad)
> who was the third Imám.
> 
> [AP] Háshim was the great-grandfather of the Prophet Muḥammad.
> 
> [AQ] The daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad.
> 
> [AR] The Báb refers to Himself time and again in this Book as
> 'Qurratu'l-`Ayn'—the Solace of the Eyes.
> 
> [AS] 'Nuqṭiy-i-Úlá'—the Báb.
> 
> [AT] His name was Mubárak.
> 
> [AU] To raise the Call of the Qá'im.
> 
> [AV] The Lord of the Age.
> 
> [AW] He is usually known as Gandum-Pák-Kun (the Sifter of
> Wheat); his name was Mullá Ja`far. He was one of the martyrs
> of Shaykh Ṭabarsí.
> 
> [AX] Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Karím Khán-i-Kirmání considered
> himself to be the successor to Siyyid Káẓim. He fostered bitter
> opposition to the Báb within the Shaykhí school.
> 
> [AY] He was the first to attempt to write a history of the new
> theophany.
> 
> [AZ] Páy-i-Minár, named after the quarter of the city where it
> was located.
> 
> [BA] Teacher or tutor.
> 
> [BB] Bahá'u'lláh's father was famed for his calligraphy.
> 
> [BC] See note 6, Prologue.
> 
> [BD] Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá wrote in Arabic.
> 
> [BE] See Prologue I.
> 
> [BF] Major Rawlinson nowhere mentions the name of the priest
> who is alleged to have been the possessor of a 'spurious' version
> of the Qur'án. It is obvious that the priest, about whom he was
> writing, could have been none other than Mullá `Alíy-i-Basṭámí,
> whom he wrongly designated as 'Shirazee' for the simple reason
> that he had come from Shíráz. His frequent references to the
> disciples of Siyyid Káẓim as 'Usúlí' indicate that his knowledge
> of the issue was meagre, for these disciples were known as
> Shaykhís. The term could have been more appropriately applied
> to the opponents of Siyyid Káẓim. They and their counterpart,
> the 'Akhbárís', followed different methods of interpretation
> within the Shí`ah fold. For a description of these schools of
> thought, see Browne, A Literary History of Persia, Vol. IV, pp.
> 374-6.
> 
> [BG] His province.
> 
> [BH] Rawlinson's letter to Sheil carries the statement that Mullá
> `Alí abjured his faith. Apart from the evidence of the devotion
> and heroism of the disciples of the Báb, which history amply
> provides, several factors must be considered. Major Rawlinson
> was not present at that meeting of the divines, which he termed
> 'the Court of Inquisition'. Therefore his information was secondhand.
> The emergence of Sunní-Shí`ah antagonism was another
> factor which would certainly have clouded the issue. The 'advent
> of the Imam' need not, necessarily, have troubled the Sunní
> conscience, because Sunnís have never believed in the Imámate
> and the occultation of the Twelfth Imám. Furthermore, that which
> Mullá `Alí is supposed to have rejected, according to Rawlinson,
> was a 'perverted copy of the Koran'. Would Mullá `Alí ever
> have an interpolated copy of the Qur'án to announce the message
> he had to give, or to prove it? And then the question must also
> be asked: if Mullá `Alí, the man who brought the news of the
> advent of the Báb, had recanted, how was it that 'considerable
> uneasiness' was becoming perceptible in Karbilá and Najaf, 'in
> regard to the expected manifestation of the Imam'?
> 
> [BI] Shí`ah divines.
> 
> [BJ] Official courier.
> 
> [BK] Mullá `Alí was before long caught up in a furore of agitation and
> oppression, was apprehended, put on trial and condemned to death.
> It has always been assumed that he was put to death somewhere in
> `Iráq (either in Mosul or beyond), while being taken to Istanbul,
> because nothing more was ever heard of him after he reached Mosul.
> But recent research in official archives has established the fact that
> he arrived in the Ottoman capital, was once again put on trial and
> was condemned to hard labour in the dockyards, where he died
> towards the end of 1846. (For most of this information the author
> is much indebted to Mr Sami Doktoroglu.)
> 
> [BL] The principal official responsible for public order in a town
> or city.
> 
> [BM] In Persia this Feast is usually called `Íd-i-Qurbán.
> 
> [BN] sheet of cloth, unstitched.
> 
> [BO] He had pretensions to leadership of the Shaykhí sect after
> the death of Siyyid Káẓim.
> 
> [BP] Mír-Ghaḍab.
> 
> [BQ] The Názimu'sh-Sharí`ih, who universally earned the epithet
> of 'Ẓálim', the Tyrant.
> 
> [BR] Táríkh-i-Jadíd (p. 202) names a fourth person, a certain
> Mullá Abú-Ṭálib, a friend of Mullá Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas. His
> identity is unknown. A letter exists, written by Mullá `Alí-Akbar-i-Ardistání
> to the Báb, when he was seeking permission
> to visit Him. Since their chastisement, he says, he had been living
> in ruins outside Shíráz. The letter makes it absolutely certain
> that he was the only one who had remained and that both
> Quddús and Muqaddas had gone.
> 
> [BS] See note 9, Prologue.
> 
> [BT] M. Boré resided in Julfa, Iṣfahán. He was a layman sent by
> the French Government to obtain a foothold for the French in
> Írán. Later he became a Jesuit priest, and was the head of a
> Jesuit establishment in Galata when Layard met him in Constantinople.
> It is likely he sent copious notes to his superiors
> about the Báb and the Bábís.
> 
> [BU] Louis-Philippe.
> 
> [BV] An English merchant in Tabríz.
> 
> [BW] 'Lúṭí': mobster, bravo.
> 
> [BX] Faylí: a clan of the Qashqá'ís.
> 
> [BY] 'Alváṭ': plural of 'Lúṭí'.
> 
> [BZ] The chieftain next in rank to the Ílkhání. The central government
> made these appointments.
> 
> [CA] Such was the verdict of the Qur'án (cxi) on Abú-Lahab:
> 
> Perish the hands of Abú Lahab, and perish he!
> 
> His wealth avails him not, neither what he has earned;
> 
> he shall roast at a flaming fire
> 
> and his wife, the carrier of the firewood,
> 
> upon her neck a rope of palm-fibre.[2]
> 
> [CB] Rodwell translates this as 'clear it up at once....'
> 
> [CC] They were to find Him 'independently and of their own
> accord'.
> 
> [CD] Qur'án, cviii. Kawthar is said to be a river in Paradise.
> 
> [CE] 'The Discloser': he was called 'Kashfí' because of the
> powers of divination attributed to him.
> 
> [CF] A letter has survived in the handwriting of Vaḥíd, addressed
> to Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, the uncle of the Báb. Therein
> Vaḥíd presents proof to convince him of the truth of the claim
> of his Nephew. See Plate facing p. 81 for an example of Vaḥíd's
> handwriting.
> 
> [CG] Ṣaḥibu'z-Zamán, i.e., the Qá'im, the Mihdí (Mahdí).
> 
> [CH] The Báb was quoting a Muslim Tradition.
> 
> [CI] He and his father, Mírzá Muḥammad-`Alí, the first Mushíru'l-Mulk,
> were the Viziers of Fárs, in succession, over a period of
> forty years.
> 
> [CJ] He was called Ḥujjatu'l-Islám (The Proof of Islám), an
> appellation given to highly-placed and well-recognized divines.
> The Báb gave him the designation: Ḥujjat-i-Zanjání.
> 
> [CK] `Aẓím is numerically equivalent to Shaykh `Alí.
> 
> [CL] Many of the relatives of the Báb, including His uncle, Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, were buried inside this shrine.
> 
> [CM] See Plate facing p. 193.
> 
> [CN] On October 15th 1846, Major Hennell reported from Búshihr
> to Sheil in Ṭihrán that cholera reached Shíráz about September
> 22nd, and that 'immediately the fact was ascertained' Ḥusayn
> Khán left Shíráz and went well away. At the time of his writing,
> Hennell states, the Governor had come back, to Bágh-i-Takht,
> a garden and palace on the northern heights overlooking Shíráz.
> On November 16th, Hennell reported that 'the cholera has ceased
> its ravages at Shiraz', that it had spread as far away as Fasá and
> Jahrum, that there had been no fatal cases in Búshihr, and that
> Baṣrah and Baghdád in Turkish domains had suffered most,
> deaths numbering up to 200 a day in Baṣrah. (F.O. 268/113.)
> 
> [CO] The present writer remembers hearing from his mother her
> recollections of her paternal grandmother, the wife of Ḥájí
> Mírzá Abu'l-Qásim, which included an account of the washing
> away of the writings of the Báb. Huge copper collanders were
> used for the purpose. The paper was either buried or thrown into
> wells.
> 
> [CP] This man in future years proved so hostile, bloodthirsty
> and rapacious that Bahá'u'lláh designated him as 'Raqshá', the
> She-Serpent.
> 
> [CQ] Because of his stupidity Áqá Muḥammad-Mihdí was
> mockingly called Safíhu'l-`Ulamá—the Foolish One of the
> Learned.
> 
> [CR] Three miles roughly to a farsang or farsakh.
> 
> [CS] Maydán is a public square or an arena; as a measure of
> distance it was an indeterminate sub-division of a farsang.
> 
> [CT] According to Nicolas, the French envoy in Ṭihrán (M. de
> Bonnière) wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris, on
> March 4th 1847, that Mu`tamidu'd-Dawlih, the Governor of
> Iṣfahán, had died, leaving a fortune estimated at 40 million
> francs.[11]
> 
> [CU] Yerevan or Erivan, today the capital of the Armenian
> Socialist Soviet Republic.
> 
> [CV] Qum is the second holy city of Írán. Mashhad which holds
> the Shrine of Imám Riḍá has pride of place.
> 
> [CW] Commonly known as al-Kulayní, he died in A.D. 941. He
> was the author of Uṣúl al-Káfí (Uṣúl-i-Káfí in Persian usage), one
> of the four books that form the compendium of the belief and
> practice of Ithná-`Asharís ('Twelvers'). These are the Shí`ahs
> who believe in the major occultation of the Twelfth Imám,
> Muḥammad ibn-i-Ḥasan al-`Askarí.
> 
> [CX] In the opinion of the present writer, the second revolt of the
> Aga Khan, in 1840, was entirely due to the tortuous policies and
> the maladroitness of Ḥájí Mírzá Áqásí himself.
> 
> [CY] Also Mákú or Má-Kúh.
> 
> [CZ] See pp. 100-102.
> 
> [DA] Muḥammad Big's son, named `Alí-Akbar Big, became, in
> future years, a follower of Bahá'u'lláh. Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl met
> him in Ṭihrán and heard from him how it happened that his
> father came to accept the Báb.
> 
> [DB] A village in the vicinity of Tabríz.
> 
> [DC] Mark xi, 9-10.
> 
> [DD] Persecution forced him to abandon Tabríz. With his family
> he went to Adrianople and was exiled in the company of
> Bahá'u'lláh to `Akká. He features in the Memorials of the Faithful
> by `Abdu'l-Bahá (pp. 161-4).
> 
> [DE] From Íraván. See p. 117 and note.
> 
> [DF] A copy of the Persian Bayán, in the handwriting of Siyyid
> Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, to whom He dictated it, exists in the International
> Archives of the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> [DG] The Báb named Chihríq `Jabal-i-Shadíd'—the Grievous
> Mountain. 'Shadíd' is numerically equal to Chihríq. He called
> Máh-Kú 'Jabal-i-Básiṭ'—the Open Mountain. 'Básiṭ' is numerically
> equal to Máh-Kú.
> 
> [DH] `Abbás Mírzá was then nine years old. Farrant was the British
> chargé d'affaires in the absence of Sheil.
> 
> [DI] This man was in the fortress of Shaykh Ṭabarsí and betrayed
> his fellow-believers. Some years later in Baghdád he fell on evil
> days and Bahá'u'lláh gave him a monthly allowance.
> 
> [DJ] He was a master of Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Hebrew and
> Syriac.
> 
> [DK] The Báb revealed the Lawḥ-i-Ḥurúfát (Tablet of the Letters)
> in honour of Mírzá Asadu'lláh. 'Had the Point of the Bayán
> [Nuqṭiy-i-Bayán] no other testimony with which to establish
> His truth,' He states, 'this were sufficient—that He revealed a
> Tablet such as this, a Tablet such as no amount of learning could
> produce.'[3]]
> 
> [DL] See p. 103.
> 
> [DM] The present writer heard this account from Valíyu'lláh
> Varqá, the son of the martyr-poet, who had the rank of a Hand
> of the Cause by appointment of the Guardian of the Bahá'í
> Faith.
> 
> [DN] They included men such as Mírzá Yúsuf, the Mustawfíu'l-Mamálik
> and `Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Javánshír.
> 
> [DO] Like the Imám-Jum`ih, the Shaykhu'l-Islám was a leading
> divine of a city, who enjoyed certain privileges. Although the
> sovereign appointed the Shaykhu'l-Islám, there were many
> instances when the position passed from father to son.
> 
> [DP] Also, Mírkhwand. He died A.H. 903, A.D. 1497-8.
> 
> [DQ] Qála, the third person singular of 'to say'.
> 
> [DR] Critics such as Mírzá Káẓim Big (Kazem-Beg) have observed
> that giving the age of the Báb as thirty-five indicates that the
> whole account is spurious. Furthermore, it was not the mother
> of the Báb who was named Khadíjih, but His wife.
> 
> [DS] It is of interest that another son of Mullá Muḥammad,
> named Mírzá Ismá`íl, embraced the new Revelation.
> 
> [DT] Qur'án xxix, 51.
> 
> [DU] An undated letter has come to light in the handwriting of
> Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh, written during the Ministry of Bahá'u'lláh,
> and addressed to `Aláu'd-Dawlih, a governor of Ṭihrán. The
> Sháh instructed the Governor to put certain questions to the
> 'Bábís' arrested by Amínu's-Sulṭán, including Áqá Jamál-i-Burújirdí,
> the only one he mentions by name. Only Amínu's-Sulṭán
> and Ḥájí Áqá Muḥammad, a divine, should be present for
> the questioning, he instructed, and the replies of the Bábís
> were to be recorded and presented to him. He himself, he said,
> might then have to meet these 'Bábís', to determine exactly what
> their aims and purposes were.
> 
> Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh's language was abusive, but two points
> are particularly worth noting in this long tirade: first, his admission
> that, before the tribunal in Tabríz, the Báb stood firmly
> by His claim that He was the Qá'im; second, his insistence that
> he wanted to know what were the beliefs and intentions of the
> 'Bábís'.
> 
> During the governorship of `Aláu'd-Dawlih, Áqá Najaf-`Alí,
> a Bahá'í of Tabríz, was arrested, resulting in the apprehension
> of a number of Bahá'ís in Ṭihrán. Áqá Najaf-`Alí had recently
> returned from `Akká and was the bearer of a number of
> Tablets. He lost his life but the other Bahá'ís were eventually
> freed.
> 
> [DV] Literally, 'chief-lictor', a Roman officer who executed
> sentences on offenders.
> 
> [DW] This is a mistake. The two brothers, Siyyid Ḥasan and Siyyid
> Ḥusayn, were not put to death with the Báb, contrary to Browne's
> note accompanying this account.
> 
> [DX] There was a certain Ḥájí
> Riḍáy-i-Qásí[10] in Shíráz, always
> ready to start a riot or head a revolt. The present writer recalls
> being told by his paternal grandmother that one day, at dawn,
> Ḥájí Qásí came galloping past their door, rattling a long stick
> (or a lance) in a hole in the wall, shouting: 'O house of the
> Siyyids, may you rest in safety, Muḥammad Sháh has gone to hell.'
> She remembered that incident very well, although at the time
> she was no more than seven or eight years old.
> 
> [DY] The father of Sulaymán Khán was an attendant of `Abbás
> Mírzá, and then of his son, Muḥammad Sháh.
> 
> [DZ] Towards the end of June 1849.
> 
> [EA] Towards the end of June 1850.
> 
> [EB] There were 360 derivatives. (Browne, ed., A Traveller's
> Narrative, Vol. II, p. 42.)
> 
> [EC] Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> [ED] Men responsible for the tragedy of Karbilá, and the martyrdom
> of Imám Ḥusayn.
> 
> [EE] Siyyid `Alíy-i-Zunúzí.
> 
> [EF] Following his examination in the summer of 1848.
> 
> [EG] xxiii, 39-43.
> 
> [EH] xxii, 63-71.
> 
> [EI] xxiii, 27-30.
> 
> [EJ] Luke xxiii, 44-6.
> 
> [EK] Sha`bán 28th, 1266 A.H.
> 
> [EL] See Appendix 2 for extracts from British official documents
> which report the execution and the disposition of the bodies.
> 
> [EM] Afshárid Nádir Sháh (1736-47) and the Zand ruler, Karím
> Khán (1750-79).
> 
> [EN] Known both as Rashtí and Shaftí.
> 
> [EO] In a book which the Muftí, Maḥmúd al-Álúsí, wrote, he
> spoke of Qurratu'l-`Ayn with great admiration.
> 
> [EP] These included Siyyid Ṭáhá and Siyyid Muḥammad-Ja`far.
> 
> [EQ] Yet only two years before they had refused to hand over
> Mullá `Alí to the Persian Government, that he might reach
> safety.
> 
> [ER] Mullá Ilyáhú and Mullá Lálizár.
> 
> [ES] The first Jewish Bahá'í was Ḥakím Masíḥ, a doctor (later to
> become court physician to Muhammad Sháh) who met Ṭáhirih
> in Baghdád, and was deeply impressed by her eloquence and
> masterly exposition. Years later, while attending his son, he met
> Mullá Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas, a survivor of Shaykh Ṭabarsí, to
> whom Bahá'u'lláh had given the designation of Ismu'lláhu'l-Aṣdaq
> (the Name of God, the Most Truthful). This encounter
> led Ḥakím Masíḥ to embrace the Bahá'í Faith. He was the grandfather
> of Dr. Luṭfu'lláh Ḥakím. (See Balyuzi, `Abdu'l-Bahá, p.
> 78n.)
> 
> [ET] They were Shaykh Muḥammad Shibl and his son, Áqá
> Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá, and Shaykh Sulṭán-i-Karbilá'í.
> 
> [EU] Mullá Ḥusayn's sword is in the International Archives of
> the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> [EV] It is of interest that Shaykh Ṣáliḥ, martyred in Persia, was
> a native of `Iráq, while the first martyr of the Bábí Faith, Mullá
> `Alíy-i-Basṭámí, was a Persian who met his death in `Iráq.
> 
> [EW] The station of the Báb is discussed and defined by Shoghi
> Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith, in The Dispensation of
> Bahá'u'lláh, reprinted in the collection of his writings entitled The
> World Order of Bahá'u'lláh, to which the reader is referred.
> 
> [EX] Mullá Ḥusayn was prevented from reaching Badasht.
> 
> [EY] Literally, 'The Event'; Professor Arberry has translated it
> as 'Terror' and George Sale as 'The Inevitable'. The present
> writer prefers in this instance Sale's rendering of the whole
> súrih to Arberry's; verses 1-12 are quoted. The incident is taken
> from `Abdu'l-Bahá, The Memorials of The Faithful, p. 201, and
> Cheyne, The Reconciliation of Races and Religions, pp. 101-3.
> 
> [EZ] Also known as Ḥishmatu'd-Dawlih, the brother of Muḥammad
> Sháh, who, at a later date, was the Governor-General of
> Ádharbáyján, and refused to superintend the execution of the
> Bab.
> 
> [FA] The fame of this feat spread far and wide. Later, when the
> Grand Vizier reprimanded Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, commander
> of an army sent against the defenders of Shaykh Ṭabarsí, because
> he had fled before them, the Prince sent him pieces of the musket-barrel
> smashed by the sword of Mullá Ḥusayn, with this message:
> 'Such is the contemptible strength of an adversary who, with a
> single stroke of his sword, has shattered into six pieces the tree,
> the musket, and its holder.'[8]
> 
> [FB] Mírzá Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Juvayní.
> 
> [FC] A martyr of Shaykh Ṭabarsí.
> 
> [FD] Such as `Abdu'lláh Khán-i-Turkamán and Ḥabíbu'lláh
> Khán-i-Afghán.
> 
> [FE] Mírzá Ḥusayn-i-Mutavallí.
> 
> [FF] See ch. 12.
> 
> [FG] See Appendix 3. Vaḥíd, as a man of influence, possessed
> houses in Yazd, Nayríz, and his native town of Dáráb.
> 
> [FH] Sheil, reporting to Lord Palmerston on July 22nd 1850,
> stated that the defenders 'twice repulsed the Shah's troops.'
> (F.O. 60/152.)
> 
> [FI] Siyyid Ibráhím, the son of Siyyid Ḥusayn.
> 
> [FJ] It is populated today by Bahá'ís.
> 
> [FK] Ishmael (Ismá`íl), the son of Abraham, by Hagar.
> 
> [FL] See Appendix 4.
> 
> [FM] See Appendix 5.
> 
> [FN] He was, as we have seen, instrumental in rescuing the remains
> of the Báb.
> 
> [FO] Also known generally as Ḥájí Ákhund. He was a Hand of the
> Cause, appointed by Bahá'u'lláh.
> 
> [FP] Thieves must have seen Ḥájí Ákhund and Jamál-i-Burújirdí
> place the casket in a niche and brick it up. Whoever they were,
> they moved some of the bricks and broke open the casket, but
> finding that it did not contain any valuables they left it alone.
> 
> [FQ] In the house of Mírzá Ḥasan-i-Vazír, the remains were either
> deposited in a new casket, or the original broken casket was
> put inside a larger one. Some pieces of blood-stained and torn
> linen must have fallen out, when the remains were being secured.
> Many years later, Dr. Yúnis Khán-i-Afrúkhtih, in the course of
> professional attendance upon the family of Majdu'l-Ashráf,
> learned that they had in their possession pieces of linen soaked
> with the blood of the Báb. Dr. Afrúkhtih persuaded them to part
> with those precious relics. They are now in the International
> Archives of the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> [FR] In the dispatch, his name is spelt Ibrahim Zaffranee.
> 
> [FS] The nominal Governor. He was either willingly or by force
> of circumstances allied to the rebels.
> 
> [FT] Siyyid Ibráhím-i-Qazvíní, the adversary of Siyyid Káẓim,
> who had left Karbilá altogether during this turbulent period.
> 
> [FU] `Abbás was a brother of Imám Ḥusayn.
> 
> [FV] Mullá `Abdu'l-`Azíz dared not go to Karbilá because he
> feared his creditors. Siyyid Káẓim had urged him to visit the
> holy city.
> 
> [FW] Ẓillu's-Sulṭán was not in a distressed condition, and his
> presence in Írán was not welcomed.
> 
> [FX] Part of this passage is also quoted on p. 178.
> 
> [FY] See p. 176.
> 
> [FZ] 1833-1902, a radical politician and writer. M.P. for Salford
> and editor of Echo.
> 
> [GA] Prince Sulṭán Mas`úd Mírzá, the eldest son of Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh, Governor-General of Iṣfahán and the adjoining
> provinces.
> 
> [GB] At the time of Arnold's visit, Mírzá Asadu'lláh Khán, a
> Bahá'í, was the Vizier of Iṣfahán.
> 
> [GC] 'In the winter of 1882-1883 the author was appointed by
> President Arthur to the Legation in Persia, just created by Act
> of Congress. In 1885, with the accession of the Democratic
> party to power, he returned to private life, in accordance with
> the practice of the diplomatic service of the United States.'[2]
> 
> [GD] Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf. Gordon Lorimer was
> one of the ablest members of the Indian Political Department,
> and held various posts in the area of the Persian Gulf. In 1904,
> he was commissioned by the Government of India to prepare
> the Gazetteer. At the end of 1913, Lorimer replaced Sir Percy
> Z. Cox as Consul-General in Búshihr and Political Resident in
> the Persian Gulf. In February a mishap with a revolver caused
> his untimely death. The present writer well remembers the
> event. The Gazetteer was made ready for publication by Capt.
> R. L. Birdwood.
> 
> [GE] Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, Vol. I, p. 497.
> 
> [Pg 225]
> 
> BIBLIOGRAPHY
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá. Memorials of the Faithful. Translated from
> the original Persian text and annotated by Marzieh Gail.
> Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1971.
> 
> Arberry, Arthur J. The Koran Interpreted. Vol. One, Suras
> I-XX; Vol. Two, Suras XXI-CXIV. London: George
> Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1955; 2nd imp. 1963.
> 
> Arnold, Arthur. Through Persia by Caravan. Vol. II.
> London: Tinsley Brothers, 1877.
> 
> Bahá'í World, The. An International Record. Vol. VIII,
> 1938-1940. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í Publishing Committee,
> 1942.
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá'u'lláh.
> Trans, by Shoghi Effendi. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í
> Publishing Trust, 1935; rev. ed. 1952; repr. 1969. London:
> Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1949.
> 
> ---- The Kitáb-i-Íqán. The Book of Certitude. Trans. by
> Shoghi Effendi. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í Publishing
> Trust, 1931; 2nd ed. 1950; 3rd repr. 1960. London:
> Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 2nd ed. 1961.
> 
> Balyuzi, H. M. `Abdu'l-Bahá. The Centre of the Covenant
> of Bahá'u'lláh. London: George Ronald, 1971; 2nd repr.
> 1972 (Oxford).
> 
> ---- Bahá'u'lláh, a brief life, followed by an essay entitled
> The Word Made Flesh. London: George Ronald, 1963;
> 4th repr. 1973 (Oxford).
> 
> ---- Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá'í Faith. London:
> George Ronald, 1970.
> 
> [Pg 226]
> 
> Benjamin, S. G. W. Persia and the Persians. London: John
> Murray, 1887.
> 
> Browne, E. G. A Literary History of Persia. In four volumes.
> Vol. IV: Persian Literature in Modern Times. Cambridge
> University Press, 1924.
> 
> ---- (ed.) Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion. Cambridge
> University Press, 1918; repr. 1961.
> 
> ---- (ed.) The Táríkh-i-Jadíd or New History of Mírzá `Alí
> Muḥammad the Báb, by Mírzá Ḥuseyn of Hamadán, trans.
> from the Persian, with an Introduction, Illustrations, and
> Appendices. Cambridge University Press, 1893.
> 
> ---- (ed.) A Traveller's Narrative written to illustrate the
> Episode of the Báb. Edited in the original Persian, and
> translated into English, with an Introduction and Explanatory
> Notes. Vol. I, Persian Text. Vol. II, English
> Translation and Notes. Cambridge University Press, 1891.
> 
> ---- A Year Amongst the Persians: Impressions as to the
> Life, Character and Thought of the People of Persia,
> received during twelve months' residence in that country
> in the years 1887-8. London: A. & C. Black, 1893.
> 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press, 1926. 3rd ed.
> London: A. & C. Black, 1959.
> 
> Cheyne, T. K. The Reconciliation of Races and Religions.
> London: Adam & Charles Black, 1914.
> 
> Curzon, G. N. Persia and the Persian Question. In two
> volumes. London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1892. Frank
> Cass & Co. Ltd., 1966.
> 
> Flandin, Eugène-Napoléon and Coste, Pascal. Voyage
> en Perse pendant les années 1840 et 1841. Paris, 1851.
> 
> Gobineau, M. le Comte de. Les Religions et les Philosophies
> dans l'Asie Centrale. Paris, 1865 and 1866.
> 
> Gordon, Sir Thomas Edward. Persia Revisited (1895).
> London: Edward Arnold, 1896.
> 
> Kazemzadeh, Firuz. Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864-1914.
> New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968.
> 
> [Pg 227]
> 
> Kelly, J. B. Britain and the Persian Gulf. 1795-1880. Oxford:
> The Clarendon Press, 1968.
> 
> Layard, Sir Henry. Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana, and
> Babylonia. In two volumes. London: John Murray, 1887.
> 
> Lorimer, J. G. Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 'Oman, and
> Central Arabia. In two volumes. Calcutta, 1915 and 1908.
> Repr. Farnborough, Hants. and Shannon, Ireland: Gregg
> International Publishers Ltd and Irish University Press,
> 1970.
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam (Muḥammad-i-Zarandí). The Dawn-Breakers.
> Nabíl's Narrative of the Early Days of the Bahá'í Revelation.
> Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1932;
> Repr. 1953. London: Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1953.
> 
> Nicolas, A.-L.-M. Seyyèd Ali Mohammed dit le Bâb. Paris:
> Dujarric & Cie., 1905.
> 
> Sale, George (ed.) The Korân. Trans. into English from the
> Original Arabic, with Explanatory Notes. London:
> Frederick Warne and Co. Ltd., 1927.
> 
> Sheil, Lady Mary Leonora. Glimpses of Life and Manners
> in Persia. London: John Murray, 1856.
> 
> Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá'í
> Publishing Trust, 1944; 5th repr. 1965.
> 
> ---- The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh. Wilmette, Illinois:
> Bahá'í Publishing Trust, 1938; rev. 1955; 2nd imp. 1965.
> 
> Sohráb, Aḥmad. Risáliy-i-Tis`a-`Asharíyyih. Nineteen Discourses
> on the Báb and His two heralds: Shaykh Aḥmad-i-Aḥsá'í
> and Siyyid Káẓim-i-Rashtí. Cairo, 1919.
> 
> The reader is also referred to bibliographies contained in
> the following works (listed above):
> 
> Balyuzi, Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá'í Faith, pp.
> 123-5.
> 
> Browne, Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion, Sec. III,
> pp. 175-243.
> 
> [Pg 228]
> 
> Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, Note A,
> pp. 173-211.
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 491-3 (Brit.),
> pp. 669-71 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 229]
> 
> NOTES
> 
> Full details of authors and titles are given in the bibliography.
> Page numbers are given for the American and British editions
> of Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, The Dawn-Breakers. All Foreign Office documents
> (reference F.O.) are held by the Public Record Office,
> London. They are Crown copyright and appear verbatim by kind
> permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
> 
> Prologue I and II
> 
> [1]
> See Sohráb, Risáliy-i-Tis`a-`Asharíyyih, p. 13, for an account
> of Shaykh Aḥmad's discourses. (This source is discussed in
> Balyuzi, `Abdu'l-Bahá, p. 417.)
> 
> [2]
> ibid., p. 14.
> 
> [3]
> See note 1 above, pp. 19-20.
> 
> [4]
> F.O. 248/108 of May 15th 1843, enclosed in letter of May
> 20th 1843 to Sheil.
> 
> [5]
> The Dawn-Breakers, p. 33 (Brit.), p. 45 (U.S.).
> 
> [6]
> Sheil served as the British Minister in Ṭihrán from August
> 1842 to February 1853, except for a period of leave from October
> 1847 to November 1849, when Col. Farrant deputised for him.
> Sheil was knighted in 1855.
> 
> [7]
> F.O. 248/113.
> 
> [8]
> The other pretenders were Ḥusayn-`Alí Mírzá, the Farmán-Farmá,
> Governor-General of Fárs, and Ḥasan-`Alí Mírzá, the
> Shujá`u's-Salṭanih, Governor General of Kirmán, both sons of
> Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh. Three of the sons of the Farmán-Farmá managed
> to take themselves to London.
> 
> [9]
> Sir Henry Layard (1817-1894) was the discoverer of the
> ancient city of Nineveh. He was elected to the British parliament
> as a Liberal, and served a term as the Under-Secretary of State
> for Foreign Affairs. In 1877 he was appointed Ambassador in
> Constantinople. His account is taken from Early Adventures in
> Persia, Susiana, and Babylonia, Vol. I, pp. 257-61.
> 
> [Pg 230]
> 
> [10]
> The Ambassador recalled was Sir John MacNeill and the
> quarrel between Írán and Britain was over the city of Hirát.
> This beautiful city had always been considered an integral part
> of the province of Khurásán, but since the assassination of
> Nádir Sháh, the Afshár king, in 1747, Hirát had passed into
> possession of Afghán rulers. Muḥammad Sháh was intent on
> regaining Ḥirát, but Anglo-Russian rivalry and the British fear
> of Russian designs on India, hitherto almost non-existent, had
> become dominant factors in the international scene, bound to
> shadow the destiny of Írán; the British believed that the acquisition
> of Hirát by the Persians would, in the main, benefit Russia.
> They took counter-measures in the Persian Gulf and occupied
> the island of Khárg, close to Búshihr.
> 
> [11]
> F.O. 60/95 of February 14th 1843.
> 
> [12]
> ibid.
> 
> Chapter 1: All Hail Shíráz
> 
> Opening quotation: Gertrude Lowthian Bell (1868-1926),
> Poems from the Divan of Hafiz, Wm. Heinemann Ltd., London,
> 1897, No. xxx.
> 
> [1]
> Browne, A Year Amongst the Persians, (1926 ed.), p. 284.
> 
> [2]
> Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, Vol. I, p. 497,
> n. 2.
> 
> [3]
> Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 309.
> 
> [4]
> Since they originated from the small town of Baraghán,
> they were known as Baraghání.
> 
> [5]
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn's words are quoted in The Dawn-Breakers,
> p. 56 (Brit.), pp. 81-2 (U.S.); and in verse form in A Persian
> Anthology, trans. by E. G. Browne, ed. by E. Denison Ross,
> Methuen & Co., London, 1927, p. 72.
> 
> Chapter 2: He Whom They Sought
> 
> Opening quotation: T. K. Cheyne, The Reconciliation of Races
> and Religions, p. 74.
> 
> [1]
> Mír Muḥammad-Riḍá's father was named Mír Naṣru'lláh,
> his grandfather Mír Fatḥu'lláh, and his great-grandfather Mír
> Ibráhím.
> 
> [2]
> For details of this unedifying transaction, see Kazemzadeh,
> Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864-1914, ch. 4. The contract was
> signed on March 8th 1890.
> 
> [3]
> Translated by H. M. Balyuzi.
> 
> [4]
> Shaykh Muḥammad was known as Shaykh `Ábid, and also as
> [Pg 231]Shaykhuná and Shaykh-i-Anám. That his real name was Muḥammad
> is attested by this verse in the Arabic Bayán, one of the last
> works of the Báb: 'Say O Muḥammad, My teacher, do not beat
> me ere my years have gone beyond five.'
> 
> His school was in the quarter called Bázár-i-Murgh (Poultry
> Market), housed in a mosque-like structure which went by the
> name of Qahviy-i-Awlíyá'. It was close to the house of Ḥájí
> Mírzá Siyyid `Alí, the uncle-guardian of the Báb. In its courtyard
> were a number of graves: three were particularly revered as
> those of saintly personages, one of whom was called Awlíyá'—though
> no one really knew whose were the graves.
> 
> It is known that Shaykh `Ábid wrote a monograph on the
> childhood of the Báb, but the manuscript has always been in the
> possession of people not well-disposed to the Faith of the Báb
> and Bahá'u'lláh, and they have persistently refused to give it up
> or to divulge its contents. Shaykh `Ábid was also destined in
> later years to accept the Faith proclaimed by his former Pupil.
> 
> [5]
> Account taken from Mírzá Abu'l Faḍl's unpublished
> writings.
> 
> [6]
> Nicolas, Seyyèd Ali Mohammed Dit le Bâb, pp. 189-90.
> 
> [7]
> Written in several volumes during the reign of Náṣiri'd-Dín
> Sháh by Lisánu'l-Mulk of Káshán, whose soubriquet was
> Sipihr.
> 
> [8]
> The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 20-2 (Brit.), pp. 25-9 (U.S.).
> 
> [9]
> ibid., pp. 22-3 (Brit.), p. 30 (U.S.).
> 
> [10]
> Ḥájí Mírzá `Alí's father was named Mírzá `Ábid.
> 
> [11]
> By Dhikr, he means Himself. Repeatedly in the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá',
> the Báb refers to Himself as Dhikr, and was known to
> His followers as Dhikru'lláh-al-A`ẓam (Mention of God, the
> Most Great), or Dhikru'lláh-al-Akbar (Mention of God, the
> Greatest), and sometimes as Ḥaḍrat-i-Dhikr. 'Ḥaḍrat' prefixed
> to the name of a Manifestation of God has been translated as 'His
> Holiness'. But this English rendering is totally inadequate, for
> 'Ḥaḍrat' has no English equivalent when placed prior to the
> name of a Manifestation of God. It conveys also the sense of
> His Honour, His Eminence, His Excellency, and the like.
> 
> [12]
> From the Qayyúmu'l-Asmá', translated by H. M. Balyuzi.
> 
> Chapter 3: Ṭihrán
> 
> Opening quotations: Bahá'u'lláh, (1) Gleanings, LVI (2)
> Kitáb-i-Íqán, p. 161 (Brit.), p. 252 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 232]
> 
> [1]
> The Dawn-Breakers, p. 58 (Brit.), pp. 86-7 (U.S.).
> 
> [2]
> ibid., p. 66 (Brit.), p. 96 (U.S.).
> 
> [3]
> Two works of the Báb are entitled Bayán (Utterance): the
> larger one is in Persian, and the other which is much shorter is
> in Arabic.
> 
> [4]
> The Dawn-Breakers, p. 69 (Brit.), p. 99 (U.S.).
> 
> [5]
> ibid., p. 70 (Brit.), pp. 100-1 (U.S.).
> 
> [6]
> ibid., pp. 71-4 (Brit.), pp. 104-8 (U.S.).
> 
> [7]
> See Foreword, paragraph 4.
> 
> [8]
> Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 9.
> 
> Chapter 4: The First Martyr
> 
> Opening quotation: T. S. Eliot, 'Choruses from The Rock',
> I. 'The Eagle soars in the summit of Heaven'. Collected Poems
> 1909-1962, Faber & Faber Ltd., London, 1963.
> 
> [1]
> London 1856, p. 177.
> 
> [2] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 61-2 (Brit.), pp. 90-1 (U.S.).
> 
> [3] Throughout his life Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá served the
> Faith which he had embraced, with zeal and distinction. He spent
> many years in Beirut where he attended to the needs and requirements
> of pilgrims. His son, Áqá Ḥusayn Iqbál, did the same in
> subsequent years, with great devotion. Another son, Dr. Zia
> Bagdadi (Dr. Ḍíyá Baghdádí) resided in the United States, where
> his services were inestimable.
> 
> [4] 'There gathered Shaykh Najaf, the son of Shaykh Ja`far,
> and Shaykh Músá from Najaf; Siyyid Ibráhím al-Qazvíní from
> Karbilá; Shaykh Muḥammad-Ḥasan Yásín and Shaykh Ḥasan
> Asadu'lláh from Káẓimíyyah; Siyyid Muḥammad al-Álúsí and
> Siyyid `Alí, the Naqíb-al-Ashráf, and Muḥammad-Amín al-Wá`iz
> and Shaykh Muḥammad-Sa`íd, the Sháfi`í Muftí from Baghdád.
> There were others also besides these.' (Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafáy-i-Baghdádí.)
> 
> [5] Translated by H. M. Balyuzi. Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafáy-i-Baghdádí's
> autobiography is no more than 24 pages long. It is
> the second of two booklets printed together in Cairo. There is
> no publication date.
> 
> [6] Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson (1810-95) was one
> of the outstanding European figures in the nineteenth century.
> It was he who transcribed the cuneiform inscriptions on the
> rocks of Bísitún in Western Írán, which record the achievements
> of the great Darius. He discovered the key to decipher them.
> [Pg 233]Like Sir John Malcolm, he entered the service of the East India
> Company at the age of seventeen. Six years later, he went with
> two other British officers to train the Persian army, but after two
> years he was dismissed because Muḥammad Sháh had begun to
> quarrel with the British. Next he served in Qandahár. By his
> own wish he was transferred to `Iráq, because he wanted to be
> close to Western Írán and continue his research. He also continued
> the unfinished work of Layard at Nineveh. The British
> Museum has a wealth of archaeological finds donated by him.
> From 1859-60, he briefly occupied the post of British Minister
> in Ṭihrán. Then to the end of his life he served on the India Council
> in London and devoted his time to writing and to scientific
> pursuits. From 1870-84, the Trustees of the British Museum
> issued four volumes of cuneiform inscriptions under his close
> supervision.
> 
> [7] F.O. 248/114 of January 8th 1845, enclosed in Rawlinson's
> letter to Sheil of January 16th 1845.
> 
> [8] ibid.
> 
> [9] ibid.
> 
> [10] F.O. 248/114 of January 16th 1845.
> 
> [11] F.O. 248/114 (undated). Translation by Rawlinson, enclosed
> in his letter to Sheil of January 16th 1845.
> 
> [12] F.O. 195/237 of April 15th 1845.
> 
> [13] F.O. 195/237 of April 30th 1845.
> 
> [14] F.O. 195/237 of February 18th 1845.
> 
> [15] F.O. 248/114 of February 28th 1845.
> 
> Chapter 5: Pilgrimage to Mecca
> 
> Opening quotation: translation by H. M. Balyuzi.
> 
> [1] His son, Ḥájí Shaykh Yaḥyá, succeeded him as Imám-Jum`ih,
> and lived till 1919 to an advanced age. He extended his
> protection to the Bahá'ís on every possible occasion.
> 
> [2] Ḥájí Mírzá Ḥabíbu'lláh's narrative.
> 
> [3] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 91 (Brit.), p. 131 (U.S.).
> 
> [4] ibid., pp. 90-1 (Brit.), p. 130 (U.S.).
> 
> [5] ibid., p. 92 (Brit.), pp. 132-3 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] ibid., pp. 93-5 (Brit.), pp. 134-6 (U.S.).
> 
> [7] ibid., pp. 96-7 (Brit.), pp. 138-40 (U.S.).
> 
> [8] ibid., p. 97 (Brit.), p. 140 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 234]
> 
> Chapter 6: Forces of Opposition Arrayed
> 
> Opening quotation: Isabella in Measure for Measure, Act II,
> sc. ii.
> 
> [1] Published by Leavitt, Trow & Co., New York & Philadelphia.
> 
> [2] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 99 (Brit.), p. 142 (U.S.).
> 
> [3] ibid., pp. 100-1 (Brit.), p. 144 (U.S.).
> 
> [4] Cited Kelly, Britain and the Persian Gulf, p. 310.
> 
> [5] Eugène-Napoléon Flandin (1809-76) was an archaeologist
> and painter of note. He and Coste, an architect, were members
> of the suite of M. de Sercey, Louis-Philippe's envoy to the
> Court of Muḥammad-Sháh. They stayed in Írán, after the envoy's
> departure, to draw her ancient monuments. The result
> of their labours, Voyage en Perse, was published in 1851 by the
> French Government.
> 
> [6] Early Adventures in Persia, Vol. I, pp. 326-8.
> 
> [7] Father of Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, the Mushíru'd-Dawlih and
> Sipahsálár, who was the Persian ambassador in Constantinople
> in 1863, at the time of Bahá'u'lláh's exile to Adrianople. Mírzá
> Ḥusayn Khán later rose to be the Ṣadr-i-A`ẓam (Grand Vizier).
> 
> [8] Ḥájí Mírzá `Alí-Akbar, the Qavámu'l-Mulk, was a younger
> son of Ḥájí Ibráhím Khán, the Grand Vizier who concluded a
> treaty with Sir John Malcolm, and later fell into disgrace and was
> barbarously put to death by Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh. Most of his family
> perished with him. However, the young Mírzá `Alí-Akbar
> survived to be restored to favour in later years and given the
> title of Qavámu'l-Mulk. He and his descendants, over several
> generations, greatly influenced the destinies of the inhabitants of
> Fárs.
> 
> [9] Sartíp was a high rank in those days both in the civil and
> the military establishment; today it means brigadier. The Farmán
> (Firman) was to be read in the Masjid-i-Naw. Quarters of a city
> either belonged to the Ni`matí-Khánih or the Haydarí-Khánih.
> 
> [10] F.O. 248/113 of August 7th 1844, enclosed in a letter of
> August 14th 1844, from Hennell to Sheil.
> 
> [11] F.O. 248/113 of November 24th 1844, enclosed in Hennell's
> letter to Sheil of December 11th 1844.
> 
> [12] F.O. 248/113 of December 24th 1844, enclosed in Hennell's
> letter to Sheil of January 4th 1845.
> 
> [13] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 104 (Brit.), pp. 148-9 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 235]
> 
> Chapter 7: Belief and Denial
> 
> Opening quotation: An Essay on Man, Epistle II.
> 
> [1] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 105 (Brit.), pp. 149-50 (U.S.).
> 
> [2] Arberry (ed.), The Koran Interpreted.
> 
> [3] See Foreword, paragraph 4.
> 
> [4] Arberry (ed.), The Koran Interpreted. Verse numbers for the
> first extract are 49-50, although Arberry gives 50-1.
> 
> [5] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 105-6 (Brit.), p. 150 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] Arberry (ed.), The Koran Interpreted.
> 
> [7] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 125-6 (Brit.), pp. 174-6 (U.S.).
> 
> [8] ibid., p. 126 (Brit.), p. 176 (U.S.).
> 
> [9] ibid., pp. 126-7 (Brit.), p. 176 (U.S.).
> 
> [10] ibid., p. 127 (Brit.), p. 177 (U.S.).
> 
> [11] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 8.
> 
> [12] Masjid-i-Vakíl: built by Karím Khán-i-Vakíl, the founder
> of the Zand dynasty.
> 
> [13] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 107-9 (Brit.), pp. 153-4 (U.S.).
> 
> [14] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 7.
> 
> [15] `Andalíb (Nightingale) was the soubriquet of Mírzá
> `Alí-Ashraf of Láhíján in the Caspian province of Gílán. `Andalíb
> was a poet of superb accomplishment and an eloquent teacher.
> He met Edward Granville Browne in Yazd in the year 1888. A
> very long letter exists, in his handwriting, addressed to Edward
> Browne, in which he cites proofs from the Bible, in support of
> the Bahá'í Faith, and encourages Browne to visit Bahá'u'lláh in
> `Akká. It is not known whether a copy of the letter ever reached
> Browne.
> 
> [16] Nicolas, Seyyèd Ali Mohammed dit le Bâb, p. 233.
> 
> [17] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, pp. 9-10.
> 
> [18] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 128-9 (Brit.), p. 179 (U.S.).
> 
> [19] See footnote ch. 4, p. 62.
> 
> [20] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 11.
> 
> Chapter 8: The City of `Abbás the Great
> 
> Opening quotation: The Contention of Ajax and Ulysses, 1659.
> 
> [1] It has been stated by one writer that Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Ardistání
> was also with the Báb on this journey.
> 
> [2] Layard, Early Adventures in Persia, Vol. I, pp. 311-12.
> 
> [3] Arberry (ed.), The Koran Interpreted.
> 
> [4] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 145 (Brit.), p. 202 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 236]
> 
> [5] ibid., p. 146 (Brit.), p. 204 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] ibid., p. 148 (Brit.), pp. 205-7 (U.S.).
> 
> [7] Ṣadru'd-Dín Muḥammad of Shíráz, who died in the year
> A.H. 1050 (A.D. 1640-1) is generally known as Mullá Ṣadrá.
> Shaykh Aḥmad-i-Aḥsá'í wrote commentaries on two of his
> works: Ḥikmatu'l-`Arshíyyah (Divine Philosophy) and Mashá`ir
> (Faculties).
> 
> [8] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 150 (Brit.), p. 209 (U.S.).
> 
> [9] ibid., pp. 150-1 (Brit.), pp. 209-11 (U.S.).
> 
> [10] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 13.
> 
> [11] Nicolas, Seyyèd Ali Mohammed Dit le Bâb, p. 242, n. 192.
> 
> [12] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 152-3 (Brit.), p. 213 (U.S.).
> 
> [13] `Abdu'l-Bahá states in A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II,
> p. 13, that the Báb's sojourn in the private residence of Manúchihr
> Khán lasted four months.
> 
> Chapter 9: The Antichrist of the Bábí Revelation
> 
> Opening quotation: Act II, sc. ii.
> 
> [1] See Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 164.
> 
> [2] In the early days of Islám, these people were ranked with
> those groups of zealots who had earned the generic term of
> Ghulát (Extremists, or 'those who exaggerate'). They identified
> `Alí, the first Imám, with the Godhead. `Abdu'lláh Ibn-Sabá, a
> Jewish convert to Islám who originated this doctrine, was put to
> death by `Alí himself. '`Alí is not God but is not separate from
> Him either' is the statement attributed to them today.
> 
> [3] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 156 (Brit.), p. 217 (U.S.).
> 
> [4] ibid., p. 161 (Brit.), pp. 224-5 (U.S.).
> 
> [5] The account of this journey is given in The Dawn-Breakers,
> pp. 156-62 (Brit.), pp. 217-27 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 14.
> 
> [7] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 162-3 (Brit.), pp. 228-9 (U.S.).
> 
> [8] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, pp. 14-15.
> 
> [9] ibid., pp. 15-16.
> 
> [10] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 163 (Brit.), pp. 230-1 (U.S.).
> 
> Chapter 10: Where the Aras Flows
> 
> Opening quotation: translation by H. M. Balyuzi.
> 
> [1] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 165-6 (Brit.), p. 235 (U.S.).
> 
> [2] ibid., p. 166 (Brit.), p. 236 (U.S.).
> 
> [Pg 237]
> 
> [3] ibid.
> 
> [4] Browne (ed.), The Táríkh-i-Jadíd, pp. 220-1.
> 
> [5] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 167 (Brit.), p. 238 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 16.
> 
> [7] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 173-4 (Brit.), p. 247 (U.S.).
> 
> [8] ibid., p. 174 (Brit.), pp. 247-8 (U.S.).
> 
> [9] Dossier No. 177, Ṭihrán, 1848, pp. 49-50 and p. 360.
> See Appendix 5, n. 2.
> 
> [10] See Foreword, paragraph 4.
> 
> [11] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, p. 16.
> 
> [12] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 175 (Brit.), p. 249 (U.S.).
> 
> Chapter 11: The Grievous Mountain
> 
> Opening quotation: In Memoriam A.H.H. (Prologue, v. 5.)
> 
> [1] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 219 (Brit.), p. 303 (U.S.).
> 
> [2] After the martyrdom of the Báb, a number of His followers
> turned to Dayyán for guidance. They were known as 'Dayyáníyyih'.
> Most of them lived in the provinces of Ádharbáyján and
> Gílán. It has been thought that Dayyán claimed to be 'He Whom
> God shall make manifest', but Bahá'u'lláh refuted this in his
> Kitáb-i-Badí`. When Dayyán came into the presence of Bahá'u'lláh
> in `Iráq, He fully recognized His station.
> 
> [3] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 220 (Brit.), p. 304 (U.S.).
> 
> [4] ibid., pp. 21-2 (Brit.), p. 305 (U.S.).
> 
> [5] See ch. 2, n. 7.
> 
> [6] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, pp. 278-89.
> The questions and replies are extracted from this much longer
> report of the trial.
> 
> [7] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 230-1 (Brit.), pp. 316-19 (U.S.).
> The quotations are taken from these pages; one reply of the
> Báb is paraphrased.
> 
> [8] Browne, Materials for the Study of the Bábí Religion, pp. 260-2.
> 
> [9] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 234 (Brit.), p. 323 (U.S.).
> 
> [10] Ḥájí Qásí's end was sad. Some seventeen years later, in
> spite of assurances given to him, he was strangled on the platform
> of Persepolis, and his corpse was left dangling there, by the
> orders of an uncle of Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh, Ḥájí Sulṭán Murád
> Mírzá, the Ḥisámu's-Salṭanih, who was on his way to take up
> the reins of governorship in Shíráz.
> 
> [Pg 238]
> 
> Chapter 12: That Midsummer Noon
> 
> Opening quotation: 'The Báb' in The Bahá'í World, Vol. VIII,
> p. 945. Beatrice Irwin (1877-1956) was a British Bahá'í of Irish
> descent, who lived a good part of her life in the United States,
> but travelled both in her work and as a Bahá'í teacher to many
> parts of the world. Educated at Cheltenham College and Oxford,
> she was a pioneer in the field of lighting engineering, and also
> devoted much of her life to advancing the cause of world peace.
> Her writings include The Gates of Light, The New Science of Colour,
> and Heralds of Peace.
> 
> [1] In later years he became known as Mírzá `Alíy-i-Sayyaḥ
> (Traveller), married a daughter of Shaykh Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí and
> made his home in Karbilá. He was one of the four Bahá'ís sent
> with Ṣubḥ-i-Azal to Cyprus, by the Ottoman Government. He
> died there on August 4th 1871.
> 
> [2] See Foreword, paragraph 4.
> 
> [3] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 314 (Brit.), pp. 430-1 (U.S.). Account
> of Siyyid Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí (or `Azíz).
> 
> [4] ibid., pp. 370-1 (Brit.), p. 505 (U.S.).
> 
> [5] ibid., p. 371 (Brit.), p. 506 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] ibid., p. 372 (Brit.), p. 507 (U.S.).
> 
> [7] ibid., pp. 223-4 (Brit.), pp. 307-8 (U.S.).
> 
> [8] Cited Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh, p. 101.
> 
> [9] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 373 (Brit.), p. 508 (U.S.), and Sohráb,
> Risáliy-i-Tis`a-`Asharíyyih, p. 74.
> 
> [10] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 374 (Brit.), pp. 509-10 (U.S.).
> 
> [11] ibid., p. 375 (Brit.), p. 512 (U.S.).
> 
> [12] ibid., p. 376 (Brit.), p. 514 (U.S.).
> 
> [13] ibid., p. 378 (Brit.), pp. 518-19 (U.S.).
> 
> Chapter 13: The Dawn-breakers
> 
> Opening quotation: Díván-i-Miṣbáḥ. `Azízu'lláh Miṣbáḥ (1876-1945),
> poet, educationalist, master of belles-lettres, was an
> eminent Bahá'í of Írán. A book of his prose: Munshi'át-i-Miṣbáḥ,
> reprinted many times, became a textbook, for use in schools.
> 
> [1] Shaykh Muḥammad Shibl and his son, Áqá Muḥammad-Muṣṭafá
> (then about ten years old); Shaykh Sulṭán-i-Karbilá'í;
> Siyyid Aḥmad-i-Yazdí, the father of Siyyid Ḥusayn (the amanuensis
> of the Báb); Shaykh Ṣaliḥ-i-Karímí and Mullá Ibráhím-i-Maḥallátí
> were of that number.
> 
> [Pg 239]
> 
> [2] Browne (ed.), A Traveller's Narrative, Vol. II, xliii.
> 
> [3] He was variously named as Mullá `Abdu'lláh, Mírzá
> Ṣálih, and Mírzá Ṭáhir, the Baker.
> 
> [4] `Abdu'l-Bahá, Memorials of the Faithful, p. 201.
> 
> [5] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 215-16 (Brit.), p. 299 (U.S.).
> 
> [6] ibid., p. 253 (Brit.), p. 351 (U.S.).
> 
> [7] Nicolas, Seyyèd Ali Mohammed dit le Bâb, p. 296.
> 
> [8] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 240 (Brit.), p. 332 (U.S.).
> 
> [9] F.O. 60/144.
> 
> [10] Bahá'u'lláh, Kitáb-i-Íqán, p. 142 (Brit.), p. 223 (U.S.).
> 
> [11] Cited The Dawn-Breakers, p. 284n (Brit.), p. 395n. (U.S.).
> Also in another translation in `Abdu'l-Bahá's Memorials of the
> Faithful, p. 7.
> 
> [12] They were al-Ḥáj Muḥammad al-Karradí and Sa`íd al-Jabbáwí.
> Ḥájí Muḥammad was nearly eighty years old. In his
> younger days, he had led a hundred men in the war between the
> Ottomans and Ibráhím Páshá, son of the celebrated Muḥammad-`Alí
> Páshá of Egypt.
> 
> [13] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 298 (Brit.), p. 411 (U.S.).
> 
> [14] In 1970, the present writer received, through the good
> offices of his cousin, Abu'l-Qásim Afnán, the photostatically-produced
> copy of a manuscript describing this episode in Bábí
> history. It is in the handwriting of Áqá Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Ṭihrání,
> a merchant, whose brother, Mushiru't-Tujjár, was one
> of the 'Five Martyrs' of Sárí. (These five were murdered in
> the early years of the Constitutional Movement in Persia: see
> Balyuzi, Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá'í Faith.) Áqá
> Muḥammad-Báqir states, in a short introduction, that he visited
> Bárfurúsh sometime in the year 1319 A.H. (April 20th 1901-April
> 9th 1902), where he chanced upon a manuscript of the
> history of the Bábís at Shaykh Ṭabarsí, written by one of them,
> which he copied for himself and the benefit of others. He does
> not mention the name of the owner of the original. This history
> begins with an account of the author joining Mullá Ḥusayn;
> by this he can be identified, although he nowhere names himself.
> There is no doubt that he was Mírzá Luṭf-`Alí or Luṭf-`Alí
> Mírzá of Shíráz, a descendant of the Afshárid monarchs of the
> 18th century A.D. He was one of the few survivors of Shaykh
> Ṭabarsí, who managed to escape in the company of Mullá
> Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas-i-Khurásání, but in the holocaust of August
> 1852 (see Balyuzi, Bahá'u'lláh, p. 18) he died a martyr's death.
> 
> On receiving and examining this chronicle, the present writer[Pg 240]
> recalled that E. G. Browne mentions, in his Materials for the
> Study of the Bábí Religion, a manuscript history of the episode of
> Shaykh Ṭabarsí by Luṭf-`Alí Mírzá, sent to him by Mírzá
> Muṣṭafá, the Azalí scribe. As this manuscript is now in Cambridge
> University Library, a photostatic reproduction was obtained
> by the kindness of the Librarian. According to the scribe
> (whose real name was Ismá`íl-i-Ṣabbágh-i-Sidihí), the manuscript
> which he copied for Prof. Browne was faulty, but he could find
> no other for comparison.
> 
> Luṭf-`Alí Mírzá's chronicle ends abruptly, and Áqá Muḥammad-Báqir,
> the copyist, incorrectly concludes that the author
> must have died of starvation, since the last lines of his chronicle
> describe the state of famine caused by the siege.
> 
> The present writer is currently engaged in collating the two
> manuscripts.
> 
> [15] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 285 (Brit.), p. 396 (U.S.).
> 
> [16] F.O. 60/150, See Appendix 3.
> 
> [17] Mullá Báqir, the imám of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter;
> Mírzá Ḥusayn-i-Qutb, the Kad Khudá (Headman) of the Bázár
> quarter; and Ḥájí Muḥammad-Taqí, a prominent and wealthy
> merchant, who later earned the surname of Ayyúb (Job) from
> Bahá'u'lláh, because of his intense sufferings, his patience in
> tribulation and his steadfastness—these were among the notables
> who went out to the village of Runíz in the district of Fasá to
> meet Vaḥíd.
> 
> [18] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 353-4 (Brit.), pp. 479-80 (U.S.).
> 
> [19] They were commanded by Mihr-`Alí Khán-i-Núrí, the
> Shujá`u'l-Mulk, and Muṣṭafá-Qulí Khán-i-Qaráguzlú, the I`timadu's-Salṭanih.
> 
> [20] The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 361-2 (Brit.), pp. 488-9 (U.S.).
> 
> [21] Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 47.
> 
> [22] Browne (ed.), The Táríkh-i-Jadíd, p. 255.
> 
> [23] ibid., p. 253.
> 
> [24] Browne, A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 81. (1926 ed.).
> 
> [25] F. O. 60/153. K. W. Abbott's dispatch of August 30th
> 1850, enclosed with Sheil's report of September 5th 1850 to
> Palmerston.
> 
> [26] F. O. 248/142 of December 9th 1850, R. W. Stevens, Consul
> at Tabríz to Sheil.
> 
> [27] The Dawn-Breakers, p. 419 (Brit.), p. 572 (U.S.).
> 
> [28] F.O. 60/158 of January 6th 1851.
> 
> [Pg 241]
> 
> Epilogue
> 
> [1] Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, pp. 273-4.
> 
> Appendix 1: The Siege of Karbilá
> 
> [1] F.O. 248/108, of May 15th 1843, enclosed in Farrant's letter to
> Sheil of May 20th 1843. All quotations unidentified by a number
> in this Appendix are taken from this document.
> 
> [2] F.O. 248/108, of November 18th 1842, enclosed in Farrant's
> letter to Sheil of May 2nd 1843.
> 
> [3] F.O. 60/95 (undated), enclosed in Sheil's letter to Aberdeen
> of February 4th 1843.
> 
> Appendix 2: The Martyrdom of the Báb
> 
> [1] F.O. 60/152.
> 
> [2] F.O. 248/142, of July 24th 1850.
> 
> [3] F.O. 60/153.
> 
> [4] F.O. 60/153, of August 3rd 1850, translated by Taylour
> Thomson.
> 
> [5] F.O. 248/140.
> 
> Appendix 3: Prelude to the Episode of Nayríz
> 
> [1] F.O. 60/150, of February 12th 1850.
> 
> Appendix 4: The Seven Martyrs of Ṭihrán
> 
> [1] F.O. 60/145, of July 27th 1849.
> 
> [2] Dossier No. 133, Ṭihrán, 1850; pp. 100-5. Translation by
> Dr. Firuz Kazemzadeh in 'Excerpts from Dispatches Written
> During 1848-1852' by Prince Dolgorukov, Russian Minister to
> Persia; quoted by kind permission of World Order, A Bahá'í
> Magazine, Vol. I, No. 1, 1966. The dispatches were published
> as an appendix to M. S. Ivanov's book, The Babi Uprisings in Iran.
> 
> [3] F.O. 60/150. See Appendix 3.
> 
> [4] F.O. 248/140, of May 2nd 1850.
> 
> [Pg 242]
> 
> Appendix 5: The Episode of Zanján
> 
> [1] F.O. 60/151, of May 25th 1850.
> 
> [2] F.O. 60/152, of June 25th 1850.
> 
> [3] Dossier No. 133, Ṭihrán, 1850; pp. 470-1.
> See Appendix 4, note 2, for details.
> 
> [4] F.O. 60/153.
> 
> [5] ibid.
> 
> [6] Dossier No. 134, Ṭihrán, 1850; p. 562.
> See Appendix 4, note 2, for details.
> 
> [7] Dossier No. 133, Ṭihrán, 1850; p. 582. op. cit.
> 
> [8] Dossier No. 134, Ṭihrán, 1850; p. 99. op. cit.
> 
> [9] Dossier No. 134, Ṭihrán, 1851; p. 156. op. cit.
> 
> [10] F.O. 60/153.
> 
> [11] ibid.
> 
> [12] F.O. 60/154.
> 
> [13] ibid., of December 16th 1850.
> 
> [14] ibid., of December 24th 1850.
> 
> [15] F.O. 248/143.
> 
> [16] F.O. 60/158.
> 
> Appendix 6: Lord Palmerston's Enquiry
> 
> [1] F.O. 248/140.
> 
> [2] F.O. 60/152.
> 
> [3] F.O. 248/141.
> 
> [4] F.O. 60/152, enclosed with Sheil's letter to Palmerston.
> 
> Appendix 7: Myth-Making
> 
> [1] Arnold, Through Persia by Caravan, Vol. II, pp. 32-5.
> 
> [2] Benjamin, Persia and the Persians, Preface.
> 
> [3] ibid., pp. 353-5.
> 
> [4] Gordon, Persia Revisited, pp. 81-91.
> 
> [5] Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Vol. I, part 2, pp.
> 1966-7 and 2384.
> 
> [Pg 243]
> 
> INDEX
> 
> `Abá, 5, 138
> 
> `Abbas (`Abbás), brother of Imám Ḥusayn, 193, 197, 198, 200
> 
> `Abbás the Great, Sháh, 106, 107
> 
> `Abbás, Shaykh, of `Iráq, 60
> 
> `Abbás Effendi, see `Abdu'l-Bahá
> 
> `Abbás Mírzá, Prince (the Náyibu's-Salṭanih), 8, 9, 10, 149
> 
> `Abbás Mírzá Mulk-Árá (the Náyibu's-Salṭanih), 135, 139
> 
> `Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-Láríjání, 172, 174
> 
> `Abbásábád, 139
> 
> `Abdu'l-`Alíy-i-Hirátí, Mullá, 102
> 
> `Abdu'l-`Azíz, Mullá, 64, 197, 199, 201
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá (`Abbás Effendi), 5, 32, 93, 95, 96, 99, 105, 114, 118, 128, 132, 139, 149, 167, 168, 175, 191, 192
> 
> `Abdu'l-Báqí, Siyyid, 118
> 
> `Abdu'l-Hádí, of `Iráq, 60
> 
> `Abdu'l-Ḥamíd Khán-i-Dárúghih, 97, 104, 105
> 
> `Abdu'l-Karím, Mírzá, of Shíráz, 103
> 
> `Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní, Mullá (Mírzá Aḥmad-i-Kátib), 92, 102, 104, 115, 120, 151, 152
> 
> `Abdu'l-Vahháb, Hájí Mírzá, 27
> 
> `Abdu'lláh, Mírzá, of Shíráz, 170
> 
> `Abdu'lláh Ibn-Sabá, 236
> 
> `Abdu'lláh Khán-i-Turkaman, 174
> 
> `Abdu'lláh-i-Bihbihání, Áqá, 164
> 
> Aberdeen, the Earl of, xi, 12, 63, 68
> 
> `Ábid, Mírzá (grandfather of the Báb's wife), 231
> 
> `Ábid, Shaykh, 34, 35, 36, 230, 231
> 
> Abraham, 31, 70, 184
> 
> Abú-Háshim, Shaykh, 69, 70, 78, 99
> 
> Abú-Lahab, 86
> 
> Abú-Ṭálib (uncle of the Prophet Muḥammad), 86
> 
> Abú-Ṭalib, Mullá, 78
> 
> Abú-Turáb, Shaykh (Imám-Jum`ih, of Shíráz), 69, 89, 94, 95, 99, 103
> 
> Abu'l-Faḍl-i-Gulpáygání, Mírzá, 32, 39, 125, 231
> 
> Abu'l-Ḥasan, Ḥájí, 69, 70, 71, 103
> 
> Abu'l-Ḥasan Khán, Mírzá (the 2nd Mushíru'l-Mulk), 98
> 
> Abu'l-Qásim, Ḥájí Mírzá (brother-in-law of the Báb), 46, 106, 107
> 
> Abu'l-Qásim, Mírzá (Qá'im-Maqám-i-Faráhání), see Qá'im-Maqám
> 
> Abu'l-Qásim-i-Labbáf, Mashhadí, 103
> 
> Adhán, 78, 128
> 
> Ádharbáyján, 79, 124, 125, 131, 132, 136, 137, 140, 143, 149, 152, 170, 204, 237
> 
> Ádí Guzal, Mullá (Mírzá `Alíy-i-Sayyáḥ), 149, 238
> 
> `Ádil Sháh, see `Alí-Sháh
> 
> Adrianople, 128, 189, 234
> 
> Afghán, 230
> 
> Afnán, 46
> 
> Afshár, Afshárid (kings), 103, 161, 230, 239
> 
> Aga Khan I (Haṣan-`Alí Khán), 122
> 
> Ahl-i-Ḥaqq, 118
> 
> Aḥmad (son of the Báb), 46, 47
> 
> Aḥmad, Ḥájí, of Mílán, 160
> 
> Aḥmad, Mírzá (Imám-Jum`ih, of Tabríz), 140
> 
> Aḥmad, Siyyid Mír (brother of 8th Imám), 103
> 
> Aḥmad-i-Aḥsá'í, Shaykh (founder of Shaykhi sect):
> 
> early years, 1;
> 
> pilgrimage and death, 2;
> 
> teaching, 19, 162, 166, 229, 236
> 
> Aḥmad-i-Azghandí, Mírzá, 56
> 
> Aḥmad-i-Ibdál-i-Marághi'í, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 26, 131
> 
> [Pg 244]
> 
> Aḥmad-i-Kátib, Mírzá, see Abdu'l-Karím-i-Qazvíní, Mullá
> 
> Aḥmad-i-Mu`allim, Mullá, 56
> 
> Aḥsá, 1
> 
> Ájúdán-Báshí, see Ḥusayn Khán
> 
> Akhbárí, 62, 101
> 
> Akhund, Ḥájí, 189, 190
> 
> `Akká, 128, 145, 166, 191, 192, 219, 235
> 
> `Aláu'd-Dawlih, 145
> 
> Aleppo, 68
> 
> Alexander, 223
> 
> Alexander I, Tsar, 8
> 
> `Alí (`Alí ibn Abí Ṭalib, the first Imám), 18, 95, 194, 200, 236
> 
> `Alí, Ḥájí Mírzá (father of the Báb's wife), 46
> 
> `Alí, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid (uncle of the Báb), 33, 105, 150, 183-4, 231
> 
> `Alí, Ḥájí Mullá, 25
> 
> `Alí an-Naqí, Imám, 41
> 
> `Alí Bishr, Siyyid, 60, 162, 163
> 
> `Alí Khán (warden of Máh-Kú), 122, 128, 129, 131, 135
> 
> Ali Pasha, 200
> 
> `Alí-Qabl-i-Muḥammad (the Báb), 78
> 
> `Alí-Akbar, Mírzá, of Shíráz, 103
> 
> `Alí-Akbar Big, 125
> 
> `Alí-Akbar-i-Ardistání, Mullá, 78
> 
> `Alí-Akbar-i-Shahmírzádí, Ḥájí Mullá (Ḥájí Ákhund), 189, 190
> 
> `Alí-Aṣghar, Mírzá (Shaykhu'l-Islám, of Tabríz), 140, 145
> 
> `Alí-Aṣghar Khán, of Nayríz, 179
> 
> `Alí-Ashraf, Mírzá, see `Andalíb
> 
> `Alí-`Askar, Ḥájí, 128
> 
> `Alí-Mardán Khán, fort of, 185
> 
> `Alí-Naqí, Mírzá, 200
> 
> `Alí-Sháh (the Ẓillu's-Sulṭán), 5, 10, 12, 196-8, 200, 201, 218
> 
> `Alí Virdí Khán, 199
> 
> `Alíy-i-Basṭámí, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27, 28, 37-8, ch. 4, 162, 166, 232
> 
> `Alíy-i-Rází, Mullá, see Khudá-Bakhsh-i-Qúchání, Mullá
> 
> `Alíy-i-Sayyáḥ, Mírzá, see Ádí Guzal, Mullá
> 
> `Alíy-i-Tafrishí, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid (the Majdu'l-Ashráf), 190
> 
> `Alíy-i-Zunúzí, Siyyid, 153
> 
> `Alíyu'lláhís, 118, 164
> 
> Alláh-u-Akbar, pass of, 16;
> 
> invocation, 128
> 
> Alláh-Yár, Ḥájí, 159
> 
> Alláh-Yár Khán (Áṣafu'd-Dawlih), 9
> 
> Alváṭ (pl. of Lúṭí), 83
> 
> America, American, 1, 77, 145, 220
> 
> Amínu's-Sulṭán, 145
> 
> Amír Niẓám, see Taqí Khán, Mírzá
> 
> Amír-i-Díván, see Nabí Khán-i-Qazvíní, Mírzá
> 
> Amír-i-Kabír, see Taqí Khán, Mírzá
> 
> Ámul, 172, 174
> 
> `Andalíb (Mírzá `Alí-Ashraf of Láhíján, poet), 96, 235
> 
> Antichrist, of the Bábí Revelation, 117, 140;
> 
> see also Áqásí, Ḥájí Mírzá
> 
> Applications, science of, 141
> 
> Áqá Ján Khán-i-Khamsih, 158
> 
> Áqá Muḥammad Khán, 7
> 
> Áqá-Bálá Big (the Naqqásh-Báshí), 138
> 
> Áqáy-i-Kalím, see Músá, Mírzá
> 
> Áqásí, Ḥájí Mírzá (Grand Vizier), 11-12, 13, 93, 111-112, 114, 117, 119, 121-3, 128, 131, 132, 136, 137, 139-40, 147, 148, 199
> 
> Arab, Arabic, 108, 136, 141, 165, 176
> 
> Arabia, 219
> 
> Aras (Araxes, river), 9, 124
> 
> Arberry, Prof. A. J., 3
> 
> Archives, see International Archives
> 
> Ardistán, 114
> 
> Armenians, 147, 158
> 
> Armenian Socialist Soviet Republic, 117
> 
> Arnold, Arthur, 217, 218
> 
> Arthur, President, of the U.S.A., 220
> 
> Asadu'lláh, Ḥájí, 167
> 
> Asadu'lláh Khán-i-Vazír, Mírzá, 218
> 
> Asadu'lláh, Mírzá, of Khuy, see Dayyán
> 
> Asadu'lláh, Shaykh, of Shíráz, 99
> 
> Asadu'lláh-i-Iṣfahání, Mírzá, 191
> 
> Asadu'lláh-i-Qumí, Siyyid, 139
> 
> Asadu'lláh-i-Rashtí, Ḥájí Siyyid, 50, 112, 113
> 
> Aṣlán Khán, 84
> 
> `Aṭṭár, gate, 118
> 
> Azalí scribe, 240
> 
> `Aẓím, see Shaykh `Alí, Mullá, of Khurásán
> 
> [Pg 245]
> 
> Báb, The (Siyyid `Alí-Muḥammad):
> 
> meeting with Mullá Ḥusayn and declaration, 17-22;
> 
> arrival of Quddús, 23-4;
> 
> accepts Qurratu'l-`Ayn, 24-6;
> 
> His disciples, 24, 26-7;
> 
> sends Mullá `Alí to `Iráq, 28;
> 
> addresses Letters of Living, 28-31;
> 
> family, youth, education, 32-7;
> 
> merchant in Bushihr, 37, 39-41;
> 
> journey to holy cities and meeting with Siyyid Káẓim, 41-6;
> 
> marriage and son, 46-7;
> 
> sends Mullá Ḥusayn to Bahá'u'lláh, 48-50, 52-7;
> 
> letter to wife, 57;
> 
> pilgrimage to Mecca, 57, 69-71;
> 
> declaration in Mecca, 71;
> 
> challenge to Muḥit, 72-4;
> 
> Tablet to Sharif of Mecca, 74-5;
> 
> returns to Irán, 77;
> 
> advance contacts with Shíráz, 77-8;
> 
> arrest at Dálakí, 84, 105;
> 
> returns to Shíráz, 85, 88-9;
> 
> birth of Bábí community, 89-90, 103;
> 
> Vaḥhíd accepts, 90-4;
> 
> at Vakíl mosque, 94-8;
> 
> Ḥujjat accepts, 100-1;
> 
> leaves Shíráz, 104-6;
> 
> resides at Iṣfahán, 109-16;
> 
> Sháh calls to Ṭihrán, 116, 118;
> 
> stops at Káshán, 118-19,
> 
> Qumrúd, 119,
> 
> Kulayn, 119-21;
> 
> receives communication from Bahá'u'lláh, 120;
> 
> meeting with Sháh prevented, 121-3;
> 
> consigned to Máh-Kú, 122, 124, 128;
> 
> arrives Mílán, 126-7;
> 
> stays at Tabríz, 127-8;
> 
> events at Máh-Kú, 128-33;
> 
> removal to Chihríq, 131-2, 134-7;
> 
> summoned to Tabríz, 137;
> 
> stops in Urúmíyyih, 138;
> 
> His portrait, 138-9;
> 
> examination at Tabríz, 140-5;
> 
> bastinadoed, 145-7;
> 
> returned to Chihríq, 147-8;
> 
> followers visit, 148-50;
> 
> receives news of persecutions, 150-1;
> 
> sends Writings, etc., to Bahá'u'lláh, 151-2;
> 
> composes Arabic Bayán, 152;
> 
> martyrdom, 152-9, 202;
> 
> remains rescued, concealed, 159-60, 189-91;
> 
> final mission to Mullá Ḥusayn, 171;
> 
> anticipates 'Seven Martyrs', 185;
> 
> His Shrine, 191-2;
> 
> inaccurate reports of life, teachings, 203, 204-5, 214-16, appendix 7;
> 
> claim and station, 18-19, 71, 141-2, 143-4, 167, 189;
> 
> Writings, 20, 39, 73, 91-2, 110, 132, 136, 141, 147, 163, see index for Bayán, Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'
> 
> Bábís, 26-7, 89-90, 134-6, 145, 146, 159, 164-7, 169-78, 180-7 passim, 204-12 passim, 215, 219-24, 239
> 
> Bábí Faith, 224
> 
> Bábíyyat (Gatehood), 96
> 
> Bábíyyih, 56, 173
> 
> Bábul, see Bárfurúsh
> 
> Bábu'l-Báb, see Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í, Mullá
> 
> Badasht, conference of, 167-71
> 
> Bagdadi, Dr. Zia (Baghdádí, Ḍíyá), 232
> 
> Baghdád, 41, 59, 60-1, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 131, 135, 162, 163, 164, 176, 191, 193, 197, 199-201, 224, 232
> 
> Bágh-i-Sháh, gate, 109
> 
> Bágh-i-Takht, palace, 104
> 
> Bahá, 152;
> 
> see also Bahá'u'lláh
> 
> Bahá'í, Bahá'ís, 138, 145, 182, 192, 218, 233, 238
> 
> Bahá'í Faith, 235
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh (Mírzá Ḥusayn `Alí):
> 
> receives communication from Báb, 55, 152;
> 
> sends message to Báb, 120;
> 
> rescues Ṭáhirih, 167;
> 
> arranges Badasht conference, 167-8;
> 
> attacked at Níyálá, 170-1;
> 
> goes to Núr, 171;
> 
> visits Shaykh Ṭabarsí, 173;
> 
> attempts to join defenders, 174;
> 
> protects remains of Báb, 189-91;
> 
> chooses site for Shrine of Báb, 191-2;
> 
> quotations from, 48, 174-5;
> 
> mentioned, 9, 27, 56, 78, 109, 120, 125, 128, 135, 138, 145, 154, 165, 183, 188, 235, 237, 240;
> 
> see also 'He Whom God shall manifest'
> 
> Baḥrayn, 1
> 
> Baḥru'l-`Ulúm, 36
> 
> Bakhtíyárí, 108, 109
> 
> Bandar-`Abbás, 224
> 
> Banú-Sakhr, 1
> 
> Báqir-Ábád, mosque, 78
> 
> Báqir, Mírzá, of Tabríz, 155
> 
> Báqir, Mullá, imám, 240
> 
> Báqir-i-Tabrízí, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27, 151, 168, 174
> 
> Baqíyatu'lláh (Remnant of God), 78, 155
> 
> [Pg 246]
> 
> Baraghán, 230
> 
> Bárfurúsh (Bábul), 23, 172, 173, 176, 184, 239
> 
> Bashír an-Najafí, Shaykh, 60
> 
> Baṣrah, 104
> 
> Bavánát, 205
> 
> Bayán: Arabic, 152, 215, 231, 232;
> 
> Persian, 50, 71, 132, 154, 215, 232
> 
> Bázár-i-Murgh, 231
> 
> Bázár quarter, of Nayríz, 182
> 
> Beirut, 166, 191
> 
> Bell, Gertrude Lowthian, 230
> 
> Benjamin, S. G. W., 220
> 
> Bethune, Sir Henry Lindesay, 10, 211
> 
> Bible, 147, 235;
> 
> New Testament quoted, 127, 155, 156, 158-9
> 
> Birdwood, Capt. R. L., 223
> 
> Bísitún, 232
> 
> Black Standard, 171, 172, 176
> 
> Bombay, 37, 57
> 
> Bonaparte (Napoleon I), 7, 8
> 
> Bonnière, M. de, 115
> 
> Boré, M., 79, 80
> 
> British Museum, 233
> 
> Britain, British, 1, 8-10, 12, 58, 61, 63, 77, 79, 109, 186, 193, 194, 202, 203, 205, 209, 216, 223, 230, 233;
> 
> see also England
> 
> Browne, Edward Granville, 16, 141, 146, 152, 166, 186, 217, 235, 239, 240
> 
> Burgess, Mr., 80
> 
> Burújird, 93
> 
> Búshihr (Bushire), 2, 15, 16, 37, 39-41, 57, 71, 75, 77, 78, 79, 81, 83, 84, 87, 104, 105, 107, 223, 224, 230
> 
> Bushrúyih, 4
> 
> Buzurg, Ḥájí Mírzá, 96
> 
> Buzurg-i-Núrí, Mírzá (Mírzá `Abbás, father of Bahá'u'lláh), 54
> 
> Byron, Lord, 117
> 
> Cain (by Byron), 117
> 
> Campbell, Sir John, 10
> 
> Canning, Sir Stratford (first Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe), 6, 61, 63, 66, 67, 193
> 
> Carmel, Mount, 191, 192
> 
> Caspian Sea, 3, 9
> 
> Caucasus, 9, 117
> 
> Chahár-Lang, 108
> 
> Chashmih-`Alí (tribe), 190
> 
> Cheltenham College, 238
> 
> Cheyne, T. K., 32, 168, 230
> 
> Chihríq, 132, 134-7, 147-50, 153, 159, 167, 183, 185
> 
> China, 203
> 
> Chinár Súkhtih (quarter of Nayríz), 178, 182
> 
> Cholera, 104, 105
> 
> Chosroes I, 220
> 
> Christ, see Jesus
> 
> Christian, 147, 217
> 
> Communism (-istic), 214, 220
> 
> Congress, Act of (U.S.A.), 220
> 
> Constantinople (Istanbul), 5, 63, 66, 67, 79, 163, 193, 221, 234
> 
> Cormick, Dr., 145
> 
> Cox, Sir Percy Z., 223
> 
> Cyprus, 238
> 
> Dalá'il-i-Sab`ib (The Seven Proofs), 132
> 
> Dálakí, 84, 105
> 
> Damascus, 68, 182, 191
> 
> Dáráb, 90, 101, 178
> 
> Darius, 232
> 
> David, 127
> 
> Dawn-Breakers (followers of the Báb), 90, 161, 188
> 
> Dayyán (Asadu'lláh, Mírzá, of Khuy), 136, 237
> 
> Dayyáníyyih, 237
> 
> Declaration, of the Báb (anniversary), 20, 150
> 
> 'Deliverer of the Latter Days', 3
> 
> Democratic Party (U.S.A.), 220
> 
> Dhikr (the Báb, also Dhikru'lláh-al-A`ẓam, Dhikru'lláh-al-Akbar, Ḥaḍrat-i-Dhikr), 46, 132, 231
> 
> Dhi'l-Ḥijjah, month of, 70, 71
> 
> Dispensation of Bahá'u'lláh, The, 167
> 
> Díván-Khánih (the Court), 81
> 
> Divine origin, Divinity, 215
> 
> Dolgorukov, Prince Dimitri Ivanovich, 131, 206, 209, 210, 241
> 
> East India Company, 233
> 
> Ecbatana, see Ḥamadán
> 
> Echo (English publication), 217
> 
> Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature, Science and Art, 77
> 
> Eliot, T. S., 58
> 
> [Pg 247]
> 
> England, English, 80, 145, 203, 210, 214, 217;
> 
> see also Britain
> 
> Erivan, see Íraván
> 
> Esther, 165
> 
> Ethiopian servant, of the Báb, 17, 49, 57, 71, 84
> 
> Euphrates, 108, 182, 193
> 
> Europe, European, 146, 209, 217
> 
> Fará'id (by Mírzá Abu'l-Faḍl), 39
> 
> Farmán-Farmá, see Firaydún Mírzá and Ḥusayn-`Alí Mírzá
> 
> Farrant, Lt.-Col. T., 5, 135, 173, 193, 195-9, 201, 229
> 
> Farrásh (farrásh-báshí, lictor), 145, 146, 156, 157
> 
> Fárs, 49, 109, 169, 178, 199, 205, 234
> 
> Farsakh (farsang), 114
> 
> Fasá, 104, 205, 240
> 
> Fatḥ-`Alí Sháh, 7, 8, 9, 138, 200, 229, 234
> 
> Fatḥu'lláh, Mír (great-grandfather of the Báb), 230
> 
> Fáṭimih (daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad), 47, 74
> 
> Fáṭimih-Bagum (mother of the Báb), 33, 103
> 
> Faylí (a clan), 82
> 
> Finkenstein, treaty of, 8
> 
> Firaydún Mírzá (the Farmán-Farmá), 80, 81
> 
> Firman (royal edict), 81, 234
> 
> Fírúz Mírzá, Prince (the Nuṣratu'd-Dawlih), 180
> 
> Fírúzábád, 82
> 
> 'Five Martyrs', of Sárí, 239
> 
> Flandin, M., 80, 234
> 
> Foreign Ministers, British, see Aberdeen, Palmerston
> 
> France, French, 1, 7, 8, 79, 80, 194, 217, 234
> 
> Futúḥ-ar-Rasúl (boat), 69
> 
> Galata, 79
> 
> Gandum-Pák-Kun, see Ja`far, Mullá
> 
> Gardanne, General, 7, 8
> 
> Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 223
> 
> George III, 8
> 
> Georgian, 108
> 
> 'Geramees', 6, 196, 198
> 
> Ghulát, 236
> 
> Gílán, 237
> 
> Gobineau, Count, 217
> 
> Golgotha, 127
> 
> Gordon, Sir Thomas Edward, 221, 223
> 
> 'Great Sophy', 107
> 
> Greeks, 124
> 
> Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith, see Shoghi Effendi
> 
> Gulistán, treaty of, 8
> 
> Gulpáygán, 4
> 
> Gurgín Khán, 116, 117
> 
> Ḥabíbu'lláh (the Prophet Muḥammad), 46
> 
> Ḥabíbu'lláh Khán-i-Afghán, 174
> 
> Ḥabíbu'lláh-i-Afnán, Ḥájí Mírzá, 32, 34, 35, 39, 41, 45, 71, 96, 98
> 
> Hádí, Mírzá, 167
> 
> Hádíy-i-Nahrí, Mírzá, 51, 102
> 
> Hádíy-i-Qazvíní, Mírzá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Ḥaḍrat, 231
> 
> Ḥáfiẓ, 15, 16, 35, 69, 124
> 
> Hagar, 184
> 
> Haifa, 191
> 
> Ḥajar al-Aswad (The Black Stone), 72
> 
> Ḥájí (the Báb), 87
> 
> Ḥájí-Bábáy-i-Afshár, Mírz (Ḥááíj Bábá, Mírzá), 9
> 
> Ḥajj, 70, 71
> 
> Ḥajj-i-Akbar, 70
> 
> Ḥakím, Dr. Lutfu'lláh, 165
> 
> Ḥakím Masíḥ, 165
> 
> Hamadán, 12, 102, 164, 165
> 
> Ḥamzih Mírzá (the Ḥishmatu'd-Dawlih), 152, 153, 170, 171, 172
> 
> Ḥanafí, 13
> 
> Ḥanbalí, 13
> 
> Hand of the Cause, 139, 189
> 
> Ḥaram, see Masjid
> 
> Ḥasan, servant of Vaḥíd, 205
> 
> Ḥasan, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid (brother-in-law of the Báb), 46
> 
> Ḥasan, Siyyid, 124, 128, 129, 146, 156
> 
> Ḥasan al-`Askarí, Imám, 41, 119, 142
> 
> Ḥasan Ja`far, Siyyid, 60
> 
> Ḥasan-`Alí, Ḥájí Mírzá (uncle of the Báb), 33
> 
> Ḥasan-`Alí Khán (Aga Khan I), 122
> 
> Ḥasan-`Alí Mírzá (the Shuja`u's-Salṭanih), 229
> 
> [Pg 248]
> 
> Ḥasan-i-Bajistání, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Ḥasan-i-Núrí, Mírzá, 112
> 
> Ḥasan-i-Vazír, Mírzá, 190
> 
> Ḥasan-i-Zunúzí, Shaykh, 103, 104, 115, 120, 129, 132, 137, 143, 153
> 
> Háshim, Háshimite, 44, 59, 74, 86
> 
> Ḥaydarí (Ḥaydarí-Khánih), 82, 234
> 
> 'He (Him) Whom God shall make manifest' (Man-Yuẓhiruhu'lláh), 154, 191, 237;
> 
> see also Bahá'u'lláh
> 
> Hebrew, 136
> 
> Hennell, Captain (later Colonel) Samuel, 79, 81, 83, 104, 109
> 
> Ḥijáz, 49
> 
> Ḥikmatu'l-`Arshíyyah, 113, 236
> 
> Ḥillah, 200
> 
> Hirát, 230
> 
> Ḥishmat, poet, 103
> 
> Hizárih, tribe, 102
> 
> Holy Land, 139, 191
> 
> Ḥujjat (Ḥujjat-i-Zanjání, Ḥujjatu'l-Islám), 100, 125, 147, 185-7, 209-12
> 
> Hulákú Mírzá, Prince, 199
> 
> Ḥurúf-i-Ḥayy (Letters of the Living), 24;
> 
> see also Letters of the Living
> 
> Ḥusayn, Imám, 1, 6, 32, 41, 43, 111, 182, 193, 194, 197-200
> 
> Ḥusayn, Siyyid, of Nayríz, 182
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán (Ájúdán-Báshí, Niẓamu'd-Dawlih, Ṣaḥib-Ikhtíyár), 68, 79, 83, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 97, 98, 104, 105, 123
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán, Mírzá (the Mushíru'd-Dawlih), 234
> 
> Ḥusayn Khán, Siyyid (Syed Hussein Khan), 81
> 
> Ḥusayn-`Alí, Mírzá, see Bahá'u'lláh
> 
> Ḥusayn-`Alí Mírzá (Hoosein Ali Meerza, the Farmán-Farmá), 199, 229
> 
> Ḥusayn-`Alíy-i-Iṣfahání, 191
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-`Arab, Shaykh (the Náẓi-mu'sh-Shárí`ih, Ẓálim), 78, 89, 97, 98, 99
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í, Mullá (Bábu'l-Báb):
> 
> mission from Siyyid Káẓim, 4, 7, 13, 15, 16;
> 
> meeting with Báb and His declaration, 17-22;
> 
> encounters Quddús, 23-4;
> 
> Letter of the Living, 26;
> 
> mission to Bahá'u'lláh, ch. 3;
> 
> returns to Shiráz, 102;
> 
> visits Máh-Kú, 131;
> 
> description of, 166;
> 
> Báb sends to rescue Quddús, 171-3;
> 
> besieged at Shaykh Ṭabarsí, 173-4;
> 
> death and Bahá'u'lláh's tribute, 174-5;
> 
> mentioned, 149, 150, 168, 170, 239
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Hamadání, Mírzá, 126
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Mutavallí, Mírzá, of Qum, 135, 174
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Qutb, Mullá, of Nayríz, 240
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Turshízí, Siyyid, 184
> 
> Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, Siyyid (also Kátib, `Azíz; Letter of the Living), 27, 115, 118, 124, 129, 132, 146, 156
> 
> Ḥusayní, Siyyid (Seid Hossainee), 196
> 
> Ibn-i-Sa`d, 153
> 
> Ibn-i-Zíyád, 153
> 
> Ibráhím, Mír (great-great-grandfather of the Báb), 230
> 
> Ibráhím, Siyyid, of Nayríz, 182
> 
> Ibráhím Khan, Ḥájí (the I`timádu'd-Dawlih), 8, 234
> 
> Ibráhím Páshá, 239
> 
> Ibráhím-i-Khalíl, Siyyid, 138
> 
> Ibráhím-i-Maḥallátí, Shaykh, 165, 166
> 
> Ibráhím-i-Qazvíní, Siyyid, 6, 59, 197, 199
> 
> `Íd-al-Aḍḥá (`Íd-i-Qurbán), 70
> 
> Iḥrám, 71
> 
> Ijtihád, 13
> 
> Ílbagí, 84
> 
> Ílkhání, 82, 84
> 
> Ilyáhú, Mullá, 165
> 
> Imám(s), 11, 13, 41, 62, 65, 95, 98, 119, 121, 132, 142, 160, 194, 200, 236;
> 
> see also Ḥusayn, Riḍá, Imáms
> 
> Imámate, 65
> 
> Imám-Jum`ih:
> 
> of Iṣfahán, 109-13 passim;
> 
> of Kirmán, 33;
> 
> of Shíráz, 233, see Abú-Turáb, Shaykh;
> 
> of Tabríz, 140
> 
> Imám Mehdi (Mihdí), 67;
> 
> see also Mihdí
> 
> Imám-Virdí Mírzá, 200
> 
> Imám-Zádih Ḥasan, shrine of, 189
> 
> Imám-Zádih Ma`ṣum, shrine of, 189
> 
> Imám-Zádih Zayd, shrine of, 191
> 
> [Pg 249]
> 
> `Imárat-i-Khurshíd, 116
> 
> India, 27, 37, 137, 223, 230
> 
> International Archives, of the Bahá'í Faith, 132, 139, 166, 190
> 
> Iqbál, Áqá Ḥusayn, 232
> 
> Írán, 3, 113, 161, 166, 194, 199, 201, 204, 206, 209, 217-21, 223, 224, 230, 233, 238
> 
> `Iráq, 1, 4, 27, 28, 37, 41, 45, 58, 60, 135, 147, 163, 165, 166, 176, 237
> 
> Íraván (Erivan), 117, 128
> 
> Irish, 238
> 
> Irwin, Beatrice, 148, 238
> 
> Iṣfahán (Ispahan), 49, 50, 105, 106-11, 114-17 passim, 169, 191, 218-20 passim
> 
> Ishmael (Ismá`íl), 184
> 
> Ishráqí School (Platonism), 112
> 
> Iskandar, Mullá, 100, 101, 125
> 
> Iskí-Shahr, 135
> 
> Islám, Islamic, 13, 78, 88, 93, 99, 111, 167, 180, 181, 182, 185, 236
> 
> Ismá`íl, Ḥájí Siyyid (Shaykhu'l-Islám of Bavánát), 205
> 
> Ismá`íl, Mírzá (Mámaqání), 143
> 
> Ismá`íl, Siyyid, 151
> 
> Ismá`íl-i-Qumí, Hájí Mullá, 184
> 
> Ismá`íl-i-Sabbagh-i-Sidihí (Muṣṭafá, Mírzá), 240
> 
> Ismu'lláhu'l-Aṣdaq, see Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas, Mullá
> 
> Istanbul, see Constantinople
> 
> Ithná-`Asharís (Twelvers), 119
> 
> Jabal-i-Básiṭ (Máh-Kú), 134
> 
> Jabal-i-Shadíd (Chihríq), 134
> 
> al-Jabbáwí, Sa`íd, 239
> 
> Jacob, 19
> 
> Jaddih, see Jiddah
> 
> Ja`far, Mullá (Gandum-Pák-Kun, the 'Sifter of Wheat'), 51
> 
> Ja`far-i-Kashfí, Siyyid, 70, 90, 94
> 
> Jalíl-i-Urúmí, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Jamádíu'l-Úlá, month of, 150
> 
> Jamál-i-Burújirdí, Áqá, 145, 189, 190
> 
> Jání, Ḥájí Mírzá, 40, 52, 118, 126, 174
> 
> Javád, Ḥájí Siyyid (Imám-Jum`ih of Kirmán), 33
> 
> Javád, Mullá (cousin of Ṭáhirih), 25
> 
> Javád-i-Baraghání, Mullá, 102
> 
> Javád-i-Karbilá'í, Ḥájí Siyyid, 35-40 passim, 46, 90
> 
> Javánshír, `Abbás-Qulí Khán-i-, 139
> 
> Jerusalem, 3, 127, 128, 158
> 
> Jesuit, 79
> 
> Jesus, 31, 35, 127, 128, 155, 156, 158, 159, 220
> 
> Jewish, 31, 165
> 
> Jiddah (Jaddih), 57, 69, 75
> 
> John, the Baptist, 220
> 
> Jones, Sir Harford, 8
> 
> Joseph, Súrih of, see Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'
> 
> Julfa, 79
> 
> Ka`bih (Ka`bah), 69, 71
> 
> Kalántar, Maḥmúd Khán-i-, 171
> 
> Kangávar, 102
> 
> Karbilá, 1-7 passim, 12, 15, 23, 25, 26, 36, 37, 41, 42, 51, 58-65 passim, 73, 74, 102, 150, 162, 171, 224, 238;
> 
> siege of, 193-201;
> 
> tragedy of (martyrdom of Imám Ḥusayn), 153, 182
> 
> Karím Khán. Zand ruler, 161
> 
> Karkúk, 68
> 
> al-Karrádí, al-Ḥáj Muḥammad, 239
> 
> Káshán, 49, 52, 118
> 
> Kashfí, see Ja`far-i-, Siyyid
> 
> Kátib, see Ḥusayn-i-Yazdí, Siyyid
> 
> Kawthar, Súrih of, the Báb's commentary on, 91-2, 141, 163
> 
> Káẓim Big, Mírzá (Kazem-Beg), 142
> 
> Káẓim-i-Rashtí, Siyyid:
> 
> joins Shaykh Ahmad and succeeds him, 2, 3;
> 
> role in siege of Karbilá, and death, 4-7;
> 
> anticipates Promised One, 15, 18, 19, 23, 134;
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn contacts, 25-6;
> 
> mentioned, 13, 36, 50, 59, 140, 162, 166, 184, 201, 223-4
> 
> Káẓim-i-Zanjání, Siyyid, 104, 106, 109, 185
> 
> Káẓimayn (Káẓimíyyah), 41, 58, 60, 131, 162, 200
> 
> Khadíjih-Bagum (wife of the Báb), 46, 103, 142
> 
> Khájih, fort of, 179, 181
> 
> Khárg (Karrack), 79, 109, 230
> 
> Khudá-Bakhsh-i-Qúchání, Mullá (`Alíy-i-Rází, Mullá, Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> [Pg 250]
> 
> Khurásán, 4, 49, 56, 122, 167, 170, 171, 176, 230
> 
> Khusraw-i-Qádí-Kalá'í, 172, 173
> 
> Khuṭbiy-i-Qahríyyih (Sermon of Wrath), 147
> 
> Khuy, 136
> 
> Kinár-Gird, 119
> 
> Kirand, 164, 169
> 
> Kirmán, 33, 169, 204
> 
> Kirmánsháh, 2, 102, 164, 169, 191, 201
> 
> Kitáb-i-Íqán (The Book of Certitude), 48, 87, 174
> 
> Koran, see Qur'án
> 
> Kúfih, 16, 50, 60
> 
> Kulayn, 119, 120, 121
> 
> al-Kulayní, Muhammad ibn Ya`qúb, 119
> 
> Kunár-Takhtih, 105
> 
> Kurds, Kurdish, 11, 128, 135
> 
> Labaree, Rev. Benjamin, 145
> 
> Lálizár, Mullá, 165
> 
> Lawḥ-i-Ḥurúfát (Tablet of the Letters), 136
> 
> Layard, Sir Henry, 11, 79, 108, 109, 230, 233
> 
> Letters of the Living (Ḥurúf-i-Ḥayy):
> 
> meaning, 24;
> 
> list of names, 26-7;
> 
> also 51, 89, 104, 131, 150, 151, 168, 174, 177
> 
> Lingeh (Lingih), 224
> 
> Líráví, district, 224
> 
> Literary Gazette, The, 76, 77
> 
> London, 68, 79
> 
> Lord of Hosts, 191;
> 
> of the Age, or Religion, see Ṣáḥibu'z-Zamán
> 
> Lorimer, Gordon, 223
> 
> Louis-Philippe, French king, 80, 234
> 
> Lucifer, 117
> 
> Luke, St., 155, 156, 158, 159
> 
> Luristán, 93, 108
> 
> Luṭf-`Alí, Mírzá (chamberlain), 93
> 
> Luṭf-`Alí Khán, Zand ruler, 7
> 
> Luṭf-`Alí Mírzá, 103, 239, 240
> 
> Lúṭí, 82
> 
> Macneill, Sir John, 230
> 
> Madákhil (perquisites), 161
> 
> Madrisih (school), of Páminár, 53;
> 
> of Mírzá Ṣálih, 52
> 
> Máh-Kú (Mákú), 121, 122, 124, 128-35 passim, 139, 163
> 
> Maḥmúd, Ḥájí Mullá (the Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá), 140-44 passim
> 
> Maḥmúd, Mírzá (uncle of the Báb's father), 33
> 
> Maḥmúd, Mullá, of `Iráq, 60
> 
> Maḥmúd al-Álúsí (Muftí of Baghdád), 162
> 
> Maḥmúd-i-Khu'í, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Mahomet, see Muḥammad
> 
> 'Mahometan schism', 76
> 
> Makkah, see Mecca
> 
> Malcolm, Sir John, 8, 223, 233, 234
> 
> Malik Qásim Mírzá, 138
> 
> Málikí, 13
> 
> Man-Yuẓhiruhu'lláh, see 'He Whom God shall manifest'
> 
> Manifestations of God, 150
> 
> Manúchihr Khán (the Mu`tamidu'd-Dawlih), 50, 108-17 passim
> 
> Marághih, 79, 149
> 
> Marḍíyyih (sister of Ṭáhirih), 26
> 
> Mark, St., 127, 128
> 
> Mashá`ir (by Mullá Ṣadrá), 236
> 
> Mashhad (Meshed), 2, 56, 85, 119, 171
> 
> Mashíyyatu'lláh (martyr), 27
> 
> Masjid:
> 
> al-Aqṣá, 3;
> 
> al-Ḥarám, 3;
> 
> i-Ílkhání, 18;
> 
> i-Jum`ih (of Nayríz), 179, 182;
> 
> i-Máshá'u'lláh, 190;
> 
> i-Naw, 234;
> 
> i-Vakíl (of Shíráz), 94, 96, 99
> 
> Mas`úd Mírzá, Prince Sulṭán (Ẓillu's-Sulṭán), 10, 218
> 
> Ma`ṣúmih (sister of Imám Riḍá), 52
> 
> Materialism, 214
> 
> Maydán, 114
> 
> Maymand, 83
> 
> Mazdak, 220
> 
> Mázindarán, 27, 131, 149, 150, 171, 174, 184
> 
> Mecca, 2, 21, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 77, 89, 134, 223
> 
> Medina, 2, 21, 73, 74, 75, 89, 218
> 
> Memorials of the Faithful, 128, 168, 175
> 
> Menchikov, Prince, 9
> 
> Messenger of God (Rasúlu'lláh), see Muḥammad (The Prophet)
> 
> [Pg 251]
> 
> Mihdí (Mahdí), 3, 61, 67, 96, 142, 171, 204, 224
> 
> Mihdí (Bábí of `Iráq), 60
> 
> Mihdí, Mírzá (Ṣábir, the poet), 103
> 
> Mihdí Khán, Ḥájí Mírzá, 159, 160
> 
> Mihdíy-i-Khu'í, Mullá, 120
> 
> Mihdíy-i-Kujúrí, Ḥájí Shaykh, 78, 99
> 
> Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, Prince, 172, 175, 176, 206
> 
> Mihr-`Alí Khán-i-Núrí (the Shuja`u'l-Mulk), 240
> 
> Mílán, 126, 127
> 
> Mír-Ghaḍab (executioner), 76
> 
> Mi`ráj, 3
> 
> Mírkhund (Mírkhwand), 141
> 
> Mírzá Áqá Khán-i-Núrí, 152
> 
> Mírzá-Áqá, Áqá (nephew of wife of the Báb), 32
> 
> Mírzá-Áqáy-i-Rikáb-Sáz, 103
> 
> Mírzáy-i-Shírází, see Muḥammad-Ḥasan, Ḥájí Mírzá
> 
> Miṣbáh, `Azízu'lláh, 161, 238
> 
> Mohammedans, see Muslims
> 
> Mordecai, 165
> 
> Morier, James, 9
> 
> Moses, 31
> 
> Mosul, 61
> 
> Mubárak, see Ethiopian servant
> 
> Muḥammad, the Prophet, 3, 44-8 passim, 86, 95, 98, 111, 167, 171, 177, 181, 182, 211, 214, 218, 220
> 
> Muḥammad, Ḥájí Áqá, 145
> 
> Muḥammad, Ḥájí Mírzá Siyyid (uncle of the Báb), 33, 40, 107
> 
> Muḥammad, Mullá (husband of Ṭáhirih), 25
> 
> Muḥammad, Shaykh, see Shaykh `Ábid
> 
> Muḥammad, Siyyid, of Shíráz, 36
> 
> Muḥammad, Siyyid (Sulṭánu'l-`Ulamá), see Imám-Jum`ih, of Iṣfahán
> 
> Muḥammad-`Abdu'lláh, 205
> 
> Muḥammad Ali, Mirza (Persian minister), 207
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí, Ḥájí Mírzá (cousin of the Báb), 87
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí, Mírzá (1st Mushíru'l-Mulk), 98
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí, Mírzá (secretary of Ḥájí Qavám), 82
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí, Mullá, of Zanján, see Ḥujjat
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Bárfurúshí, Ḥájí Mullá, see Quddús
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Ḥamzih, Ḥájí, 176
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Maḥallátí, Mullá, 78, 99
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí Mírzá (Rukni'd-Dawlih), 2
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Músáví, Siyyid, 199
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Nahrí, Mírzá, 51, 102
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alí Páshá, 239
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Qazvíní, Mírzá (Letter of the Living), 26, 168
> 
> Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Zunúzí, Mírzá, 153-8
> 
> Muḥammad Áqá Yávar, 164
> 
> Muḥammad-Báqir, Mírzá (Letter of the Living), 26
> 
> Muḥammad-Báqir Khán (the Biglarbagí), 69
> 
> Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Qá'iní, Mírzá, 56, 173, 175
> 
> Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Rashtí, Ḥájí Siyyid, 4, 13, 50, 162
> 
> Muḥammad-Báqir-i-Ṭihrání, Áqá, 239, 240
> 
> Muḥammad Big-i-Chápárchí, 118, 120, 121, 124-6
> 
> Muḥammad-Bisáṭ, Ḥájí, 103
> 
> Muḥammad-i-Furúghí, Mullá Mírzá, 56
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥasan, Ḥájí Mírzá (Mírzáy-i-Shírází), 33
> 
> Muḥammad ibn-i Ḥasan al-`Askarí, see Twelfth Imám
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥasan-i-Bushrú'í, Mírzá (Letter of the Living), 26
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥasan Khán (the Sálár), 122
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥasan-i-Najafí, Shaykh, 59
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, Mírzá (father of the Báb's mother), 33
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Ardistání, Áqá, 235
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Kirmání, Mírzá, see Muḥít-i-Kirmání
> 
> Muḥammad-Ḥusayn-i-Marághi'í, Áqá, 184, 185
> 
> [Pg 252]
> 
> Muḥammad-Ibráhím-i-Ismá`íl Bag, Áqá, 34, 35
> 
> Muḥammad-Ibráhím-i-Kalbásí, Ḥájí, 50
> 
> Muḥammad-Ismá`íl-i-Gulpáygání, Ḥájí, 3
> 
> Muḥammad-Ja`far, Siyyid, 60, 163
> 
> Muḥammad-Ja`far-i-Ábádi'í, Ḥájí, 112, 113
> 
> Muḥammad-Karím, Áqá, of Shíráz, 103
> 
> Muḥammad-Karím-i-`Aṭṭár, 191
> 
> Muḥammad-Karím Khán-i-Kirmání, Ḥájí Mírzá, 52, 102, 134
> 
> Muḥammad-Káẓim Khán (farrásh-báshí), 145
> 
> Muḥammad Khán (former Biglarbagí of Tabríz), 209, 210
> 
> Muḥammad-i-Khurásání, Ḥájí Mírzá, 53
> 
> Muḥammad-i-Mámaqání, Mullá, 140, 143, 144, 155, 156
> 
> Muḥammad-Mihdí, Áqá, 111
> 
> Muḥammad-Mihdíy-i-Kindí, Mullá, 120
> 
> Muḥammad Mu`allim-i-Núrí, Mullá, 53
> 
> Muḥammad-Muṣṭafáy-i-Baghdádí, Áqá, 60, 162, 166, 232
> 
> Muḥammad-Qulí Khán-i-Ílbagí, 81, 84
> 
> Muḥammad Rawḍih-Khán-i-Yazdí, Mírzá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Muḥammad-Riḍá, Siyyid (or Mír, father of the Báb), 32, 33, 142, 230
> 
> Muḥammad-Ṣádiq-i-Mu`allim, Ḥájí Mírzá, 96, 98
> 
> Muḥammad-Ṣáliḥ, Áqá, 23
> 
> Muḥammad Sháh, 10, 12, 80, 81, 83, 90, 93, 99, 100, 102, 109, 112, 113, 115, 117, 121, 122-3 (letter to the Báb), 135, 137, 139, 147, 148, 149, 165, 170, 175, 178, 185, 211, 221, 230, 233
> 
> Muḥammad Shibl, Shaykh, 60, 162, 166
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqí, Ḥájí Mullá (uncle of Ṭáhirih), 25, 166
> 
> Muḥammad at-Taqí, Imám, 41
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqí, Mírzá, of Sárí, 171
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqí, Shaykh (Mámaqání), 143
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Ayyúb, Ḥájí, 240
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Hirátí, Mullá, 110
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Juvayní, Mírzá, 173
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqí Khán (Bakhtíyárí chief), 108
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqí Khán (Lisánu'l-Mulk-i-Sipihr), 141, 231
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Kirmání, Ḥájí, 184
> 
> Muḥammad-Taqíy-i-Mílání, Ḥájí, 128
> 
> Muḥammad-i-Zarandí, Mullá (Nabíl-i-A`ẓam), 40, 93, 94, 100, 114, 119, 122, 132
> 
> Muḥarram, month of, 32, 71
> 
> Muḥibb-`Alí Khán, 66
> 
> Muḥít-i-Kirmání, Mírzá (Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, Mírzá), 72, 73, 74
> 
> Muḥsin al-Káẓimí, Siyyid, 60
> 
> Mu`ínu's-Salṭanih, Ḥájí, 41
> 
> Mujtahid, 1, 50, 60, 67, 224
> 
> Mulk, Súrih of, 20
> 
> Mulk-Árá, see `Abbás Mírzá
> 
> Muqaddas, see Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas-i-Khurásání, Mullá
> 
> Murád Mírzá, Ḥájí Sulṭán (Ḥisámu's-Salṭanih), 237
> 
> Múrchih-Khár, 115
> 
> Muríd (disciple), 112
> 
> Murshid (guide), 40, 112
> 
> Murtaḍáy-i-Zanjání, Siyyid, 184, 185
> 
> Murtiḍáy-i-Anṣárí, Shaykh, 162
> 
> Murtiḍá-Qulíy-i-Marandí, Mullá (`Alamu'l-Hudá), 140, 155
> 
> Músá, Mírzá (Áqáy-i-Kalím, brother of Bahá'u'lláh), 55
> 
> Músá al-Káẓim, Imám, 41
> 
> Musayyib, 4, 196, 197
> 
> Mushíru'l-Mulk, 98
> 
> Mushíru't-Tujjár, 239
> 
> Muslim (Musulman), 98, 108, 146, 147, 178, 205, 222
> 
> Muṣṭafá, Mírzá (Ismá`íl-i-Sabbágh-i-Sidihí), 240
> 
> Muṣṭafá-Qulí Khán-i-Qaráguzlú (I`timadu's-Salṭanih), 240
> 
> Mu`tamid, see Manúchihr Khán
> 
> [Pg 253]
> 
> Nabí Khán-i-Qazvíní, Mírzá (Amír-i-Díván), 81, 82
> 
> Nabíl-i-A`ẓam, see Muḥammad-i-Zarandí, Mullá
> 
> Nádir Sháh, 161, 230
> 
> Najaf, 1, 41, 45, 49, 59, 60, 64, 65, 193, 200
> 
> Najaf-`Alí, Áqá, 145
> 
> Najíb Páshá, 4, 5, 12, 60, 63, 64, 66, 163, 194, 196, 197, 200
> 
> Narjis (mother of 12th Imám), 142
> 
> Násikhu't-Taváríkh, 40, 141, 142
> 
> Náṣirí regiment, 158
> 
> Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh, 9, 33, 135, 140, 141, 145, 148, 152, 207, 218, 219, 237
> 
> Naṣru'lláh, Mír (grandfather of the Báb), 230
> 
> Naṣru'lláh, Siyyid, 196
> 
> Navváb-i-Raḍaví, 205
> 
> Naw-Rúz, 118, 119, 131, 132, 192
> 
> Nawrúz-`Alí, 163
> 
> Náyibu's-Salṭanih, see `Abbás Mírzá, Prince, and `Abbás Mírzá Mulk-Árá
> 
> Nayríz, 178-82, 186, 204-5
> 
> Názimu'sh-Sharí`ih, see Ḥusayn-i-`Arab, Shaykh
> 
> Nesselrode, Count, 131, 206
> 
> New Day, Dispensation, 20, 90, 162, 172
> 
> Nicolas, A.-L.-M., 39, 99, 104, 115, 152, 172, 217
> 
> Ni`matí-Khánih, 81, 234
> 
> Ni`matu'lláhí dervish, 184
> 
> Nimrod, 31
> 
> Nineveh, 229, 233
> 
> Niṣf-i-Jahán, 108;
> 
> see also Iṣfahán Níyálá, 170-2 passim
> 
> Níyáz-i-Baghdádí, Ḥájí, 74
> 
> Niẓámu'd-Dawlih, see Ḥusayn Khán
> 
> Niẓámu'l-`Ulamá, see Maḥmúd, Ḥájí Mullá
> 
> Nubuvvat-i-Kháṣṣih, 111
> 
> Nuqṭiy-i-Bayán, 137;
> 
> -i-Úlá, 48 (The Báb)
> 
> Núr, 53, 171
> 
> Nuṣayrí, 118
> 
> Ottoman, 12, 59, 63, 238, 239
> 
> Outray, M., 80
> 
> Oxford, 238
> 
> Palm Sunday, 127
> 
> Palmerston, Viscount, xi, 12, 79, 173, 178, 180, 202, 204, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 214, 216
> 
> Páminár (Páy-i-Minár), 53
> 
> Paris, 79, 80
> 
> Peel, Sir Robert, xi
> 
> Persepolis, 237
> 
> Persia, see Írán
> 
> Persian(s), 136, 140, 146, 147, 163, 165, 176, 194-7, 199, 206, 210-12, 218, 230, 234
> 
> Persian Gulf, 109, 223, 230
> 
> Platonism, 113
> 
> Polygamy, 223
> 
> Pope, Alexander, 85
> 
> Portuguese, 107
> 
> Presbyterian Mission, American, 145
> 
> Primal Point (The Báb), 189
> 
> Qahru'lláh (a dervish), 137
> 
> Qahviy-i-Awlíyá', 39, 231
> 
> Qá'im, 3, 18, 33, 48, 50, 51, 70, 71 (Báb's declaration in Mecca), 74, 87, 96, 98, 111, 134, 143, 144, 145, 156, 167, 170, 178, 185, 186, 205
> 
> Qá'im-Maqám (Abu'l-Qásim, Mírzá), 8-9, 10, 148
> 
> Qájár, 7, 108, 113, 219
> 
> Qandahár, 233
> 
> Qashqá'í, tribe, 81, 82, 84
> 
> Qásim, Siyyid, of Rasht, 3
> 
> Qavámu'l-Mulk, Ḥájí, 81, 82, 84, 234
> 
> Qayyúmu'l-Asmá' (Commentary on Súrih of Joseph), 19, 20, 21, 46, 47, 58, 99, 101, 141, 211
> 
> Qazvín, 108, 124, 125, 131, 164-7
> 
> Qiṣaṣu'l-`Ulamá (Chronicles of the Divines), 141, 142
> 
> Qubád Khán, 82
> 
> Quddús (Muḥammad-`Alíy-i-Bárfurúshí, Ḥájí Mullá), Letter of the Living: recognises the Báb, 23-4, 26, 33;
> 
> accompanies Him to Mecca, 48-9, 71, 74;
> 
> is separated from Him, 77, 78, 149, 150;
> 
> at Badasht, 167-70;
> 
> arrest, 171;
> 
> at Shaykh Ṭabarsí, 173, 175, 177;
> 
> martyrdom, 150, 176, 205
> 
> Quintus Curtius, 223
> 
> Qum, 49, 51, 119, 135, 151, 174
> 
> Qumrúd, 119
> 
> [Pg 254]
> 
> Qur'án (Koran), 13, 28, 29, 30, 61, 62, 64, 65, 74, 75, 87, 88, 90, 91, 101, 110, 141, 144, 172, 175, 181, 186, 204, 214, 217, 218, 219
> 
> Quraysh, 86
> 
> Qurbán-`Alí, Mírzá, 184
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn (the Báb), 47
> 
> Qurratu'l-`Ayn, see Ṭáhirih
> 
> Rabí`u'l-Avval, month of, 116
> 
> Raḥím, Mírzá, of Shíráz, 103
> 
> Ra'ísu'l-`Ulamá, of Hamadán, 165
> 
> Ramaḍán, month of, 57, 191
> 
> Rangoon, 192
> 
> Raqshá' ('She-Serpent'), 109
> 
> Rashíd Khán-i-Sartíp, 81
> 
> Rasht, Rashtí, 3, 162
> 
> Rawḍatu'ṣ-Ṣafá, Supplement to, 141, 142
> 
> Rawlinson, Sir Henry, 61-7, 232
> 
> 'Remnant of God', see Baqíyatu'lláh
> 
> Resurrection, Day of, 98, 150
> 
> Riḍá, Imám, 52, 56, 85, 103, 119
> 
> Riḍá, Mírzá (British Agent), 81, 82, 83
> 
> Riḍá Khán-i-Turkamán, 173
> 
> Riḍáy-i-Qásí, Ḥájí, 147, 237
> 
> Riḍá-Qulí Khán-i-Afshár, 134
> 
> Riḍá-Qulí Khán-i-Hidáyat, 141
> 
> Riḍá'íyyih, 135;
> 
> see Urúmíyyih
> 
> Risáliy-i-Fiqhíyyih, 39
> 
> Risáliy-i-Tis`a-`Asharíyyih (Nineteen Discourses), 229, 238
> 
> Rodwell, J. M., 88
> 
> Rosen, Baron, 217
> 
> Ruknábád (fountain overlooking Shíráz), 15
> 
> Rukni'd-Dawlih (Muḥammad-`Alí Mírzá), 2
> 
> Runíz (Fárs), 240
> 
> Russell, Lord John, xi
> 
> Russia, Russian, 7-10, 124, 131, 132, 159, 206, 209, 210, 217, 230
> 
> Rustam-`Alí see Zaynab
> 
> Ṣábir, see Mihdí, Mírzá
> 
> Sabzih-Maydán, of Bárfurúsh, 176;
> 
> of Ṭihrán, 183
> 
> Sa`dí, 16
> 
> Ṣádiq, Mullá (a pretender), 132
> 
> Ṣádiq-i-Muqaddas-i-Khurásání, Mullá, 51, 78, 165, 239
> 
> Ṣadrá, Mullá, 113, 236
> 
> Ṣadr-i-A`ẓam, see Ḥusayn Khán
> 
> Sa`du'lláh Páshá, Sar`askar, 4, 5, 197-200
> 
> Ṣafar, month of, 77
> 
> Ṣafavid, 107, 108, 161, 162
> 
> Safíhu'l-`Ulamá, see Muḥammad-Mihdí, Áqá
> 
> Ṣáhib-Ikhtíyár, see Ḥusayn Khán
> 
> Ṣáhibu'z-Zamán (Lord of the Age, or Religion), 13, 15, 18, 24, 50, 96, 142
> 
> Ṣaḥífiy-i-Baynu'l-Ḥaramayn (Epistle between the Two Shrines), 73
> 
> Ṣaḥnih, 164
> 
> Sa`íd-i-Hindí, Shaykh (Letter of the Living), 27, 137
> 
> Sa`ídu'l-`Ulamá, of Bárfurúsh, 172, 174, 176
> 
> St. Petersburg (Leningrad), 9
> 
> Sale, George, 168
> 
> Salford, 217
> 
> Ṣáliḥ, Hájí Mullá, 25
> 
> Ṣáliḥ, Mírzá, 239
> 
> Ṣáliḥ-al-Karímí, Shaykh, 60, 165, 166
> 
> Saljúqs (Seljucids), 107
> 
> Sám Khán, 157
> 
> Sámarrá, 41, 142
> 
> Sami Effendi (Turkish minister), 210
> 
> Sar-Chishmih, 189
> 
> Saráy-i-Amír (a caravanserai), 36
> 
> Sárí, 171
> 
> Sartíp, 134, 234
> 
> 'Seal of the Prophets' (Muḥammad), 95
> 
> Sercey, M. de, 234
> 
> 'Seven Goats', see 'Seven Martyrs'
> 
> 'Seven Martyrs of Ṭihrán', 182-5, 206-8
> 
> Sha`bán, month of, 75, 151
> 
> Sháfi`í, 13
> 
> Shaftí, 162
> 
> Sháh `Abdu'l-`Aẓím, 140, 190
> 
> Sháh Chirágh (a shrine), 103
> 
> Sháh Muḥammad-i-Manshádí, Ḥájí (Amínu'l-Bayán), 190, 191
> 
> Shahr (Shehr)-i-Vírán, 224
> 
> Shakespeare, 76, 107
> 
> Sharíf (Sherif), of Mecca, 21, 74, 75
> 
> Shavvál, month of, 194
> 
> [Pg 255]
> 
> Shaykh `Alí, Mullá, of Khurásán (`Aẓím), 57, 103, 137, 151
> 
> Shaykh-`Alí Mírzá, 103
> 
> Shaykh-i-Anám, see `Ábid, Shaykh; 231
> 
> Shaykhí, 1, 5, 38, 42, 53, 59, 62, 72, 74, 140
> 
> Shaykhu'l-Islám, of Tabríz, 140
> 
> Shaykhuná, see `Ábid, Shaykh; 231
> 
> Sheil, Lady, 58
> 
> Sheil, Lt.-Col. (later Sir Justin), 63, 64, 81, 135, 177, 180, 186, 187, 202-15 passim, 229
> 
> Sherley brothers, 107
> 
> Shi`ah, 1, 12, 13, 33, 50, 59, 62-8 passim, 162, 163, 198, 200, 221
> 
> Shikastih Nasta`líq (a script), 54
> 
> Shíráz, Shírází, 2, 16-18 passim, 22, 23, 32-40 passim, 45, 46, 48-52 passim, 56, 57, 61, 62, 67-9 passim, 76-88 passim, 90, 94, 99-107 passim, 143, 147, 150, 166, 169, 170, 179, 182, 204, 220, 223, 237, 239
> 
> Shirley, James, 106
> 
> Shish-Parí, Siyyid-i-, 95
> 
> Shíshván, 138
> 
> Shoghi Effendi (Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith), 139, 167, 183, 189, 192
> 
> Shujá`u'd-Dawlih, 201
> 
> Shukru'lláh Khán-i-Núrí, 69
> 
> Ṣiddíqih (the Truthful), 163;
> 
> see also Ṭáhirih
> 
> Sipihr, see Muḥammad-Taqí Khán
> 
> Sisygambis, 223
> 
> Síyáh-Dahán, 124
> 
> Siyyid, 17, 23, 51, 70, 72, 99, 121, 136, 140, 146, 147
> 
> Siyyid `Alí, 171;
> 
> see also Ḥusayn-i-Bushrú'í, Mullá
> 
> Siyyidu'sh-Shuhadá, see Ḥusayn, Imám
> 
> Stevens, R. W., 202
> 
> Ṣubḥ-i-Azal, see Yaḥyá, Mírzá
> 
> Sublime Porte, 61, 63, 66, 163
> 
> Ṣúfí, 215
> 
> Sulaymán Khán, of Tabríz, 149, 159, 160, 189
> 
> Sulaymán Khán-i-Afshár, Ḥájí, 125, 134
> 
> Sulṭán al-Karbilá'í, Shaykh, 60, 166
> 
> Sulṭánu'l-`Ulamá, see Imám-Jum`ih, of Iṣfahán
> 
> Sunní, 12, 13, 63, 64, 65, 68, 163, 198
> 
> Surra-man-Ra'a, see Sámarrá
> 
> Súrih (Súrah), 19;
> 
> see also (Súrihs of) Joseph, Kawthar, V'al-`Aṣr, `al-Wáqi`ah
> 
> Syria, Syrians, 8, 193
> 
> Syriac, 136
> 
> Ṭabarsí, Shaykh, 29, 51, 135, 150, 165, 171-7, 180, 185, 186, 239
> 
> Ṭabas, 57
> 
> Tabríz, 10, 124, 126-8, 138, 140, 145, 152, 154, 157-9, 167, 169, 202, 203, 209, 211, 218, 221
> 
> Ṭahá, Siyyid, 163
> 
> Ṭáhir, Mírzá (the Baker), 239
> 
> Ṭáhir, Mullá, 166
> 
> Ṭáhirih (Qurratu'l-`Ayn, Letter of the Living), 24-7, 58, 124, 162-71, 176, 230
> 
> Talbot, Major Gerald F., 33
> 
> Taqí Khán, Mírzá (Amír Niẓám, Amír-i-Kabír), 146, 148, 152, 184, 185, 203, 207, 209, 212
> 
> Táríkh-i-Jadíd (New History of the Báb), 78, 126
> 
> Tennyson, Alfred, Lord, 134
> 
> Ṭihrán, 26, 36, ch. 3, 63, 66, 69, 81, 90, 102, 104, 113, 115, 119-25 passim, 131, 140, 145, 147, 149, 152, 166, 167, 177, 178, 183, 185, 189, 205, 222, 233
> 
> Tilsit, 8
> 
> Times, The (London), 77
> 
> Titow, M. de, 63
> 
> Tobacco Régie, 33
> 
> Toumansky, Alexander, 217
> 
> Traditions, of Islám, 13, 90, 98, 141
> 
> Traveller's Narrative, A, 105, 114, 118, 120, 121, 141, 152
> 
> Tsar, of Russia, 8, 10, 206
> 
> Túpchí (gunner), 81
> 
> Turkumancháy, treaty of, 9
> 
> Turkey, Turkish, 63, 104, 124, 132, 136, 210, 219-21 passim;
> 
> see also Ottoman
> 
> Twelfth Imám, 65, 119
> 
> Umm-Salamih, see Ṭáhirih
> 
> United States, 220, 238
> 
> [Pg 256]
> 
> Urúmíyyih (Riḍá'íyyih), 131-5 passim, 138, 145, 169
> 
> Uṣúl-i(al)-Káfí, 119
> 
> Uṣúlís, 62, 64
> 
> Vaḥíd (Siyyid Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí), 70, 90-4, 99, 101, 103, 178-82, 205, 215, 240
> 
> Vakíl, mosque of (Shíráz), 94, 96, 99, 103
> 
> V'al-`Aṣr, Súrih of, Commentary on, 110, 141
> 
> Valí-`Ahd (Crown Prince), 144;
> 
> see also Náṣiri'd-Dín Sháh
> 
> Varqá (martyr-poet), 138
> 
> Varqá, Valíyu'lláh, 139
> 
> Vazír Nizám (Mírzá Hasan Khán), 152, 153, 203
> 
> Vicegerent of God, 21
> 
> Victoria, Queen, 221
> 
> Wahab, Siyyid (Seid Wahab), 196
> 
> `al-Wáqi`ah, Súrih of (The Event), 168
> 
> Wellesley, Marquis of, 8
> 
> World Order of Bahá'u'lláh, The, 167
> 
> Yaḥyá, Ḥájí Shaykh (Imám-Jum`ih, of Shiráz), 233
> 
> Yaḥyá, Mírzá (Ṣubḥ-i-Azal), 174, 238
> 
> Yaḥyá Khán (warden of Chihríq), 135
> 
> Yaḥyá Khán, of Tabríz, 149
> 
> Yaḥyáy-i-Dárábí, Siyyid, see Vaḥíd
> 
> Yazd, 4, 102, 116, 178, 184, 205, 214, 215
> 
> Yazíd, 182
> 
> Yúnis Khán-i-Afrúkhtih, Dr., 190
> 
> Yúsuf, Mírzá (the Mustawfíu'l-Mamálik), 139
> 
> Yúsuf-i-Ardibílí, Mullá (Letter of the Living), 27
> 
> Yúsuf, Súrih of, see Qayyúmu'l-Asmá'
> 
> Za`farání, Ibráhím, 194
> 
> Ẓálim, see Ḥusayn-i-`Arab, Shaykh
> 
> Zand, 7, 161
> 
> Zanján, 100, 101, 125, 131, 134, 178, 185-8, 209-13
> 
> Zarrín-Táj, see Ṭáhirih
> 
> Zaynab (Rustam-`Alí), 186
> 
> Zayni'd-Dín, Shaykh, 1
> 
> Zaynu'l-`Ábidín, Áqá Mírzá (cousin of the Báb's father), 32
> 
> Zaynu'l-`Ábidín Khán, 178-80
> 
> Ẓillu's-Sulṭán, see `Ali-Sháh and Mas`úd Mírzá, Prince Sulṭán
> 
> The writer is very grateful to Farhang Afnan for his valuable help in
> compiling the index.
> 
> Transcriber's Notes:
> 
> In this book, there are Footnotes (marked with letters) and
> (end)Notes (marked with numbers). In the original book, the
> footnotes are located at the bottom of the relevant pages and the
> (end)notes are located at the end of the book (in its own section
> titled "Notes"). In this e-book, the footnotes are relocated to
> the end of the e-book (in a section titled "Footnotes",
> after the Appendices and before the Bibliography.) It
> is to be noted that some footnotes also contain (end)notes.
> 
> Obvious printer's errors have been repaired, other inconsistent
> spellings have been kept, including inconsistent use of hyphen
> (e.g. "above mentioned" and "above-mentioned"), diacritical marks
> (e.g. "Shiraz" and "Shíráz"), and proper name (e.g.
> "Zil.i.Sultan" and "Zil.e.Sultan").
> 
> The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Bab, by H.M. Balyuzi
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> 
> Title: The Bab: The Herald of the Day of Days
> 
> Author: H.M. Balyuzi
> 
> Release Date: June 22, 2015 [EBook #49257]
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> Language: English
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> Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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