# The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents

*Exported from [Holy-Writings.com](https://www.holy-writings.com/) on 2026-06-20 — 1 clipping.*

---

> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Ahang Rabbani, The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents, bahai-library.com.
> ──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz
> History and Documents
> 
> Ahang Rabbani
> 
> Volume 2
> Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History
> The Bábís of Nayríz
> History and Documents
> 
> Ahang Rabbani
> 
> Volume 2
> Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History
> Copyright and Distribution
> © 1999 and 2006, Ahang Rabbani
> 
> This book was prepared for print publication by Ahang
> Rabbani. This electronic edition has been produced to
> facilitate widespread distribution and use of this study. This
> monograph may be freely redistributed in electronic form so
> long as the following conditions are met:
> 
> 1. The contents of this file are not altered.
> 2. This copyright and redistribution notice remains intact
> 3. No charges are made or monies collected for the
> redistribution
> 
> In addition, this electronic version may be printed for
> redistribution as a printed document or as a book for noncommercial purposes, such as, personal or educational use,
> so long as the above conditions are met with the following
> qualifications and additions:
> 
> 1. Charges may be made or monies collected only to recover
> the actual costs of printing and distribution. No profit may
> be made, or surcharge assessed, for the distribution of this
> work in printed formats.
> 2. If printed in book form, five copies must be submitted for
> archival purposes to the International Bahá’í Library in
> Haifa, Israel (http://library.bahai.org/).
> 
> Any other reproduction or redistribution in any format is
> forbidden without the expressed written consent of Dr. Ahang
> Rabbani or his designated heirs. For the latest version of this
> study, visit: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/
> Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History
> 
> The Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History series is a multi-volume ongoing project of Ahang Rabbani. A list of current projects and forthcoming
> research monographs is available at: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/
> 
> Published Volumes
> 1    In the Land of Refuge: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Shiraz
> 
> 2    The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents
> 
> 3    Eight Years Near ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Habíb Mu’ayyad
> 
> 4    Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Recollections of Mírzá
> Habíbu’lláh Afnán
> 
> 5    Ponder Thou upon the Martyrdom of Hájí Muhammad-Ridá: Nineteen
> Historical Accounts
> 
> 6    Bahá’í Martyrdoms in Manshad in 1903: Three Historical Accounts
> 
> 7    Memoirs of a Bahá’í in Rasht: 1889-1903
> 
> 8    Witness to Shaykh Tabarsi: The Narrative of Hájí Nasír Qazvíní
> 
> 9    A Lifetime with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Reminiscences of Khalíl Shahídí
> 
> 10   ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Year in Egypt: A Compilation of Eyewitness Accounts
> 
> 11   With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Mírzá ‘Isá Isfahání
> 
> 12   With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Diaries of Drs. Habíb Mu’ayyad and Zia Baghdadi
> 
> 13   With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Núru’lláh Hamadání
> 
> 14   With Bahá’u’lláh: The Narrative of Áqá Husyan Áshchí
> 
> 15 The Voice of the Heroes: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Khurasan
> O son of man!
> Ponder and reflect.
> Is it thy wish to die upon thy bed,
> or to shed thy life blood on the dust,
> a martyr in My path,
> and so become the manifestation of My command
> and the revealer of My light in the highest paradise?
> Judge thou aright O servant!
> Bahá’u’lláh (The Hidden Words)
> Dedication
> 
> For
> Mírzá Asadu’lláh Fádil Mázandarání
> Contents
> 
> Foreword ----------------------------------------------------------------------   1
> 
> Vahíd Dárábí
> 1. The Shore of Certitude --------------------------------------------       17
> 2. An Itinerant Teacher -----------------------------------------------      42
> 3. The Events of Yazd ------------------------------------------------       67
> 4. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz --------------------------------------         93
> 
> Nayríz-I – History and Documents
> 5. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1 --------------- 105
> 6. Excerpts from the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf ------------------------ 139
> 7. Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím -------------------------------------- 152
> 8. Narrative of the Qájár Historians ------------------------------- 162
> 9. Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání ------------------------- 183
> 10. Companions of Vahíd ------------------------------------------- 208
> 
> Nayríz-II – History and Documents
> 11. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 2 ------------- 242
> 12. Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí ------------------------ 295
> 13. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: from General History ----------- 302
> 14. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: The Garden of the Merciful ---- 308
> 15. Transition from Bábí to Bahá’í Community ----------------- 320
> 
> Appendices
> 1. Bábí Martyrs of Nayriz-II ------------------------------------------ 341
> 2. The Family of Vahíd Dárabí --------------------------------------- 348
> 3. Writings of Vahíd Dárábí ------------------------------------------ 382
> 4. Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Visitation for Vahíd Dárábí ----------- 396
> 
> Bibliography ----------------------------------------------------------------- 398
> Foreword
> 
> When thou seest in the path a severed head
> which is rolling towards our field,
> ask of it, ask of it our secrets,
> for from it thou mayst hear our hidden mystery.
> Rúmí (Diván Shams Tabríz)
> 
> The central features of the upheavals of Nayríz are known to those who
> have read about the millenarian Bábí religious movement of nineteenthcentury Qajar Iran.1 Next to the incident of Zanján, where nearly two
> thousand Bábís perished, the Bábís of Nayríz in 1850 lost more men,
> women and children in the fiery ordeals that surrounded them than any
> other Bábí community of that country. Moreover, unlike the other major
> Bábí incidents, the conflicts in this town were not limited to the one
> pogrom, but continued to unfold unabated for several more years and in
> the process took the lives of many hundreds more of the Báb’s
> followers.
> The present volume is an attempt to tell the story of the leading
> figure of that uprising, Vahíd Dárábí, and to bring a number of historical
> documents pertaining to these episodes of Nayríz along with a brief
> analysis to the attention of English-speaking readers.
> By way of general background, it should be noted that the Bábís of
> Nayríz suffered two distinct though related incidents of persecution: one
> in 1850 and another in 1853. These will be referred to as Nayríz-I and
> Nayríz-II, respectively.2 The first incident has already been told in such
> moving accounts as Shoghi Effendi’s The Dawn-Breakers – an edited
> translation of Nabíl’s Narrative – and Edward G. Browne’s Táríkh-i Jadíd
> – a translation of a revised narrative by Siyyid Husayn Hamadání. In
> 1 For introductions to the Bábí movement and its early history, see Shoghi Effendi’s
> 
> The Dawn-Breakers; Balyuzi’s The Báb; or Amanat’s Resurrection and Renewal.
> 2 A third pogrom in the Spring of 1909 enveloped the descendants of the Bábís of
> 
> Nayríz, who by that time had become Bahá’ís. That incident will be referred to as
> Nayríz-III and is outlined in Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge, chap 16.
> 2 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> addition, both of these sources provide a cursory glimpse into the 1853
> persecution, namely, Nayríz-II. As moving and elegant as those two
> sources are, neither of the authors were themselves participants in the
> events, although much of their information comes from eyewitness
> accounts. Those underlying primary source materials are the focus of the
> present study.
> 
> Discussion of Sources
> A deeper historical perspective about any incident or social development
> can best be established after all or most of the documents about that
> event have been assembled, critically analyzed, and correlated. As a step
> towards a better understanding of what occurred in Nayríz during the
> 1850’s – as a microcosm of the beleaguered Bábí community of Iran in
> that period – this monograph includes translations of many of the
> relevant primary accounts. Fortunately, there is a considerable amount of
> narrative data about the Bábí community of Nayríz and their siege from
> various sources, which can be divided into several broad categories:
> 
> 1. Contemporary Documents
> Only a few contemporary narratives are available, one of these being the
> important description written shortly after the events by Siyyid Ibráhím
> Nayrízí, (see chapter 7). Since this interesting chronicle was inscribed on
> a wall in a relatively obscure mosque and covered in dust until 1940, it
> remained unnoticed and the information it contains was not reflected in
> subsequent accounts. To my knowledge, this document represents the
> only instance of a Muslim writing a detailed sympathetic eyewitness
> account of a Bábí incident.
> It is known that Vahíd Dárábí had ordered one of the besiegers
> (who was his planned son-in-law), Muhammad-Ja‘far, to compose a jangnámih [war epic], telling of the daily events, but only one verse of this
> jang-námih is extant. It is cited in chapter 15. Should the full epic ever be
> located, it may be of capital importance.
> Among Vahíd’s own writings, one important document is his
> daughter’s marriage certificate, which is translated and discussed in
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 3
> 
> Appendix 2. Since this document is dated, it helps in establishing the
> time of the siege. It further establishes that the Bábís of Nayríz had
> implemented at least some of the laws of the Bayán and were conducting
> their daily lives in accordance with such ordinances. Other writings of
> Vahíd that I have been able to gather are translated in Appendix 3.
> These, for the most part, do not include much historical information as
> they belong to the genre of proof-texts.
> 
> 2. Bábí Eyewitness Sources
> As would be expected, many Bahá’í sources discuss the events of Nayríz
> and these can without exception be traced to earlier Bábí eyewitness
> accounts. However, before discussing the Bábí documents, it should be
> noted that the limitations of these sources reside in the totality of the
> Bábí disaster: virtually every adult Bábí of the Nayríz community was
> killed in the battles or the ensuing executions. Nevertheless, a few Bábí
> youngsters survived the slaughters and two of them wrote what they had
> witnessed in their youth.
> The most detailed historical exposition is that of Mullá
> Muhammad Shafí‘, a narrative more fully introduced in chapter 5. By
> virtue of having witnessed both the 1850 and the 1853 insurrections and
> having closely known and interviewed the survivors, Mullá Shafí‘ was
> able to pen a moving and detailed chronicle. Though unscholarly by
> modern standards, the author has succeeded in holding back his
> sympathies and has produced an account unmarred by the bitter
> denunciatory comments that disfigure much of the early Bábí and Bahá’í
> narratives. What is more important, his account is free from the
> anachronistic application of later Bahá’í attitudes toward the religious
> warfare of the Bábís. In addition to Nabíl, who based his chapter on
> Nayríz solely on this account, a copy must have been available to A.L.M.
> Nicolas, as his entire chapter on Nayríz essentially mirrors this source.
> Although it is not known when Mullá Shafí‘ composed his
> narrative, it is possible to theorize that it was in approximately the same
> period that Baha’u’llah called upon Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, Mírzá
> Husayn Zanjání and Mír Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí to write accounts of the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 4 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Bábí incidents in Nayríz, Zanján and Fort Tabarsí , respectively.3 And
> since it is known that the Zanján narrative was penned in 1880, this gives
> us an approximate date for Mullá Shafí‘’s account.4
> The second account in this genre is by Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí,
> which focuses mostly on 1853 events. Though it provides less detail than
> Mullá Shafí‘, in some important ways it supplements the latter’s account.
> This account is presented in chapter 12.
> An early account of the 1850 siege is given in The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, a
> history purportedly written by Hájí Mírzá Jání of Kashan (see chapter 6).
> A brief discussion of some of controversies associated with this history
> is given in that section and in the sources cited in the footnotes.
> 
> 3. The Bahá’í Sources:
> It is known that Mullá Shafí‘’s son, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, penned
> an account of considerable length, but the present writer has been
> unable to locate this source and cannot comment on its merits.5 Judging
> from the information in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, volume 1, it seems likely
> that this source would prove useful in gaining information on the
> survivors of the 1853 holocaust, particularly as they endeavored to
> rebuild their community and transformed their religious identity to that
> of the Bahá’í Faith. Since Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí quotes from this
> history6 it is almost certain that a copy must be extant either in Iran or
> among families from Nayríz residing outside Iran.7
> 
> 3 Shahmírzádí’s and other accounts of Fort Tabarsí are the topic of a forthcoming
> 
> volume by the present writer.
> 4 For a discussion of the Zanjan accounts see Walbridge, “Document and Narrative
> 
> Sources for the History of the Battle of Zanjan”.
> 5 Sources For Early Bábí Doctrine and History, p. 178, states, “This work contains
> 
> accounts of the first and second Nayríz upheavals, based on eyewitness reports by
> the author’s father, Áqá Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí. It was composed in 1345
> A.H./1927 and runs to about 255 pages.”
> 6 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 113, n.1, and pp. 116-117.
> 7 In their 12 February 1997 communication, the Baha’i World Centre informed the
> 
> present writer that neither Mullá Shafí‘’s nor Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s
> narratives were available in Haifa. A copy of the account by Mullá Muhammad
> Shafí‘ was immediately sent to the Bahá’í International Library for permanent
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 5
> 
> Another early Bahá’í account of the event is given by Siyyid
> Husayn Hamadání which for the incident of Nayríz relies on the
> narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání with some later additions. This narrative is
> more fully discussed in chapter 9. Although Prof. E.G. Browne
> published a translation of a later revision of this narrative, this text is
> sufficiently important to warrant inclusion in the present monograph.
> Of the later Bahá’í sources, several accounts by Qábil Ábádi’í are
> of considerable interest. Though these were written relatively late, his
> sources of information were the older members of the community, who
> had been contemporary with the incidents, such as Qábil’s own non-
> Bahá’í father. As a whole, Qábil’s line of information seems to be
> completely independent of the Nayrízí survivors. And while much of
> what he writes certainly reflects the memories of direct participants who
> had dispersed throughout the region, much of his account is more
> valuable for understanding the sort of historical folklore that had
> developed by the late nineteenth century among the Bahá’ís of Iran. Two
> of these accounts are introduced in chapters 13 and 14.
> ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Ávárih (Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pages 53-57)
> tells about the conversion of Vahíd Dárábí and pages 201-217 of the
> same volume are devoted mainly to Nayríz-I and a little to Nayríz-II.
> This source seems to be primarily based on the narrative of Siyyid
> Husayn Hamadání, contains almost no new information, and is therefore
> not included in this volume.
> Muhammad Shafí‘ Rawhání, a grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, wrote the
> two-volume Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the first volume of which deals with the
> Bábí uprising of Nayríz. This source is based on Mullá Shafí‘’s and
> Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s accounts, augmented by a few survivor’s
> interviews.8 This source proved useful for the annotations of many
> events and is frequently cited in the footnotes.
> Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí’s Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, pages 267-270, is a
> 
> safekeeping.
> 8 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, notes that interviews of the survivors of Nayríz I and II, some
> 
> 40 years earlier, included Khájíh Muhammad; Mashhadí Zaynu’l-‘Abidin; Karbalá’í
> Muhammad Sálih; a daughter of ‘Alí Sardár, who was then married to Mullá Husayn;
> Hájí Muhammad, son of Hájí Qásim; and the mother of the late Khájíh ‘Alí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 6 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> brief account of Nayríz-I which is essentially a summary of The Dawn-
> Breakers and provides little new information. However, the same author’s
> Nayríz Mushkbíz, offers occasional nuggets.
> All the later Bahá’í historians simply retell Nabíl’s account as
> presented in The Dawn-Breakers.
> 
> 4. Qajar Histories:
> The most important of these is the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh [The Abrogator of
> Histories], written by the Qajar court historian Sipihr. Included amid the
> accounts of army movements, uprisings, border disputes, and the
> appointments and firings of officials – mostly relatives of the Qajar
> monarchs – is a detailed account of the Bábí movement as it was known
> to the court. Sipihr’s account is useful as he relied heavily on official
> reports and military dispatches. However, of all his Bábí subjects, his
> information on the Nayríz events proved to be the least valuable.
> Nevertheless all the later Qajar accounts derive from Násikhu’t-Tavárikh,
> with the possible exception of the Fársnámih.
> The Fársnámih Násirí is a massive two-volume encyclopedia of the
> province of Fars and its information on Nayríz – the only aspect of the
> Bábí Faith that it reports – seems to combine what is already available in
> the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh with supplementary data available to its welllettered author.
> The Qajar histories are more fully described in chapter 8.
> 
> 5. European Sources
> The battle of Nayríz in 1850 was of particular interest to European
> diplomats and their network of informants, and their reports of the time
> contain many references to the siege. Some of these dispatches represent
> firsthand knowledge of the scene, while others rely on Iranian officials
> for their information. However, a close study of them indicates that
> considerable confusion persisted among the European correspondents
> as to the chronology of the events. Many such dispatches are noted in
> various sections of the present study or in the footnotes.
> It is surprising that in Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie
> Centrale, (1865), Gobineau makes no mention of Nayríz incident even
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 7
> 
> though it was published two years after his return from Iran where he
> must have certainly heard of it, particularly since he used the Násikhu’t-
> Tavárikh to gain most of his historical data.
> A later description of Nayríz is provided by Kazem-Beg (ii. pages
> 224-239), but is very harsh on his assessment of Vahíd Dárábí. Browne
> has made a similar observation.9 As noted earlier, Nicolas’ account is a
> retelling of Mullá Shafí‘’s.
> Since these documents are available to Western readers, they have
> not been included in the present monograph.
> 
> 6. Nabil’s Narrative:
> Mullá Yár-Muhammad Zarandí, surnamed Nabíl A‘zam by Bahá’u’lláh,
> became a Bábí towards the latter part of the 1840’s and was closely
> associated with Baha’u’llah from early on. He followed the latter into
> Iraq and beyond and always sought his presence. He traveled extensively
> and played an important role in converting the Bábí community of Iran
> to the Bahá’í Faith. He settled in ‘Akká sometime after the release of
> Baha’u’llah’s family from the prison of that city, and by the early 1880’s
> had decided to compose a history of the Bábí and Bahá’í movements
> based on his own observations, his extensive conversations with early
> converts, which included almost every prominent Bahá’í (and many Bábí
> survivors), and various narratives available to him in ‘Akká, some of
> which were commissioned by Baha’u’llah. In regard to his process of
> composition, Nabíl writes the following:
> 
> From the beginning of the composition of these pages it
> was decided that whatever was penned must be presented to
> His blessed Threshold [i.e. Baha’u’llah] so that after its
> completion whatever should be the will of the Beloved of
> the World regarding it should be carried out. Therefore,
> over the course of eighteen Arabian [i.e. lunar] months these
> sixty-three sections were gradually written. After completion
> of each section, without making a copy or any other
> considerations, it was sent to the Most Mighty and Exalted
> 9 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 39, n.1.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 8 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> presence so that after they were returned a finished copy
> could be prepared with utmost care.
> Ten complete months passed until, in these days of
> the month of Rabi-I 1308 A.H.,10 some of those sections
> have kindly been received so that I could carefully consider
> and correct them, and send back [revisions] to the blessed
> Threshold. In the last batch, the final three sections of the
> book have been kindly returned [to me], and on this night of
> 26 Rabí‘-I11 their review has been completed.
> Further I have noted that during these ten months [of
> waiting] much has occurred that is worthy of mention, and
> [additionally] certain of the rejuvenating events of the City
> of Peace [Baghdad] have often been related by the Beloved
> of the World to those in His presence which had not been
> recorded in treating the events of that city. I have therefore
> beseeched divine assistance to be able to briefly and in a few
> pages write about these [and append them to the text], as it
> may edify the wayward and aid seekers of certitude.12
> 
> It is clear from this description, as well as in another instance, that
> Nabíl wrote his narrative progressively in 63 sections and gave these to
> Mírzá Áqá Ján who would read them in the presence of Baha’u’llah.
> Apparently, the last of his chapters were written and sent to Baha’u’llah
> around February 1890. Ten months passed and he received no word.
> Then relatively rapidly he began to receive his drafts with instructions to
> edit and resubmit them to Baha’u’llah for further review. Having done
> so, Nabíl added some 23 pages of supplementary materials covering the
> preceding ten months, February-November 1890, and also some of the
> new stories told by Baha’u’llah of his days in Baghdad.13
> To write his section on Nayríz-I, it is clear that Nabíl solely relied
> 
> 10 15 October – 13 November 1890.
> 11 9 November 1890.
> 12 Nabíl’s original manuscript, page 1007, copy in private hands.
> 13 See, Memories of the Báb, Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 2, for some of the
> 
> stories told by Baha’u’llah during this period.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 9
> 
> on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, a fact attested in The Dawn-
> Breakers, page 644. The same can be readily verified through a
> comparison of Mullá Shafí‘’s text as given in chapter 5 of the present
> study with The Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. (A few passages of Mullá
> Shafí‘ seems to be missing in The Dawn-Breakers and these have to do
> with the militant character of the Nayrízí Bábís – see the corresponding
> footnotes in chapter 5.)
> Nabíl’s manuscript remained unpublished until the time of Shoghi
> Effendi who produced an elegant translation of the first half, covering
> the period up to 1853. Within the Bahá’í community, and with Shoghi
> Effendi’s encouragement, this translation was immediately embraced as
> the standard history of the Báb and the Bábís.14
> In many ways, Nabíl’s history presents an excellent opportunity to
> study early Bahá’í historiography. However, a serious barrier towards this
> objective is the fact that the original Persian text is not available to
> researchers. A Persian edition by ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Ishráq-Khávarí indeed
> exists, but it is a Persian translation of an Arabic translation of Shoghi
> Effendi’s English and therefore it is not useful for historical studies.15
> To overcome the present problem of lack of access to Nabíl’s text,
> I devised a method of studying Nabíl’s original narrative by proxy.16 That
> is, to learn what Nabíl had written on Nayríz, Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq was used as a mirror document for Nabíl’s. Let me
> elaborate:
> In the early 1920’s, the renowned Iranian Bahá’í scholar, Mírzá
> Asadu’lláh Fádil Mazandarání, commenced composition of a
> monumental nine volume series on the history of the Bábí the Bahá’í
> 
> 14 Messages to America (1932-46), 23 June 1932 cablegram refers to The Dawn-Breakers
> 
> as “unchallengeable textbook”.
> 15 Another serious problem with Ishráq-Khávarí’s edition is the fact that it lacks a
> 
> translation of the footnotes that Shoghi Effendi added to Nabíl’s edited text,
> augmenting the latter’s information or presenting alternative accounts of the
> incidents. Also George Townsend’s essay appearing at the beginning of The Dawn-
> Breakers was left untranslated.
> 16 A manuscript containing some 250 pages of Nabíl’s narrative is available in
> 
> private hands. However, for the most part, the pages are not contiguous and
> provide only a snippet of what Nabíl wrote.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 10 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> movements. Of these nine volumes, only one was published in his
> lifetime (1944) and that was volume 3, which dealt with the Bábí
> community and the life and activities of the principal Bábí disciples.17
> Volume 8 was printed many years after the author’s death. The
> remaining volumes were published electronically at: <http://www.hnet.org/~bahai/index/diglib/mazand1.htm>
> In studying Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq series, I have come to the
> conclusion that one of the main sources used by Fádil Mazandarání to
> compose his history for volumes 2, 4 and much of 5, was Nabíl’s original
> narrative. While a full discussion of sources used to compose Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq and its relation to Nabíl’s narrative must await another occasion, it
> may prove useful to briefly outline a few observations pertaining to the
> relation of these two important histories insofar as the Nayríz incidents
> is concerned:18
> 
> 1. Mazandarání’s discussion of Vahíd Dárábí’s visit to Yazd
> (Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 398-407) is identical to The
> Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. As explained in chapter 3, the
> primary source for this episode remains a mystery and in the
> absence of such a primary source, it is only logical to deduce
> 
> 17 On 11 April 1950, the National Spiritual Assembly of Iran requested that a
> pamphlet be prepared over Fádil’s signature, in which he repudiated 37 points of his
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, that differed in detail from Nabíl. It appears that this
> concern with his history resulted in none of the other volumes being published to
> date, with the sole exception of volume 8 which covered the life of prominent
> Bahá’ís during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s minister and did not overlap with The Dawn-Breakers
> or God Passes By.
> 18 The vast majority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, correlates closely with The
> 
> Dawn-Breakers, to the point that one could almost say, for many sections, that
> Mazandarání seems to have lifted sections from Nabíl’s original. However, the
> ultimate proof of this hypothesis must wait until Nabíl’s text is made accessible.
> Also it should be noted that Zuhúru’l-Haqq, volumes 4 and 5, include many direct
> and attributed quotations from Nabíl, indicating that the latter’s text was the central
> source of Mazandarání’s information. This topic is the subject of a forthcoming
> study by the present writer.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 11
> 
> that Mazandarání must have used Nabíl’s text.19 At any rate,
> the two texts are essentially the same.
> 
> 2. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 408-428 covers the Nayríz-I
> episode. From page 408 to 426 it is essentially identical to The
> Dawn-Breakers. In a few instances where Nabíl has misread
> Mullá Shafí‘, the same errors appear in Zuhúru’l-Haqq. This
> suggest that Mazandrání was not using the original text of
> Mullá Shafí‘ (he probably did not have access to this
> manuscript), and instead was using Nabíl’s account. While
> documentation of these discrepancies is provided in the
> footnotes to chapter 5 below, a few additional points can be
> noted:
> 
> A. In listing the Nayrízí people who went out to welcome
> Vahíd Dárábí in Rúniz, both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that Mírzá Husayn
> Qutb was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter.
> This fact is missing in the account of Mullá Shafí‘ and
> implies that Mazandarání was using Nabíl’s narrative and
> not Shafí‘’s.
> 
> B. In the same paragraph, The Dawn-Breakers associates
> Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih Ayyúb with Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, a fact
> not mentioned by Mullá Shafí‘. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2,
> p. 408, makes an identical comment at the same point.
> 
> C. Both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p.
> 409, state that 20 new converts joined Vahíd Dárábí in
> Rúniz. This fact is missing in Mullá Shafí‘’s account and
> further strengthens the thesis that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol.
> 2, was based on Nabíl.
> 
> 19 In chapter 3, the present writer has advanced a hypothesis that Nabíl’s source of
> 
> information on Yazd was the oral report of Mullá Ridá Manshádí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 12 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Perhaps even more interesting is that, despite the statement in The
> Dawn-Breakers, page 644, suggesting that Nabíl did not include a
> description of Nayríz-II, there are strong indications that a full account
> was given by Nabíl in his narrative, almost certainly based on Mullá
> Shafí‘’s text. Therefore the fact that Shoghi Effendi included only a very
> brief summary of this event in The Dawn-Breakers, page 643, would
> appear to be an editorial decision. As to my evidence for Nabíl providing
> a full account of Nayríz-II, I shall once more employ Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq, volume 4, as my proxy. Much of my evidence is set out in the
> footnotes in chapter 11 (and chapter 5), but a few additional clues can be
> noted. In describing the appearance of the Nayríz-II captives before the
> governor of the Fars, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, n.1, states,
> “Nabíl Zarandí wrote, ‘The late Qavámu’l-Mulk had said that upon
> seeing the illustrious captives, the scene of Karbala appeared before my
> eyes and it profoundly agitated me.’” Again, this statement is missing in
> Mullá Shafí‘’s account and represents a piece of information available to
> Nabíl. Additional data of a similar character that seems to have been
> given by Nabíl and not by Mullá Shafí‘ appears in the footnotes to
> chapters 5 and 11.
> In short, the likelihood is that Nabíl’s original work contained the
> full text of Mullá Shafí‘’s description of Nayríz-II. However,
> confirmation of this hypothesis must await the release of Nabíl’s original
> narrative for study.
> Lastly, It should be noted that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, page
> 23, line 9 to page 57, line 10, is nearly identical to the copy of Mullá
> Shafí‘s text in my possession. Any differences between the two have
> been documented in the footnotes. However, from page 57, line 11, to
> page 59, line 5, there are some additional materials, which have been
> translated in the present study and offered as footnotes in chapter 11. It
> is interesting that at the end of his section, Fádil Mazandarání tells us
> that his source of information for Nayríz-II was the narrative of Mullá
> Muhammad Shafí‘, but I suspect he is echoing this comment from Nabíl
> as well.
> 
> Comments on Translations
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 13
> 
> As the narratives collected in this monograph represent important
> primary historical source documents, much care was exerted in the
> process of translation to remain faithful to the character of the originals
> and to avoid any embellishments or modifications. The sole exceptions
> are the addition of subheadings and clarifying comments inserted in square
> brackets, both in texts and footnotes. In some instances when other
> sources have provided important details, these have been included in the
> footnotes.
> Additionally, attention has been paid to certain historical clues,
> which may aid future researchers. For example, when a narrator speaks
> of someone who was deceased by the time of composition of the
> document, the author typically refers to him as “the late,” and these
> indications have been maintained in the translation.
> The system of transliteration will be apparent to those who have
> an interest in such matters.
> Typically, any single Islamic year (noted as A.H.) overlaps with
> two Christian years. Where only the year of the event is known, the first
> equivalent Gregorian date is given.
> 
> Potential Further Research
> As noted earlier, the present monograph on the Bábís of Nayríz is only
> the first preliminary step towards such a study and much more remains
> to be done. In this regard, it seems important to outline a few thoughts
> on further research that could usefully be undertaken in this arena:
> 
> 1. While there are indeed many useful studies of isolated topics
> relating to the Bábí and Bahá’í histories and some that have
> analyzed Bábí and Bahá’í teachings and scriptures, there are
> few systematic academic studies that correlate the findings of
> the historical studies. A broad synthesis of the history of the
> Bábí and Bahá’í movements using modern scholarly and
> academic methodology is yet to be undertaken. Several reasons
> for this maybe suggested, among them, a tradition on the part
> of Bábí and Bahá’í writers of speaking of these two religious
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 14 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> phenomena as discrete events, the lack of critical editions of
> many important texts, particularly those of the Bábí era, and
> the deficient cultivation of historiographical techniques within
> the modern Bahá’í tradition – the custodian and successor of
> the Bábí movement. In addition, the present histories of the
> two movements tend to be global in scope, with little effort to
> study the religions within the confined space of a single local
> community. Therefore it seems that studies of the emergence
> of the Bahá’í community from the ethos of the Bábí faith,
> particularly as focused on the development of a single caste of
> actors, such as the Nayrízís, will shed light on the relationship
> between the two religious communities. The present study is
> of course an example, but it must be supplemented by further
> transition studies of other local Bábí-Bahá’í communities.
> 
> 2. The raw historical documents on the history of the Bábís and
> early Bahá’ís of Nayríz must continue to be gathered,
> translated and published. There is no doubt that many of the
> Bahá’ís who trace their ancestry to the early days of the religion
> in that city possess documents of prime importance, such as
> letters, poems, pictures, narratives, tablets, travelogues, etc,
> that must be culled for important historical clues and these will
> no doubt enormously enhance our understanding of formative
> events in that region.
> 
> 3. In this study I have used volumes 2 and 4 of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq as a proxy for Nabíl’s original text. While this detective
> work has yielded insights, scholarship would greatly benefit
> from a proper scholarly edition of the full Persian text of
> Nabíl’s narrative. And while the present study establishes that
> Nabíl indeed did rely on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad
> Shafí‘ for his Nayríz sections, the broader question of Nabíl’s
> sources needs to be studied in detail. In particular, it is known
> that at least some of his papers exist in the Bahá’í World
> Centre Archives and these must be carefully analyzed in
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 15
> 
> conjunction with any other sources known to have been used
> by or accessible to Nabíl.
> 
> 4. In time, the source materials of Bábí and early Bahá’í history in
> other places must be studied, published, and translated. These
> include the eyewitness accounts of Shaykh Tabarsí, the various
> histories of the Bábí-Bahá’í communities in Iranian towns
> (prepared at the instruction of Shoghi Effendi), the surviving
> letters and documents of the early converts, and the
> unpublished volumes of Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq, the most comprehensive history written thus far on the
> Bábí and Bahá’í religions.
> 
> Acknowledgments
> In the preparation of this monograph, I have received generous
> assistance from a number of individuals and wish to hereby record my
> immense debt of gratitude. Abú’l-Qásim Afnán was most gracious in
> sharing a copy of the eyewitness account of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ and
> offering constant encouragement. Susan Maneck kindly shared a copy of
> Siyyid Husayn Hamadání’s history that she had located in India. The
> Bahá’í World Centre kindly shared a few specimens of Vahíd Dárábí’s
> handwritings that provided background information. My heartfelt
> gratitude is owed to my late father, Dr. Iraj Rabbani, a man of immense
> erudition who was most helpful with many suggestions and moral
> support.
> 
> Ahang Rabbani
> Houston, Texas
> July 1998.
> 
> Note: Although this monograph was completed in July 1998, obstacles
> outside my control delayed its publication. In the meantime, I have had a
> chance to reconsider parts of the manuscript and also benefit from
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 16 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> comments of Prof. Sholeh Quinn, Sen McGlinn, Prof. Peter Smith and
> Ismael Velasco, who graciously read through all or parts of this
> monograph and offered several valuable suggestions. All errors and
> shortcomings, however, are mine.
> The Review Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of the
> Bahá’ís of the United Kingdom has graciously granted permission for the
> publication of this monograph.
> A.R.
> March 2007
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 17
> 
> Chapter 1
> 
> The Shore of Certitude
> 
> Thus will thy Lord choose thee and teach thee the interpretation of
> stories and events and perfect His favor to thee and to thy posterity.
> Qur’án 12:6
> 
> Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd Akbar20 [the great peerless one] by
> the Báb, was born of Siyyid Ja‘far’s Yazdí wife in Yazd21 around the year
> 1226 A.H./1811, and was the eldest son of his renowned father.22
> Though little is known of his early days, it is recognized that he spent his
> youth and young-adolescence mostly in Yazd and also partly in Burújird.
> From an early age he attended the seminary school under the
> tutelage of his own father where, like other students, he memorized the
> whole of the Qur’án and many principal hadíth.23 For his generation, a
> seminary education consisted of intensive study, almost all in Arabic, of
> a set of standard scholastic texts on law, jurisprudential reasoning,
> grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, and sometimes mathematics and
> astronomy.24 While rote learning was an essential tool in this education,
> 
> 20 Yahyá and Vahíd have the same numerical value, namely, 28, in the abjad system.
> 21 There is contradictory information regarding Vahíd’s birthplace: Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> 
> Haqq, vol. 3, p. 473, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41 maintain that he was born in
> Yazd, while Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233 and Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1,
> p. 326, n.1, suggest Dáráb near Shíráz. The reason that Vahíd is known as Dárábí is
> not because he lived there for any extended period of time, but rather due to his
> ancestors’, particularly his grandfather’s association with this town; see Appendix 2.
> 22 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, p. 78, Hadrat Báb, p. 258, Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 314, and
> 
> Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, state that he was the eldest son, while Muhádirát, p.
> 761, states he was the seventh son.
> 23 The science of hadíth studies the collection of traditions and utterances of the
> 
> Prophet and the Imáms and their chains of transmission.
> 24 For a discussion of Islamic seminarian education, see Mottahedeh Mantle of the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 18 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the real training consisted of minute dialectical examination of the
> standard texts, with several iterations of each subject using increasingly
> detailed commentaries. It was an education especially strong in the
> analysis of language and the interpretation of texts, but not one that
> particularly encouraged imagination, creativity, originality, or urbanity.
> While it was a narrow education, it was very advanced and sophisticated,
> developing an exact knowledge of the tools needed for the work of
> religious interpretation and judgment, known as ijtihád. In the course of
> his studies, Siyyid Yahyá excelled all the other sons of Siyyid Ja‘far, and
> emerged as one of most learned men of the region.
> One of Vahíd’s areas of expertise is known to have been the
> science of hadíth and concerning his achievements in this field, ‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá is reported to have said:
> 
> This remarkable man, this precious soul, had committed to
> memory no less than thirty thousand traditions, and was
> highly esteemed and admired by all classes of people. He
> had achieved universal renown in Persia, and his authority
> and erudition were widely and fully recognized.25
> 
> In addition to being recognized for his scholarly achievements and
> his eloquence, he was famed for his amazing strength and courage.26
> Fádil Mázandarání cites sources that report that Vahíd would often bend
> iron bars with his bare hands and that he had mastered the art of fencing
> and swordsmanship – skills that later served him well as the commander
> of the beleaguered Bábís of Nayríz.27
> Vahíd established his home in Yazd, married in the 1830s and had
> four children. During this period, he traveled extensively to many parts
> 
> Prophet.
> 25 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171, n.2, from a “manuscript relating to martyrdoms in
> 
> Persia.” Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41, n.1, confirms that during the author’s visit to
> Haifa in 1921, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated that Vahíd had memorized 30,000 hadíth, and
> given that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá at a young age had met Vahíd in Tihrán, this represents
> primary source information.
> 26 Guft va Shunúd Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb bá Rúhániyun Tabríz, p. 180.
> 27 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 464.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 19
> 
> of Iran, including Tihrán, Nayríz, Istahbánát, Burújird and other towns
> in Fárs. Of all the cities, he had a particular affinity toward Nayríz, and
> established another home there next to a large mosque known as the
> Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, constructed along traditional architectural lines. Until
> recently, this building has been among the finest homes and important
> historical sites of Nayríz.28 Around 1840 he took a second wife, a woman
> by the name of Sughrá, daughter of the renowned Nayrízí divine and
> scholar, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, and from her had a son named Siyyid
> Ismá‘íl. Since his father-in-law was the leading clerical figure of Nayríz,
> this union further solidified Vahíd’s ties with the notables and ruling
> class of that city, establishing important political alliances. In particular,
> during this period he instituted close relations with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán, the governor of Nayríz.
> 
> In 1844, Vahíd moved to Tihrán and established his residence in
> the house of his brother Siyyid Isháq, in the neighborhood of the Imam-
> Zádih Yahyá.29 It was known among the religious scholars and men of
> letters of the capital that Vahíd’s father had been one of the two leading
> 
> 28 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42, n.1. See the picture on the title page.
> 29 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 20 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> clerics who had written extensively and convincingly about Qájár
> political legitimacy, particularly their claim to the throne. Through his
> groundbreaking works, Siyyid Ja‘far reasoned that the new dynasty,
> though it could not claim descent from the Prophet, like the Safavids,
> was nevertheless acting as the rightful “shadow of God” and could rule
> unhindered.30 Vahíd enjoyed basking in his father’s fame as the leading
> political theorist for the Qájárs, and expanded his own popularity and
> influence in Tihrán. It is reported that he became the regular guest of
> Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, grandson of Fath-‘Alí
> Shah through his father Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá, and often stayed in that
> house for some time.31 Nabíl describes his fame during this period:
> 
> He occupied a position of such pre-eminence among the
> leading figures in Persia that at whatever meeting he
> happened to be present, no matter how great the number of
> the ecclesiastical leaders who attended it, he was invariably
> its chief speaker. None would dare to assert his views in his
> presence. They all reverently observed silence before him; all
> testified to his sagacity, his unsurpassed knowledge and
> mature wisdom.32
> 
> The royal court and particularly the Prime Minister, Hájí Mírzá
> Áqásí, considered him an important ally among the clerics and frequently
> and openly paid homage to his learning and his loyalty. He was consulted
> regularly on difficult matters pertaining to religious doctrine and was
> often asked to marshal the support of other mujtahids. It is said that he
> wielded unusual influence with the monarch himself, mostly through the
> exposition of his father’s political writings. In this regard, Mírzá
> Habibu’lláh Afnán notes: “The late Muhammad Shah was extremely
> devoted to him and trusted his judgment explicitly, to such degree that
> without his leave and fatwa33 he would not undertake any acts nor show
> 
> 30 See Appendix 2 and The Shadow of God, chapter 12.
> 31 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233.
> 32 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171.
> 33 Religious ruling issued by a mujtahid.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 21
> 
> forth any initiatives.”34
> 
> The Mission
> In March of 1845, the Báb returned from his pilgrimage journey, and a
> number of his disciples came to see him. However their presence
> attracted excessive public attention, bringing with it waves of repression.
> Eventually, the Báb dismissed them all, instructing most of them to
> proceed to Isfahán, retaining only Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím, to whom he
> assigned the duty of transcribing his writings. This prudent plan served
> to relieve him of the immediate danger of violence from the people of
> Shíráz, “enabling the captive Youth to celebrate the Naw-Rúz of that
> and the succeeding year in an atmosphere of relative tranquility in the
> company of His mother, His wife, and His uncle,”35 and it also lent a
> fresh impetus to the propagation of his movement beyond the
> immediate environs of that city.
> Meanwhile, the reform fever that had seized his followers, and
> particularly his appointed Letters of the Living who had spread
> throughout the country proclaiming to the multitudes the news of the
> new-born religion, was communicating itself to the members of the
> clergy and to the merchant classes and was also penetrating the higher
> circles of society: “Indeed, a wave of passionate inquiry had swept the
> whole country, and unnumbered congregations were listening with
> wonder to the testimonies eloquently and fearlessly related by the Báb’s
> itinerant messengers.”36 The fame of the young prophet was exciting the
> entire nation and amazement and interest seized those who heard from
> the tongues of his chief propagators the tales of those signs that had
> heralded the birth of his manifestation. In this regard, Nicolas writes:
> 
> While these events were taking place in the north of Persia,
> the central and southern provinces were deeply roused by
> 
> 34 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5.
> 35 God Passes By, p. 11. The uncle referred to is Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the second
> 
> uncle of the Báb.
> 36 God Passes By, p. 11.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 22 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the fiery eloquence of the missionaries of the new doctrine.
> The people, flighty, credulous, ignorant, superstitious in the
> extreme, were struck dumb by the incessant miracles which
> they heard related every moment; the anxious priests, feeling
> their flock quivering with impatience and ready to escape
> their control, redoubled their slanders and infamous
> imputations; the grossest lies, the most bloody fictions were
> spread among the bewildered populace, torn between horror
> and admiration.37
> 
> The remarkable news of messianic fulfillment was spreading with
> such rapidity and penetrating all strata with such force that even the
> monarch, Muhammad Shah, a man of mystical inclinations and Sufi
> proclivities and uninterested in the jurisprudential aspects of religion,
> was excited by it and wished to ascertain its truth. A number of officials
> in the court informed him that the Báb claimed a direct revelation from
> God and possessed hidden knowledge of Qur’ánic mysteries. Others
> professed much enthusiasm about the events, all of which served to fuel
> the imagination of Muhammad Shah.38 Coupled to these anecdotal
> reports were the writings of the Báb, first reportedly brought by Mullá
> Husayn to the capital, and later sent directly by the Báb from Búshihr,
> which greatly attracted the attention of the sovereign. Additionally, the
> continual stream of letters from Husayn Khán, the governor-general of
> Fárs, complaining about the Báb and people’s excitement, was a cause of
> concern to the court and required immediate investigation and
> response.39 In particular, Husayn Khán brought to the attention of the
> Shah the incident of the Báb’s proclamation in the Masjid Vakíl.40
> In order to gain detailed information and receive a first-hand
> 37 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 387. The presenter translator benefited from
> 
> Peter Terry’s earlier translation.
> 38 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, claims that many in the royal circle and
> government were either Bábí or attracted to the movement.
> 39 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 52, notes that the Shah was not interested in state
> 
> interference in affairs of religion and therefore delayed making a decision for as long
> as he could. Eventually he had to give in to the pressure of the powerful clerics.
> 40 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 23
> 
> unbiased report, through his Prime Minister, Muhammad Shah decided
> to entrust this mission to Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, “one of the most erudite,
> eloquent, and influential of his subjects,”41 to interview the Báb and to
> report to him the results of his investigations. The following is noted by
> Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán:
> 
> After the spread of this Cause, the news of it reached the
> Shah who called Áqá Siyyid Yahyá into his presence stating,
> ‘According to reports reaching the throne, a certain Person
> in Shíráz has advanced claims to the Qá’imiyyat and to the
> Bábiyyat, and as we have faith in your judgment, you must
> proceed to Fárs and after careful investigation, inform us of
> the truth or falsehood of this matter, so that we may be
> informed of our religious duties. You must leave at once and
> are to report to us at your earliest opportunity.’ The
> sovereign then provided him with travel expenses and a
> steed and sent him off to Shíráz.42
> 
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, a keen admirer of Vahíd and closely informed of the
> relevant events, further states:
> 
> By reason of the ‘ulamá’s lack of experience and skill in
> administrative affairs, and the continual succession of their
> decisions, comment was rife; and their interference with the
> Báb cast a clamor throughout Iran, causing increased ardor
> in friends and the coming forward of the hesitating. For by
> reason of these occurrences men’s interest increased, and in
> all parts of Iran some [of God’s] servants inclined toward
> Him, until the matter acquired such importance that the late
> monarch, Muhammad Shah, delegated a certain Siyyid
> Yahyá of Dáráb, who was one of the best known ‘ulamá and
> Siyyids as well as the object of veneration and trust, giving
> him a horse and money for the journey so that he might
> 
> 41 God Passes By, p. 11.
> 42 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 24 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> proceed to Shíráz and personally investigate this matter.43
> 
> Nicolas has suggested that Vahíd was commissioned to make
> contact with the Báb and to inform the central authority, as exactly as
> possible, of the political consequences which would result from the
> reforms proposed by the Báb. These seemed likely to unsettle the heart
> of the country.44 Whatever the motives, it is clear that Muhammad Shah
> had implicit confidence in Vahíd’s impartiality, competence, and
> profound knowledge, and therefore delegated this task to the erudite
> cleric. Further, it was evident to the Shah, who tended to remain neutral
> on matters of a religious character, that because of Vahíd’s outstanding
> reputation among the ‘ulamá, his report and judgment would be
> acceptable to the other clergy and to the ruling class. The fact that Vahíd
> had come from a family whose loyalty to the throne remained
> unquestioned, must surely have influenced the Shah in selecting Vahíd as
> his trusted emissary.
> Nabíl reports that the Shah confidentially signaled through Mírzá
> Lutf-‘Alí his desire that Siyyid Yahyá should proceed to Shíráz and
> investigate the matter in person. “Tell him from us,” commanded the
> sovereign, “that inasmuch as we repose the utmost confidence in his
> integrity, and admire his moral and intellectual standards, and regard him
> as the most suitable among the divines of our realm, we expect him to
> proceed to Shíráz, to inquire thoroughly into the episode of the Siyyid-i
> Báb, and to inform us of the results of his investigations; We shall then
> know what measures it behooves us to take.”45 The Shah reportedly
> provided him with a horse, a sword and a travel allowance totaling one
> hundred tumáns for this important mission.46
> It is very likely that Vahíd himself desired to make this journey and
> meet with the claimant of so august an office, the Báb.47 After all, some
> 
> 43 A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 7-8. Slight modification of E.G. Browne’s translation.
> 44 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 387-388.
> 45 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
> 46 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53.
> 47Násikhu’t-Tawáríkh, vol. 3, pp. 337-338, Rawdatu’s-Safá, vol. 10, p. 311, and
> Núzdah-Nutq, p. 39, suggest Vahíd had attended the meeting between the Báb and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 25
> 
> months earlier, Vahíd’s father, Siyyid Ja‘far, having heard about the Báb’s
> claims and being unable to meet with him in Shíráz, had gone in his
> search to Mecca where he was able to converse with the Báb. It is highly
> probable that upon his return, Siyyid Ja’far had acquainted his son with
> his observations and urged him to proceed to Shíráz for a meeting with
> the Báb.
> Nabíl notes: “In those days Siyyid Yahyá was residing in Tihrán in
> the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Master of Ceremonies to the Shah, as
> the honored guest of his Imperial Majesty.”48 However, since Vahíd was
> actually living with his brother, it seems more plausible that he was a
> frequent visitor of the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí (as opposed to living
> there). At least two historians have suggested that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí had
> become a Bábí at that time, possibly through seeing the correspondence
> and writings of the Báb that Mullá Husayn had brought with him from
> Shíráz.49 Given the close association and the friendship of Mírzá Lutf-
> ‘Alí with Vahíd, the latter must have become intrigued by the messianic
> claim. Therefore, it is possible that Vahíd’s departure for Shíráz was only
> partly influenced by the Shah’s command and was mostly due to his own
> desires, excited by his father and friends. In relation to this, Nabíl further
> writes, “Siyyid Yahyá had been himself desirous of obtaining first-hand
> knowledge of the claims of the Báb, but had been unable, owing to
> adverse circumstances, to undertake the journey to Fars. The message of
> Muhammad Shah decided him to carry out his long-cherished intention.
> Assuring his sovereign of his readiness to comply with his wish, he
> 
> the governor, Husayn Khán, on 21 Ramadán 1261 A.H. (23 September 1845) where
> the merchant-prophet was rebuked and struck in the face, and on that occasion
> Vahíd had become deeply attracted to the purity of the Báb. However this
> information seems to contradict Vahíd’s own text (see Appendix 3) where he gives
> the date of his meeting with the Báb as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26
> May 1846. Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, theorizes that Vahíd initiated his
> journey to Shíráz and learning of his intentions, the Sháh and the Prime Minister
> supported his objective.
> 48 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
> 49 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, Hadrat Nuqtih Ula, p. 174 and Nayríz Mushkbíz,
> 
> p. 8.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 26 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> immediately set out for Shíráz.”50
> 
> Journey to Shíráz
> It is not clear whether it was at the instruction of the Shah or at the
> request of Vahíd that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was to accompany him on this
> journey, but they set out together. As Vahíd was born and raised in
> Yazd, and his first wife and four children resided there, he decided to
> stop in that city on the way to his destination.51 Hájí Muhammad-Táhir
> Málmírí gives the following description of Vahíd’s arrival in Yazd:
> 
> The Sultan of Iran, Muhammad Shah, sent him [Vahíd] to
> Shíráz to investigate the truth of this Cause and to report his
> findings in writing. He left Tihrán and on the way [to Shíráz]
> arrived at Yazd, carrying a sword and mounted on a horse,
> and was met by several of the high ranking local ecclesiastics
> who accompanied him to the Musallá Safdar-Khán.52
> Excited by the news of his arrival, several thousand of the
> town’s inhabitants had gathered to hear him speak. ‘O
> people of Yazd!’, Vahíd cried out, ‘An illustrious Siyyid in
> Shíráz has declared himself to be the Promised Qá’im and I
> am charged to proceed there and meet with him. If in my
> judgment I find him to be an impostor, with this sword shall
> I deal with him; and if I judge him to be of the truthful, in
> his path I shall wage jihád.53 Whosoever wishes may join me
> in this journey.’ People spontaneously responded that they
> 50 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
> 51 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 326, states “... where his wife and four sons were
> 
> living.” However Vahíd had a daughter and three sons with his his Yazdí wife. His
> fourth son was living in Nayríz with his mother Sughrá, Vahíd’s second wife.
> 52 Though less common than an ordinary mosque, the musallá is a place of worship
> 
> where the faithful gather on special occasions.
> 53 Holy War, as a means of spreading a religion, was later abrogated for Bahá’ís by
> 
> Bahá’u’lláh during the Ridván festivities in 1863. At the time that Vahíd spoke, it
> was a common Islamic expectation that the Qá’im would launch a massive jihád to
> rid the earth of unbelievers.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 27
> 
> would abide with whatever Vahíd determined and signified
> their reliance in him by saying, ‘All of us in this assemblage,
> whether learned or illiterate, noble or commoner, rich or
> poor, consent for you to be our representative in this matter.
> Your decision is ours; and we will abide by your views and
> determination. Your knowledge and wisdom, as well as your
> piety, faith and discernment are well known to us and we
> hold your decision as our very own proof.”54
> 
> Mírzá Qábil, in his unpublished general history of the Bábí and
> Bahá’í Faiths, has noted:
> 
> When the illustrious Vahíd arrived in the Dárau’l-‘Ibádih55
> of Yazd, the divines and the nobles came to visit him and
> invited him to the mosque. The honored Vahíd came to the
> Masjid Rík and led a congregation numbering two thousands
> worshipers in offering their obligatory prayers. Afterward he
> announced, ‘On behalf of His Majesty the King, I am
> entrusted with a mighty mission and must proceed to Shíráz
> at this instant.’ With this, he came out from the mosque and
> mounted his waiting horse. Some of the ‘ulamá inquired into
> the nature of his charge that required such a hasty departure.
> He replied, ‘I am instructed to proceed at once to Shíráz and
> investigate the claim of the Siyyid Báb. If I find His claim to
> be unfounded, I will behead Him with this very sword.’
> Then he left quickly.56
> 
> 54 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 5. A summary appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp.
> 
> 88-89. A slightly different translation appears in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp.
> 326-327. It should be noted that it is fairly unlikely that these precise words were
> spoken on that occasion. Attributing such quotations is a literary device used in
> traditional Iranian histories. For instance, Nabíl’s narrative (party translated as The
> Dawn-breakers) is filled with quotations attributed to the participants when it is
> unlikely that Nabíl would have known the exact words spoken by the actors.
> 55 Because of its many religious schools, Yazd was known during the Qájár time as
> 
> Dárau’l-‘Ibádih [the land of the worshippers]; see, Yádigárháy Yazd, vol. 1, p. 12.
> 56 Táríkh ‘Umumí Amr, p. 51.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 28 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> From these two accounts it is evident that Vahíd enjoyed
> widespread support in Yazd, to the point that his very arrival attracted
> the attention of many citizens, representing a substantial percentage of
> the population. This trust and popularity, as we shall see in the course of
> the subsequent events of 1850, served him well in launching a farreaching campaign in the promotion of the Bábí movement.
> Upon his arrival at Shíráz, he went directly to the mansion of
> Husayn Khán, bearing the royal edict and accompanied by Mírzá Lutf-
> ‘Alí. Husayn Khán, known as the Sáhib-Ikhtiyár, was the governorgeneral of the province of Fárs, and Vahíd took up his residence in the
> Governor’s home as his special guest. As an emissary of the Sháh, and a
> man of renowned reputation, he was shown considerable respect.
> Husayn Khán inquired as to the nature of his mission, and Vahíd
> acquainted him with what had transpired and the court’s interest in this
> affair. On hearing of Vahíd’s desire to visit the Báb in his residence,
> Husayn Khán replied, “What need is there for you to trouble yourself
> further by going to his abode? I will send my men to bring him to your
> presence.” “This person claims a great office,” replied Vahíd, “and as yet
> I have not ascertained the veracity and accuracy of this assertion. I have
> come in search of Truth. If indeed his assertions are of God, then it
> behooves the entire world to prostrate themselves at his threshold;
> otherwise I shall deal with him.”57
> Upon further inquiry about the Báb, Vahíd was informed that a
> plot was under way to slay him. Though all but a handful of the new
> converts had left Shíráz, and those who had remained there lived in
> obscurity, nevertheless the ecclesiastics were deeply concerned that the
> Báb’s message was being spread widely and that their own position and
> influence was in jeopardy. Three of them, namely, Shaykh Muhammad-
> ‘Alí Mahallátí, Shaykh Husayn Zálim [the tyrant], the Názimu’sh-
> Shar‘yih, and Shaykh Mihdí Kájvarí had conspired to kill the Báb. They
> had prepared and issued a fatwá stating that because of his claims, it was
> warranted and indeed necessary for him to be eliminated. However, this
> 
> 57 A.Q. Afnán, unpublished study on the history of the Bábís, vol. 2 (manuscript in
> 
> private hands).
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 29
> 
> edict was not implemented, so they had to design other means to achieve
> their objective. In fact, it was known among the people that Shaykh
> Husayn had been asked, “What if, out of respect for his holy lineage, no
> executioner could be found to slay this Siyyid. Who then will perform
> this act?” To which he had replied, “I will do so with my own hand using
> my own penknife.”58
> It was against this backdrop that Vahíd began his inquiry. A few
> days after his arrival, while passing through the bazaar, he met some of
> his old colleagues, including Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí Turshizí, surnamed
> ‘Azím, with whom he had been intimately associated while in Mashhad,
> and asked him whether he was satisfied with the Báb’s claim. “You
> should meet Him,” ‘Azím replied, “and seek independently to acquaint
> yourself with His Mission. As a friend, I would advise you to exercise the
> utmost consideration in your conversations with Him, lest you, too, in
> the end should be obliged to deplore any act of discourtesy towards
> Him.”59 Shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í,
> Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí and Shaykh Sultán ‘Arab had also come from
> ‘Iraq to Shíráz seeking an audience with the Báb.60
> 
> Meeting the Báb
> Through ‘Azím’s intervention, Vahíd was able to attain the presence of
> the Báb in the house of his uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí.61 In a treatise
> quoted in Appendix 3, Vahíd gives the date of his meeting with the Báb
> as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26 May 1846. The following
> account gives us a glimpse of the manner in which the Báb’s followers
> visited him during those days:
> 
> Because the governor-general had prohibited gatherings in
> 
> 58 See A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 442, for details pertaining to the eventual
> 
> dreadful fate of the enemies of the Báb.
> 59 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172.
> 60 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87.
> 61 The Báb, p. 90, suggests that this meeting was arranged by Hájí Siyyid Javád
> 
> Karbalá’í.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 30 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the presence of the Báb, His Holiness had arranged through
> His uncle, the martyred Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí, for a few of the
> trusted believers to meet nightly with Him at the latter’s
> residence. The Báb would come through a small door
> connecting the two houses.62 Every night we attained His
> presence and after having supper together, which according
> to Iranian custom was served some three or four hours into
> the night, He would retire to His own residence. Some of
> the friends used to spend the night at Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí’s,
> while others would return home if conditions permitted. It
> went thus until the illustrious Vahíd, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
> Dárábí, upon him be the divine favors, arrived in Shíráz. He
> too met the Báb in the house of the martyred uncle63 in a
> similar manner.64
> 
> Nabíl’s report of the meetings between the Báb and the
> questioning cleric is very detailed though he does not identify the source
> of his information, nor is there any further documentary evidence to
> support some of the specifics offered by him. Nevertheless, since in
> broad terms his outline is in agreement with other accounts that we will
> examine later in this chapter, and in many ways is more specific than
> those, it would be useful to consider it next. Nabíl notes that Vahíd, in
> his attitude towards the Báb, practiced the etiquette which ‘Azím had
> counseled him to observe:
> 
> For about two hours he directed the attention of the Báb to
> the most abstruse and bewildering themes in the
> metaphysical teachings of Islam, to the obscurest passages
> 62 The House of the Báb was in the Shamshírgarhá Street and is different from the
> 
> residence mentioned in this passage which belonged to Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí, an uncle of
> the Báb’s mother and the father of Khadíjih Bagum, the Báb’s wife. This house was
> connected to the house of the Báb’s uncle, Hájí Siyyid ‘Ali, through a connecting
> tunnel. For details see, In the Land of Refuge, Appendix 1.
> 63 The second uncle of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, was martyred with six other
> 
> Bábís in Tihrán on 7 March 1850; see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458.
> 64 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 77-78.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 31
> 
> of the Qur’án, and to the mysterious traditions and
> prophecies of the imams of the Faith. The Báb at first
> listened to his learned references to the law and prophecies
> of Islam, noted all his questions, and began to give to each a
> brief but persuasive reply. The conciseness and lucidity of
> His answers excited the wonder and admiration of Siyyid
> Yahyá. He was overpowered by a sense of humiliation at his
> own presumptuousness and pride. His sense of superiority
> completely vanished. As he arose to depart, he addressed the
> Báb in these words: ‘Please God, I shall, in the course of my
> next audience with You, submit the rest of my questions and
> with them shall conclude my inquiry.’ As soon as he retired,
> he joined Azím, to whom he related the account of his
> interview. ‘I have in His presence,’ he told him, ‘expatiated
> unduly upon my own learning. He was able in a few words
> to answer my questions and to resolve my perplexities. I felt
> so abased before Him that I hurriedly begged leave to retire.’
> ‘Azím reminded him of his counsel, and begged him not to
> forget this time the advice he had given him.
> In the course of his second interview, Siyyid Yahyá, to
> his amazement, discovered that all the questions which he
> had intended to submit to the Báb had vanished from his
> memory. He contented himself with matters that seemed
> irrelevant to the object of his enquiry. He soon found, to his
> still greater surprise that the Báb was answering, with the
> same lucidity and conciseness that had characterized His
> previous replies, those same questions which he had
> momentarily forgotten. ‘I seemed to have fallen fast asleep,’
> he later observed. ‘His words, His answers to questions
> which I had forgotten to ask, reawakened me. A voice still
> kept whispering in my ear: ‘Might not this, after all, have
> been an accidental coincidence?’ I was too agitated to collect
> my thoughts. I again begged leave to retire.’
> ‘Azím, whom I subsequently met, received me with
> cold indifference, and sternly remarked: ‘Would that schools
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 32 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> had been utterly abolished, and that neither of us had
> entered one! Through our little-mindedness and conceit, we
> are withholding from ourselves the redeeming grace of God,
> and are causing pain to Him who is the Fountain thereof.
> Will you not this time beseech God to grant that you may be
> enabled to attain His presence with becoming humility and
> detachment, that perchance He may graciously relieve you
> from the oppression of uncertainty and doubt?’
> I resolved that in my third interview with the Báb I
> would in my inmost heart request Him to reveal for me a
> commentary on the Surih of Kawthar.65 I determined not to
> breathe that request in His presence. Should he, unasked by
> me, reveal this commentary in a manner that would
> immediately distinguish it in my eyes from the prevailing
> standards current among the commentators on the Qur’án, I
> then would be convinced of the Divine character of His
> Mission, and would readily embrace His Cause. If not, I
> would refuse to acknowledge Him. As soon as I was
> ushered into His presence, a sense of fear, for which I could
> not account, suddenly seized me. My limbs quivered as I
> beheld His face. I, who on repeated occasions had been
> introduced into the presence of the Shah and had never
> discovered the slightest trace of timidity in myself, was now
> so awed and shaken that I could not remain standing on my
> feet. The Báb, beholding my plight, arose from His seat,
> advanced towards me, and, taking hold of my hand seated
> me beside Him. ‘Seek from Me,’ He said, ‘whatever is your
> heart’s desire. I will readily reveal it to you.’ I was speechless
> with wonder. Like a babe that can neither understand nor
> speak, I felt powerless to respond. He smiled as He gazed at
> me and said: ‘Were I to reveal for you the commentary on
> 
> 65 Qur’án 108 reads: “Surih of Kawthar (Chapter of Abundance). In the name of
> 
> God, most gracious, most merciful. To thee have we granted the Fount (of
> Abundance). Therefore, to thy Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice. For he who hateth
> thee – he will be cut off (from Future Hope).”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 33
> 
> the Surih of Kawthar, would you acknowledge that My
> words are born of the Spirit of God? Would you recognize
> that My utterance can in no wise be associated with sorcery
> or magic?’ Tears flowed from my eyes as I heard Him speak
> these words. All I was able to utter was this verse of the
> Qur’án: ‘O our Lord, with ourselves have we dealt unjustly:
> if Thou forgive us not and have not pity on us, we shall
> surely be of those who perish.’66
> It was still early in the afternoon when the Báb
> requested Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí to bring His pen-case and
> some paper. He then started to reveal His commentary on
> the Surih of Kawthar. How am I to describe this scene of
> inexpressible majesty? Verses streamed from His pen with a
> rapidity that was truly astounding67. The incredible swiftness
> of His writing, the soft and gentle murmur of His voice, and
> the stupendous force of His style, amazed and bewildered
> me. He continued in this manner until the approach of
> sunset. He did not pause until the entire commentary of the
> Surih was completed. He then laid down His pen and asked
> for tea. Soon after, He began to read it aloud in my
> presence. My heart leaped madly as I heard Him pour out, in
> accents of unutterable sweetness, those treasures enshrined
> 
> 66 Qur’án 7:23.
> 67 The extreme rapidity with which both the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh composed verses is
> 
> often offered by the Bábí and Bahá’í apologists as one of the signs of their divine
> origin and on a number of occasions both have commented on this theme. For
> example, among other places, the Báb mentions this fact in the Persian Bayán
> (translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176): “God had given Him such power and
> such fluency of expression that, if a scribe wrote with the most extreme rapidity
> during two days and two nights without interruption, He would reveal, out of this
> mine of eloquence, the equivalent of the Qur’án.” And also in the Persian Bayán
> (translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176) we find: “Within five hours’ time He
> revealed two thousand verses, that is He spoke as fast as the scribe could write. One
> can judge thereby that, if He had been left free, how many of His works from the
> beginning of His Manifestation until today would have been spread abroad among
> men.”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 34 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> in that sublime commentary. I was so entranced by its
> beauty that three times over I was on the verge of fainting.
> He sought to revive my failing strength with a few drops of
> rose-water which He caused to be sprinkled on my face.
> This restored my vigor and enabled me to follow His
> reading to the end.
> When He had completed His recital, the Báb arose to
> depart. He entrusted me, as He left, to the care of His
> maternal uncle. ‘He is to be your guest,’ He told him, ‘until
> the time when he, in collaboration with Mullá
> ‘Abdu’l-Karím68, shall have finished transcribing this newly
> revealed commentary, and shall have verified the correctness
> of the transcribed copy.’ Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím and I devoted
> three days and three nights to this work. We would in turn
> read aloud to each other a portion of the commentary until
> the whole of it had been transcribed. We verified all the
> traditions in the text and found them to be entirely accurate.
> Such was the state of certitude to which I had attained that
> if all the powers of the earth were to be leagued against me
> they would be powerless to shake my confidence in the
> greatness of His Cause.69
> 
> Summing up Nabíl’s description of this conversion, Shoghi
> Effendi notes: “Broad-minded, highly imaginative, zealous by nature,
> intimately associated with the court, he, in the course of three interviews,
> was completely won over by the arguments and personality of the
> Báb.”70
> Certainly the fact of writing a new commentary on a surih whose
> meaning is so obscure, should have deeply astonished Siyyid Yahyá, but
> it is reported that what surprised him even more was to find in this
> commentary the explanation that he himself had found in his meditation
> 
> 68 In the Bábí literature, he is commonly referred to as Mírzá Ahmad Kátib [the
> 
> scribe].
> 69 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 173-176.
> 70 God Passes By, p. 12.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 35
> 
> on these three verses. Thus he found himself in agreement with the
> reformer in the interpretation that he had believed himself to be the only
> one to have reached and that he had not made known to anyone.71
> In an account provided by Fádil Mázandarání, it is recorded that
> Vahíd described his visit to the Báb as follows:
> 
> During my first audience, I found His Holiness [the Báb] to
> be a pious, spiritual Youth, but devoid of scholarly
> proclivities, and as such considered myself superior in
> knowledge. After the second meeting, I concluded that the
> Báb was my equal. And in the third interview, after He
> revealed the commentary on the Surih of Kawthar, I
> recognized my own spiritual poverty and Him as the
> possessor of all divine and innate knowledge.72
> 
> Mullá ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Qazvíní states that in the course of his first
> visit to the Báb, Vahíd asked for the demonstration of the secret of
> alchemy as a sign of his greatness.73 The Báb at first ignored his request.
> This grieved Vahíd and he thought that if indeed the Báb was the bearer
> of a true mission from God, he must therefore of necessity possess all
> knowledge, and as such, if he failed to produce evidence of alchemy,
> then his claim could under no circumstances be considered true. These
> thoughts were on his mind when, during the course of the second
> interview, another visitor, who had brought as gift some fresh grapes for
> the Báb, entered the room. At the Báb’s bidding, the grapes were placed
> on a tray and set in the middle of the room. The young claimant invited
> his guest to partake of the grapes, and after Vahíd had done so, the Báb
> instructed him to rub a grapevine against the copper tray where the
> 71 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 89.
> 72 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 43.
> 73 The Báb, p. 90 states:
> 
> He [Vahíd] told Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbilá’í that if only the Báb would
> show forth a miracle, his lingering doubts would vanish, to which
> Hájí Siyyid Javád replied that to demand the performance of a
> miracle, when faced with the brilliance of the Sun of Truth, was
> tantamount to seeking light from a flickering candle.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 36 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> grapes were placed. To Vahíd’s utter astonishment, upon being touched
> by the vines, the tray turned into purest gold. The Báb then remarked,
> “The purpose of God is not to turn copper into gold, but rather through
> the divine elixir and knowledge to turn the hearts of men to gold.”74
> While the source of Nabíl’s description of Vahíd’s meeting with
> the Báb remains unknown, and therefore its accuracy is indeterminate, a
> reliable account of Vahíd’s conversion is given in the description of
> Mírzá Abu’l-Fadl Gulpáygání in Kashfu’l-Ghatá,75 based on his first-hand
> recollections of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í’s account:
> 
> “Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was the eldest son of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far
> Kashfí and was known for his knowledge and achievements.
> The late Muhammad Shah and Hájí Mírzá Aqasi, the Prime
> Minister, were especially disposed toward him. Once the call
> of the Manifestation of the Primal Point was raised and
> great multitudes among the learned, the merchants and the
> common men accepted Him, the late Áqá Siyyid Yahyá,
> hearing various accounts, decided to proceed to Shíráz and
> to attain His presence for the purpose of investigating the
> 
> 74 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 466.
> 75 After the publication of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf by E.G. Browne, who believed it
> 
> to be the long-lost narrative of Mírzá Jání Káshí, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, at ‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá’s behest, commenced a refutation known as the Kashfu’l-Ghatá [removal of
> veils]. He was particularly commissioned for the task, as he had seen the original of
> Mírzá Jání’s manuscript in Tihrán when he served as a secretary to Mánikjí Sáhib
> and assisted Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in gathering information for his narrative,
> published by Browne as Táríkh-i Jadíd. At an advanced age and in poor health, Mírzá
> Abú’l-Fadl had penned the first 132 pages of this book when he passed away.
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá then instructed the Hands of the Cause in Iran and Mírzá Na‘ím of
> Sidih to assist a cousin of Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, the renowned Siyyid Mihdí Gulpáyigání
> in ‘Ishqábád, to complete the text of the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, thereby proving that the
> Nuqtatu’l-Káf had been interpolated. However, the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, did not meet with
> ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s approval, presumably due to its harsh and frequently overzealous
> attack on Browne. Since Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl during the period 1293-99 A.H./1876-81
> had been a close associate of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í in Tihrán, these
> recollections represent important source material. For further details see, The Bahá’í
> Faith and E.G. Browne.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 37
> 
> matter on his own. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Prime Minister,
> learned about this decision and informed the monarch, who
> in turn, through Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, asked the
> Siyyid to exert himself in this regard and upon a satisfactory
> study, to inform the Royal Court of his determinations.
> “Once Áqá Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shíráz,” Hájí
> Siyyid Javád continued, “on several occasions he attained the
> presence of the Báb and asked of Him his questions,
> receiving full written and verbal replies. After each meeting,
> his humility and devotion increased, but as yet he had not
> attained certitude. It seemed as if he expected the disclosure
> of something specific, but because of his Host’s kindness
> that had penetrated deep into his heart and enveloped his
> whole being, he would not divulge his request. Finally,
> because of our close friendship, he asked if it was possible
> for me to petition a special favor on his behalf. In reply, I
> said: ‘Your case is like a person present at a magnificent
> banquet where every manner of delicious food and superb
> drink is to be found, yet he would satisfy himself with trifles.
> Indeed, I am unable to ask Him [such a request] on your
> behalf. Therefore, next time you attain His presence, you
> must ask your heart’s desire.’
> “A few nights later,” Hájí Siyyid Javád told me, “when
> we were to attain the presence of His Holiness, Vahíd came
> bearing a treatise which he had penned on many complex
> and abstruse questions and asked that I present it to the Báb
> so that, should He so wish, it might be favored with a
> written reply. That night, after various discussions and after
> we had partaken of supper, the Báb left us to retire to His
> own House. As His servant, Mubárak, was leaving, I handed
> him the treatise of Siyyid Yahyá and asked him to present it
> to his Master. I emphasized that these were the questions of
> Siyyid Yahyá and not just anyone, and should be promptly
> presented to His Holiness.” The hájí’s intent with this
> comment was to prompt a quick reply.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 38 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Hájí Siyyid Javád continued: “It was early dawn when,
> as is customary, I rose and was preparing for my morning
> prayers, when Mubárak arrived bearing a treatise in the hand
> of the Báb revealed in reply to the questions of Vahíd. On
> seeing this, Vahíd was overcome with deep joy. He took the
> treatise and with the aid of a candle read some of its
> passages. A wonderful expression of delight enveloped him.
> Though he was always the very essence of seriousness and
> sobriety, he began to dance and circle round the room. I
> asked him, ‘What has overcome you that you show such
> rapture?’ ‘Siyyid Javád, it is nearly a week,’ he replied, ‘that I
> have been composing the questions I submitted unto Him.
> His Holiness was here with us this past evening until nearly
> midnight, and doubtless after leaving us had to rest for four
> or five hours too. However, behold this treatise, indeed this
> mighty book, which was revealed and penned in only a very
> short interval!’”
> “After that, in complete certitude, Vahíd returned to
> Burújird and Tihrán, and after proclaiming the new Faith to
> his father, Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far, known as Kashfí, and his
> acceptance, wrote a report of his efforts and investigations
> to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, to present the same to
> Muhammad Shah. Shortly after that, the incident of the brief
> imprisonment of the Báb at the House of ‘Abdu’llah Khán
> occurred which resulted in the scattering of all His loved
> ones.”
> This is the substance of the arrival and acceptance of
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, known by the name of Vahíd,
> which on numerous occasions I myself heard from Hájí
> Siyyid Javád and have now committed to paper.76
> 
> Another description of Vahíd’s visit with some notable differences
> to the above quoted reports is provided by Mírzá Qábil in his Táríkh
> 
> 76 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 78-81. Also quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 462-464,
> 
> n.1, and with slight variations also in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 53-56.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 39
> 
> ‘Umúmí Amr. In this account, however, once more we are confronted
> with deficiencies in the chain of transmission of the information and are
> therefore unable to verify the accuracy of the account. As will be
> discussed later, the narratives of Qábil Ábádi’í are useful sources of
> information as his descriptions are based on the oral traditions of the
> Bábís and early Bahá’ís of Yazd and its vicinity, who were closely aware
> of the history, at least in its folk dimension. Qábil writes:
> 
> When Vahíd arrived in Shíráz, he took up residence in a
> caravansary and rested for a while. Then he asked the
> innkeeper who knew the city well to come and show him
> the House of the Báb. Accompanied by him, Vahíd found
> the Blessed House and the innkeeper returned. The
> illustrious Vahíd knocked on the door and the maidservant
> inside inquired who it was. Before he could respond, the
> Báb commanded, “It is the honored Vahíd.77 Open the door
> and invite him within.” On hearing this exchange between
> the Báb and the maidservant, Vahíd was astonished as to
> how the Báb knew it was him at the door. He thought that
> perchance one of the Báb’s acquaintances had seen him
> arrive in the city and had informed Him of Vahíd’s visit. The
> maidservant opened the door and allowed him to go within.
> On seeing the Báb, he greeted Him and was welcomed. The
> Báb then came forward and warmly embraced him, kissing
> Vahíd on both cheeks, and they both sat to converse.
> The Báb inquired of the conditions of Yazd and
> Tihrán. After having two cups of tea, Vahíd commenced
> presenting his questions and raised certain complex and
> abstruse issues in diverse fields. For each of his inquiries, the
> Báb would provide a brief but sufficient response and He
> spoke with such manifest majesty and might that Vahíd was
> overwhelmed with wonder and astonishment.
> Mustering courage, Vahíd inquired of the nature of
> the Báb’s claim. In response, he was told, “I am the Most
> 77 The title Vahíd was given later by the Báb, perhaps in 1850 in his Kitáb Panj Shá’n.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 40 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Mighty Gate of God!” By this assertion, He meant that He
> was an intermediary for an exalted Personage that was as yet
> concealed behind a myriad veils of glory and power.78 In
> response, Vahíd asked, “The Author of such a stupendous
> claim must of necessity be the possessor of unrivaled
> knowledge and be able to present new Qur’án commentaries
> and reveal new verses. Therefore, I beg of You, as proof for
> Your august claim, to reveal a commentary on the Surih of
> Kawthar.” The Báb smiled and lifted His pen to write.
> Without the least hesitation or pause, as He was melodically
> murmuring the verses, He revealed a page filled with the
> most eloquent Arabic prose and gave the same to Vahíd
> saying, “Ponder these verses.” He then went inside the
> private quarters of the residence.
> For a while and with absolute astonishment and
> bewilderment, Vahíd considered those verses and discerned
> that they represented a wondrous exposition on the Surih of
> Kawthar. He recalled that the Immaculate Imam had said,
> “None will be able to produce a commentary on the
> Kawthar, except the promised Author of the Revelation.”
> He therefore concluded immediately that, in the light of this
> proof, the Báb must be the Promised One. He therefore
> prostrated himself over that very page of revealed verses.
> When the Báb returned to the room, Vahíd threw
> himself on His blessed feet and cried out in joy. He then
> rose and walked to the entrance of the room and as a lowly
> servant stood at attention with both hands folded reverently
> over his chest. The Báb showered him with many
> expressions of kindness and told him to be seated and
> continued to utter words that enthralled Vahíd with new
> vistas of understanding and delight.
> After the supper was served, the Báb retired to rest.
> Vahíd remained with his Master for several days and then
> 
> 78 Inclusion of this type of interpretive assertions suggests the lesser quality of the
> 
> source and its late nature.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 41
> 
> received instructions to travel throughout the land to
> propagate the new Message.79
> 
> The Bahá’í historian Siyyid Husayn Hamadání reports that, during
> this sojourn in Shíráz, Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím also met with
> Shaykh ‘Abid, who was a teacher of the Báb in his childhood. From him
> they heard an astonishing story that he noticed one day that his new
> pupil, the Báb, had been writing certain things, without ever having
> received instruction in writing. On a closer examination, he discovered
> them to be “a dissertation on the mystery and knowledge of the Divine
> Unity, written in the purest and most eloquent style, and so profound
> that the keenest intellect would fail to penetrate its whole meaning.”
> Upon relaying this account, Shaykh ‘Abid went on to produce the tracts.
> Both Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Azím “declared that they contained
> nearly four thousand verses, which differed in no respect from what was
> revealed after the Declaration of His Mission.”80
> According to Fádil Mázandarání, Nabíl Zarandí has written in the
> unpublished section of his narrative that the Báb revealed these
> sentiments: “The faith of any believer may be subject to badá’ [change]
> except the declarations of the faith made by Vahíd Akbar and Siyyid
> Javád Karbalá’í, which remain impervious to badá’.”81
> 
> 79 Táríkh ‘Umúmí Amr, p. 52-53.
> 80 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 264.
> 81 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 242-243.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 42 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 2
> 
> An Itinerant Teacher
> 
> Those who leave their homes in the cause of God, and are then slain or
> die – on them will God bestow verily a goodly Provision: truly God is
> He Who bestows the best of Provisions.
> Qur’án 22:58
> 
> The three months of May to July 1846 that Vahíd spent in Shíráz were a
> time of relative tranquillity for the Báb, as both the governor-general and
> the clergy were anticipating a harsh pronouncement from Vahíd against
> the Báb. In this interval, they had ceased to plot and agitate against the
> prophet-merchant, expecting that upon the royal court’s receipt of
> Vahíd’s report, the order for the execution of the Báb would be issued
> and their desire would thereby be fulfilled. Regarding Vahíd’s role in the
> events, Nabíl states:
> 
> As I [i.e. Vahíd] had, since my arrival at Shíráz, been living in
> the home of Husayn Khán, the governor of Fars, I felt that
> my prolonged absence from his house might excite his
> suspicion and inflame his anger. I therefore determined to
> take leave of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím
> and to regain the residence of the governor. On my arrival I
> found that Husayn Khán, who in the meantime had been
> searching for me, was eager to know whether I had fallen a
> victim to the Báb’s magic influence. ‘No one but God,’ I
> replied, ‘who alone can change the hearts of men, is able to
> captivate the heart of Siyyid Yahyá. Whoso can ensnare his
> heart is of God and His word unquestionably the voice of
> Truth.’ My answer silenced the governor. In his
> conversation with others, I subsequently learned he had
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 43
> 
> expressed the view that I too had fallen a hopeless victim to
> the charm of that Youth. He had even written to
> Muhammad Shah and complained that during my stay in
> Shíráz I had refused all manner of intercourse with the
> ‘ulamá of the city. ‘Though nominally my guest,’ he wrote to
> his sovereign, ‘he frequently absents himself for a number of
> consecutive days and nights from my house. That he has
> become a Bábí, that he has been heart and soul enslaved by
> the will of the Siyyid-i-Báb, I have ceased to entertain any
> doubt.’
> Muhammad Shah himself, at one of the state
> functions in his capital, was reported to have addressed
> these words to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí: ‘We have been lately
> informed that Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí has become a Bábí. If
> this be true, it behooves us to cease belittling the cause of
> that Siyyid.’ Husayn Khán, on his part, received the
> following imperial command: ‘It is strictly forbidden to any
> one of our subjects to utter such words as would tend to
> detract from the exalted rank of Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí. He
> is of noble lineage, a man of great learning, of perfect and
> consummate virtue. He will under no circumstances incline
> his ear to any cause unless he believes it to be conducive to
> the advancement of the best interests of our realm and to
> the well-being of the Faith of Islam.’
> Upon the receipt of this imperial injunction, Husayn
> Khán, unable to resist me openly, strove privately to
> undermine my authority. His face betrayed an implacable
> enmity and hate. He failed, however, in view of the marked
> favors bestowed upon me by the Shah, either to harm my
> person or to discredit my name.82
> 
> Related to Muhammad Shah’s reaction to the news of the
> conversion of Siyyid Yahyá, the French historian Gilbert has noted:
> 
> 82 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 176-177.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 44 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Upon hearing the news of the Manifestation of the Báb,
> Muhammad Shah dispatched to Shíráz a trusted divine by
> the name of Dárábí to investigate the matter... However the
> Shah was deeply bewildered to hear that his special emissary,
> who was sent to reduce the Báb, had instead become one of
> His selfless devotees.83
> 
> Apparently by this time Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the influential Bábí friend
> of Vahíd, had departed for Tihrán, for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that among
> the people that Vahíd chose to inform about his conversion was Mírzá
> Lutf-‘Alí.84 Some time after these events, at the instigation of the Prime
> Minister, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the trusted Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was dismissed
> from office and preferred self-exile in his native town, the ancient city of
> Salmás. This act proved providential, for later he was able to assist and
> serve the pilgrims who passed through that town on their way to visit the
> Báb at Chihríq. He would prepare lunch and dinner for the Báb on a
> daily basis and send it to the Fort and was always ready to render any
> service required of him. On one occasion, when the Báb was being
> escorted to Tabriz by the regiment of Sulaymán Khán Sháhsún, he
> arrived at the residence of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí. The latter organized a
> splendid feast in honor of the Báb and looked after Sulaymán Khán and
> his men. Despite having many servants in his household, he insisted to
> wait upon the Báb himself and poured water for him to wash away the
> dust of the journey. In every manner possible, on that occasion and later
> on, he showed his fidelity to the Báb.85
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that immediately after Vahíd’s conversion,
> “although he was wise and prudent and was wont to have regard to the
> requirements of the time, he wrote without fear or care a detailed
> 
> 83 M.T. Gilbert, Sur les sectes dans le Kurdistan, Journal Asiatique, 1873, 7th series, vol.
> 
> 2, pp. 393-395. Quoted in ‘Aqáyd Ba‘zí az Dánishmandán, p. 39, and Nayríz Mushkbíz,
> p. 38.
> 84 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8. Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí’s stay in Shíráz, if in fact he had ever
> 
> come to Shíráz, must have been of very short duration as none of the eyewitness
> accounts mention him in that city.
> 85 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 23-24, n.1, (a summary).
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 45
> 
> account of his observations to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, in order
> that the latter might submit it to the notice of the late king, while he
> himself journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in every town and station
> summoned the people from the pulpit-tops in such wise that other
> learned doctors decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case
> of bewitchment.”86
> 
> Spreading the News of the Báb
> While in Shíráz, in fulfillment of his earlier promise, Vahíd wrote to the
> prominent ‘ulamá of Yazd. His letter opened with this verse where the
> story of Moses is invoked:
> 
> From afar, I see a glow, O friends,
> A Burning Bush, I sense its warmth.
> Methinks, the flame flares openly,
> revealing His Divinity.87
> 
> From the beginning of his movement, for security considerations,
> the Báb had issued specific instructions that his identity was only to be
> gradually disclosed. In particular, during the early phase of his ministry
> the Letters of the Living were not permitted to mention his name as they
> proclaimed the message of his appearance throughout the realm.
> Therefore, at this time when Vahíd wrote to the clergy in Nayríz –
> including his own father-in-law, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí – and shared
> with them the news of his conversion to the faith of the Promised Qá’im
> and forwarded some of the Báb’s compositions, he refrained from
> disclosing the identity of their author.88 However, he did inform the
> 
> 86 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8.
> 87 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 6. On an earlier page, Málmírí indicates that in his letter,
> 
> Vahíd stated that each of his three audiences with the Báb lasted one hour.
> 88 As an example, two pieces of such writings of the Báb in the hand of Vahíd have
> 
> survived (copies shared by the Bahá’í World Centre with the present writer).
> Though of different style, both are in fact the same tablet which sets forth the Báb’s
> claim to the Qá’imiyyat.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 46 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Nayrízís that the Báb’s identity would soon be unveiled. Those
> proclamations proved sufficient for many in Nayríz to embrace the new
> religion as they fully trusted Vahíd and considered his recommendation
> binding.
> After a stay of some three months in Shíráz, which he mostly
> devoted to transcribing the writings of the Báb, Vahíd was subsequently
> commanded to journey to Burújird in the province of Luristán and there
> to acquaint his father, Siyyid Ja‘far, with the new message. The Báb
> urged Vahíd to exercise the utmost forbearance and consideration
> towards him. Though the reason for this mission is not known with
> precision, it can be conjectured that the Báb had hoped that the
> conversion of such an eminent figure as Siyyid Ja‘far would further
> entice Muhammad Sháh to heed his reforms and perhaps even to
> embrace the movement.
> 
> Effect of Vahíd’s Departure
> Prior to Vahíd’s arrival, the clergy had hoped that through his fatwá, the
> path to a quick execution of the Báb would be smoothed. However, by
> his conversion and subsequent close association with the Báb, and using
> his influential connections in Tihrán, he had stayed the combined forces
> of the governor and the ‘ulamá. But now, with his departure from Shíráz,
> the temporary protection that his visit had brought was withdrawn. Once
> again, the clergy began to agitate against the Báb and as before directed
> their complains to the governor-general, urging him to seize and
> eliminate the reformer. In their appeal, they presented the possibility that
> Vahíd could soon convert the entire royal court to the new religion, and
> as such Islam would be lost forever in Iran, and both the clergy and the
> governor would be in disrepute. These appeals found ready sympathy in
> the ears of Husayn Khán, whose hostility was further fueled by the
> knowledge that, in total disregard of his command, sheltered and secure,
> the Báb was allowed to pursue the course of his activities and that he
> continued to enjoy the benefits of unrestrained fellowship with his
> family and kindred.
> Comte de Gobineau, a close observer of the situation in Iran and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 47
> 
> the Bábís, has left the following insightful comment:
> 
> Extremely irritated, discontented and worried, the Mullás of
> Fars, unable to foresee the heights that popular indignation
> against them might reach, were not the only ones to be
> perplexed. The authorities of the town and of the province
> understood only too well that the people, who were under
> their care but never very much under their control, were
> now quite independent of it. The men of Shíráz, superficial,
> mockers, noisome, quarrelsome, rebellious, insolent in the
> extreme, perfectly indifferent toward the Qájár dynasty,
> were never easy to govern and their administrators often
> passed wearisome days. What then would be the position of
> these administrators if the real chief of the city and of the
> country, the arbiter of their thoughts, their idol, were to be a
> young man who, undaunted, with no ties whatsoever, and
> no love of personal gain, made a pedestal of his
> independence and took advantage of it by impudently and
> publicly attacking every day all that which, until now, had
> been considered as strong and respected in the city?
> In truth, the court, the government and its policies
> had not as yet been the object of any of the violent
> denunciations of the Innovator, but, in view of the fact that
> he was so rigid in his habits, so unrelenting against
> intellectual dishonesty and the plundering practices of the
> clergy, it was unlikely that he would approve the same
> rapaciousness so flagrant in the public officials. One could
> well believe that the day when they would fall under his
> scrutiny, he would not fail to see and violently condemn
> their abuses, which could no longer be concealed.89
> 
> Further, the French diplomat, A.L.M. Nicolas, has written the
> following description:
> 
> 89 Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, pp. 122-123.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 48 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> By the aid of his agents and spies, Husayn Khán, the
> Názamu’d-Dawlih, succeeded in obtaining accurate
> information regarding the Báb’s movements and gauged the
> degree of following which He had aroused, and scrutinized
> the motives, the conduct, and the number of those who had
> embraced His Cause. However, the intensity of the situation
> soon increased considerably with the arrival of a letter from
> Hájí Mírzá Áqásí who, greatly dismayed at Vahíd’s
> conversion and annoyed with the continual uproar about the
> Báb’s Message, now instructed the governor to be done with
> the Reformer and have Him slain immediately and secretly.90
> 
> On receipt of this confidential communication, the governorgeneral summoned ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the chief constable of the city.
> “Proceed immediately,” he commanded him, “to the house of Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí. Quietly and unobserved, scale the wall and ascend to
> the roof, and from there suddenly enter his home. Arrest the Siyyid Báb
> immediately, and conduct him to this place together with any of the
> visitors who may be present with him at that time. Confiscate whatever
> books and documents you are able to find in that house. As to Hájí
> Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, it is my intention to impose upon him, the following
> day, the penalty for having failed to redeem his promise. I swear by the
> imperial diadem of Muhammad Shah that this very night I shall have the
> Siyyid Báb executed together with his wretched companions. Their
> ignominious death will quench the flame they have kindled, and will
> awaken every would-be follower of that creed to the danger that awaits
> every disturber of the peace of this realm. By this act I shall have
> extirpated a heresy the continuance of which constitutes the gravest
> menace to the interests of the State.”91
> In his narrative, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán provides the text of a
> letter written on the same day by Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, a brother-inlaw of the Báb, which states that ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán proceeded to
> execute his task and together with his men, entered the Báb’s residence
> 
> 90 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 235.
> 91 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 49
> 
> on the night of 21 Ramadan 1262 A.H./12 September 1846.92 This night
> was selected because of the sacredness associated with it and anticipation
> that the people would be preoccupied with religious duties, hence traffic
> on the streets would be minimal, which would in turn reduce the
> chances of any resistance by the Báb or a clash with his followers. He
> immediately arrested the Báb, collected whatever documents he could
> find, ordered Khadíjih Bagum and the Báb’s mother to remain in the
> residence, and conducted the Báb to the government house. The Báb,
> undaunted and self-possessed, was heard to repeat this verse of the
> Qur’án: “That with which they are threatened is for the morning. Is not
> the morning near?”93
> No sooner had this party reached the marketplace than they
> discovered to their amazement, that the people of the city were fleeing in
> consternation, due to a sudden outbreak of cholera. ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd
> Khán was struck with horror when he witnessed the long train of coffins
> being hurriedly transported through the streets, each followed by a
> procession of men and women loudly uttering shrieks of agony and pain.
> Upon inquiry, he learned that in the space of only a few hours, hundreds
> of people had already died, and that alarm and despair reigned in every
> house. The people were abandoning their homes, and in their plight
> were invoking the aid of the Almighty. Some Bábís considered this event
> as the first sign of divine chastisement for an unrepenting people. The
> Báb refers to this incident in the Dalá’il Sab‘ih [the Seven Proofs] in the
> following terms:
> 
> Recall the first days of the Manifestation, how many people
> died of cholera! That was one of the wonders of the
> Manifestation yet no one understood it. During four years
> the scourge raged among the Shi‘i Muslims without anyone
> grasping its true significance.94
> 
> ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, terrified by this dreadful news, went quickly
> 
> 92 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195, incorrectly gives this date as 23 September.
> 93 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195.
> 94 Dalá’il Sab‘ih, p. 17.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 50 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> to the mansion of Husayn Khán where he was told of the governor’s
> hasty departure from Shíráz, and of the ravages of the cholera which had
> devastated the governor’s home and afflicted the members of his
> household. As such, he decided to conduct the Báb to his own home
> and keep him in his custody, pending instructions from his master. As he
> was approaching his house, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán was struck by the
> sound of the weeping and wailing of the members of his own household.
> His two sons had been attacked by the deadly virus and were hovering
> on the brink of death. In his despair, he threw himself at the feet of the
> Báb and tearfully implored him to save his sons. He begged him to
> forgive his past transgressions and misdeeds and solemnly pledged his
> word that never again would he accept such a position. The Báb gave
> him a pomegranate and directed him to feed the same to his sons. This
> he said would save their lives. No sooner had ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán
> witnessed the signs of the recovery of his sons than he wrote a letter to
> the governor in which he acquainted him with the situation and begged
> him to cease his attacks on the Báb.95 On receiving this letter, “Husayn
> Khán released the Báb on condition of his quitting the city.”96
> 
> An Untiring Teacher
> Armed with the Báb’s command to travel the length and the breath of
> the realm and spread the new teachings, Vahíd left Shíráz in the closing
> days of Rajab 1262 A.H./25 June – 24-July 1846 for Burújird to visit his
> father, Siyyid Ja‘far. He arrived in that city on the opening days of
> Sha‘bán (late July), and according to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih Tabrízí,
> Vahíd spoke thus:97
> 
> 95 In the Land of Refuge, chapter 4, (a summary).
> 96 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 11.
> 97  Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 45-46, notes that Siyyid Ja‘far wrote of these
> happenings to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih. However, the two did not overlap in time and
> it is unclear how Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih came upon such information. Furthermore, a
> close study of the text reveals that a segment contains many similarities with a
> treatise of Vahíd; see Appendix 3.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 51
> 
> O distinguished father! As instructed by the government, I
> went to investigate the claim of the newly appeared Person,
> known as the Báb, and those divines and the learned that
> have gathered around Him. The Sháh bestowed a sum
> toward the expense of such a journey as well as a horse and
> other gifts.
> Upon arrival at Shíráz and attaining His presence, I
> perceived Him to be a Youth aged twenty-five, with a
> brilliant and heavenly visage, much the same as has been
> mentioned in the traditions and holy texts about the
> promised Qá’im. He possesses extremely pleasing features, a
> well-proportioned face, and a small birthmark, exactly as
> anticipated in the traditions.
> Though He is a commoner [as opposed to ranking
> among the `ulamá] and has never studied, yet He reveals
> verses, commentaries, books, treatises, prayers, homilies and
> scientific expositions of such quality as has not been seen or
> heard of since the days of Adam.
> Our illustrious Ancestor, the Seal of the Prophets [i.e.
> Muhammad], though numbered among the learned and
> well-lettered men of Arabia, yet revealed the Qur’án, piece
> by piece, over the space of twenty-three years. Siyyid-i Báb,
> although He is Persian and is born to that language,
> nevertheless is able, should He so wish, to reveal [Arabic]
> texts equaling the Qur’án in matter of only a week.
> Similarly, the homilies and prayers that the Báb reveals
> are quite distinct from those previously revealed by the
> Imáms, and in many ways, more elegant and developed. His
> expressions and words are not like those gone before Him,
> and in some important ways the treatises and expositions of
> the Báb, as well as His other qualities, are different from
> those of all the `ulamá, both of past and present times:
> 1. His Holiness is a commoner and has never had
> schooling.
> 2. In the course of His elucidation on all topics, in the space
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 52 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> of a few words, He discloses the essence of the truth.
> 3. His words and phrases are not similar to those of the
> divines and His expressions are original, innovative and
> unprecedented stemming from His innate knowledge and
> not the work of others. If He had indeed acquired His
> knowledge of others He would, of necessity, use their
> expressions, but this has never been observed.
> 4. When explaining a question, no matter how small the
> available paper, He will immediately provide a sufficient
> exposition on that piece of paper that will unravel the
> mystery. Other divines must however pen lengthy
> treatises in reply to similar questions.
> 5. His handwriting is the essence of beauty and elegance,
> despite the fact that He writes extremely fast.98
> 6. Of greatest importance is His bearing and conduct,
> which is the very essence of refinement. He sits on His
> heels, with arms extended beyond the hem of His ‘abá,
> placing the right hand over the left.
> 7. His eating and drinking habits are unique and extremely
> frugal. For lunch, He consumes three bites and for
> dinner seven bites. In total, His daily food equals that of
> two mouthfuls in a normal person. He drinks tea
> however with great delicacy.
> 8. His Holiness never considers the books and writings of
> others, though He frequently quotes from them through
> His innate knowledge. When writing, the pen never
> pauses or stops and He never forgets a matter.
> 9. The manner of His communion and worship is
> altogether peerless and recalls the lengthy prayer sessions
> of the Imams ‘Alí and Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.99
> 
> 98 As noted earlier, a requirement of fine penmanship in Persian and Arabic is to
> 
> write slowly, and yet the Báb (and later Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá) repeatedly
> demonstrated his ability to write with extreme speed of rare quality of hand and
> unmatched eloquence of composition.
> 99 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, p. 128; a shorter version appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 53
> 
> O kind father, such qualities, characteristics and signs
> cannot be found in ordinary men, and are limited to the
> Prophets and Chosen Ones of God. What has been seen in
> Him is beyond anything any man is capable of manifesting.
> One day when I was in His presence, I inquired, “May
> my life be a sacrifice unto You! I know not the science of
> the elixir, and I beseech You to please inform me of it.” He
> responded, “My cherished hope was for you to become
> celestial. The science of gold-making is for the earthbound.” “Were I to behold,” I said, “and then leave it
> behind, it would be better still.” He condescended to me
> and commanded me to arrange for the necessary materials.
> When I had them readied, he instructed, “Go into the
> garden in the courtyard and bring with you some of the
> vegetables.” I went into the garden and noticed that some
> beets were planted and, therefore, I gathered some of their
> leaves. The Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] instructed me to boil
> the leaves and I did. Then He said, place the copper into the
> furnace and melt it, which I also did. Afterwards He
> instructed, “Pour some of the water from the boiled leaves
> over the melted copper,” and when I did as bidden, the
> copper turned into gold. When I saw this, I threw myself at
> His feet and cried, “O Exalted One! The boiled leaves are
> bereft of such power to produce elixir, and only through
> Your might and sovereignty could such a miracle come to
> pass.”100
> 
> In the course of these discussions, Vahíd concluded that although
> his father was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Báb’s revelation, he
> preferred to be left alone and be allowed to pursue his own way during
> the remaining days of his life.101 Therefore, after staying in Burújird for a
> 
> Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 465-466, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 44-45. ‘Alí and Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín were the first and the fourth Shi‘i Imáms, respectively.
> 100 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, pp. 88-91.
> 101 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 57, states that after Vahíd’s conversion, in a
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 54 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> while, Vahíd proceeded to other cities of Luristán and with some caution
> spread the message. From there, he traveled to Isfahán, visiting his
> brothers Siyyid Síná, a teacher at the well-known Madrisih Kásihgarán102,
> and Siyyid ‘Isá, a textile merchant, and taught them his newfound faith.
> He then proceeded to Ardistán and taught his sister, and from there
> went to Yazd to visit his family and teach his brothers Siyyid ‘Alí, the
> prayer-reciter, Siyyid Hasan and a number of others. During this period,
> and especially in Yazd, Vahíd took care to speak about the Báb with the
> utmost wisdom and not to divulge too great a measure of his
> teachings.103
> In accordance with the Báb’s instructions, he journeyed from Yazd
> to Tihrán and en route visited Hájí Mírzá Jání in Káshan, who inquired
> about his experiences in Shíráz. The guest’s description made a deep
> impression on the merchant-historian.104 Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on
> Tuesday, 1 Safar 1263 A.H./19 January 1847105, taught his brother Siyyid
> Isháq, and acquainted a number of divine and learned figures of that city
> with the Báb’s claim. Of those who in those days embraced the Bábí
> faith through Vahíd was Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí Astarábádí, the chief of the
> Ni‘matu’lláhiyyih Sufi Order in Northern and Western Iran.106 Upon his
> conversion, this influential mystic hastened to Kulain to meet the Báb. It
> is reported that in 1850 while he was planning to join Vahíd in Yazd, he
> 
> gathering of the divines, one of them said to Siyyid Ja‘far, “It is reported that your
> son, Siyyid Yahyá, has lost his faculties.” “Yes, he has gone mad,” Kashfí responded
> in his son’s defense, “however, this madness is not of the loss of rational faculty but
> an inheritance from his illustrious ancestor, the Prophet [Muhammad].”
> 102 This school, presently a religious seminary, is located in the historic section of
> 
> the city and its inception dates back to the Safavid era. Its founder was the
> Hakímu’l-Mulk, one of the divines and learned men of the period of Shah Sulaymán
> and Sháh Sultán Husayn Safavi.
> 103 For a reference to Vahíd in Yazd see the letter of Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím cited
> 
> in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 167.
> 104 See Chapter 6.
> 105 Vahíd gives this date in a treatise; see Appendix 3.
> 106 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 225, states that previously Mullá Husayn Bushrú’í
> 
> had spoken to Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí, but it was Vahíd who confirmed his faith. It
> seems that Vahíd’s background in mysticism allowed him to convey the teachings of
> the Báb to various practicing Sufis.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 55
> 
> was caught in the Tihrán upheaval and numbered among the Seven
> Martyrs of that city.107
> In the early days of 1847, heeding the call of the Báb for the entire
> company of the believers to “Hasten to the Land of Khá,” Vahíd went
> to Khurásán. However, cognizant that his presence in Mashhad might
> bring undue attention to Quddús and Mullá Husayn, he remained in
> Burújird and traveled extensively to other parts of the province of
> Khurásán. Nabíl comments:
> 
> He had resolved to win the majority of the inhabitants of
> those regions to the Faith of the Báb, and had intended to
> proceed from thence to Fárs and there continue his labors.
> As soon as he had learned of Mullá Husayn’s departure for
> Mázandarán, he hastened to the capital and undertook the
> necessary preparations for his journey to the fort of Tabarsí.
> He was preparing to leave [in the early days of the fall of
> 1848], when Bahá’u’lláh arrived from Mázandarán and
> informed him of the impossibility of joining his brethren
> [because of the siege of the Fort by the Shah’s army and His
> own troubles in Ámul and elsewhere]. He was greatly
> saddened at this news, and his only consolation in those
> days was to visit Bahá’u’lláh frequently and to obtain the
> benefit of His wise and priceless counsels.108
> 
> During this period, he also met Bahá’u’lláh’s younger half-brother,
> Mírzá Yahyá Azal, who later penned the following description: “The
> virtue and perfection of His Excellency Áqá Siyyid Yahyá were beyond
> all limits and bounds... Most of the people of Persia admitted his virtue
> and perfection. I myself in the days of my youth met him several times at
> night in my own house and elsewhere, and witnessed the perfection of
> his virtues and endowments.”109
> 
> 107 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 225-226.
> 108 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 399-400. For a
> 
> story of Bahá’u’lláh involving Vahíd see Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 173.
> 109 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 56 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> On hearing the news of the Báb’s captivity in the fortress of Máh-
> Ku, Vahíd wished to be nearby in Qazvín so that in the event of any
> instructions from the Báb he could be quickly informed and respond
> readily. Therefore he proceeded to Qazvín, visiting his sister and the
> Bábís of that city. In his narrative, Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní has recorded that
> Vahíd visited Qazvín a total of five times.110 From these visits we gain a
> glimpse into the manner in which Vahíd’s intellectual outlook changed
> and developed over time, and the influence of the Báb’s revelation on his
> 110 Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní wrote a detailed account of the history of the Bábí
> Dispensation in his own hand, which according to Shaykh Kázim Samandar (Táríkh
> Samandar, p. 446) was mostly destroyed, except for a small portion which the latter
> was able to include in his historical survey, Táríkh Samandar, pp. 447-498. For some
> unexplained reason, this section and the one narrating the history of the martyred
> Hájí Nasír Qazvíní were removed in subsequent printings of this book, but
> reference to them was kept in the book’s “Introduction.” Mullá Ja‘far’s history is in
> five sections and since this important document is not presently available in English
> (though both Qazvíní’s and Mullá Ja‘far’s accounts have been translated and
> annotated by the present writer), a brief outline follows of the section that appeared
> in the original printing of Táríkh Samandar.
> Chapter 1: an autobiography, including a childhood dream about
> Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í; arrival of Shaykh Ahmad, meeting with him
> and the story of a miracle attributed to him; travels of Shaykh Ahmad
> and his passing; meeting Siyyid Kázim in fulfillment of an earlier
> dream; a prophetic dream about meeting the anticipated Qá’im;
> prophetic signs related to the Qá’im’s appearance and recollections of
> Mullá Husayn of the Báb’s arrival at Siyyid Kázim’s class. Chapter 2:
> several dreams about the appearance of the Báb and events in Qazvín
> prior to the Báb’s announcement in 1844. Chapter 3: the passing of
> Siyyid Kázim and preparation of his students to search after the
> Promised One; discovery of the Báb by Mullá Husayn and mission of
> Mullá ‘Alí Bastámí to Karbalá; first arrival of the Báb’s writings to
> Qazvín; travels of Vahíd Dárábí and his utterances; Báb’s journey to
> Isfahán and his eventual exile to Máh-Ku; author’s meeting with the
> Báb and the offer of rescue rejected by the Báb; attempt on the life of
> Násiri’d-Dín Sháh and the resulting persecution of the Bábís; events
> in Qazvín. Chapter 4: life of Mullá Husayn and his travels; events of
> Fort Tabarsí; station of Quddús and his martyrdom; events in Qazvín
> during the siege of Fort Tabarsí. Chapter 5: On the arrival of the
> Báb’s writings in Qazvín and their effect on the believers.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 57
> 
> proclivities. Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní notes:
> 
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Vahíd journeyed to Qazvín five times. In
> his first visit111, he ascended the pulpit at Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
> Vahhab’s mosque112 and in the course of his sermon
> repudiated Shaykh Ahmad [Ahsá’í] and spoke in support of
> the mystics. In his second visit, he confirmed the sayings of
> both the Shaykhís and the mystics. During the third visit, he
> established the validity of the Shaykhí school and rejected
> the school of thought of Shaykh Muhyi’d-Dín Ibn ‘Arabí
> and Mullá Muhsin Fayd. On the fourth visit, at a gathering
> in the house of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Tabrízí113, he spoke
> of the signs of the appearance of the Promised Mihdí. In
> particular, on this occasion he spoke of the circumstances
> leading to the revelation of the commentary on the Surih of
> Kawthar by the Báb.
> In the course of Vahíd’s fifth visit, together with some
> other notables, including Mullá Qanbar and Hájí Mírzá
> Bazzáz, I attained his presence at the house of [Hájí
> Muhammad-Rahím] Tabrízí and asked him about his
> meetings with the Báb. Vahíd spoke openly of Him and in
> response to Mullá Abú’l-Husayn’s query, said: “After
> hearing the news of His Call, I journeyed to Shíráz and sat
> before the Truth [i.e. the Báb] and asked Him to adduce
> proofs and verses and [in response] He offered many
> expositions. I asked Him for an elucidation on the Surih of
> Kawthar, the shortest chapter in the Qur’án, and He
> inquired: ‘verbally or in writing?’ I begged, ‘In writing.’ He
> took up pen and paper and consequently gems of
> inestimable value appeared on those pages. He would reveal
> 
> 111 The first visit was prior to the declaration of the Báb in Shíráz in May 1844.
> 112 Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab was among the great Shaykhí scholars and when
> 
> Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í was in Qazvín, the latter would visit the same mosque for the
> performance of his prayers, offering sermons and conducting his classes.
> 113 A brother-in-law of Vahíd.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 58 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> them with such rapidity that it is impossible to describe it.
> Without the least pause or hesitation, He penned in excess
> of two thousand verses on that occasion and handed the
> papers to me. In beholding them, I recognized that it was
> beyond mere human ability to write with such speed and
> facility, and at that moment I arrived at the shore of
> certitude. Thereupon, the Báb declared: ‘Henceforth, thou
> art Our helper and promoter.’ I said, ‘I do not own a sword.’
> Thereupon, He gave me a sharp, exquisitely jeweled saber.”
> This fifth visit was when the Exalted Countenance
> [the Báb] was imprisoned in Máh-Ku and Vahíd went to
> visit Him, at which time there transpired what I have
> related.114
> 
> During this time, one of the affluent Bábís of Qazvín, a certain
> Hájí Asadu’lláh, had set up a sword-making shop in the basement of his
> home, supervised by Áqá Muhammad-Hádí. His aim was to produce a
> sufficient amount of weapons so that an uprising in support of the Báb
> could be organized.115 Many of the Bábís in that city were armed with
> sabers and kept a quantity of arms in reserve. Being very strong and
> robust, we are told that Vahíd would often join his co-religionists and
> practice with these swords by halving trees in single strokes.116
> In this interval, as bidden by the Báb, Vahíd served as the focus of
> the Bábí communication network, sending messages and information to
> the Báb, receiving letters and instructions from him in return, and
> ensuring that they reached their intended destinations. Another
> important service he provided was relaying news between the Báb and
> his family in Shíráz.
> 
> 114 Táríkh Samandar, pp. 475-476 first printing. Quoted also in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
> 
> vol. 3, pp. 469-470, and summarized in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, and
> Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 47-48.
> 115 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, p. 180, suggests these swords were intended for the
> 
> fort of Shaykh Tabarsí.
> 116 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 373-374.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 59
> 
> Meeting the Báb in Máh-Kú
> Having stayed a while in Qazvín, however, Vahíd could no longer hold
> back his longing, and therefore he proceeded on foot to the
> mountainous citadel to behold once again his heart’s desire. This journey
> took place in the middle of winter and one can only imagine the joy and
> tranquility that such a visit brought to the heart and mind of Vahíd, and
> the excitement that stirred in the depths of his soul. Though we remain
> scantily informed of this arduous journey or of what transpired between
> Vahíd and the young prophet, we must note that it was the satisfaction
> engendered in this final visit that caused Vahíd to rededicate himself to
> the promotion of the faith and propelled him forward towards the next
> and final phase of his life.
> It was still at the height of winter when, through much ice and
> snow, he returned to Tihrán and was able to once more attend the
> presence of Bahá’u’lláh, who showered upon him much kindness and
> provided him with lodging. During this period, Bahá’u’lláh had devised a
> plan for the rescue of Tahirih in Qazvín. The following record is left by
> one of the Bábís of that city, Áqá Muhammad-Javád Farhádí. He briefly
> explains Tahirih’s rescue and Vahíd’s role in the affair:
> 
> The daughter of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí [Vahíd’s father]
> was a wife of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Amíní [of Tabríz].
> For this reason Hájí Siyyid Yahyá came to Qazvín and
> established his residence in their house. Hájí Muhammad-
> Hasan, a brother of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím, argued with
> Siyyid Yahyá over a particular subject and the latter called
> him an infidel and transferred his residence to the home of
> Hájí Asadu’lláh, where he stayed for four months and gave
> sermons in the Masjid Sháh.
> Upon his return to Tihrán, the call of the Báb had
> been raised throughout the land and Muhammad Sháh sent
> him forth to Shíráz to investigate the matter. After his
> recognition [of the Báb], he went to Yazd. Afterwards he
> came [to Qazvín and came] to my office and spoke with Áqá
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 60 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Karbalá’í, my brother. Upon his departure he said to me,
> “Your brother will never accept [this faith] and as such I will
> no longer frequent your office. You are to come and visit
> me in my home.”... I accompanied him from Káshan to
> Yazd. The people of Ardakán came out to welcome Vahíd
> and in Shamábád they celebrated his arrival for a day and a
> night. Afterwards, the honored Vahíd proceeded to Ardakán
> and I went to Yazd.
> After some time Vahíd came to Yazd and from there
> went to Tihrán. On hearing the news of the passing of Hájí
> Asadu’lláh, he returned once more to Yazd. He gave a
> memorial service for the Hájí in the Masjid Rík, and then
> returned to Tihrán. During this sojourn he met the honored
> Áqá Hádí, and took him into the presence of the Ancient
> Beauty. Bahá’u’lláh instructed Áqá Hádí to come to Qazvín
> and to conduct the honored Tahirih to Tihrán.117
> 
> In the course of this stay in Tihrán, Vahíd was able to associate
> closely with a number of leading figures of the Bábí community,
> including Tahirih who had come and was staying at the house of
> Bahá’u’lláh in northern Tihrán. In those days a steady stream of visitors
> would come to visit her and, seated behind a curtain, she would converse
> with them. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá relates that one-day “the great Siyyid Yahyá,
> surnamed Vahíd, was present there [at the house of Bahá’u’lláh]. As he
> sat without, Tahirih listened to him from behind the veil. I was then a
> child, and was sitting on her lap. With eloquence and fervor, Vahíd was
> discoursing on the signs and verses that bore witness to the advent of
> the new Manifestation. She suddenly interrupted him and, raising her
> voice, vehemently declared: ‘O Yahyá! Let deeds, not words, testify to
> thy faith, if thou art a man of true learning. Cease idly repeating the
> traditions of the past, for the day of service, of steadfast action, is come.
> Now is the time to show forth the true signs of God, to rend asunder
> 
> 117 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 468, n.1. See also Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p.
> 
> 191, and Táríkh Samandar, pp. 362-366, translated in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2,
> pp. 175-178.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 61
> 
> the veils of idle fancy, to promote the Word of God, and to sacrifice
> ourselves in His path. Let deeds, not words, be our adorning!’”118 It is
> unfortunate that Vahíd’s response to this outburst has not been
> preserved.
> In the course of his various visits to Tihrán, Vahíd continued to
> cultivate the old friendships he had with high ranking officials and the
> royal court, and to plead the case of the Báb to all whom he met. In so
> doing, he enjoyed the total confidence of the Báb, as testified by his
> remark to Muhammad Sháh that whatever information the sovereign
> wished to know about him or to ascertain regarding his Cause, he might
> receive authoritatively and confidently from Vahíd:
> 
> Since in this world God hath ordained two witnesses for
> every cause, mystics and clerics among the friends are many
> too.119 Call to thy presence those whom thou knowest, such
> as Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Kháliq and inquire
> of them the proofs of this Cause. They will present verses
> and writings and tell all that hath transpired ... These two,
> one before the Manifestation and the other after, have
> recognized Me and know of My Person and disposition, and
> as such authorized to speak on My behalf.120
> 
> Further Travels
> Not long thereafter, in the Spring of 1849, the news of the fall of Fort
> Tabarsí and the massacre of its defenders reached the Bábís in Tihrán
> and profoundly saddened and grieved the faithful. Long indeed had the
> entire Bábí community been praying for the deliverance of the
> incomparable Quddús, who because of the Báb’s confinement in the
> 
> 118 Memorials of the Faith, p. 200.
> 119 Qur’án 2:282 enjoins that for every important matter two witnesses are required
> 
> and the Báb is upholding this injunction.
> 120 The full text of the Báb’s communication to Muhammad Shah is in INBMC
> 
> 64:103-150 and the quoted passage appears on page 123. The same passage is
> quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 37.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 62 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> remote mountains of Adharbayján, had served as the de facto leader of
> the Bábí community during this entire period. Quddús, Mullá Husayn,
> eight other Letters of the Living and several hundred of the ablest Bábís
> had fallen as martyrs. In many ways, this event sealed the fate of the
> Báb’s religion and was the beginning of the end.
> One day an unkempt dervish, wild in appearance, arrived at the
> house of Bahá’u’lláh. This was Mullá ‘Alí ‘Adí-Guzal of Marághih, better
> known as Mullá ‘Alí Sayyáh. Some six decades later, on September 30,
> 1912, when ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was en route from Salt Lake City to San
> Francisco during the course of His historic journey to North America,
> he recalled that day when, as a young boy, he had sat next to Vahíd and
> observed what transpired. On hearing that Sayyáh was coming from the
> presence of the Báb, “Vahíd arose immediately and threw himself at the
> feet of Sayyáh, and with tears streaming down his face he rubbed his
> beard on Sayyáh’s feet saying, ‘He has come from the court of the
> Beloved.’ Although Vahíd was a renowned and illustrious person, still he
> was humble before the servants of the Threshold of God.”121 This
> incident must have made a deep impression on the observers. Mírzá Áqá
> Kalím, Bahá’u’lláh’s faithful brother, reported it to Nabíl in this manner:
> 
> “It was the depth of winter when Sayyáh, returning from his
> pilgrimage, came to visit Bahá’u’lláh. Despite the cold and
> snow of a rigorous winter, he appeared attired in the garb of
> a dervish, poorly clad, barefoot, and disheveled. His heart
> was set afire with the flame that pilgrimage had kindled. No
> sooner had Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd, who
> was then a guest in the home of Bahá’u’lláh, been informed
> of the return of Sayyáh from the fort of Tabarsí, than he,
> oblivious of the pomp and circumstance to which a man of
> his position had been accustomed, rushed forward and flung
> himself at the feet of the pilgrim. Holding his legs, which
> 
> 121 Mahmud’s Diary, p. 298. See also, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Centre of the Covenant of
> Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 284-285 and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 39-40. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
> 49, n.1, states that the author was present in Haifa circa July 1921 when this story
> was related by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 63
> 
> had been covered with mud to the knees, in his arms, he
> kissed them devoutly. I was amazed that day at the many
> evidences of loving solicitude which Bahá’u’lláh evinced
> towards Vahíd. He showed him such favors as I had never
> seen Him extend to anyone. The manner of His
> conversation left no doubt in me that this same Vahíd
> would ere long distinguish himself by deeds no less
> remarkable than those which had immortalized the
> defenders of the fort of Tabarsí.”122
> Sayyáh tarried a few days in that home. He was,
> however, unable to perceive, as did Vahíd, the nature of that
> power which lay latent in his Host. Though himself the
> recipient of the utmost favor from Bahá’u’lláh, he failed to
> apprehend the significance of the blessings that were being
> showered upon him. I have heard him recount his
> experiences, during his sojourn in Famagusta: “Bahá’u’lláh
> overwhelmed me with His kindness. As to Vahíd,
> notwithstanding the eminence of his position, he invariably
> gave me preference over himself whenever in the presence
> of his Host. On the day of my arrival from Mazindarán, he
> went so far as to kiss my feet. I was amazed at the reception
> accorded me in that home. Though immersed in an ocean of
> bounty, I failed, in those days, to appreciate the position
> then occupied by Bahá’u’lláh, nor was I able to suspect,
> however dimly, the nature of the Mission He was destined
> to perform.”123
> 
> 122 As noted earlier, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had said that Sayyáh was on his way back from
> 
> visiting the Báb, while The Dawn-Breakers, p. 432, has placed this visit after 23
> January 1850, when Sayyáh had returned from pilgrimage to the fort of Tabarsí.
> However, there are compelling reasons to believe that by January 1850 Vahíd had
> already gone to Yazd (see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 107-108). The
> Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 108-109, has argued that a more likely
> scenario is that Sayyáh had returned from Máh-Ku and was on his way to fort
> Tabarsí. This would place this meeting in December 1849, giving sufficient time for
> Vahíd to reach Yazd.
> 123 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 432-433.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 64 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> When the news of Shaykh Tabarsí’s fall reached Tihrán, Vahíd
> realized that at long last the time for sacrifice had come. In late 1849,
> Vahíd decided to leave Tihrán in search of his own Karbalá, and he
> proceeded to Qazvín. “From there he left for Qum and Káshan, where
> he met his fellow-disciples and was able to stimulate their enthusiasm
> and reinforce their efforts.”124
> 
> Central Iran
> 
> One of the Bábís who has left impressions of meeting Vahíd in
> those days is the martyred Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. “[T]hat illustrious
> personage [Vahíd] was instructed by His Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim
> the Word of Truth, and on the way to Yazd, I had the honor of meeting
> him.125 I observed in his august countenance the signs of a glory and
> 
> 124 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465.
> 125 There is some confusion as to where this meeting took place. Browne’s edition
> 
> of Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However,
> both manuscripts of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in the possession of the present
> writer place the meeting in Yazd. But from the text of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 65
> 
> power that I had not noticed during my earlier meetings with him, and I
> knew of a certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his
> departure from this world.126 I heard him say several times in the course
> of various conversations, ‘This is my last journey, and hereafter you will
> see me no more.’ Often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to
> the same thought. In one conversation he remarked, ‘God and His nearones are able to foretell coming events, and I swear by that beloved True
> One in Whose mighty grasp my soul lies that I know and could tell
> where and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how
> glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the
> uplifting of the Word of Truth!’”127
> Vahíd continued to Isfahán and then to Ardistán. Upon arrival at
> each of these cities he would immediately enter the central mosque and
> from the pulpit-top proclaim, with zeal and fearlessness, the fundamental
> teachings of the Báb. These efforts succeeded in winning a considerable
> number of able supporters to the reform cause. His sister resided in
> Ardistán and there he stayed for a while, and with the assistance of
> Zaynab Bagum and Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí Ardistání, was able to achieve
> great success.
> From Ardistán he proceeded to Ardakán in close proximity to his
> own city of Yazd.128 In that city, Hájí Mullá Báqir Ardakání, who ranked
> among the eminent ‘ulamá of that region, met Vahíd and through him
> was able to recognize the true character of the Báb’s mission. At Vahíd’s
> bidding, he continued with his former occupation, but from then on
> would occasionally include some of the expositions of the Báb in his
> sermons. Because of this, as well as the remarkable transformation that
> had overtaken him, in a few years it was known throughout the town
> that he had become a Bábí, and the other jurists and divines arose to
> 
> though ambiguous, one could surmise that this meeting was en route to Yazd and
> may have taken place in Káshan.
> 126 The text states inqita‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood to
> 
> express Vahíd’s desire for martyrdom.
> 127 Nuqtatu’l-Káf, p. 203. Quoted in The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, n.1.
> 128 Vahíd’s sequence of travels after his departure from Bahá’u’lláh’s presence is
> 
> given in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 66 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> severely oppose him and to complain to Yazd. However, the governor
> of that city, Amírzádih, was the eight-year-old son of Kirmán’s
> governor-general, Khán Bábá Khán Sardár, and most ineffectual. As
> such, the clergy prepared a long petition, signed by many of their
> accomplices, and sent it directly to the Sardár in Kirmán. On seeing this
> missive, Khán Bábá Khán ordered Hájí Mullá Báqir arrested and brought
> forth to Kirmán in chains. Upon his arrival on 17 November 1853, he
> was conducted into the presence of the governor, where a number of
> other high-ranking officials were present as well. Hájí Mullá Báqir, a man
> of rare eloquence and wisdom, possessing a cheerful countenance and
> evident piety, spoke in such wise that the governor was enchanted with
> his utterance.129 Khán Bábá Khán was completely won over, and as a
> token of apology, ordered a large sum to be given to the Hájí in
> compensation and in the utmost comfort he was allowed to return
> home. After a short stay in Ardakán, Hájí Mullá Báqir proceeded to the
> ‘Atabát, where he busied himself for the next two years with studies, and
> subsequently with great ceremony was welcomed back in Yazd. From
> then on, he was the leading cleric of the city and years later, Vahíd’s son,
> Siyyid Ahmad, would work in his office. In order to protect the Bábí-
> Bahá’í community of that realm, he kept his faith to himself, but he
> would always strive to shelter and guard the believers.130
> 
> 129 Vaqáyyih ‘Itifáqiyyih, no. 146, reprinted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p 480
> 
> (opposite).
> 130 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 481-482.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 67
> 
> Chapter 3
> 
> The Events of Yazd
> 
> Men said to them: “A great army is gathering against you” and
> frightened them; but it only increased their faith. They said: “For us
> God sufficeth, and He is the best disposer of affairs.”
> Qur’án 3:173
> 
> Before proceeding to outline the story of Vahíd in Yazd, it is first
> necessary to briefly consider the historiography of this watershed event.
> It is something of an anomaly that unlike the subsequent Nayríz or other
> major Bábí incidents, no substantial primary source documents have
> thus far come to light for what occurred in Yazd in 1850. The only
> detailed description is the one offered by Nabíl Zarandí, and his sources
> remain unknown, though the present writer infers that Nabíl gained his
> information through personal contacts with Mullá Muhammad-Ridá
> Manshádí while both were resident in Baghdad. If indeed there are clues
> in Nabíl’s text that would enable us to determine his source of
> information, this must await the time when his original Persian text is
> made available to the researchers. What can be offered at this stage is a
> glimpse into Nabíl’s text through Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq as a proxy.131 As
> explained in the Foreword, there are reasons to believe that Mázandarání
> relied primarily on the original narrative of Nabíl and a close comparison
> between Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq and The Dawn-Breakers reveals that no
> significant details pertaining to the events of Yazd were left untranslated
> by Shoghi Effendi.132 Later Bahá’í published histories essentially echoed
> Nabíl’s outline of the events as given in The Dawn-Breakers and only
> rarely provided additional details. If there are personal memoirs or
> 131 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 400-407.
> 132 An exception to this is noted in a later paragraph in this chapter regarding a
> 
> section of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 68 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> eyewitness accounts of this incident among the Yazdí families, they
> remain unpublished. Early Qájár histories are generally silent or provide
> very little concrete information on the Bábí uprising in Yazd. Nicolas
> gives a brief summary.133
> 
> Province of Yazd
> 
> The dating of this event is also problematic. Nabíl, and by
> extension, Fádil Mázandarání, suggests that Vahíd arrived in Yazd on 15
> March 1850, and departed on 10 May.134 However, Balyuzi, and later
> Momen, have cast considerable doubt on the accuracy of these dates
> given by Nabíl and Momen has presented documentation that concludes,
> with near certainty, that the incidents of Yazd actually took place in
> January-February of 1850.135 Moreover, it should be noted that Táríkh
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq has placed the commencement of Vahíd’s activities after
> the incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán and two months prior to the
> events of Zanján.136 John Piggot states that the events of Yazd took
> 
> 133 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 388-390.
> 134 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466, and p. 474 and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400 and
> 
> p. 407.
> 135 The Báb, p. 178, placed the events of Yazd in “the early weeks of 1850.” See also,
> 
> The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-109.
> 136 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399. According to The Dawn-Breakers, p. 443, the
> 
> incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán took place on 7 March 1850. The Bábí and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 69
> 
> place in May 1850.137 Browne also states that Vahíd was in Yazd in May
> 1850, and in all likelihood, Browne relied on Muhammad Qazvíni, a
> trusted collaborator and the editor of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, for this
> information.138 With these important qualifications in mind, an outline
> the events of Yazd follows.
> According to Nabíl, when Vahíd arrived in Yazd, he was warmly
> welcomed by his brothers, who resided in Yazd and “expressed their joy
> at his arrival and were greatly encouraged by his presence among them.
> Being a man of renowned influence, Vahíd possessed, in addition to his
> house in Yazd, where his wife and four sons139 resided, a home in Dáráb,
> which was the abode of his ancestors, and another one in Nayríz, which
> was superbly furnished”140 and was occupied by his other wife and son.
> From his arrival, day and night, a stream of visitors frequented his
> house to greet him and pay their respects.141
> 
> Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. xxviii, gives the date of this event as 19 or 20 February
> 1850; see also The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 100-105.
> 137 Persia: Ancient and Modern, p. 104.
> 138 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255.
> 139 Vahíd’s children in Yazd consisted of a daughter and three sons; see Appendix 2
> 
> for details.
> 140 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
> 141 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 217, informs that Vahíd’s home was in the Sh‘ar-
> 
> báf quarter and was still standing into the twentieth century; a picture appears on
> the title page.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 70 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Dating back to the years of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í’s stay in Yazd,
> 1806-1813, that city had become a Shaykhí stronghold, and many of its
> leading clerics identified their intellectual proclivities with that school of
> thought.142 Vahíd’s scholastic career, however had been completely
> outside of this Shi‘i innovation and had remained orthodox, and publicly
> he was not known to be supportive of Shaykhí doctrines. Nevertheless
> all of the learned men of town showed him great respect and
> consideration. Therefore, in order to re-establish his ties with the
> community, according to Nabíl, Vahíd organized a splendid feast at his
> house and invited all the leading ‘ulamá and notables of the city, as well
> as some from the nearby towns, to that joyous event. All readily attended
> and abundant sweets and food were in circulation.143
> One of the Shaykhí ‘ulamá present on that occasion was Navváb
> Radaví144, who deeply, but surreptitiously, distrusted any non-Shaykhí
> mujtahid. From the time of Vahíd’s first visit to Yazd after his
> conversion in Shíráz, the Navváb outwardly pretended to be a
> companion of Vahíd and professed devotion to the Báb. He had even
> gone to such lengths as to name his son ‘Alí-Muhammad, after the Báb,
> and in private he constantly urged Vahíd to proclaim more vigorously
> the newly inaugurated movement. However, these were all deceptions,
> for he harbored profound resentment towards Vahíd and was waiting for
> an occasion to show his deep-rooted animosity.145
> On the occasion of that feast, Navváb Radaví thought it
> propitious to commence rebellion and maliciously hinted at the
> extravagance of that reception. “The Sháh’s imperial banquet,” he
> remarked, “can scarcely hope to rival the sumptuous repast you have
> spread before us. I suspect that in addition to this national festival which
> 
> 142 Sharh Ahvál, p. 27.
> 143 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 8.
> 144 Some sources give his name as Navváb Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Hay, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> 
> Haqq, vol. 6, p. 726, has clarified that these were two separate individuals though
> both known as Navváb.
> 145 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, chapter 8.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 71
> 
> today we are celebrating, you commemorate another one beside it.”146
> Vahíd’s boldly retorted by reciting this verse of poetry:
> 
> For the lover each moment is two feasts,
> but for the spider, a fly sufficeth.
> 
> This answer provoked the laughter of those who were present.
> “All applauded, in view of the avarice and wickedness of the Navváb, the
> appropriateness of Vahíd’s remark. The Navváb, who had never
> encountered the ridicule of so large and distinguished a company, was
> stung by that answer, [and quickly left the house and took his complaint
> to the authorities]. The smoldering fire that he nourished in his heart
> against his opponent now blazed forth with added intensity, impelling
> him to satisfy his thirst for revenge.”147
> On that occasion, Vahíd seized the opportunity to proclaim,
> initially indirectly and through allusions, then openly and without
> reserve, the principles of the new faith, and to demonstrate their validity.
> Through the letters and copies of the Báb’s treatises which over the
> years he had already sent them, the majority of those present were
> partially acquainted with the central doctrines of the cause, but were
> ignorant of its full implications: the termination of the Islamic
> Dispensation and Islamic jurisprudence, and the end of temporal power
> of the clergy. Certain individuals, either based on previous
> correspondence or upon hearing Vahíd, were irresistibly attracted and
> readily embraced the message of the Báb. The rest, according to Nabíl,
> unable to repudiate its claims and remaining totally silent, denounced it
> in their hearts and vowed to extinguish its light by every means in their
> power. “His eloquence and fearless exposition of the Truth inflamed
> their hostility and strengthened their determination to seek, without
> delay, the overthrow of his influence.”148 According to Mázandarání, that
> very day became the Judgment Day for all who heard the words of God
> and witnessed the polarization of the people and their separation into
> 
> 146 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
> 147 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466.
> 148 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 72 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> camps of friends and foes.149
> Years later, A.L.M. Nicolas received information on this festivity
> and subsequent events and wrote: “Carried away by his zeal and
> overflowing with the love of God, he was eager to reveal to Persia the
> glory and joy of the one eternal Truth. ‘To love and to conceal one’s
> secret is impossible,’ says the poet; so our Siyyid began to preach openly
> in the Mosques, in the streets, in the bazaars, on the public squares, in a
> word, wherever he could find listeners. Such enthusiasm yielded fruit
> and the conversions were numerous and sincere. The Mullás, deeply
> troubled, violently denounced the sacrilege to the governor of the
> city.”150 In this regard, Nabíl writes:
> 
> To destroy Vahíd became the central object of their activity.
> They spread the news that, on the day of Naw-Rúz, in the
> midst of the assembled dignitaries of the city, Siyyid
> Yahyáy-i-Dárábí had had the temerity unveil the challenging
> features of the Faith of the Báb and had adduced proofs and
> evidences gleaned both from the Qur’án and the Hadíth.
> ‘Though his listeners,’ they urged, ‘ranked among the most
> illustrious of the mujtahids of the city, no one could be
> found in that assemblage to venture a protest against his
> vehement assertions of the claims of his creed. The silence
> kept by those who heard him has been responsible for the
> wave of enthusiasm which has swept over the city in his
> favour, and has brought no less than half of its inhabitants
> to his feet, while the remainder are being fast attracted.’151
> 
> Such reports spread quickly throughout Yazd and the neighboring
> regions. It is recorded that subsequently and courageously Vahíd raised
> the banner of the faith and spoke of its challenging features before an
> immense audience at the city’s renowned Masjid Sar Rík. The immediate
> effect of this proclamation, however, resulted in a massive uproar by the
> 
> 149 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.
> 150 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 390.
> 151 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 467-468.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 73
> 
> clerics.152 “It kindled on the one hand, the flame of bitter hatred, and, on
> the other, was instrumental in adding considerable numbers to those
> who had already identified themselves with that Faith.”153 From Taft,
> Ardakán and Manshád, as well as from the more distant towns and
> villages, rank upon rank of people, “eager to hear of the new Message
> flocked to the house of Vahíd. ‘What are we to do?’ they asked him. ‘In
> what manner do you advise us to show forth the sincerity of our faith
> and the intensity of our devotion?’ From morning till night, Vahíd was
> absorbed in resolving their perplexities and in directing their steps in the
> path of service.”154
> Nabíl states that for forty days this feverish activity persisted on
> the part of Vahíd’s zealous supporters, and his house became the focal
> point for an innumerable host of devotees. The news of such activities
> were constantly shared with the nearby towns, particularly Ardakán and
> Manshád, and many among their inhabitants joined the ranks of Vahíd’s
> companions.155
> Since the summer of 1844 when the Letters of the Living were
> instructed to disperse throughout the realm to teach the new reform,
> some had visited Yazd and spoke about the new teachings, though very
> few, if any, had actually enrolled as Bábís. On this occasion, however,
> many people from all walks of life readily gave their allegiance. Among
> those enrolled under Vahíd’s banner during this time were such eminent
> personalities as the following:156
> 
> • Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, surnamed Rada’r-Rúh by
> Bahá’u’lláh, and his three brothers who were later martyred
> in Manshád: Áqá Ghulam-Husayn; Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar; and
> Mullá Áqá Bábá’í.157 These were the sons of the renowned
> 
> 152 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 202.
> 153 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467.
> 154 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468.
> 155 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400.
> 156 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 50-51 and Khátirát Málmírí, p. 23, n.1.
> 157 On the martyrdom of the brothers, see Sharh Shahadát Shuhadáy Manshád,
> translation in “The Martyrs of Manshád”.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 74 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> cleric, Hájí Muhammad, the Mujtahid Manshádí, and each
> was learned in Islamic sciences in his own right, though
> Mullá Muhammad-Ridá had surpassed his brethren. On
> hearing that these brothers had joined Vahíd, the rest of the
> family followed suit, including their elderly father, who later
> endured much hardship in the path of the new religion.
> •    Hájí Mullá Mihdí ‘Atrí [perfume-maker], the father of the
> martyred Varqá, together with his entire family.158
> •    Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá Tabíb Yazdí, a physician who years
> later was the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Lawh-i Tibb (Tablet to
> a Physician).159
> •    Shaykh ‘Alí Gumnám.
> •    Sháttir Ridá Ardakání.
> •    Mullá Hasan Musalay’í.
> •    Hájí Mullá Husayn Baidkí Mahrízí.
> •    Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí Mahrízí.
> •    Siyyid Husayn Manshádí, son of Siyyid Ridá Manshádí.
> •    Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir Mahrízí, renowned for his piety,
> learning and spiritual insights, who had won the widespread
> affinity of the people. Occasionally various miracles were
> attributed to him.160 He also brought with him his son,
> Siyyid Husayn, the carpet-weaver, and his brother, Hájí
> Siyyid Husayn, the prayer-reciter.
> •    Mírzá Ja‘far Vajhí, known as Yazdí, a seminary student who
> later accompanied Bahá’u’lláh from Baghdad to ‘Akká.
> •    Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, the prayer-reciter.
> •    Mírzá Muhammad, known as Mulk.
> •    Muhammad-Zamán Násir, a merchant of note from Shíráz.
> 158 For biography see Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 39-45. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p.
> 
> 726, notes that his son, Mírzá Husayn, visited Bahá’u’lláh in Baghdad and with him
> brought the first copy of the Hidden Words to Yazd and gave tidings of his near
> declaration and the counter-claim of Mírzá Yahyá Azal.
> 159 See Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 3, p. 359, and Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 58-59.
> 160 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 75
> 
> • ‘Alí-Akbar Hakkák [the engraver].161
> • Hájí ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Shamá’í.
> • Áqá Muhammad-Sádiq Suf-Báf.
> • Mírzá Hasan Áqá Fádil.
> • Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a noted cleric of the Malámír quarter of
> Yazd, who accompanied Vahíd to Nayríz.162
> • Hájí Abdu’l-Ghafur and his brother Muhammad-‘Alí.163
> • Hájí Bábá Sáhib.164
> • Bíbí Fatimih, known as Mahd-‘Ulyá.
> 
> These and many others, through the teachings of Vahíd, his recital
> of the writings of the Báb and his exposition of the central doctrines of
> the new dispensation, were aided to make the transition from the Shi‘i to
> the Bábí belief and undertook to dedicate themselves to the new cause
> and, for the rest of their days, to stand fast and firm in their resolve.
> Toward the latter part of Muhammad Sháh’s reign, Yazd had
> fallen into revolt and Násiri’d-Dín Sháh had appointed Hájí Bízhan
> Khán Gurjí as its governor. However, Gurjí was ineffectual in the face of
> various upheavals and was soon replaced in 1265 A.H./1849 with
> Muhammad-Hasan Khán, titled Sardár Irvání, and known generally as
> Khán Bábá Khán.165 The latter, however, was loath to leave the capital
> because of his financial and political interests and thus he appointed one
> of his relatives, Áqá Khán Irvání, as his deputy.166 The success of Vahíd
> in converting multitudes and the commotion that ensued consequently
> provided Navváb Radaví with a pretext for enlisting the support of Áqá
> Khán, the deputy-governor of Yazd, who was young and inexperienced
> in the affairs of government, in his efforts against his adversary. Nabíl
> 161 For an account of his martyrdom on 15 July 1852, see Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol.
> 
> 2, pp. 46-51, and cited sources.
> 162 He was the husband of the paternal aunt of Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí and
> 
> the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih-i Nush.
> 163 The father and uncle of Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí; see, Khátirát Málmírí, p. 18.
> 164 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19, gives her name as Hájí Bíbí Sáhib.
> 165 For a short biography see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 513-514.
> 166 Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, vol. 3, p. 101.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 76 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> emphasizes that Navváb had succeeded in winning the support of the
> deputy-governor who “fell a victim to the intrigues and machinations of
> that evil plotter.”167 The Navváb succeeded “in inducing him to dispatch
> a force of armed men to besiege the house of Vahíd. While a regiment of
> the army was proceeding to that spot, a mob composed of the degraded
> elements of the city were, at the instigation of the Navváb, directing their
> steps towards that same place, determined by their threats and
> imprecations to”168 assault Vahíd and his companions.
> On their approach to his house, but some distance away, the
> irregulars and armed men were confronted by a large group of Vahíd’s
> followers who easily overpowered them, though, according to Nabíl,
> they refrained from causing any serious injuries. Defeated and powerless,
> the governor’s men retreated to his headquarters and this time he
> ordered reinforcements and dispatched a regiment of the army for the
> same purpose, who were, once again, strengthened by rowdy
> constituents of the town.
> On hearing the news that the second wave of attack was
> imminent, the companions of Vahíd added extra protective pillars to his
> house, fortified their defenses and prepared themselves for battle. In this
> regard, Nabíl notes:
> 
> Though hemmed in by hostile forces on every side, Vahíd
> continued, from the window of the upper floor of his house,
> to animate the zeal of his supporters and to clarify whatever
> remained obscure in their minds. At the sight of a whole
> regiment, reinforced by an infuriated mob, preparing to
> attack them, they turned to Vahíd in their distress and
> begged him to direct their steps. ‘This very sword that lies
> before me,’ was his answer, as he remained seated beside the
> window, ‘was given me by the Qá’im Himself. God knows,
> had I been authorized by Him to wage holy warfare against
> this people, I would, alone and unaided, have annihilated
> their forces. I am, however, commanded to refrain from
> 
> 167 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468
> 168 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 77
> 
> such an act.’ ‘This very steed,’ he added, as his eyes fell upon
> the horse which his servant Hasan had saddled and brought
> to the front of his house, ‘the late Muhammad Sháh gave
> me, that with it I might undertake the mission with which he
> entrusted me, of conducting an impartial investigation into
> the nature of the Faith proclaimed by the Siyyid-i-Báb. He
> asked me to report personally to him the results of my
> inquiry, inasmuch as I was the only one among the
> ecclesiastical leaders of Tihrán in whom he could repose
> implicit confidence. I undertook that mission with the firm
> resolution of confuting the arguments of that Siyyid, of
> inducing Him to abandon His ideas and to acknowledge my
> leadership, and of conducting Him with me to Tihrán as a
> witness to the triumph I was to achieve. When I came into
> His presence, however, and heard His words, the opposite
> of that which I had imagined took place. In the course of
> my first audience with Him, I was utterly abashed and
> confounded; by the end of the second, I felt as helpless and
> ignorant as a child; the third found me as lowly as the dust
> beneath His feet. He had indeed ceased to be the
> contemptible Siyyid I had previously imagined. To me, He
> was the manifestation of God Himself, the living
> embodiment of the Divine Spirit. Ever since that day, I have
> yearned to lay down my life for His sake. I rejoice that the
> day I have longed to witness is fast approaching.’
> Seeing the agitation that had seized his friends, he
> exhorted them to calm and patience, and to rest assured that
> the omnipotent Avenger would ere long inflict, with His
> own invisible hand, a crushing defeat upon the forces
> arrayed against His loved ones. No sooner had he uttered
> these words than the news arrived that Muhammad-
> ‘Abdu’lláh169, whom no one suspected of being still alive,
> 
> 169 The Dawn-Breakers gives his name as Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh. However, Táríkh
> 
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, has clarified that it should be Muhammad, son of
> ‘Abdu’lláh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 78 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> had suddenly emerged with a number of his comrades, who
> had likewise disappeared from sight, and, raising the cry of
> “Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!” had flung themselves upon their
> assailants and dispersed their forces. He displayed such
> courage that the whole detachment, abandoning their arms,
> had sought refuge, together with the [deputy-]governor, in
> the fort of Nárín.170
> 
> 170 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 469-470.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 79
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 80 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> The soldiers and the regulars were thus instructed to begin
> erecting barracks and reinforce the fortifications of the fort of Nárín.171
> 
> 171 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes that Prince Dolgorukov
> 
> briefly reported on Yazd troubles in the same 24 February 1850 dispatch in which
> he recorded the episode of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán:
> A number of Bábís under the leadership of Siyyid Yahyá, who calls
> himself a disciple of the Báb, together with a crowd of the ruffians of
> Yazd, produced a serious disturbance in the town of Yazd. These
> Bábís assailed the residence of the Governor and killed 8 of the
> soldiers, wounding a further 26. The deputy governor has fled [the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 81
> 
> Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, formerly custodian of a caravansary,
> had a long and checkered history of revolt against the government. He
> had defied various governors, and led groups of town desperados in
> battles with military forces sent to subdue him, and was in hiding in
> those days.172 Some time earlier, he had joined in support of Hájí
> Muhammad Karím Khán, who had claimed leadership of the Shaykhí
> faction in Kirmán, and after a period of troubles had left that city in
> favor of Yazd. Upon his arrival, the deputy-governor executed one of his
> men in a show of force, but this rash and ill-conceived act produced the
> opposite effect and caused Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah to rebel and to
> gather a considerable number of the insurgent elements around him.173
> 
> town] and sent his resignation to the Government.
> The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes, “Áqá Khán-i Irvání having
> tended his resignation, Khán Bábá Khán appointed his nephew, Shaykh Alí Khán,
> to be Deputy-Governor.”
> 172 Táríkh Naw, p. 343.
> 173 Keith Abott, the British Consul who as part of his tour of south Iran visited
> 
> Yazd from 19 November 1849 to 7 December 1849, reports cited in The Bábí and
> Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-107:
> The Political state of the Province at the time of my visit, may be
> described in a few words. The City had, only a few months before,
> recovered from a state of rebellion and confusion subsequent to the
> death of Mahomed Shah, when the recently appointed Governor,
> Aghá Khán, a man of firmness, but a very unpopular character found
> himself besieged by a portion of the Inhabitants, headed by some
> notorious Characters, and obliged, after attempting to defend his
> residence to retreat into the Citadel. There he and his attendants
> found themselves almost destitute of provisions, but with four pieces
> of Ordnance, they contrived for some days not only to hold out, but
> seriously to annoy the townspeople. Finally, however, driven by want
> to negotiate, it was agreed they should be allowed provisions and
> beasts of burden, to enable them to quit the place. As soon as these
> were produced and admitted within the Citadel, the Governor (as he
> related to me himself) closed the gate, and refused to abide by the
> Conditions. The Camels and Asses, which had been provided, were
> then slaughtered, and served the Garrison for food, but they
> discovered that the bread they had received from the townspeople
> had been poisoned. Keeping up a frequent fire on the town, the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 82 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> This tumult continued for several days, until the merchants and the
> nobles of Yazd, seeing their business interests threatened by prolonged
> unrest, rose against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh declaring that he wished
> to ruin their economy and expose them to the wrath of the central
> authorities. Noting that his base of support was evaporating rapidly,
> Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men were forced to flee to Dihshír,
> where Áqá Khán sent a regiment in pursuit. Some of the insurgents were
> taken prisoner and some were killed, while Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh
> and a small number fled secretly and went into hiding back in Yazd.174
> 
> A View of Yazd
> 
> Having emerged from hiding that evening, Muhammad Ibn
> ‘Abdu’lláh asked for an audience with Vahíd. Nabíl states that he assured
> Vahíd of his devotion in the new found cause, “and acquainted him with
> the plans he had conceived for rushing the fort Nárín and subjugating”
> Inhabitants, being without Artillery, could not return, terms of
> accommodation were a second time, agreed to, and some troops
> arriving to the succour of the Governor, he was presently enabled to
> quit his Stronghold and again appear in the town. Some of the rebels
> were secured but it was not until after my departure that the Chief
> Leader, by name Mahomed Abdoollah, was taken and slain.
> 174 Bahadur, p. 464.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 83
> 
> the governor and his men. Vahíd sensed that his visitor and his renegade
> comrades could only cause further intensification of troubles and that
> their profession of faith was simply a ploy to give their aggression against
> the authorities a cover of respectability under the guise of religious
> dissent. Therefore, Vahíd responded to him: “Although your
> intervention has to-day averted from this house the danger of an
> unforeseen calamity, yet you must recognize that until now our contest
> with these people was limited to an argument centering round the
> Revelation of the Sáhibu’z-Zamán. The Navváb, however, will
> henceforth be induced to instigate the people against us, and will
> contend that I have arisen to establish my undisputed sovereignty over
> the entire province and intend to extend it over the whole of Persia.”175
> Vahíd, wishing to dissociate himself from Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh
> and his mutinous gang, advised him to leave the city immediately. “Not
> until our appointed time arrives,” he assured him, “will the enemy be
> able to inflict upon us the slightest injury.”176
> The rebellious Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, however, was unwilling
> to abandon this opportunity and preferred to ignore the advice of Vahíd.
> Nabíl notes his departing words: “It would be cowardly of me to
> abandon my friends to the mercy of an irate and murderous adversary.
> What, then, would be the difference between me and those who forsook
> the Siyyidu’sh-Shuhadá177 on the day of Áshúrá178, and left him
> companionless on the field of Karbilá? A merciful God will, I trust, be
> indulgent towards me and will forgive my action.”179
> Finding it unlikely that Vahíd would ally his forces with him, on
> the following day Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh commanded his men to
> proceed to the Nárín Fort. By surrounding the castle, they compelled the
> governor and his forces to retreat within its walls and to temporarily
> cease hostilities. Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh kept watch, ready to
> intercept whatever reinforcements might seek to reach the opponents.
> 
> 175 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.
> 176 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.
> 177 “The Prince of Martyrs”, refers to Imám Husayn.
> 178 The tenth of Muharram, the day on which the Imam Husayn was martyred.
> 179 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 84 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> With the departure of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, the
> house of Vahíd seemed without adequate defenses. Seeing this, a day
> later, Navváb moved quickly in raising a general revolt in which
> multitudes of the city’s inhabitants participated. “They were preparing to
> attack the house of Vahíd when he summoned Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím-i-
> Khú’í, better known as the Siyyid-i-Khál-Dár, who had participated for a
> few days in the defense of the fort of Tabarsí180 and whose dignity of
> bearing attracted widespread attention, and bade him mount his own
> steed and address publicly, through the streets and bazaars, an appeal on
> his behalf to the entire populace, urging them to embrace the Cause of
> the Sáhibu’z-Zamán.”181 Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím leaped upon the steed and,
> escorted by four of his companions, rode out through the market and
> called out, in a loud and resonant voice, the warning he had been
> commissioned to proclaim:
> 
> O people of Yazd! Know one and all we disclaim any
> intention of waging holy warfare against you, nor do we
> intend a revolt against the Sháh or the nation. Our Cause is
> the religion of Sáhibu’z-Zamán, for Whose early appearance
> each of you prays fervently, and Who has been promised in
> all the past Scriptures, traditions and the Qur’án. This
> illustrious Siyyid [Vahíd], whom everyone recognizes as
> unrivaled in piety and to whose knowledge and high
> 
> 180 A native of Adharbáyján, Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím had demonstrated considerable
> 
> valor in the course of the events at Fort Tabarsí. When the Fort had fallen and
> Quddús and his companions were seized, each was subject to torments of the
> victorious gunmen and in the midst of these Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was told to spit
> on the countenance of Quddús. He appeared ready to do so, but as he approached
> Quddús, instead he turned and spat into the face of the military commander,
> ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán, who in a fit of rage unsheathed his saber to slay him while crying
> to his men to rend asunder this Bábí! However the Tabrizí gunners, unprepared to
> see one of their native sons killed, came to his aid and aimed their artillery at
> ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán’s men. Sensing trouble, the Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, quickly
> stepped forward and defused the situation. Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was spared on that
> occasion. (Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 36, n.1, on authority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2.)
> 181 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 471-472.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 85
> 
> attainments both learned or unlettered testify, now,
> detached from all save God and not wishing to proclaim a
> jihad or cause bloodshed, has risen to guide you to the right
> path and true salvation. Why do you then believe the
> ungodly, and attack a descendant of the Prophet, and
> unsheathe your swords upon him and his companions?
> Be forewarned, however, that if you persist in
> besieging the house of this Siyyid and continue your attacks
> upon him, we shall be constrained, as a measure of
> self-defense, to resist and disperse you all. If you choose to
> reject this counsel and yield to the whisperings of the crafty
> Navváb, seven of our companions will repulse your forces
> and crush your hopes.
> Beware if you despise our plea. My lifted voice, I warn
> you, will prove sufficient to cause the very walls of your fort
> to tremble, and the strength of my arm will be capable of
> breaking down the resistance of its gates!182
> 
> Seeing the determination which Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím and his four
> companions manifested, and hearing his stern call, the crowd quickly
> dispersed. When he saw that the inhabitants refused to fight against
> Vahíd and his companions, the Navváb induced them to direct their
> attack against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, who had
> surrounded the Nárín Castle in Meybod district of Yazd and was
> engaged in sporadic battles with the governor’s battalion.183 With the
> arrival of the irregulars gathered by the Navváb, the first battle ensued
> between them and the forces of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah, and this
> 
> 182 With slight modifications from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472 and Nayríz Mushkbíz,
> 
> pp. 46-47. The version in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404, has much
> embellishment and in absence of Nabíl’s original text it cannot be determined if the
> embellishments are additions of Mázandarání or were left out of the translation by
> Shoghi Effendi.
> 183 Some believe that the Nárín castles are descendants of ancient Persian fire-
> 
> temples; some of the castles in Meybod are also called nareng castles (orange castles),
> possibly by folk etymology. Most of these castles are decaying and have not fared
> well over the years.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 86 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> clash provided an opportunity for the deputy-governor to emerge from
> hiding and instruct his besieged regiment to join hands with the
> Navváb’s men in fighting the renegades. “Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh was in
> midst of dispersing the untrained and unequipped mob that had rushed
> forth from the city against him, when he was suddenly assailed by the
> fire which the troops opened upon him by order of the governor.”184 In
> the process, a number of his comrades were wounded and a few killed.
> He himself sustained a bullet injury to his foot that caused him to cease
> hostilities and “his brother hurriedly got him away to a place of safety,
> and from thence carried him, at his request, to the house of Vahíd.”185
> His men dispersed quickly into the countryside.186
> The mob raised by the Navváb, and the governor’s armed men,
> spotted his retreat and followed him to that house, fully resolved to seize
> and slay him. Nabíl states:
> 
> The clamor of the people that had massed around his house
> [and were constantly discharging their guns and otherwise
> preparing to rush within,] compelled Vahíd to order Mullá
> Muhammad-Ridáy-i-Manshádí, one of the most enlightened
> ‘ulamás of Manshád, who had discarded his turban and
> offered himself as his gatekeeper, to sally forth and, with the
> aid of six companions, whom he would choose, to scatter
> their forces. ‘Let each one of you raise his voice,’ he
> commanded them, ‘and repeat seven times the words
> ‘Alláh-u-Akbar,’ and on your seventh invocation spring
> forward at one and the same moment into the midst of your
> assailants.’
> Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, whom Bahá’u’lláh had
> named Rada’r-Rúh, sprang to his feet and, with his
> 
> 184 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472.
> 185 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473.
> 186 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, notes that two of Muhammad Ibn
> 
> ‘Abdu’lláh’s companions, that is, his brother, Karbalá’í Husayn, and Áqá ‘Alí
> Isfahání, were later confined with Bahá’u’lláh in the Siyah-Chál of Tihrán and
> converted on that occasion.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 87
> 
> companions, straightway proceeded to fulfil the instructions
> he had received. Those who accompanied him, though frail
> of form, [badly under-equipped] and inexperienced in the art
> of swordsmanship, were fired with a faith that made them
> the terror of their adversaries. Seven of the most
> redoubtable among the enemy perished that day.187
> 
> Years later Mullá Muhammad-Ridá related the details of these
> events to Nabíl in Baghdad, and noted that a score of other foes were
> injured and the crazed mob was dispersed while none of the seven Bábí
> defenders sustained any harm. He added: “No sooner had we routed the
> enemy and returned to the house of Vahíd, than we found Muhammad
> Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh lying wounded before us. He was carried to our leader,
> and partook of the food with which the latter had been served.
> Afterwards he was borne to a hiding place, where he remained concealed
> until he recovered from his wound. Eventually he was seized and slain
> by the enemy.”188
> In a dispatch from Tihrán, the British diplomat Justin Sheil reports
> to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign Office:
> 
> I have the honor to inform Your Lordship that a serious
> outbreak lately took place at Yezd, which however the
> Governor of that city with the assistance of the priesthood
> succeeded in quelling.
> The exciters of the insurrection were the partisans of
> the new Sect called Babee, who assembled in such numbers
> as to force the Governor to take refuge in the citadel, to
> which they laid siege. The Moollas conscious that the
> progress of Babeeism is the decay of their own supremacy
> determined to rescue the Governor, and summoning the
> populace in the name of religion to attack this new Sect of
> infidels, the Babees were overthrown and forced to take
> 
> 187 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473.
> 188 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473. It was the next deputy governor of Yazd, Shaykh ‘Alí
> 
> Khán, who succeeded in defeating and killing of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 88 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> flight to the adjoining province of Kerman. I have seen a
> letter from the Governor of Yezd to one of the his friends
> in Tehran in which he earnestly calls for assistance and
> represents the state of disorganization within his
> government in strong terms; he has since resigned his
> appointment, and quitted Yezd without even waiting for
> permission to retire.189
> 
> In these three nights and days of fighting, a total of thirty from the
> opposition camp were killed, as well as a score of the defenders who
> gave their life in the path of the Báb’s faith. Some of them were captured
> by the armed men and blown away from the mouth of cannons.190
> Mázandarání reports that a total of twenty-two of Vahíd’s supporters
> were killed in the battle of Yazd.191 In this regard, the case of Hájí Siyyid
> ‘Alí Mihríjirdí, one of the affluent landlords of the city should be noted.
> After the situation had calmed down, one of the officials, Hájí Rasul
> Mihríjirdí, sent his men to arrest this important supporter of Vahíd. This
> remarkable man refused to recant his faith despite the confiscation of all
> his property and possessions. On several occasions he was so severely
> beaten that each time he became unconscious, and had to be revived for
> further punishment. Eventually, he was allowed to be taken away by his
> kinsmen and after six months he recovered to some degree. In time he
> 
> 189 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 107, and a more complete version
> 
> appears in The Báb, pp. 204-205. Since this report is dated 12 February 1850, it
> suggests with near certainty that Nabíl’s placement of this event in early May 1850 is
> incorrect.
> 190 Jahangír Mírzá, son of ‘Abbás Mírzá, the Náyibu’s-Saltanih, records the following
> 
> summary in Táríkh Naw, p. 343:
> During these months [1850], Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí styled himself a
> Bábí in the region of Yazd and caused mischief. Upon the killing of
> Muhammad Dálánbar [an innkeeper], he was unable to remain there
> and took flight to Fárs. And from what has been heard, in one of the
> districts of Fárs, he caused mischief and a crowd on behalf of the
> governor of the district went forth and killed him and 300 of his
> disciples.
> 191 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 480.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 89
> 
> opened a modest store and passed away in Yazd at the age of 108.192
> 
> Vahíd’s Departure from Yazd
> Faced with such a stalemate and with his own young career at stake, the
> governor increased the number of his armed men considerably and had
> them surround Vahíd’s house. The Navváb also instigated the
> population to join the governor’s gunmen and to assault the believers –
> an appeal that some readily accepted. This frightened and disturbed
> some of the defenders, and on that night, Vahíd decided to ask his
> companions to disperse. He instructed them to exercise the utmost
> vigilance in securing a place of safety. Furthermore, he advised his wife
> to take two of their children193, Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin, to the home of
> her father and to leave behind the two older sons as well as all their
> possessions.194 According to Nabíl, Vahíd spoke the following words to
> his wife on that occasion:
> 
> 192 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 482-483.
> 193 There is some confusion as to which children were left behind: The Dawn-
> Breakers, p. 474, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, state that Siyyid Ismá‘íl and Siyyid ‘Alí-
> Muhammad were dispatched with their mother. This must be an error as Siyyid
> Ismá‘íl was Vahíd’s son through his Nayrízí wife and living not in Yazd but in
> Nayríz. The other son was known as Siyyid Muhammad. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
> 52, n.1, states that Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin were sent with their mother. The Dawn-
> Breakers, p. 474, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399 and p. 406, and Hadrat Báb, p.
> 507, suggest that Vahíd’s two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Mihdí, accompanied
> him. However, no record exists that Vahíd had a son named Siyyid Mihdí. Khátirát
> Málmírí, p. 23, states that Vahíd was accompanied by his wife and daughter along
> with Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and his 3 children (2 sons and one daughter). However, it is
> unlikely that Vahíd would have taken his wife and daughter on such a perilous
> journey and further, Túbá’s marriage certificate (Appendix 2) indicates that she was
> in Yazd, at least by the final days of the Nayríz battles.
> 194 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473, reports that Vahíd instructed “his wife to remove ... all
> 
> their belongings ... and to leave behind whatever was his personal property.”
> However, this appears to contradict the words of Vahíd quoted in the same
> paragraph. Also logistically, it seems nearly impossible to move furniture and
> household goods in the middle of night while surrounded by vigilant soldiers and
> irregulars.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 90 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> This palatial residence, I have built with the sole intention
> that it should be eventually demolished in the path of the
> Cause, and the stately furnishings with which I have adorned
> it have been purchased in the hope that one day I shall be
> able to sacrifice them for the sake of my Beloved. Then will
> friend and foe alike realize that he who owned this house
> was endowed with so great and priceless a heritage that an
> earthly mansion, however sumptuously adorned and
> magnificently equipped, had no worth in his eyes; that it had
> sunk, in his estimation, to the state of a heap of bones to
> which only the dogs of the earth could feel attracted. Would
> that such compelling evidence of the spirit of renunciation
> were able to open the eyes of this perverse people, and to
> stir in them the desire to follow in the steps of him who
> showed that spirit!195
> 
> Nabíl further states that: “In the mid-watches of that same night,
> Vahíd arose and, collecting the writings of the Báb that were in his
> possession, as well as the copies of various treatises that he himself had
> composed, entrusted them to his servant Hasan, and ordered him to
> convey them [by way of an uncommon road] to a place outside the gate
> of the city where the road branches off to [the village of] Mihríz.196 He
> bade him to await his arrival, and warned him that, were he to disregard
> his instructions, he would never again be able to meet him.”197
> Hasan mounted his horse and prepared to leave secretly in
> accordance with the instructions given him. However, after traveling
> only a short distance, the cries of the governor’s sentinels, who kept
> watch over Vahíd’s mansion, and other people who had joined them,
> alarmed him deeply. Fearing capture and seizure of the precious
> manuscripts in his possession, he decided to follow a different route
> 
> 195 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 473-474, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 405.
> 196 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 405-406, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, suggest
> 
> that a second person was to accompany Hasan.
> 197 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 91
> 
> from the one outlined by Vahíd. As he was passing through the streets,
> the gunmen recognized him, shot his horse, and captured him.
> On the same night, Vahíd decided to depart from Yazd. He left
> accompanied by his two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Muhammad,
> together with three of his companions who were all residents of Yazd
> and had asked permission to accompany him on his journey:
> Ghulám-Ridá Buzurg, a man of exceptional courage; Ghulám-Ridá
> Kuchik, who had distinguished himself in the art of marksmanship; and
> a third, identified only as “a learned believer”198. He chose the same
> route that he had advised Hasan to take. Arriving safely at the appointed
> spot, he was surprised to find that his servant was missing. Vahíd sensed
> immediately that he had disregarded his instructions and had been
> captured by the enemy. He deplored his fate, and was reminded of the
> action of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, who had similarly acted against his
> will and had in consequence suffered injury and misfortune.199
> During the course of the next day’s events, Hasan was executed by
> being blown from the mouth of a cannon. It is reported that “when they
> would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he said: ‘Bind me,
> I pray you, with my face towards the gun that I may see it fired.’ The
> gunners and those who stood by looking on were all astonished at his
> composure and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in
> such a plight must needs have great faith and fortitude.”200
> An hour later, a certain Mírzá Hasan, who previously had been the
> Imám Jum‘ih of one of the quarters of Yazd and who was a man of
> renowned piety, had also been captured and subjected to the same fate
> on the charge of being a Bábí.
> 
> 198 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 50. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 52, n.1, suggests that this third
> 
> believer was a brother of Vahíd who joined them en route. The Dawn-Breakers, p.
> 474, states that in addition to his two sons, two others accompanied Vahíd, both
> named Ghulám-Ridá.
> 199 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474.
> 200 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 117, and Nayriz Mushkbíz, p. 50.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 92 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> When Vahíd departed from Yazd, his opponents rose to fresh
> exertions. They rushed into his house and plundered his possessions.
> A.L.M. Nicolas has noted: “When [the governor] Áqá Khán had verified
> the disappearance of the rebel, he gave a sigh of relief. Besides, he felt
> that to pursue the fugitives would involve some peril and that, therefore,
> it would be infinitely more practical, more beneficial, more profitable
> and less dangerous to torture the Bábís, or those presumed to be Bábís –
> provided that they were wealthy – who had remained in the city. He
> sought out the most prosperous, ordered their execution, and
> confiscated their possessions, avenging thus his outraged religion, a
> matter perhaps of little concern to him, and filling his coffers, which
> pleased him immensely.”201
> 
> 201 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 391.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 93
> 
> Chapter 4
> 
> Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz
> 
> And recite and teach what has been revealed to thee of the Book of thy
> Lord: none can change His Words, and none wilt thou find as a refuge
> other than Him.
> Qur’án 18:27
> 
> The night of his departure from Yazd, with great haste and much
> difficulty, Vahíd, according to Nabíl, covered a distance of 42 kilometers
> on foot, while his companions carried his sons part of the way. During
> the next day, they concealed themselves within a cave in a neighboring
> mountain.202 As soon as his brother, who resided in that vicinity and had
> a deep affection for him, was informed of his arrival, he secretly
> dispatched to him the necessary provisions. On the same day, a regiment
> of the governor’s cavalry, who had set out in pursuit of Vahíd, arrived at
> that village. They searched the house of his brother, where they
> suspected that he was concealed, and appropriated a large amount of his
> possessions. Unable to find Vahíd, they returned to Yazd.
> Meanwhile, Vahíd made his way through the mountains until he
> reached the district of Bávanát in the province of Fárs. This area had
> been particularly friendly toward Vahíd’s ancestors and most of its
> inhabitants counted themselves among his admirers. A large gathering
> was quickly organized in the central mosque and Vahíd spoke
> passionately about the appearance of the Báb and his reform-cause. Led
> by the well-known Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát, a
> large number of the inhabitants readily accepted the Báb’s message as a
> result of Vahíd’s urging and their unimpeachable trust in him and his
> 202 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 475. In order to travel such a distance during a dark
> evening, it is logical to infer that either Vahíd and his companions were using horses
> or they traveled the reported distance in course of several days.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 94 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> family.
> 
> Shiraz-Nayriz Region
> 
> In the company of a number of the believers from that town,
> Vahíd then proceeded from Bávanát to Shíráz. Nabíl explains:
> 
> All along his route, wherever he tarried, Vahíd’s first
> thought, as soon as he had dismounted, was to seek the
> neighboring masjid, wherein he would summon the people
> to hear him announce the tidings of the New Day. Utterly
> oblivious of the fatigues of his journey, he would promptly
> ascend the pulpit and fearlessly proclaim to his congregation
> the character of the Faith he had risen to champion. He
> would spend only one night in that place if he had
> succeeded in winning to the Cause souls upon whom he
> could rely to propagate it after his departure. Otherwise he
> would straightway resume his march and refuse further to
> associate with them. ‘Through whichever village I pass,’ he
> often remarked, ‘and fail to inhale from its inhabitants the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 95
> 
> fragrance of belief, its food and its drink are both distasteful
> to me.’”203
> 
> Vahíd stayed in Shíráz for only a short time, and then decided to
> direct his steps to Nayríz. En route, thinking that possibly the people of
> Fasá would welcome the new teachings, Vahíd took a detour there, but
> to his astonishment found its inhabitants refusing to respond to the
> movement he invited them to follow.
> Arriving at Rúníz, in the district of Fasá, Vahíd decided to stay for
> two days, in the course of which a large number in this village embraced
> the new faith.
> While there, Vahíd wrote to his father-in-law, Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí,
> and informed him of his near arrival in Nayríz. As soon as the news of
> his approach reached Nayríz, the entire population of the
> Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, having known Vahíd for many years and greatly
> admiring his qualities, hastened to the village of Rúníz, a distance of
> some thirty-three kilometers, to meet him. People from other quarters
> likewise decided to join them. Altogether, a crowd in excess of three
> hundred had gathered for that welcome.
> Soon, Vahíd left Rúníz for the shrine of Pír-Murád, situated about
> a kilometer outside the village of Istahbánát204, in the country of his
> ancestors. There, he wrote to its leading ‘ulamá that he intended to tarry
> at that shrine for a day or two. He then proceeded to Istahbánát. Despite
> the interdiction pronounced by the ‘ulamá of that village against his
> entry, no less than twenty-three of them embraced the new faith and
> twenty-one of its inhabitants joined his procession to Nayríz.
> According to Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, there was such excitement
> in the air as they made their way to Nayríz, many were dancing and even
> Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the pious old man, was running along and
> cheering.205
> 
> 203 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476.
> 204 Located 36 kilometers southwest of Nayríz.
> 205 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 109, has noted that Nabíl’s assertion
> 
> that Vahíd’s journey from Yazd to Nayríz, with all the stops in between, took only
> 17 days, that is, from 10 May to 27 May 1850, is rather improbable.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 96 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> The Governor
> It must be noted that fearing lest Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the
> governor of Nayríz, should object to their welcoming Vahíd, the
> majority of Nayrízís had left stealthily at night. To understand the
> people’s apprehension and the general turbulent conditions under which
> Vahíd arrived on the scene, one must look further into the past and
> examine the history of the governor and the manner in which he
> assumed his office and some of his policies.
> Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was a son of Muhammad-Husayn
> Khán Ibn Mírzá Hisámu’d-Dín ‘Arab, of the Shaybání-Uzbak tribe of
> Fárs. In the later years of the reign of Karím Khán Zand (d. 1779), this
> tribe which by then had adopted strong Arab Bedouin influence, was
> exiled to Nayríz and its surrounding region, particularly the Qutriyih
> village which is situated some forty kilometers to the east of Nayríz. At
> that time, the governorship of Nayríz was in the hands of Hájí ‘Alí-
> Sultán, son of Akbar-Sultán Nayrízí. As a gesture of kindness and as
> means to win him over, for seven consecutive years, the Qájár monarch
> exempted Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán from paying taxes for the Nayríz region. This
> generosity enabled him to amass extravagant wealth, to such a degree
> that he often proudly jested: “Should God wish to reckon my wealth, it
> will take Him seven years.” But during an unusually severe rainy season,
> he lost his entire herd of cattle and sheep and his many farms and was
> thoroughly bankrupted.206
> Muhammad-Husayn Khán took advantage of the situation to
> extend his sphere of influence to Nayríz, and was able to win over many
> of its inhabitants. He then transferred his residence there and took one
> of Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán’s daughters as a wife, thereby cementing his
> relationship with the ruling circle. Soon thereafter, a weakened governor
> relinquished power in favor of his new son-in-law, who moved quickly
> to consolidate his own position. During his governorship, as a result of
> heavy taxes that he levied against the people, Muhammad-Husayn Khán
> 
> 206 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 6, (a summary).
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 97
> 
> gathered a considerable fortune. When he died in the early 1830s, he was
> survived by his three sons: Muhammad-Báqir Khán, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán
> and Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán.207 By both tribal and religious laws, the
> eldest of the brothers seemed destined to take office. However, the
> youngest brother, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had designs of his own,
> and through deceit and feuding with his brother, was able to win the
> government for himself. In order to consolidate his position, he ordered
> the assassination of Muhammad-Báqir Khán in his private residence.
> Having removed from the scene the main rival to the office, Hájí
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín turned his attention to the children of his murdered
> brother and ordered them eliminated to ensure that no future rivalry
> could undermine his ambitions.208 He instructed that all five sons of
> Muhammad-Báqir Khán, namely, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, Mírzá
> Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn Khán, Ismá‘íl Khán,
> and Akbar Khán, be locked in a room and every entrance sealed so they
> might starve and suffocate. However, one of his gardeners, who was
> privately loyal to the family of Muhammad-Báqir Khán, had pity on
> these children, and secretly managed to carve a small hole in the walls,
> through which he sent water and food to the captives, thus allowing
> them to survive. It is reported that this act was masterminded by a group
> of dissidents led by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár and Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, the
> latter known to the sons of Muhammad-Báqir Khán as “Barádar
> Buzurg” [the elder brother]. Some days later, thinking that the young
> men had perished, the governor ordered the entrance opened, and found
> them still alive. Considering this an omen, he allowed them to live, but
> only on the condition that they leave that district. They readily accepted
> it and situated themselves in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.
> Simultaneously with these events, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had
> increased taxes to an exorbitant level – a move that made him extremely
> unpopular with the citizens. Very shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, the news
> of the governor’s heinous effort to eliminate the children of
> 
> 207 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 263, proposes existence of a fourth brother, Áqá
> Muhammad-Ridá Khán, but no collaborative evidence is known for this assertion.
> 208 It should be noted that the practice of eliminating the family of the rivals had
> 
> earlier roots in Iranian and Ottoman history.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 98 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Muhammad-Báqir Khán became widely known. As a result of this and
> the general dissatisfaction with his taxation policies, widespread unrest
> and uproar ensued. Therefore, in addition to having a base of believers
> which he had cultivated since his own conversion, a home in Nayríz and
> familiarity with its people, another key reason that Vahíd decided to
> proceed in that direction was the knowledge that the atmosphere of
> Nayríz was so intensely charged with tension and turmoil. All that was
> needed was a spark and a massive social explosion was assured: Vahíd
> and the new Faith were that spark.
> On previous visits to Nayríz, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had acted as a
> friend and admirer of Vahíd, and in many instances had publicly testified
> to his learning and piety. However, because of the adverse circumstances
> in the region, his own unstable condition and the news of troubles in
> Yazd, he decided that he could no longer afford to be known as an
> associate of Vahíd and, indeed, recognized in him a potential adversary
> of great might. Furthermore, he was cognizant that if he failed to deal
> with Vahíd effectively, the new governor-general for the province of
> Fárs would take steps to remove him from office.
> With this explosive situation at hand, a number of Nayrízís took
> advantage of the situation and rallied around the wretched children of
> Muhammad-Báqir Khán who had become the symbols of dissent and
> the foci of social unrest. One of these children was Muhammad-Ja‘far
> Khán, the eldest son, who immediately proclaimed his allegiance to
> Vahíd and became one of his close companions.209 In fact, in order to
> further accentuate his differences with the governor, at a later date Vahíd
> accepted Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán as his son-in-law – a marriage that
> never took place.210
> Before proceeding to examine the events of Nayríz through some
> early historical documents, let us pause to outline some general
> background on the history and geography of this city.
> 
> 209 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 260, states that Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far went as far as
> 
> Rúníz to welcome Vahíd.
> 210 See Appendix 2.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 99
> 
> Nayríz
> Though a relatively obscure township in the modern Iranian landscape,
> Nayríz has become well known to Bahá’ís because of the genesis of the
> Bábí movement in that region which subsequently gave rise to an
> important Bahá’í base. Nayríz is the name of a district in the province of
> Fárs, which commands a region of 132 by 108 kilometers. The
> surrounding region was known by various names and one particular
> district was Ma‘ádín (plural of Ma‘dan) and each Ma‘dan was a county of
> its own. In total there were twelve Ma‘dans, or counties.211 Within the
> heart of this district is situated the historic city of Nayríz, some 238
> kilometers to the east of Shíráz, in the vicinity of Lake Bakhtigán, at an
> elevation of 1590 meters above sea level. For many centuries this
> strategically important town has enjoyed rural roads to such places of
> commerce as Shíráz, Fasá, Dáráb, Istahbánát and Sírján. On the north
> and east, Nayríz is flanked by a mountain range and therefore benefits
> from a cool climate.
> This city traces its history to the time of the Achaemenian Empire
> in the sixth century B.C.E. and the Sassáníán Dynasty in the third
> century Christian Era. Excavations made in the region have revealed that
> at the time of the Achaemenid Dynasty, Nayriz was a major producer of
> weapons due to manufacture of steel from iron ore brought from Parpa,
> 40 miles to the east. During that time it was one of a cluster of cities
> around Persepolis, which were organized in a supply network to provide
> the capital with produce.
> Since then, Nayríz has enjoyed a system of underground and
> aboveground aqueducts (qanát), known as Áb-i Zartusht (water of
> Zoroaster), which enabled it to irrigate many orchards and gardens,
> making its fruits and greens famous throughout the region.212 The local
> soil is particularly suitable for agriculture and the region’s warm climate
> 
> 211 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 309, n.1. Other sources suggest that at one time there
> 
> were 24 villages in this county.
> 212 The aqueducts were an engineering marvel. Starting as underground water
> systems, they run out above ground as aqueducts which get higher as the ground
> drops. The water ends in a vertical tower which continues underground into a pit,
> turning a water-wheel at the bottom.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 100 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> made it ideal for many tribal factions to settle there.213 At one time
> Nayríz also possessed a heavy metals industry, and to this day remnants
> of that era are visible.214 Over time great many men of letters and
> accomplishment lived and worked in Nayríz.215
> 
> Nayriz and Surrounding Villages
> 
> The decline of the city commenced with the Arab conquest of Iran
> in the latter part of the seventh century. Never being able to rescue
> herself from the clutches of fanaticism, Nayríz was to suffer over a long
> period of time at the hands of incompetent local tribal chieftains, whose
> allegiance was to their immediate tribe and ever-changing political
> landscape. Over centuries, this remarkable base of civilization was
> reduced to a shadow of its former self, with ruins and decay visible on all
> sides.
> 
> 213  Mostofi, A., H. Nasr and A. Zaryab (eds), Historical Atlas of Iran, Tihrán
> University, 1971.
> 214 In pre-Islamic days, the present Bázár quarter was called Sahad-khánih in light of
> 
> its steel industry, which manufactured most of the swords and armor for the empire.
> 215 For lists and biographical data see Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, pp. 1567-1572,
> 
> Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 31-38, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 201-203.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 101
> 
> In 1846, when the Bábí community of Nayríz was established, the
> city had a population of ten thousand216 and was divided into four
> quarters separated by orchards. Within each quarter, streets and alleys
> further subdivided the neighborhoods. The four quarters were: Áb-i
> Zartusht; Bázár; Chinár-Súkhtih (referred to in the ancient times as
> Chinár-Sháhí)217; and Sádát, otherwise known as Kuchih Bálá. Major B.
> Lovett of the Royal Engineers visited Nayríz in 1872 and described the
> town as follows:
> 
> This town, which is situated about 12 miles east of the
> shores of the ‘Deria Numuk,’ [Daryá Namak, salt sea] is of
> considerable commercial importance. Its exports are chiefly
> almonds and figs, which are shipped in great quantities viá
> Bunder Abbas for Bombay. The population is said to be
> about 3500, and the revenue paid to the Government of
> Fárs about 12,000 tomans. It is a large town with many
> 
> 216 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291.
> 217 Known among the people as the Bábí quarter, prior to the Islamic Revolution, it
> 
> was named the Pahlavi quarter.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 102 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> orchards, vineyards, [and] gardens interspersed between
> houses built of sun-dried bricks. It is divided into three
> parishes or ‘mahalehs’; that is to the south, termed the
> ‘Mahaleh Bala’, is well known to be peopled almost entirely
> by Babis, who, though they do not openly profess their faith
> in the teachings of Syed Ali Mahomed, the Bab, still practice
> the principles of communism he inculcated. It is certain,
> moreover, that the tolerance which was one of the chief
> percepts inculcated by the Bab is here observed, for not only
> was I invited to make use of public hammam [bath], if I
> required it, but quarters also were assigned to me in the
> ‘Madresseh.’218
> 
> The fact that Lovett reports three instead of four quarters for the
> city is perhaps due to Sádát and Bázár quarters often not having a clear
> demarcation between them.
> Nayríz also enjoyed such schools as: Madrisih Ghiyáthiyih,
> constructed in 1100 A.H./1688; and Madrisih Khán, raised in 1230
> A.H./1814 by Muhammad-Husayn Khán, then governor of Nayríz.
> Prior to the Arab conquest, the people of Nayríz were Zoroastrian, and
> to this day remains of their large temples are present.
> One such temple, located in what later became known as the
> Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, was converted in 362 A.H./972 into the largest
> of the city’s mosques, Masjid Jámi‘219 Kabír. This mosque was further
> expanded and repaired in 560-563 A.H./1164-67 and a 30 meter minaret
> was added, and an impressive dome over it was built during the Safavid
> era. It also enjoyed a well in its courtyard that provided water to the
> surrounding grounds and to the worshipers.220 The mosque itself is an
> 218 Major B. Lovett, ‘Survey on the Road from Shíráz to Bam’, p. 203; quoted in The
> 
> Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 151.
> 219 Jami‘ or Jam‘ih, means Friday.
> 220 For details see A. Godard, Le Masdjid-e djum’a Níríz, Athár-e Iran (i) 1936, pp. 163-
> 
> 172. He reports this large Sassanid style mosque, with a large ayván, was standing in
> the 1930s. From his plans and photographs its clear that covered halls flanked the
> ayván on both sides. (Gratefully, the present writer acknowledges his debt to Sen
> McGlinn for this reference.)
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 103
> 
> interesting survival of an indigenous Iranian iván-type with simple bricks
> forming patterns on the upper section.
> 
> This structure served as the Bábí stronghold during the uprising of
> the 1850s, when Vahíd gave sermons from a wooden pulpit known as
> Mihráb Imám Hasan.221
> 
> The Mihrab
> 221 Years later, this pulpit was burnt in an accident.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 104 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> A smaller mosque is located in the Bázár quarter and is known as
> Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír.222 Other historic buildings in Nayríz include the
> Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh Qutb, commonly known as the
> Shrine of the Siyyid. Vahíd was buried beneath a wall of this building.223
> For the Bábí and Bahá’ís, other places of particular importance
> include the house of Vahíd in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and the fort of
> Khájih which was burnt in 1850, though its main structure remained
> intact. Several hundred of the Bábí martyrs of 1850 were buried in a
> marked spot in front of this fort. The Bábí fortifications raised in the
> mountains of Nayríz in 1853 are a short distance from the city and the
> majority of them stand to the present day. It was in these mountains that
> many hundreds of Bábís were slaughtered, with some remains being
> buried while others were simply left exposed in the wild.
> 
> 222 An important historical document inscribed on the wall of this mosque is
> discussed in chapter 7.
> 223 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291, n.1, indicates that this Shrine is on a circle
> 
> outside Saray Sarvary.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 105
> 
> Chapter 5
> 
> Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1
> 
> And say not of those who are slain in the way of God: “They are
> dead.” Nay, they are living, though ye perceive it not.
> Qur’án 2:154
> 
> Introduction
> Among the fascinating eyewitness accounts of the Bábí revolution is a
> document written at Bahá’u’lláh’s behest by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘,
> outlining the events of Nayríz during the years 1850-53 – events which
> resulted in many-hundreds of the Báb’s followers yielding life and
> possessions in the path of their belief.
> 
> Composition Date: Although the exact time that Bahá’u’lláh instructed
> Mullá Shafí‘ to write his recollections is not known, it seems likely that
> this may have occurred around 1880. At the very latest, this narrative
> must have been composed no later than 1887 when the famous
> historian-poet Nabíl Zarandí employed a copy – presumably given to
> him by Bahá’u’lláh – and incorporated the entire text, almost verbatim,
> in his history.224
> 
> The Original Manuscript: To compose his narrative, Nabíl Zarandí
> had gathered a number of early accounts, including Mullá Shafí‘’s history
> in the hand of its author, but it is not known what happened to this
> treasure-house of manuscripts after Nabíl’s suicide. Fortunately, it
> 
> 224 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 580-581. In his edited translation of Nabíl’s history,
> 
> Shoghi Effendi translated the first third of the narrative of Mullá Shafi‘ - sections
> pertaining to Nayríz-I. Shoghi Effendi included a brief outline of Nayríz-II as well;
> see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 642-644.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 106 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> appears that Mullá Shafí‘ had kept a second copy, which his son, Shaykh
> Muhammad-Hasan, later used as the basis of a history of his own on the
> Bábí and Bahá’í community of Nayríz. A grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, Mírzá
> Shafí‘ Rawhání-Nayrízí, states that the original manuscript of Mullá
> Shafí‘ was destroyed during the pogrom of Nayríz-III in March 1909.225
> However, according to Rawhání, some time later Mírzá Muhammad-Sálih
> Khán Rafsinjání located another copy of this manuscript, but in his private
> communications with Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, Rawhání noted that after the
> publication of his Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the Rafsinjání copy went astray.
> Fortunately, Tarázu’lláh Samandarí had seen to it that a copy was
> prepared for the private library of the Afnán family in Shiraz, which was
> serving as the nucleus of an archives associated with the House of the
> Báb in that city. When Hasan Balyuzi – a member of the Afnán family –
> commenced his research and writings on Bábí history, this copy was
> loaned to him by his cousin Abú’l-Qásim Afnán.
> In the summer of 1995, Abú’l-Qásim Afnán commissioned the
> present writer to prepare a readable copy of the original manuscript in
> Persian and also to produce an English translation for publication. Once
> the Persian transcription was prepared, Mr. Afnán included it in the
> second volume of his planned trilogy on the history of the Bábís, which
> remains unpublished to this date.
> The following is recorded on the margin of the opening page of
> this manuscript:
> 
> This copy is in the hand of Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Mítháqí
> and the late Mírzá Ahmad, upon him rest the mercy of God.
> It was copied from the original of Áqá Mullá Muhammad
> Shafí‘, upon him be God’s Grace. Apparently, the original
> text was sent to the Holy Land.
> 
> Page numbers of the original manuscript are noted in the present
> translation by angel brackets, such as, <p1>. A few passages that were
> unreadable are marked with ellipses.
> 
> 225 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 179, n.1
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 107
> 
> An Early Translation: An analysis of the Nayríz episode presented by
> the French historian A.L.M. Nicolas indicates that his chapter on Nayríz
> is mostly a translation of the account of Mullá Shafí‘, with some slight
> modifications. However, it is not known how the French diplomat came
> upon this narrative – perhaps given to him by his Bábí or Azalí contacts.
> 
> Distinguishing Features: As the reader will note, the narrative of
> Mullá Shafí‘ is rich in detailed descriptions of events. Only a young boy
> at the time of the occurrences, the author later augmented his knowledge
> with the recollections of other survivors and, therefore, provides many
> particulars related to the organization of the believers, the identity of the
> defenders, tasks assigned to individuals during the upheavals, and many
> other details.
> 
> Narrative of
> Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí
> <p.1> In accordance with the instruction of the Abiding One226
> this has been written.
> After the proclamation of the Cause of His Holiness the Exalted
> One – may the spirit of all except His be a sacrifice unto Him – and
> 
> the arrival of the honored Vahíd – upon him rest the Glory of God – in
> the Dáru’l-‘Ilm228 of Shiraz, and his acceptance [of the Báb’s Cause], he
> wrote a treatise for the people of Nayríz, testifying to the truth of the
> Cause of His Holiness and informing them of the nearness of His
> Manifestation. “Soon will the Dawn appear,” he declared, “and the Sun
> of Truth will shine forth and be made manifest over the horizon of the
> East.”229
> 226 Bahá’u’lláh
> 227 The Báb
> 228 Dáru’l-‘Ilm, lit. the City of Knowledge, is a traditional name for Shiraz since
> 
> many important literary figures of Iran came from that city.
> 229 Vahíd Dárábí must have written this communication at a time when the Báb did
> 
> not wish his name to be known among the generality of people.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 108 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [1. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz]
> Thereupon, the illustrious Vahíd proceeded to the Dáru’l-‘Ibadih of
> Yazd and proclaimed the Words of Truth230 to the inhabitants of that
> land, where some denied and a number embraced his Call. After the
> incident of Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh,231 he did not deem it wise to
> tarry any longer [in Yazd] and in the company of few others proceeded
> to Bávanát, in the vicinity of Shiraz, where a large number of its
> inhabitants, and a group of others, representing all segments of the
> population, including, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of
> Bávanát, accepted [the new Faith]. In the company of some, he [Valid]
> proceeded towards Fasá where none among its nobles, wealthy or ‘ulamá
> recognized [the new Message]. Subsequently, they left for the village of
> Rúníz, in the surrounding neighborhood of Fasá, and there tarried for
> two days.
> [As soon as the news of his approach reached Nayríz,] the entire
> population of <p.2> the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, from the downtrodden
> to the upper class, and a few from the other neighborhoods, came to
> Rúníz to hear [Vahíd] and to attain unto his presence. Fearing Hájí
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who was from Nayríz232 and was its governor,
> many made their way at night. In their midst were: some one hundred of
> the seminary-students of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter led by their chief,
> the late Hájí Shaykh ‘Abd[u’l]-‘Alí, the father-in-law of the illustrious
> Vahíd, whose ancestors for several generations had occupied the
> position of religious leader; the late Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn233, a
> divine of renowned achievements, learning, piety and detachment; the
> late Akhúnd Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih of that quarter; Mullá ‘Alí
> Kátib [the scribe]; another Mullá ‘Alí and his four brothers; and some
> 
> 230 “Kalamát Haqq”, referring to the teachings of the Báb.
> 231 For details see Chapter 3.
> 232 His father was originally from the village of Qutriyih.
> 233 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 55, suggest he was eighty
> 
> years old while Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 10 and p. 161, state he was seventy years
> old.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 109
> 
> others whose names I do not recall. In addition, a number of chieftains,
> elders and other citizens from every tribe joined in. And from the Bázár
> quarter, came: the late Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn234, entitled Qutb, whose
> details will be related in the course of the second episode235, together
> with his entire family and relations; the late Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim who was
> among the nobles and a maternal cousin236 of [Hájí] Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán, [the governor]; the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, surnamed Ayyúb
> [Job]; and his son-in-law Mírzá Husayn. And from the Sádát quarter:
> <p.3> the son of Mírzá Nawrá; Mírzá ‘Alí-Ridá, a son of Mírzá Husayn;
> Áqá, a son of Hájí ‘Alí; and a number of others. Some stealthily and
> some fearlessly, some at daytime while others in the night season came
> forth from Nayríz and attained the presence of that illustrious personage
> [Vahíd] at Rúníz, and one and all embraced his call and command.
> On hearing this news, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was perturbed and
> sent a messenger announcing that whoever journeyed from Nayríz and
> aligned himself with the Cause of that honored personage [Valid], would
> be persecuted, his house destroyed, his life put in peril and his wife taken
> from him. On seeing that the more he agitated, the fervor of people’s
> love for Vahíd grew fiercer and the more openly they defied his orders,
> he decided to escape from Nayríz and take residence in the village of
> Qutrih [Qutriyih], some eight farsangs237 distance from the city. The
> aforementioned Khán238 was originally from the village of Qutrih, owned
> much cattle and sheep and commanded a multitude of gunmen [in that
> vicinity].
> The illustrious Vahíd also came forth from Rúníz and for a day or
> two stayed at the village of Istahbánát, at a shrine outside the village
> which was commonly known as Pír-Murád.239 The ‘ulamá of the village
> 
> 234 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that he
> 
> was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter.
> 235 Reference to the 1853 Bábí uprising.
> 236 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 393, has read him as a nephew.
> 237 Farsang is equivalent to six kilometers.
> 238 The author uses “the Khán” as shorthand for the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> 
> Khán.
> 239 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.1, states that the Shrine of Pír-Murád is located
> 
> one mile southwest of Istahbánát. That city had been an ancestral home of Vahíd
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 110 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> had issued instructions that no one should render assistance to the Siyyid
> [i.e. Vahíd]; however a few of the believers from that town provided him
> with aid and comfort.240
> 
> [2. Vahíd’s Arrival at Nayríz]
> Leaving that village in company of some twenty companions, at three
> hours into the day, [Vahíd] arrived at the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter [of
> Nayríz] and before going home proceeded directly to Masjid Jami‘
> [Kabír].241 Still wearing the same clothes he had worn on the journey, he
> ascended the pulpit <p.4> and to either side of him stood one of his
> companions with a ready sword.242
> After offering praise and glorification to His Holiness the
> Appointed One [the Báb], he shared the Words of Truth.243 From that
> quarter a crowd nearly one thousand strong, as well as a half to a third of
> the inhabitants of other neighborhoods had gathered on that occasion
> and all accepted his Call.244
> 
> and he enjoyed considerable support among its people.
> 240 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.2, states that in Istahbánát twenty-three people
> 
> converted to the Bábí faith, of which twenty accompanied Vahíd on the subsequent
> journey.
> 241 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, give the date of
> 
> Vahíd’s arrival as 15 Rajab/27 May 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409,
> suggests 5 Rajab, but most likely this is a copyist error.
> 242 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, mentions the presence of two armed
> 
> bodyguards, but this is missing in The Dawn-Breakers.
> 243 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 57-58, explains that on the first day Vahíd told the
> 
> congregation that he was bearer of a mighty message but as the assemblage was not
> large enough, he would speak of it on the following day. The second day he stated
> the same, but on the subsequent day, when the masjid was overflowing with people,
> he spoke of the appearance of the Báb.
> 244 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 54, estimates the congregation at 2,500 people. However,
> 
> given the size of the mosque, this estimate seems inflated, unless many stood in the
> courtyards or neighboring homes and streets.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 111
> 
> “The purpose of my visit,” that illustrious person [Vahíd]
> informed them, “was to share the Words of Truth with you, and my stay
> will no longer outwardly profit you. If I were to remain here, your
> governor, out of enmity towards you, will seek assistance from Shiraz,
> and bearing decisive force, guns and soldiers, will exert every effort to
> eliminate you. You will be killed, your possessions plundered and taken
> as spoil, your wives taken captive, your houses burnt, and your heads
> carried away from town to town. You will be deprived of food and water
> to the degree that you will be desperate even for the vegetation of the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 112 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> wild and even that will be denied of you.”245
> In response to these stern warnings, the crowd [as a mark of
> willingness for self-sacrifice] spontaneously placed burial garbs over their
> shoulders, unsheathed their swords and readied their guns. In addition to
> the men, the womenfolk, moved to hysteria, circled him, crying: “We are
> eager to sacrifice our homes, our possessions, our children, our honor
> and all in the path of Truth. Should they even slay everyone present, we
> will not let you leave us.”246
> 245 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 395, reports a different version of the same
> 
> speech (Translation of the French Footnotes of the Dawn-Breakers, p. 54):
> He ascended the pulpit and cried out: ‘Am I not he whom you have
> always considered your shepherd and your guide? Have you not
> always depended on my teaching for the direction of your conscience
> in the path of salvation? Am I not he whose words of counsel you
> have always obeyed? What has happened that you should treat me as
> though I were your enemy and the enemy of your religion? What
> lawful deeds have I forbidden? What illicit action have I permitted?
> With what impiety can you charge me? Have I ever led you into
> error? And behold! That because I have told you the truth, because I
> have loyally sought to instruct you, I am oppressed and persecuted!
> My heart burns with love for you and you persecute me! Remember!
> Remember well, whosoever saddens me, saddens my ancestor
> Muhammad, the glorious Prophet, and whosoever helps me, helps
> Him also. In the name of all that is sacred to you let all those who
> love the Prophet follow me!’
> 246 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 410, states:
> 
> With his arrival at Nayríz, great signs of commotion became apparent.
> Some of the people remained perplexed and undecided while a large
> group rejected his call and rose in opposition and enmity. The
> governor of Nayríz, Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, grew apprehensive
> of Tihrán’s reaction and feared for his own rule. Therefore, he sent a
> message [to Vahíd] urging him to immediately quit the city, as further
> stay would be imprudent. ‘Since I have been traveling for some time,’
> responded that honored personage, ‘and have remained far from my
> family and friends, now they would not consent to my departure. If
> the governor does not wish to arise in my support and succor, then,
> in consideration of our past association, at least he should desist from
> forcing me to leave the city and my home.’ On hearing this response,
> the governor was overtaken by rage and spite and with great fervor
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 113
> 
> They wailed and pleaded so much that Vahíd consented to stay for
> nearly ten days, and each day, from the pulpit he would share the Words
> of Truth, <p.5> which caused the multitude to grow by the hour.247
> Meanwhile, the aforementioned Khán had gathered a force of
> nearly a thousand gunmen from such diverse tribes as Turks and Tájiks,
> consisting of both cavalry and infantry. Once this news was shared with
> his holiness [Vahíd], he commissioned the same twenty believers who
> had accompanied him from Istahbánát, led by Áqá Shaykh Hádí, son of
> 
> moved to provoke the people [of the Bázár quarter] against him, and
> urged hindrance and destruction of that honored person. His purpose
> was that through a great rebellion, the citizens would rush and force
> him from town. Alarmed by the situation, Vahíd went to the Masjid
> [Jami‘ Kabír] and ascended the pulpit. Before a vast multitude that
> had gathered, he spoke eloquently and forcefully of the wrongs that
> he had endured and the Truth that he so manifestly had brought for
> them. He evoked the moving example of Imam Husayn and the
> manner in which he was invited to Kufih and the treachery and
> enmity of the governor. The entire congregation was deeply stirred to
> tears over what had taken place and a large number rose from their
> seat to give him their allegiance. They assured him of their devotion
> and readiness to withstand any trial and to sacrifice life, possession
> and all in the path of the Beloved.
> Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 204-205, provides essentially similar information,
> though it seems to be based on the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadaní. Táríkh
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 410-411, continues relating that it was then that the
> governor left Nayríz for Qutriyih to assemble an armed force for confrontation with
> Vahíd. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, reports that a series of minor scrimmages
> took place at that time.
> 247 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, informs that by the end of the first week,
> 
> some four hundred people had converted to the Bábí movement. The Dawn-Breakers,
> p. 477, notes, “Although the Báb had revealed a general Tablet addressed specially
> to those who had newly embraced His Cause in Nayríz, yet its recipients remained
> ignorant of its significance and fundamental principles. It was given to Vahíd to
> enlighten them regarding its true purpose and set forth its distinguishing features.”
> In presenting the same information, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, states that
> these believers were converted at an earlier date and the Báb’s tablet was received
> sometime prior to these events. Therefore, this confirms that Nayríz was already
> enjoying a nascent Bábí community prior to 1850.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 114 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Karbalá’í248 Muhsin, to occupy a fort known as Khájíh in the vicinity of
> Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.249 The residents of the quarter also strengthened
> the gates, fortified the towers, and erected defensive walls.
> 
> [3. Beginning of the Battles]
> In the middle of night250, the aforementioned Khán and his gunmen
> entered Nayríz and took position at the governor’s mansion in the Bázár
> quarter, a fortified stronghold with towers and turrets overlooking the
> other dwellings, and began to reinforce the walls. In addition, they
> occupied the house of Áqá Siyyid Abu-Tálib, the chieftain of the quarter,
> situated immediately outside the neighborhood’s gate. The ruthless
> gunmen, under the command of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, who was
> married to the governor’s sister-in-law, took position there and began
> 
> 248 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, gives “Shaykhí” as the title, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
> 
> vol. 2, p. 411, refers to him as Karbalá’í. When Nabíl’s original text is made
> available, it should be checked to see if “Shaykhí” is an error of transcription
> introduced by him.
> 249 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, states that initially Vahíd and seven others
> 
> took position in the fort. It should be noted that at that time the fort was about one
> kilometer southeast of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and remained in the possession of
> the Bahá’í community until the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran. When they came
> under military pressure and other avenues were closed to them, the Bábís always
> retreated to a castle as a means of protection – they did so in Mázandarán, Yazd,
> Nayríz and Zanján. It is noteworthy that the Ismá‘íliyih sect, who starting in the
> eleventh century established themselves in strategically located castles constructed
> on the mountaintops. From such elevations they could monitor the coming and
> goings of the foes for great distances and when needed, emerge from the heights to
> attack them. The Bábís, on the other hand, generally miscalculated by taking
> positions in poorly situated forts (often not of their own choosing, but dictated
> upon them by circumstances). For instance, Shaykh Tabarsí was surrounded with
> thickly wooded jungles that afforded the enemy the advantage of hiding behind the
> trees. In both Nayríz and Zanjan, the forts were in close proximity of the
> population centers and on the same plane as the enemy’s forces allowing the latter
> to easily fire artillery shells into the Bábí fort.
> 250 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, gives the date of this event as 18 Rajab 1266
> 
> A.H./30 May 1850.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 115
> 
> firing [upon their adversaries] for the first time.
> 
> The previously-mentioned Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, who
> had ascended the rooftop, was struck in the right foot during the course
> of the first volley by the wayward gunmen, and his was the first blood
> spilled on that land.251 When this news was brought to the illustrious
> Vahíd, he wrote him: “Rejoice that your Excellency was the first to be
> honored with this great blessing and exult in that your station has been
> exalted.”
> 
> 251 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, notes he “was offering his prayer on the roof of his
> 
> house” at the time. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57, suggests he was in the fort of Khájih
> when injured. Such minor differences between The Dawn-Breakers and Nayríz
> Mushkbíz may stem from the fact the former relied on the narrative of Mullá
> Muhammad Shafí‘, while Nayríz Mushkbíz gleaned its information from an account
> written by one of the sons of Shafí‘, namely, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn. Since
> Shafí‘ was present in the events and his son was not, it seems reasonable to settle all
> such differences in favor of Shafí‘ and by extension, The Dawn-Breakers.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 116 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [4. The First Battle]
> Gradually there was agitation in God’s Army252, and that night, fearing
> the Khán, a few lukewarm believers broke ranks and joined his forces.253
> <p.6> In light of this occurrence, the illustrious Vahíd, together with
> several of his chief lieutenants, rode at the hour of dawn towards the fort
> of Khájih and encamped there.
> The aforementioned Khán and his older brother, ‘Alí-Asghar
> Khán, and about one thousand of their Turk and Tájik men surrounded
> the Fort where that illustrious personage [Vahíd] and some seventy254 of
> his companions had taken position against them. That day a fierce battle
> occurred and those that fell as martyrs were: the late Táju’d-Dín, a
> farmer whose business was manufacturing woolen hats and who was
> renowned for his bravery and fearlessness; Zaynal, son of Iskandar, a
> farmer; and Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, who [initially] sustained injuries and
> after a few days passed away.255
> After this event, having previously appealed to the authorities in
> 
> 252 Jundu’llah (lit. the Army of God) is a Bábí term signifying the body of the believers.
> 253 The governor had ordered his men to bombard the Bábí homes and to cause as
> 
> much damage as possible. Not satisfied with that, he issued warnings to all new
> converts that they and their families were in grave peril and moreover began to
> circulate misinformation about the severe casualties sustained by the Bábí forces. It
> seems that the combined effect of these efforts resulted in a few Bábís breaking
> ranks with Vahíd’s camp.
> 254 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 482, has elected to report this figure as 72 – the same
> 
> number of faithful who stood with Imam Husayn at the plain of Karbalá. Táríkh
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, gives the figure as 70 which may suggest that Nabíl had
> reported the same figure as Mullá Shafí‘, but in translation of The Dawn-Breakers it
> was rounded to 72. Later Bahá’í histories (e.g. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, and
> Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57) continued to echo the same figure as The Dawn-Breakers.
> 255 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, reports,
> 
> Of the three men, the first two were emissaries of Vahíd to the
> governor, bearing an urgent communication imploring an end to
> hostilities as the defenders made no claim to the government and only
> sought to promote belief in the appearance of the Qá’im. However,
> on leaving the fort for the camp of the governor, both were captured
> and after much torture, unceremoniously killed, without ever being
> able to deliver their message.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 117
> 
> Shiraz and having received instructions to thoroughly eliminate Vahíd
> and his companions, the Khán sent one of Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih’s
> attendants as a messenger to Vahíd.256 On attaining the presence of that
> venerable personage [Vahíd], the courier conveyed the communication
> of the Khán: “Now that the situation has reached such a state, should
> you consider it prudent, it would be best for you to escape.” “My two
> sons and two companions are all the company I have with me,” replied
> Vahíd, “and if my departure will benefit you, I have no quarrel with
> doing so. However as you have cut off access to water for the People of
> Truth [i.e. the Bábís], if you immediately relinquish control [over the
> flow], then all would be well. Otherwise, be warned, that this very night I
> will see to it that water flows freely.” [In reply,] the Khán sent a second
> messenger, <p.7> stating, “If you are the Prince of Martyrs, then I am
> no less than Shimr. I will not allow you or your companions a drop of
> water.”257
> 
> [5. The Second Battle]
> That very night [Vahíd] instructed two groups of seven men each – some
> of whom had reached the age of maturity and some who had not, and
> 256 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 412, states,
> 
> During that time, the new governor-general of Fárs, Fírúz Mírzá, the
> Nusratu’d-Dawlih, an uncle of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was proceeding for
> his post from Tihrán and Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín informed him of the
> details through Mírzá Fadlu’lláh Khán, the Nasíru’l-Mulk, who served
> as the deputy governor-general. Fírúz Mírzá advised that it was best
> to deal with Vahíd wisely and calmly. However, Mírzá Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán ordered the fort completely surrounded and blockaded
> water supplies to the besieged.
> 257 A reference to the events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Husayn in Karbalá
> 
> on 10 October 680 AD; see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28-33. Refusing water to
> the defenders was the way that Imam Husayn was treated at Karbalá. Therefore by
> telling and emphasizing this aspect of events, Mullá Shafí‘ is evoking a parallel between
> the two incidents. This parallel and its symbolism is further accentuated by equating
> Vahíd with Imam Husayn and the governor with Shimr, the Imam’s chief adversary.
> Bábí and early Bahá’í histories generally attempted to portray the events as a return or
> reenactment of early Islamic happenings.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 118 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> none of their names do I recall now – to attack from either side the
> enemy’s camp and to surprise them. In the course of the ensuing bitter
> battle, water was presently made available once again, the enemy
> sustained a decisive defeat and was dislodged from their camp.
> ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, was killed258 and his
> sons captured, and the believers triumphantly brought back the tents, the
> furniture and other items from the enemy’s camp.
> 
> The Khán and the remainder of his men retreated once more to
> the village of Qutrih and for the second time he petitioned the Prince
> Nusratu’d-Dawlih, requesting artillery and infantry reinforcement.
> 
> [6. The Organization of the Bábís]
> The illustrious personage [Vahíd], for his part, gave orders that the Fort’s
> 
> 258 He was slain by his nephew, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, who had joined Vahíd; for
> 
> details on this nephew’s planned marriage to the daughter of Vahíd see, Appendix 2.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 119
> 
> turrets be strengthened, that a water-well259 be dug within its enclosure,
> and that the tents they had carried away from the enemy’s camp be
> pitched outside its gates. That day he also appointed Karbalá’í Mírzá
> Muhammad as the gatekeeper; the late Shaykh Yúsuf as the custodian of
> the funds; Karbalá’í Muhammad, son of Shamsu’d-Dín, as the
> commander-in-charge of the gardens adjoining the fort and its
> barricades; Mírzá Ahmad, the uncle of ‘Alí Sardar (whose details will be
> given in the second episode), was appointed the officer in charge of the
> mill-tower known by the name of Chinár, situated in the vicinity of the
> fort; and Shaykha260 was appointed the executioner. <p.8> A paternal
> cousin of the Khán and one of the believers, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad-
> Ja‘far, had composed a jang-namih261 for this occasion and Vahíd
> appointed Akhúnd Mullá Fadlu’lláh as the reciter of this poem.
> Mashhadí Taqí Baqqál [grocer] was named the jail-keeper; the late Hájí
> Muhammad-Taqí, was made the registrar, whose duty was to secure a
> written testimony from those wishing to join the God’s Army of their
> willingness to forfeit life, property and family [in the path of God] and
> joining the fort was conditioned upon signing such a statement. The
> overall command was entrusted to Áqá Ghulam-Ridá Yazdí, who had
> accompanied Vahíd from Yazd.
> He [i.e. Vahíd] barred many brave and able persons from joining
> [the defenders in] the fort and instead assigned each to a specific duty in
> town: one was placed in command of the [forces on the] roof of Masjid
> Jami‘ [Kabír] which reckoned among the strongholds of the Chinár-
> Súkhtih quarter; and another was appointed the gatekeeper of [an area
> where] nearly five hundred people lived.
> None were permitted entrance [to the fort of Khájíh] despite their
> willingness to sacrifice life, except the original seventy who had
> accompanied [Vahíd] during the first night, which included some
> inhabitants of Istahnabat, the Bázár quarter and some of his own
> 
> 259 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 413, have read the
> 
> original as water-cistern.
> 260 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, gives his name as Shaykh-i-Shivih-Kash; Táríkh
> 
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, gives Shivih-Kash.
> 261 A metrical description of the events, typically of great wars.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 120 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> relatives. Through the intercession of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far [Yazdí]262,
> who ranked among the ‘ulamá, and the late Shaykh ‘Abd-‘Alí, Vahíd’s
> father-in-law, and after much imploring and supplication on their part,
> several more were <p.9> admitted into the fort.263
> The influence of his holiness [Vahíd] was unrivaled among the
> general population and particularly the believers. One by one each of the
> non-believers who had committed a transgression since [Vahíd’s] arrival
> was captured and every day he would order the execution of two or
> three of them, which a certain Shaykhá would carry out through
> decapitation.264 Of the power and authority of his holiness the following
> example should suffice: One of the non-believers had brought an
> exquisite rifle as a present to his holiness [Vahíd]. The latter took the gun
> and surveyed it and then turned to his treasurer, the late Shaykh Yúsuf,
> saying, “Take this rifle,” but before he could finish the sentence, the
> owner, Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh, thinking that Vahíd had ordered something else
> [perhaps his execution], had a convulsion and instantly dropped dead.
> 
> 262 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, reports,
> 
> Vahíd was soon joined by a group of distinguished citizens of Nayríz,
> led by Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a well-known divine of Bazár quarter with
> great influence among the authorities and owner of the choicest
> properties in that region. Upon entering the fort, the entire
> membership of this group expressed their devotion to Vahíd and
> took their place among the defenders. Their arrival greatly cheered
> Vahíd and encouraged him in this struggle. At his bidding, Siyyid
> Ja‘far returned to the Masjid Jum‘ih and continued to deliver sermons
> deepening the knowledge of the friends on the details of the new
> Dispensation, strengthening their fortitude and propagating the new
> Message with the aim of winning new converts. He was particularly
> suitable for this duty as he was a man of great influence in the
> community, and possessed profound knowledge and eloquent speech.
> After completing this mission, he returned to the fort and was at a
> later time captured as one of the prisoners.
> 263 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, notes that by that time 400 believers stood
> 
> with Vahíd either in the fort or in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol.
> 1, p. 63, places this number at 600 men.
> 264 This comment needs to be understood in the context of the justice system in the
> 
> mid nineteenth century Iran where local chieftains had complete judicial authority.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 121
> 
> They tied his body to the back of a mule and brought him to the city to
> his home so that the customary burial rituals, including washing and
> shrouding of the body, could be carried out. However his neighbor, a
> certain affluent Siyyid Mutlab, on hearing what had transpired and seeing
> this scene, also had a seizure and died instantly as well.265
> 
> [7. Governor’s Appeal to Shiraz]
> Eventually, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán prepared [yet another] lengthy appeal
> to the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih requesting cannons, cavalry and soldiers,
> and enclosed a sum of five thousand tumans as a gift, and entrusted this
> letter to one of his most intimate attendants, Mullá Báqir, known for his
> eloquence of speech, powers of persuasion, and his intrepidity and
> bravery, and instructed him to deliver it in person to the Prince and to
> acquaint him with the details of occurrences.266 <p.10> Mullá Báqir took
> a route unfrequented by travelers.
> Meanwhile, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát,
> had obtained leave from his holiness [Vahíd] and was on his way to
> Bávanát, and after a day’s journey reached a place called Dahú-
> Dashtak267 village where various tribes roamed the country and their
> sheep grazed the land.268 He dismounted near the pitched tents to
> 
> 265 This paragraph is missing in The Dawn-Breakers and except for the first sentence
> 
> and a half it is also missing in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2. What is described in this
> paragraph is a common motif in Islamic literature, as a way of showing an extreme
> degree of respect; see, for example, many examples in Al-Ghazali’s On Death where
> holy people are so full of the fear and veneration of God that they think of it and
> suddenly drop dead from awe. See also Rudolf Otto’s explanation of “holy dread”
> as a response to the “numinous” the awe inspiring qualities of the holy.
> 266 Mullá Báqir was one of the close associates of the governor and resided in the
> 
> Sádát quarter of Nayríz. His descendants have adopted the surname Shahídí
> [martyred] and some still reside in Nayríz. This Mullá Báqir is not to be confused
> with Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih, who together with his children were among the
> believers and companions of Vahíd.
> 267 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 484, has read the village name as, Hudashtak.
> 268 According to Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 1045, the main tribes of the region are
> 
> Ghaz-fayuj and Ghurbatiha.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 122 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> refresh and have some food when he saw a strapping horse tethered to
> the ropes, and, knowing that the natives could not afford such a horse,
> inquired as to its owner. Being informed that it belonged to one of the
> attendants of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán Nayrízí, he paused a bit and then
> sprinted to his feet, approached the horse and mounted it. Mullá Báqir
> was unaware of these occurrences and was sitting in a tent engaged in
> conversation with its owner. Unsheathing his sword, the Shaykh [Hájí
> Siyyid Ismá‘íl] sternly spoke these words to the owner of the tent with
> whom Mullá Báqir was still conversing: “Arrest this man, who has fled
> from the sword of the Commander of the Cause, whom I serve and one
> of Whose companions I am.” Affrighted by the words and the manner
> of the Siyyid [Ismá‘íl], the villagers gathered and immediately bound
> Mullá Báqir’s arms and delivered the rope with which they had tied him
> to him [Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl], who compelled his captive to follow him
> with occasional whippings. At a distance of two <p.11> farsangs from
> Nayríz, he reached the village of Rastáq and delivered his captive into the
> hands of its headsman whose name was Hájí Akbar269, telling him that
> this man had escaped from Vahíd’s camp, and urged him to conduct
> Mullá Báqir into the presence of Vahíd, which was done instantly.
> [When brought before Vahíd,] the latter inquired as to the purpose
> of his journey and the nature of his mission, to which Mullá Báqir gave a
> frank and detailed reply. His holiness confronted him and instructed him
> to repudiate his deeds and to accept the truth of the new Manifestation,
> to which [Mullá Báqir] responded negatively. [Vahíd] therefore
> immediately ordered his execution, which was carried out by
> decapitation.270
> 
> 269 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, gives his name as Hájí ‘Alí-Akbar.
> 270 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, states that Vahíd was willing to forgive Mullá Báqir,
> 
> but nevertheless his companions killed the messenger. The version in Táríkh
> Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, is consistent with the narrative of Mullá Shafí‘. Nayríz
> Mushkbíz, p. 61, presumably based on the narrative of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn,
> offers the theory, “Vahíd instructed his companions to leave him alone as the divine
> Avenger would deal with him justly. The Bábís thus let him leave and immediately
> after his departure, he was captured by the governor’s men in that vicinity and on
> the assumption that he had traitorously dealt with the governor and had joined
> Vahíd and was now leaving on a mission on behalf of the latter, killed him
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 123
> 
> The news of this event greatly increased the enmity of the Khán
> who dispatched several of his men, loaded with gifts and carrying a
> detailed written entreaty to the Prince. He also addressed several appeals
> to the leading ‘ulamá, the siyyids and other dignitaries [of Shiraz]. The
> Prince readily instructed the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk271, and the commanders of
> the Hamadání and Silakhurí regiments, together with a force of cavalry
> and artillery to set out at once [for Nayríz].272 He, moreover, instructed
> men from the districts of Nayríz, including four parishes of Istahbánát,
> and the villages of Iraj, Panj-Ma‘dan, Qutrih [Qutriyih], Bashnih,
> instantly.”
> 271 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, gives his name as ‘Abdu’lláh Khán and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> 
> Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, gives it as Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí. Later Bahá’í histories, such as,
> The Báb, p. 240, n. 19, give Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He was a son of Shukru’lláh Khán Núrí
> and a nephew of Mírzá Áqá Khán Núrí, the Prime Minister. The following is
> recorded in Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 977,
> Hájí Mihr-‘Alí Khán was born in 1232 A.H. [1816] in Shiraz and from
> youth until his passing was always appointed to prominent posts. For
> a while he was a colonel in the Shírází regiment and then became
> governor of the Kuh-Giluiyih and Bihbahán region [in 1851], where
> he managed to establish order and after a few years was named
> commander of the armed forces in Fárs [leading the Iranian forces in
> the Anglo-Persian War of 1856-57], in charge of the treasury of the
> province. He died in 1287 A.H. [1870] in Tihrán.
> 272 The governor-general further provided three field cannons and artillery officers
> 
> led by general Mustafa-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlu, the I‘timadu’s-Saltanih. Kawakibu’d-
> Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 206, reports the other commander was Muhammad-‘Alí Khán
> Dúnbagí, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán Yúzí. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944,
> pp. 109-10, reports, “The British Agent in Shiraz, Mírzá Mahmúd, referred to the
> commencement of the upheaval in his report for the period 24 May to 5 June 1850:
> Syed Yahyáh, a disciple of Báb, who was some time ago in Istahbanat,
> has, it is said, assembled 1500 men, and proceeded to Nereez where
> Zeynool Abedeen Khán wishes to seize him. Outside the Town he
> has erected a Fort, and is engaged in skirmishes. According to what is
> reported the Khán has had 80 men killed. When this news reached
> Shiraz, the Nuseer-ool Mulk ordered a Regiment of Sirbaz [soldiers]
> with two Guns to proceed to Nereez for the purpose of seizing Syed
> Yahyáh.’ In the same report, Mírzá Mahmúd records: ‘On the 3rd June
> Mehr Ally Khán by order of the Nuseer-ool Mulk, with one Regiment
> and two Guns proceeded to Nereez to seize Syed Yahyáh.”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 124 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Dih-Chah, Mushkan, and Rastáq (which is one of villages of Nayríz), in
> addition to the members of the desert tribe of Vaysbagluyih273 and nonbelievers of Nayríz, to join [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s] army.
> 
> [8. The Third Battle]
> In the space of a single day, an innumerable host suddenly securely
> surrounded the fort [of Khájíh], and began to dig trenches around it and
> to construct barricades.274 On the same day, they opened fire with all
> their cannons and guns. <p.12> A cannon-shell struck a horse, while
> another penetrated the turret above the gate. At that time, one of the
> men of God’s Army, uttering the name of the Lord, fatally shot the
> officer in charge of the artillery, as a result of which the cannons and
> guns were immediately silenced, and the assailants took cover within the
> trenches. That night his holiness [Vahíd] left them alone.
> The second night, however, Vahíd appointed Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí
> the leader of two groups of seven men each, consisting mostly of men of
> advanced age – one being a ninety-year old shoemaker – and the rest
> being young lads who had not reached the age of maturity. They were
> ordered to launch a nocturnal surprise attack. As instructed,
> simultaneously raising the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar” they attacked the
> enemy’s strongholds from both sides first with their guns and then with
> unsheathed swords.
> The entire opposing camp also began to fire their guns and
> cannons in such wise that the darkness of the night turned bright as a
> day. For nearly eight hours the Army of God was engaged in battle with
> the men of Satan.275 A large contingent from the host of Truth came to
> the aid of their companions, of which some sixty fell as martyrs and a
> large number were injured. Though I do not recall all the names, some
> 
> 273 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, has read the tribe’s name as, Visbaklariyyih, which may
> 
> well be a more accurate reading.
> 274 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, places the number of soldiers and irregulars
> 
> at 5,000 strong.
> 275 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 72, reports by that time Vahíd’s support in the fort
> 
> stood at 1,000 men strong.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 125
> 
> thirty of the [martyrs] come to mind: a certain Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí276 and
> his brother; ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Khayru’lláh; <p.13> Khájih Husayn
> Qannád, son of Khájíh Ghaní; Asghar, son of [Mullá] Mihdí, whose
> occupation was tile making; Karbalá’í ‘Abdu’l-Karím; Husayn, son of
> Mashhadí Muhammad; Zaynal277, son of Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh; Mullá
> Ja‘far Mudhahhib; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of [Mullá] Músá; Muhammad, [son of]
> Mashhadí Rajab [Haddád]; Karbalá’í Hasan, [son of] Karbalá’í
> Shamsu’d-Dín Malikí-Duz [sandal-maker]; Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad
> Zári‘ [farmer]; Karbalá’í Báqir Kaffásh [shoemaker]; Mírzá Ahmad, [son
> of] Mírzá Husayn Kashí-Sáz [tilemaker]; Akhúnd Mullá Hasan, son of
> Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh; Mihdí278 Hájí Muhammad; Abú-Tálib, son of Mírzá
> Ahmad Nukhúd-Biríz; Akbar, [son of] ‘Ashur279; Taqí Yazdí; Mullá ‘Alí,
> [son of] Mullá Ja‘far; Karbalá’í Mírzá Husayn Mu’adhdhan Madrisih;
> Husayn Khán, [son of] Sharíf; Karbalá’í Qurbán; Khájih Kázim, son of
> Khájih ‘Alí; Áqá ‘Alí; Áqá, son of Hájí ‘Alí, one of the region’s
> noblemen; and Mírzá Nawrá, son of Mírzá Mu‘iná, one of the region’s
> wealthy notables.
> Except for Mashhadí Ismá‘íl Malikí-Dúz, who suffered five
> wounds from cannon shrapnel and is presently living under the shadow
> of the Cause, and a certain Mullá Muhammad, I do not recall the names
> of those who sustained injuries. A number of these men were later
> martyred in Tihrán – an event that will be described later in this
> narrative.
> Despite the fact that many fell as martyrs, a decisive defeat was
> delivered to the opposing army. In truth the reason for the enemy’s
> defeat was the exulting cheers of the [Bábí] womenfolk who had rushed
> to the rooftops of the city and raising cries of exhilaration, encouraged
> their men to fire and to fight on, to the point that it utterly demoralized
> 276 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 417, states his name was Kuchak [small] and he
> 
> had accompanied Vahíd from Yazd.
> 277 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, have read him
> 
> as Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.
> 278 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, refer to him as
> 
> Mashhadí, which may be a more accurate reading.
> 279 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, give his name
> 
> as, Akbar, son of Muhammad-‘Ashur.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 126 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the opponents and assured their complete defeat, and the Army of God
> returned triumphant and victorious.
> 
> [9. The Deceit]
> After their complete failure, the opposing camp recognized that no
> earthly power or force could subdue or compel to submission the men
> of the fort, so they devised a scheme to achieve their objective through
> the standard of peace after they had gained the confidence of the People
> of Truth [i.e. Bábís].280
> <p.14> For several days they remained quiet, after which they sent
> a messenger to the illustrious Vahíd stating: “Hitherto, we were ignorant
> of your true purpose and have behaved most contemptuously and
> indecently towards your honored person. Now there is no mistake that
> you are a descendant of the Messenger of God, our example and a son
> of our religious exemplar, our master and a son of our guide, and we are
> now remorseful and repentant of our previous conduct. We will obey
> 
> 280 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 403, states: “Although the losses were almost
> 
> even this time, the imperial troops were nonetheless frightened; things were
> dragging on and might moreover end in the general confusion of the Mussulmans,
> so they resolved to resort to deceit.” Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, notes that
> at this time the opposing forces were augmented with fresh Silakhurí soldiers led by
> Valí Khán Silakhurí. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 488, states,
> As was the case with the army of Prince Mihdi-Qulí Mírzá, who [in
> Mázandarán] had miserably failed to subdue his opponents fairly in
> the field, treachery and fraud proved eventually the sole weapons with
> which a cowardly people could conquer an invincible enemy. By the
> devices to which Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and his staff eventually
> resorted, they betrayed their powerlessness, despite the vast resources
> at their disposal and the moral support which the governor of Fárs
> and the inhabitants of the whole province had extended to them, to
> vanquish what to outward appearance seemed but a handful of
> untrained and contemptible people. In their hearts, they were
> convinced that behind the walls of that fort were clustered a band of
> volunteers which no force at their command could face and defeat.
> By raising the cry of peace, they sought, through such base cunning,
> to beguile those pure and noble hearts.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 127
> 
> your command and follow your guidance if we can be certain of the
> truth of your cause and the validity of your claim. Therefore, should you
> consider it prudent, with a few of your companions, come forth at your
> earliest for us to meet one another. Since that honored person fears not
> the presence of soldiers and guns, and the companions do not wish to
> leave the fort, then you must come forth and assure us [of the character
> of your belief]. Then, our men, cavalry and the entire camp will submit
> unto your command and in whatever direction you wish we will proceed
> and with whomsoever you command we will wage battle in your
> favor.”281
> They affixed their seal on the Qur’án, made promises, and sent the
> Holy Book to his holiness [Vahíd], who on receiving it uttered: “‘I am of
> God, and unto Him I return.’ The promise of our Lord is now
> fulfilled.”282 With these words he rose from his seat and announced,
> “Now is the time for departure for the camp,” and, accompanied by five
> attendants, among whom were Mullá ‘Alí Mudhahhib283 and the
> treacherous Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid (whose details will be narrated in the
> course of the second event), set out for the enemy’s camp.284 He left
> behind everyone else, whether commander or fighter, and adjured them
> to continue to discharge their duties, and ordered them to suspend all
> manner of hostilities until further notice <p.15> was received from
> him.285 He bade his companions farewell and departed.
> 281 The version given in The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 488-489, is considerably lengthier.
> 
> Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 207-208, gives a summary of a letter from Mustafa-
> Qulí Khán to Vahíd.
> 282 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 208-209, notes an elaborate speech by Vahíd at
> 
> the moment of his departure from the fort.
> 283 It is reported that he was one of the finest artists in the region, whose paintings
> 
> were greatly admired by all. His son, Mullá Muhammad-Hasan, excelled in the same
> field and was one of the defenders in the fort. He survived the ordeal and served the
> Bábí and Bahá’í communities with distinction for many years. His own son, Mullá
> ‘Alí, named after his gifted grandfather, served the Bahá’í faith through the arts as
> well.
> 284 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 209, reports that Vahíd left with only one
> 
> companion.
> 285 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 79, n.1, reports,
> 
> The companions were, however, greatly perturbed by the turn of
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 128 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Some distance from the camp, the commander, soldiers, cavalry,
> and the Khán accompanied by the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk came out to welcome
> him, and with utmost respect and honor, ceremoniously conducted him
> to the camp and then to a furnished tent where he was housed. He
> seated himself upon a chair, while the rest of the company stood before
> him as he motioned the commander, the Khán and the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk to
> be seated.286
> For three days it went on thus and the people were eager to hear
> his utterances and obey his wishes.287 Though outwardly they paid him
> events and deeply concerned for what lay ahead for Vahíd. His
> words, intimating that the final chapter of his eventful and glorious
> life was about to unfold, had profoundly touched his followers and
> many sobbed, as they feared that they would never see their master in
> this world. Though they heard him recognize that the governor’s
> offer was an elaborate trap for his elimination, yet they felt powerless
> to change his mind. On departing the fort, when Vahíd had taken
> some four-hundred steps towards the enemy’s camp and had reached
> a large maple tree under which he often pitched his tent and which
> stands to this day, he paused and once again addressed his
> companions who had all gathered on the walls and outside of the fort
> to see him go forth. With warm words of consolation, he tried to ease
> their pain and uplift their spirit. Once more he bade them farewell
> and warned them not to fall victim to any attempt of trickery or
> treachery. His final words were a verse of the Qur’án which he always
> uttered at the moment of making important decisions.
> 286 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 490, states,
> 
> The words in which he addressed them were such that even a stonehearted man could not fail to feel their power. Bahá’u’lláh
> immortalized that noble appeal, in the ‘Suriy-Sabr,’ and revealed the
> full measure of its significance. ‘I am come to you,’ Vahíd declared,
> ‘armed with the testimony with which my Lord has entrusted me. Am
> I not a descendant of the Prophet of God? Wherefore should you
> have risen to slay me? For what reason have you pronounced my
> death-sentence, and refused to recognize the undoubted rights with
> which my lineage has invested me?’ The majesty of his bearing,
> combined with his penetrating eloquence, confounded his hearers.
> 287 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 209-210, reports that after the first day Vahíd was
> 
> placed in confinement in his tent. His companion escaped and urged the defenders
> at the fort to attack. During the ensuing battle the army sustained great losses when
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 129
> 
> respect, yet secretly they plotted to cause him harm and trouble. In their
> [private] consultations they recognized that, were they to inflict upon
> him the least injury while his companions remained in the fort, they
> would be exposing themselves to a peril still greater than the one they
> had already been compelled to face. They also knew that until that
> illustrious person [Vahíd] issued orders, the defenders would not vacate
> their position.288
> Therefore, they decided to compose a message in the hand of
> Vahíd addressed to his companions still in the fort, announcing, “A
> complete peace had been effected, and anyone seeking my good pleasure
> should leave the fort and its barracks, towers and ramparts behind and
> return home.”289 And as is reported, they asked his holiness to prepare
> 
> Mustafa-Qulí Khán came to Vahíd and implored him to order the cessation of
> hostilities. Vahíd signaled his men to desist from fighting and to return to their
> positions in the fort.
> 288 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 490-491, states:
> 
> They trembled at the fury and vengeance of their women no less than
> at the bravery and skill of their men. They realized that all the
> resources of the army had been powerless to subdue a handful of
> immature lads and decrepit old men. Nothing short of a bold and
> well-conceived stratagem could ensure their ultimate victory. The fear
> that filled their hearts was to a great extent inspired by the words of
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who, with unrelaxing determination, sought to
> maintain undiminished the hatred with which he had inflamed their
> souls. Vahíd’s repeated exhortations had aroused his apprehensions
> lest he should succeed, by the magic of his words, in inducing them to
> transfer their allegiance to so eloquent an opponent.
> 289 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp 62-63, states that after passage of three days, the
> 
> companions in the fort grew weary and thought possibly Vahíd had been slain or
> otherwise neutralized. As such, they decided to launch an attack that would serve in
> part as a rescue mission, should he still be alive. Their attack, however, was not well
> organized and failed in its purpose. Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán complained to Vahíd
> about this act of aggression, to which Vahíd replied that naturally his comrades had
> grown concerned over his prolonged absence and had decided to intervene. Seeing
> the restlessness of the defenders assembled in the fort and the increased tension, the
> governor and his officers quickly agreed to a mutual disarmament and requested
> Vahíd to address, in his own hand, a message to his companions who were still
> within the fort, to inform them that an amicable settlement of their differences had
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 130 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> such a message, to which he consented. However, confidentially he
> wrote a second letter to the effect that the first missive was at the request
> of camp’s commanders and was [part of] an elaborate scheme and
> warned them not to fall victim to the evil designs of the enemy, and
> further instructed them to send forth several of the ablest and best
> skilled men <p.16> in the middle of the night to ambush the camp. He
> entrusted this private letter to Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid – upon him be what
> befits his kind – who numbered among his companions and had
> accompanied him to the camp, instructing him to deliver it to the
> defenders and the men of Truth.
> That wretched man [Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid] treacherously showed that
> letter to the Khán who was thrilled at the betrayal and sought to induce
> his further cooperation with the promise of a property in the village of
> Ray. The first letter was given to this messenger for delivery to the fort
> whose occupants were eager to receive direction from their master.
> Further, that messenger, Siyyid ‘Abid290, informed them orally that peace
> had been firmly established. Though extremely bewildered, the
> companions had no choice but to be resigned to the wishes of Vahíd, as
> they considered his command the final authority. Obediently, in the
> middle of the night, they left the fort and its barracks, some discarding
> their arms, and entered the city.
> 
> [10. Martyrdom of Vahíd and Massacre of the Bábís]
> Anticipating all along that the [fort’s] militia would immediately obey the
> instructions of his holiness, [the governor] had dispatched a large
> number of his soldiers [on a mission] to intercept their path [into town].
> He was confident and the infidels eager. The wronged-ones [Bábís] were
> soon encompassed by a multitude of armed assailants who were
> continually reinforced from the army’s camp, while only God was on the
> side of the defenders. The cry of “Allah-u-Akbar” rose from every
> tongue and with the aid of swords, rifles, rocks and pieces of wood, they
> 
> been effected, and to urge them to either join him at the camp or return home.
> 290 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 83, n.1, explains that during Nayríz-II he was
> 
> kidnapped by the Bábís who as a measure of revenge killed him after much torture.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 131
> 
> rushed the infidels like ferocious lions and delivered a decisive defeat,
> sending some to hell, while also sustaining a number of martyrs <p.17>
> or injured on their own side. The rest [of the Bábís], notwithstanding
> considerable losses, succeeded in gaining shelter at the Masjid Jámi‘,
> which had strong walls and fortifications.291
> Meanwhile several of the Khán’s gunmen, led by Mullá Hasan,
> [son of] Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, who was most brutal, succeeded in
> reaching and concealing themselves in one of the minarets of that Masjid
> before the arrival of the Army of God and from there opened fire on the
> believers. A certain brave man of Truth [Bábí] by the name of Mullá
> Husayn scaled the minaret and with his rifle shot Mullá Hasan, and
> hurled him to the ground. The latter was carried away and later, when
> the Khán gained control of the situation, was able to receive medical
> help through the governor’s doctor, resulting in his recovery, and
> allowing him to live on to cause the believers many injuries and atrocities
> [during Nayríz-II]. In short, the men of God were compelled to hide in
> whatever place of safety, such as orchards, homes or other places they
> could muster.292
> In the camp, too, they began to act disrespectfully towards the
> honored personage [Vahíd]. When they decided to slay him, the
> commander293 of the cavalry force rudely stated, “While you have taken a
> solemn oath not to harm this Siyyid, I have made no such promise as I
> am charged by the government to severely punish those deemed guilty.”
> Of course this had all along been their secret design. He immediately
> called upon all whose kinsmen had perished to exact revenge and to
> execute the death-sentence pronounced against Vahíd. The first to
> 
> 291 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 86, n.1, reports that 400 Bábís were massacred on that
> 
> day.
> 292 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that on 25 June 1850 Justin
> 
> Sheil reported the end of the Nayríz episode to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign
> Office:
> His [the Báb’s] followers in Fárs have received a severe check. Syed
> Yaheeha who fled from Yezd to that province with a large force of
> Babees has been defeated and captured having however previously
> twice repulsed the Shah’s troops.
> 293 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, gives his name as ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 132 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> present himself was Mullá Ridá, son of Mashhadí Muhammad, whose
> brother Mullá Báqir, had been executed on the orders of his holiness.
> Mullá Rida snatched the turban from the head of Vahíd and wound it
> around his neck. The next was a certain Safar, whose brother <p.18>
> Sha‘ban had perished in the course of events. The third was Áqá Ján294,
> whose father, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, had
> suffered the same fate.
> Then they committed such unnumbered indignities as no pen dare
> describe nor any tongue recount, until at last they martyred him in the
> most inhumane manner.295 “The wrath of God be upon the
> oppressor.”296 A rope was tied to his blessed feet <p.19-20>297 and the
> 
> 294 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 406, has also read him as Áqá Ján, but The Dawn-
> 
> Breakers, p. 494, has him as Áqá Khán.
> 295 Not surprisingly, there is a fair amount of disagreement over the date of Vahíd’s
> 
> assassination. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 499, notes: “The day of Vahíd’s martyrdom was
> the eighteenth of the month of Sha‘bán, in the year 1266 A.H. Ten days later, the
> Báb was shot in Tabríz.” This date corresponds to 29 June 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq, vol. 2, p. 422, states that Vahíd was kept alive for one day after the massacre
> of the Bábís. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 428, gives the same date for Vahíd’s
> slaying as The Dawn-Breakers. Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 7, gives Sunday, 26 Sha‘bán [7
> July] as the date of Vahíd’s martyrdom, and Muhammad Qazvíní in his article,
> “Vafiyat A‘yán”, (Yadgár journal, Year 3, No 10, section discussing the life of
> Vahíd’s brother Siyyid Rayhánu’lláh, p. 32), gives 28 Sha‘ban [9 July] as the date of
> his martyrdom. Browne (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 45, n.1) states that Vahíd’s
> assassination occurred on the same day as the Báb’s martyrdom and attributes this
> information to a “reliable tradition.” The same author (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 253)
> gives the date as 28 Sha‘bán 1266 A.H. (9 July 1850). Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 411 clarifies
> that Browne’s informant was Mírzá Yahyá Azal who in giving the date of this event
> as 28 Sha‘bán indicates that it was “one day after the martyrdom of the Lord.”
> Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 573, gives 26 Sha‘bán and states 400 of his disciples
> were killed on the same occasion. Echoing Nabíl’s translation, Nayríz Mushkbíz, p.
> 75, suggests 18 Sha‘bán as the day that Vahid was slain.
> 296 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, states:
> 
> The indignities that were heaped upon him reminded those who
> witnessed that awful spectacle of the tragic end of the Imam Husayn,
> whose body was abandoned to the mercy of an infuriated enemy, and
> upon which a multitude of horsemen pitilessly trampled.
> 297 Page 19 was left blank in the original manuscript.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 133
> 
> other end bound to a horse, and in company of a large mob of rogue
> and despicable spectators they dragged him to the city and threw his
> remains in front of the gate of Masjid Nazar-Biykí in the Bázár quarter.
> The infidels gathered in multitudes, shouting exultation while rank upon
> rank beat his sacred remains with rocks and sticks.298 [Throughout this
> spectacle,] the women of the Sádát quarter were stirred to the highest
> pitch of excitement.299
> 
> 298 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 494-495, states:
> 
> [The women of the Sádát quarter] pressed from every side around the
> corpse, and, to the accompaniment of drums and cymbals, gave free
> vent to their feelings of unrestrained fanaticism.
> They danced merrily around it, scornful of the words which
> Vahíd, in the midst of his agony, had spoken, words which the Imam
> Husayn, in a former age and in similar circumstances, had uttered:
> ‘Thou knowest, O my Beloved, that I have abandoned the world for
> Thy sake, and have placed my trust in Thee alone. I am impatient to
> hasten to Thee, for the beauty of Thy countenance has been unveiled
> to my eyes. Thou dost witness the evil designs which my wicked
> persecutor has cherished against me. Nay, never will I submit to his
> wishes or pledge my allegiance to him.’
> Thus was brought to an end a noble and heroic life. Such an
> eventful and brilliant career, distinguished by such vast learning, such
> dauntless courage, and so rare a spirit of self-sacrifice, surely required
> for crown a death as glorious as that which completed his martyrdom.
> 299 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, chapter 7, reports (in summary):
> 
> With Vahid’s decapitated body remaining motionless in the streets, a
> ravaging turmoil was taking place all around him. Men and women of
> the Bázár quarter were shouting out exultation, and, taking the
> severed head, they tore off the skin, stuffed the skin with straw and
> sent it as a trophy and a sign of victory, along with the heads of other
> Bábí martyrs, to a feasting Prince in Shiraz. The bloodthirsty crowd
> tied a rope to Vahíd’s feet and tied the other end to a horse
> compelled to roam the streets and alleys. Once the horse dragging
> behind it the remains of Vahíd reached the Masjid Nazar-Baykí, the
> wild mob, having no sense of shame or decency, set upon it once
> again, and while hundreds cheered on, infuriated and crazed men and
> women beat the remains with sticks and rocks, and cursed it all they
> could and did not refrain from any manner of mistreatment.
> Unsatisfied with that, some attempted to tear it apart limb by limb,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 134 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> but by then so many stones had accumulated upon it that it was
> inaccessible, so they ceased and moved on to the house of Vahíd to
> plunder all his possessions.
> Next day, once the crowd had gone on to murder other Bábís,
> a few, out of respect for Vahíd’s lineage, gathered his corpse and
> buried it unceremoniously and unwrapped at a location known as
> Buq‘ih Siyyid (Shrine of the Siyyid), which had served as the Shrine of
> Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh, known as the Siyyid. The body was
> buried beneath the eastern wall. For many centuries this particular
> Shrine, situated in the heart of the Bázár quarter, in front of the Marví
> caravansary, had been a site of visitation for the Muslims and enjoyed
> deep respect in the eyes of the inhabitants. Since then it has also been
> the site of pilgrimage for Bahá’ís and some years ago was repaired by
> one of the descendants of Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín.
> It is reported that upon hearing the news of the decapitation
> of Vahíd, a kind-hearted woman of that quarter, known as Bí-Bí
> Khánum, the mother of Áqá Mírzá Sádiq Khaza’í, who was among
> the affluent persons of the region, instructed her servant to locate and
> retrieve Vahíd’s severed head. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 71, n.1] The
> servant searched the fields where Vahíd was martyred and found the
> severed head, with the skin having been removed, (as it had been
> filled with straw and sent to Shiraz), and brought it to her. That very
> night she placed it in a special case and hid it from all eyes. A few
> days later, after most of the commotion had subsided to some degree,
> she removed the head, washed it from all dust and debris, wrapped it
> in a silk cloth and buried it next to Vahíd’s body, beneath the wall of
> Buq‘ih Siyyid, where it has remained to this day. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp.
> 199-200.] The case that for a few days contained the severed head
> remains to this day with the family of that woman as an article
> endowed with special potency and an object of remembrance of the
> venerated Vahíd.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 135
> 
> [11. Aftermath and Captives]
> It was then that the company of believers took to flight and sought
> shelter in the [surrounding] mountains and wilderness and some
> concealed themselves in various homes. The soldiers, the cavalry and the
> foot-men were commissioned to capture the believers and seize their
> property. Suddenly, about three or four thousand of the assailants,
> perhaps a little fewer or more, commenced this villainous task.300
> Wherever the male believers were located, they were seized, chained and
> 
> 300 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 495, gives this figure as “no less than five thousand.”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 136 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> conducted away. Their women were captured as well and taken from
> place to place.301 The entire [Chinár-Súkhtih] neighborhood fell into the
> 301 Mírzá Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí has recorded the following in his unpublished
> 
> eyewitness account:
> In the year eighty [1280 A.H./1863], I saw a man from ‘Iraq, (in the
> ancient geography of Iran, the regions of Hamadán, Káshán and
> Sultán-Ábád, to the border of Isfahán, were called ‘Iraq ‘Ajam). This
> man lived in the utmost poverty and misery in a small room in
> Madrisih Qadariyyih. He always appeared deeply despondent and
> desolate and would utter, “May God have mercy on me and may He
> accept the repentance of my misdeeds for I was young and foolish!”
> Once I asked him, “What act did you commit in your youth that you
> are so remorseful now and are always sorrowful?” He then told me of
> his days in Nayríz.
> He said, “Immediately prior to the commencement of the
> battles, my father died and though very young, I inherited his position
> in the military and was appointed one of the commanders in the
> regiments fighting the Bábís. I wielded considerable authority. When
> the commanders realized that they would never be victorious in the
> battlefield, they invoked the Qur’án and swore on it that if the Bábís
> were to emerge from the fort they would remain unmolested. The
> honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá [Vahíd] came to our camp and in his tent
> even the commanders stood behind him in performing their prayers.
> They said to him, ‘You are a descendent of the Prophet and both
> yourself and your father rank among the most illustrious figures of
> this age. Our humble supplication is that you forgive our
> transgressions.’ He responded, ‘May God forgive you, but I know
> that you will not honor your promise.’ ‘We have taken solemn oath
> on the Qur’án,’ they said. He responded, ‘Nevertheless you will slay
> us all and now you are waiting for the warrant of our death-sentence
> to arrive from Shiraz.’ He would say things such as this.
> Soon, we saw that several mounted men came from Shiraz
> bearing a fatwa from the ‘ulamá stating, ‘Kill all the men and leave
> none standing. Seize the women and bring them to Shiraz.’ When this
> fatwa was received, they removed the carpets in the tent and placed a
> large bowl in the middle of the room and cut his head in the vessel.
> Then they went out and martyred his companions, while the rest [of
> the Bábís] were seized and together with women and children sent to
> Shiraz. May God’s curse be upon the ones that ordered the murder of
> that illustrious personage – the ones that showed no shame before the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 137
> 
> hands of the nonbelievers who confiscated all properties, destroyed all
> homes to the point that even the lumber from the rooftops was taken
> away and the fort of Khájih was burned to the ground.302
> Of the captive believers, whoever was wealthy or owned
> properties was thrown into prison, and the less fortunate were bound
> and sent to Shiraz in the company of soldiers and gunmen. Soon the
> camp was disassembled and moved from Nayríz.303
> In Nayríz, the Khán entrusted the captives to the hand of his
> myrmidons, who would parade them through the streets <p.21> and the
> bazaars of Nayríz while beating them with sticks as they went, and
> compelled each to withstand all manner of ghastly mistreatment. Such
> tortures included, crucifixion with four nails, insertion of sticks under
> [prisoners’] nails, tying barbed wires around the skull, branding with hot
> irons, depriving the victims of bread and water and forbidding the
> people from offering the captives any aid or food, and incisions made in
> the noses of such esteemed personages [Bábís] through which a rope
> was driven. In such a wretched and piteous state each of these illustrious
> souls was dragged through the streets.
> Among [the captives] was the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
> who [previously] numbered as one of the ‘ulamá.304 But now his turban
> was burnt and himself taken from door to door [as he was forced to beg]
> for money. In the depth of winter, the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqi305,
> Prophet of God!”
> 302 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 423, states:
> 
> They wrote a report of their triumph and sent it forthwith to Fírúz
> Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the governor-general of Fárs. In this
> communication, the date of arrival of the captives to Shiraz was fixed.
> They skinned the severed head of Vahíd and filled it with straw. The
> other martyrs were also decapitated.
> 303 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 130, notes that 5,000 soldiers and irregulars continued
> 
> for a month to ransack Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and hunt and kill the Bábís.
> 304 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states,
> 
> So great was the respect they owed him that Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
> gave him precedence over himself and treated him with extreme
> deference and courtesy.
> 305 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states:
> 
> Another victim of their tyranny was Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, who had
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 138 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> surnamed Ayyub, was thrown into a pond and lashed bitterly. Each day,
> the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, the esteemed Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí,
> together with the illustrious Ayyúb and the venerable Áqá Siyyid Husayn,
> all of whom ranked among the nobles, the affluent and the ‘ulamá, were
> doomed to sit while people were ordered to spit on their faces and
> beards in return for a pound of corn or millet for daily consumption.
> Only those who possessed a trace of decency or shame would endure
> hunger rather than perpetrate such an abominable act.
> The aforementioned Áqá Siyyid Abú-Tálib, the chieftain of the
> quarter, who was among the affluent and wealthy citizens and was wellknown to all and even to the royal monarch, was bound in chains and
> sent in secret by the governor to [the village of] Ma‘dan, in the vicinity of
> Nayríz. The authorities in Fárs inquired of him, but the Khán replied
> that he was killed, as he did not wish to see this man perish [in the hands
> of the central authorities]. Eventually the seditious and evil-minded Hájí
> Mírzá Nasru’llah, the soothsayer, who in former days had ordered His
> Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] – may all spirits be a sacrifice unto
> Him – to kiss the hand of Shaykh <p.22> Abú-Turáb306 before the
> assemblage of the ‘ulamá, now insisted that Siyyid Abu-Talib was an
> infidel and the very source of all the troubles, and secured a fatwa
> ordering his death, which was carried out through poisoning in Ma‘dan.
> 
> enjoyed, in days past, such a reputation for honesty and justice that
> his opinion was invariably regarded by the judges of the court as the
> determining word in their judgment.
> 306 He was the Imam Jum‘ih of Isfahán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 139
> 
> Chapter 6
> 
> Excerpts from The Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf
> Based on the Narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání
> 
> And if ye are slain, or die, in the way of God, forgiveness and mercy
> from God are far better than all they could amass. And if ye die, or are
> slain, Lo! It is unto God that ye are brought together.
> Qur’án 3:157-8
> 
> Introduction
> Among the earliest historical descriptions of the events associated with
> the life of Vahíd Dárábí, and of the episodes of Yazd and Nayríz which
> led to his martyrdom and that of his companions, is the one provided by
> the Bábí merchant-historian, Hájí Mírzá Jání, in the Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf.
> Much has been written on the question of the authorship of the
> Nuqtatu’l-Káf and it is beyond the scope of the present study to enter into
> that debate.307 Hájí Mírzá Jání embraced the Bábí faith through Mullá
> 
> 307 It is known that Hájí Mírzá Jání had penned a short history of the Bábí movement
> 
> until the time of his own martyrdom. For a more detailed discussion of the merits of
> this history see, Kashfu’l-Ghatá; E. G. Browne and the Bahá’í Faith, pp. 62-88; Resurrection
> and Renewal, pp. 423-424; and Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History, pp. 134-152. In
> 1910, Prof. E. G. Browne published a narrative titled Kítáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Káf that he
> claimed was the long lost narrative of Mírzá Jání, and he also included two long
> introductions, one in Persian and another in English. Later it became known that
> Muhammad Qazvíni had penned the Persian Introductions and extensively “edited”
> the historical narrative (see Ahang Rabbani, “‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Meeting with Two
> Prominent Iranians”). Subsequent to this publication, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá issued
> instructions for Mírzá Na‘ím of Sadih and the Hands of the Cause in Tihrán to
> search and locate the original of Mírzá Jání’s history. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had hoped that
> thereby it could be established beyond question that the published Nuqtatu’l-Kaf had
> been extensively tampered with and interpolated by the Azalís, particularly
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 140 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Husayn’s visit to Káshan and later when the guardsmen were escorting
> the Báb to the prison-fortress of Máh-Ku, Hájí Mírzá Jání had been
> greatly honored and thrilled to receive him in his own home in Káshan.
> A devout and zealous believer, he eventually fell victim to the pogrom of
> the summer of 1852.
> Nuqtatu’l-Káf contains two sections that are purported to be Mírzá
> Jání’s recollections of meeting Vahíd, and the present translator has no
> reason to believe that these passages were penned by anyone other than
> Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. In fact, from the nature of the details
> disclosed it is quite evident that only he could have written these
> descriptions, and if other passages of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf have indeed been
> subject to interpolation by foreign hands, these two sections reveal no
> such corruption.
> The first section is from the top of page 120 to line 11 of page 122
> of the printed text, while the second part begins on line 7 of page 223
> and concludes on the top line of the page 230.
> It should be noted that both of these sections appear in the
> narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání, who must have had access to a
> manuscript of Hájí Mírzá Jání because he quoted from it - a fact also
> confirmed by his intimate associate, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, in Kashfu’l-Ghatá.
> However, a close comparison of the two narratives indicates that
> Hamadání considerably embellished the text, and in fact one section that
> he attributed to Hájí Mírzá Jání does not appear in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf at
> all. I should be clear that this, however, does not necessarily mean that
> the Hamadání’s text was not Mírzá Jání’s original, as it is quite certain
> 
> Muhammad Qazvíní. This effort, however, remained unsuccessful. Iraj Ayman has
> brought to my attention that the original of Mírzá Jání’s text was a small book of
> about 80 pages in possession of a well-known non-Bahá’í in Tihrán. Because of the
> owner’s deep regards for Fádil Mázandarání, he allowed the latter to read the text,
> but not to make a copy. To the present day, this valuable text remains in the
> possession of the same family. (Private communication, September 1997.) Recent
> research in Princeton University’s Archives (presumably among Jalal Azal’s papers)
> has confirmed the early dating of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf (see, William McCants and
> Kavian Milani, “The History and Provenance of an Early Manuscript of the Nuqtat
> al-Kaf dated 1268 (1851-52)”). When this manuscript is made available to
> researchers, it may change some of inferences in this chapter.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 141
> 
> that not all of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf is Jání’s so at this time is hard to establish
> in the absence of an original, which secondary text edited the original.
> Since this book as a whole remains untranslated, it seemed prudent
> to include a translation of these two sections in order to complete the
> sources. To the extent possible, the present translation has been modeled
> after E.G. Browne’s rendering of Hamadání’s narrative to facilitate the
> comparison of the two texts.
> 
> The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 120-122
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was in Yazd when His Holiness [i.e. the Báb]
> instructed him to proceed to Tihrán, and it was during this journey that I
> had the honor of meeting him.308 This was at a time when snow had
> covered the earth and the air was bitterly cold, beyond all description.
> Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility as though the snow of the
> plains were a satin bed for him. I inquired of him what had been the
> means of his conversion and how he had come to believe in His
> Holiness, and he answered:
> 
> After the report of the claim of that illustrious One had
> been noised abroad, men would ask of me, “What say you
> of Him [i.e. the Báb]?” to which I was forced to reply,
> “Presently, I am silent about His Cause, but once I have
> beheld Him, and ascertained somewhat more about Him,
> then I shall be able to impart to you that which I have
> understood.” After a while I set out for Shíráz. In my first
> interview with His Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of
> divines, in a somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous
> questions. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being
> still covered with a veil of egotism, his words found no
> favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to feel disappointed that I
> had troubled myself to no purpose. However, His Holiness
> smiled much upon me and treated me very graciously. On
> 308 This meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of 1847 as Vahíd
> 
> arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 142 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> returning to my lodging, I said to some of His disciples who
> were deeply versed in knowledge, “You are more learned
> and far wiser than this Personage; for what reason do you
> acknowledge the truth of His claim?” “If you will but be
> patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you too will
> understand.” I had decided to return to my home when my
> illustrious companions prevented me, saying, “You too will
> be fully convinced.” I inquired on what grounds they based
> their belief. They replied, “Experience has taught us that
> anyone to whom His Holiness shows affection, is in the end
> invariably persuaded, even though initially he be filled with
> antagonism; while, on the other hand, anyone on whom His
> Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even though at
> first he may incline to believe.”
> To be brief, one night His Holiness summoned me,
> and very graciously said, “What dost thou desire of Me?” I
> replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily
> bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou
> grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of
> Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand, and henceforth I shall
> bow to Thy command.” “Write down your questions,” said
> He, “that I may answer them in writing.”
> I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote
> down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen,
> and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen
> could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took
> another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question that
> you have in your heart is this, and this is its answer.” [When
> I had considered these answers,] I was bewildered with
> excitement and then took place that about which you have
> heard. Indeed, I yielded so entirely to the mighty influence
> He exerts, that, at a mere hint on His part I am thrilled to
> undertake a journey in this cold winter weather.
> Consider the fact that [prior to meeting Him,] I was
> not a man without rank and standing, or knowledge and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 143
> 
> achievements. I swear by the One Exalted Lord, I would be
> ashamed even to make mention of the learning and merits
> of many other divines of my time. My father, Áqá Siyyid
> Ja‘far Dárábí, known to all as Kashfí, was well acquainted
> with all the sciences and philosophies, renowned throughout
> the land of Iran and known to every possessor of knowledge
> and virtue. I have served him [and studied with him], and he
> did declare that I was second only [in learning] to him. In
> fact, I had my own pulpit and classes, and many students
> and disciples both in my own town and in other regions, and
> was known and admired by the court of the Shah and his
> household. Yet I am bewildered as to how the love of this
> Shírází Youth [i.e. the Báb] has penetrated my being so that
> I have set aside all material considerations, and I have so
> willingly placed upon my neck the yoke of servitude and
> obedience unto Him, that at a mere hint on His part, I travel
> so in this bitter winter in the utmost joy and happiness. My
> only hope is that He will, of His grace and favor, accept me
> as the servant of His servants, and that I may be permitted
> to shed even a drop of my blood in the furtherance of His
> cause.’
> 
> In truth, that scion of the wilderness of sincerity and devotion
> exerted himself until he fell a sacrifice to the love of the King of the
> lovers. Whomsoever is informed of his acts in Yazd and Nayríz, will
> assuredly grasp the truth of the claims of that Lord of the realm of
> adoration, and were this ephemeral soul to describe them, the result
> would be a boundless book.
> In short, I asked of him: “O peerless one of the age! What did
> thine illustrious father say regarding the Truth proclaimed by that
> Essence of Reality [the Báb]?” “He is silent and ambiguous,” he replied,
> and went on to say, “I swear by the One true God, that should my
> father, with his dignity of bearing and exalted station, deny the
> Manifestation of the All-Glorious, most certainly, I shall slay him with
> my own hands in the path of the divine Beloved, and this even though
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 144 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the eye of creation hath rarely seen a father such as him or a son such as
> I.”
> At any rate, shortly thereafter, that unique pearl of the ocean of
> knowledge, in accordance with His instructions, proceeded to Tihrán.
> 
> The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 223-230
> The events associated with Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd and Nayríz occurred
> after the episode of the slaying of the Seven Martyrs [of Tihrán]309, but
> to describe that event would make this narrative much too long.
> However, in brief, that illustrious personage was instructed by His
> Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim the Word of Truth, and on the way to
> Yazd, I had the honor of meeting him.310 I observed in his august
> countenance the signs of a glory and power that I had not noticed during
> my earlier meetings with him, and I knew of a certainty that these signs
> portended the near approach of his departure from the world.311 I heard
> him say several times in the course of various conversations, ‘This is my
> last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and often, explicitly
> or by implication, he gave utterance to the same thought. In one
> conversation he remarked, ‘God and His near-ones are able to foretell
> coming events, and I swear by my Beloved, the True One, in the grasp
> of Whose hand lies my soul, that I know and could tell where and how I
> shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how glorious and
> blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the proclamation
> of the Word of Truth!’
> Sanctified be God! I know not what wonder this be, that such an
> illustrious man of learning, achievement and piety, could thus foretell his
> own death and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm, hasten to the abode
> 
> 309 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458. The martyrdom of these seven Bábís took
> 
> place on 7 March 1850.
> 310 There is considerable confusion among sources as to where this meeting took
> 
> place; see, Chapters 2 and 9.
> 311 The text simply says inqitá‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood
> 
> to express Mírzá Jani’s understanding of Vahíd’s desire for departure from the
> world.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 145
> 
> of sacrifice. Indeed,
> 
> Whoso hath recognized Thee, what else should he do with life,
> Of what worth possessions, children and wife?
> 
> In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá set out for Yazd. Upon arrival, in the
> utmost wisdom he would speak of the Cause of Truth in various
> gatherings and gradually began to openly proclaim the truth and convert
> a great multitude. At length, the governor [of Yazd] was informed of
> what was taking place and, fearing for himself, he sent a body of men to
> arrest Siyyid Yahyá and his companions. A trifling collision occurred
> between the two parties, and thereupon the governor prepared [for
> battle], and in response, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired [with a number of his
> followers and friends] into the citadel of Yazd. Soon the citadel was
> surrounded and the matter came to actual warfare, in the course of
> which some thirty or more of the governor’s men were killed, while
> seven of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers were also slain, and the rest were
> besieged for some time, till his followers manifested their lack of faith
> and dispersed. Siyyid Yahyá too escaped from the citadel and together
> with another left for Shiraz and thereafter proceeded to Nayríz.
> Meanwhile the governor [of Yazd] soon overcame [Siyyid Yahyá’s]
> followers. Several of them tasted the sweetness of martyrdom, while
> from the rest, after they had suffered divers torments, fines of money
> were exacted. Among the martyrs was one named Hasan, from Yazd,
> who had for years waited in attendance upon Siyyid Yahyá, and had
> displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion. When
> Siyyid Yahyá had decided to leave the citadel, he said, “If one of you
> could manage to lead out my horse, that would be good.” Hasan had
> responded, “With your permission, I will lead out the horse.” “They will
> capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid Yahyá. “In the path of your
> affection,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to bear. I have no ambition
> beyond it.” So Siyyid Yahyá allowed him to go, and [the soldiers] took
> the youth captive outside the citadel and brought him before the
> governor, who ordered him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon.
> When they would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 146 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> pleaded, “Bind me, with my face towards the gun.” And when they
> inquired of the reason behind this request, he said, “That I may see it
> fired.” all the people were astonished at his steadfastness and
> cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must
> needs have great faith and fortitude.
> In short, the illustrious Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shiraz where, due
> to his many visits, he was well known, and there he also proclaimed the
> Cause of Truth [i.e. the Bábí faith]. It was then that Áqá Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-
> ‘Azím Marághi’í returned from a visit to the Báb bearing a very large
> Haykal [i.e. talisman] and a Tablet for Siyyid Yahyá. After becoming
> exceedingly renowned in that town, he proceeded for Nayríz.
> Now when Siyyid Yahyá had come to Nayríz, which was the
> abode of his family and where he had many friends, he declared the
> Cause of Truth, resulting in some becoming believers, others deniers and
> yet others remaining undecided. The governor of that district, though he
> had formerly professed the most devoted attachment and humility
> before him, no sooner perceived a deterioration in his government and
> its passing out of his hands, that, being accountable to the monarch and
> generally fearing that his world would fall into turmoil, he sent word to
> Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider it expedient that you continue
> any longer in this province and you should depart to some other place.”
> To this Siyyid Yahyá, made reply, “What leads you to order me thus to
> quit my own abode? I do not expect you to arise to champion my cause,
> but why insult me thus? It is, therefore, most evident that all those
> expressions of devotion that you afforded me in past days were solely in
> order to secure worldly influence, and now that you are convinced
> otherwise, you have turned your back on the Truth, express enmity, and
> fear not God, nor have you shame before His apostle.”
> When that accursed-one [i.e. the governor] heard such truthful
> declarations, he was filled with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a
> tumult, inciting such men among every class and kind as were most
> wicked and mischievous to make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid
> Yahyá, who, perceiving the strength and resolve of the enemies and the
> fewness of his friends, repaired to the mosque, and ascended the pulpit
> formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather. After speaking a homily
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 147
> 
> in the utmost eloquence and of rare composition, and having given
> praise and salutation to the Almighty Lord, His illustrious Prophet, and
> the Holy Family, he said:
> 
> O people! I am a descendant of the Prophet of God and I
> stand amongst you wronged. I suffer in the clutches of
> tyrants and beseech you to assist me. No harm have I done
> beyond speaking words of truth, and today my situation is
> even as that of my illustrious forefather, the martyred Imam
> Husayn. Whosoever hears the plea of this oppressed one
> and does not arise to his aid, has forfeited the intercessions
> of my illustrious Ancestor.
> 
> He spoke to this effect and some wept bitterly and a few gave him
> their allegiance, saying, “O son of the Prophet of God! May our fathers
> and mothers be a sacrifice for thy pure spirit! We will abide by
> whatsoever thou doest command and offer possessions, family and life
> in the path of thy devotion.”
> Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque and alighted in a
> ruined castle in the vicinity, those friends who bore him company being
> not more than seventeen in number.
> On hearing of his quitting the city, his enemies in a great multitude
> came forth and surrounded the castle in the hope of capturing them all.
> Then Siyyid Yahyá commanded seven of his men to go out and defend
> him against hostilities, and gave them instructions as to the ordering of
> the battle, adding that whoever should rush from a certain direction
> would drink of the cup of martyrdom through a wound in the breast,
> and whosoever out of his love and own free-will wished to be the first
> among the martyrs should now announce it. Then a young man with a
> heart yearning to behold the Countenance of the Beloved, sprang to his
> feet announcing, “My master! I desire to be the pioneer of this muchwronged band.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and
> breathed a prayer for him. Then the defenders uttered a prayer and
> sallied swiftly forth, attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere
> long scattered them like helpless flies, slaying a number of them. That
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 148 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> youth, as he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom and
> faithfulness. But the rest of the friends of Truth returned victorious to
> the castle, having learned the meaning of “verily we belong to God, and
> unto Him do we return.”
> At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz
> Mírzá came to assume the government of Shiraz. On being informed
> 
> of what had taken place, he sent an army to Nayríz. A considerable force
> surrounded the castle, determined to kill all the harried defenders.
> Several encounters took place that resulted in sound defeats for the army
> and the capture of goodly spoils by the companions of Siyyid Yahyá.
> And all this while the companions observed the many prodigies which
> Siyyid Yahyá wrought, and grew stronger in their devotion, faith, and
> love for him. Siyyid Yahyá repeatedly reminded his companions of the
> approaching time for his and their martyrdom, emphasizing the
> ephemeral nature of this world and the glory and exaltation of the world
> beyond.
> After the forces of the enemy had failed to prevail over them in
> these battles, and despairing of the final issue, they resorted to the
> treachery which is so characteristic of them, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá
> expressing curiosity about his mission, making excuses for their past
> deeds, declaring themselves to be desirous of inquiring into the matter,
> and begging for instruction. They further pledged, with oaths sealed on
> the Qur’án, that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they
> would accept whatever terms he might propose.
> So Siyyid Yahyá prepared to go forth, but his followers
> surrounded him, saying, “Our master, we are fearful about your going
> out, for this host is more faithless than the men of Kufa313. No reliance
> can be placed on their oaths and promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied,
> “By God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, as well as my illustrious
> Ancestor314 knew the faithlessness of the men of Kufa. But what else am
> 
> 312 The text states Prince Farhád Mírzá, which is an obvious error.
> 313 The people of Kufa, by their promises of support, induced the Imam Husayn to
> 
> take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. See An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp.
> 28-33.
> 314 A reference to Imam Husayn, from whom Vahíd was descended.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 149
> 
> I to do with what they have written, as it is incumbent on me to go and
> complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written
> instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his
> companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do
> we return.” And his followers wept bitterly.
> So Siyyid Yahyá came to the enemy camp, and at first they treated
> him with all respect and deference, such respect as Ma‘mún ibn al-Rashíd
> observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí ibn Musá-Ridá315, upon Him be
> peace, while inwardly bent on His death. In short, they spent that night
> in conversing on various topics, and agreed to postpone all discussion of
> terms till the morrow. But when morning was come, the sun of sedition
> appeared over the horizon of calamity, and the Cherubim316 in the
> Concourse on High, bewildered by what had transpired, uttered, “Ah, a
> thousand times alas! The morn of the family of the Prophet has turned
> dark, and the night of the evil-doers is brightened.” As Siyyid Yahyá
> wished to go forth from his tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It
> is not permitted.”
> No sooner had tidings of this reached the faithful followers than,
> unable to restrain themselves, like brilliant flames rising above the firetemple of love, they emerged from their castle, and with unsheathed
> sabers hurled themselves upon the infidels. The senior officers, seeing
> this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, grabbing the garment of his
> compassion, saying, “O master! Was it not agreed between us last night
> that for peace’s sake we would abide by your wishes?” “Aye,” said he,
> “but how do explain your conduct this morning?” “It was done without
> our knowledge,” answered they, “that some of our men, who have lost
> kinsmen in the warfare, offered you this insult without our sanction.
> You, who are merciful and generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”,
> he replied, “would you have me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men
> of yours, bidding them evacuate the castle and return to their own
> 
> 315 The Eighth Imam, ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818 AD); see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp.
> 
> 41-42.
> 316 A traditional hierarchy of angels, known as the celestial hierarchy, ranked from
> 
> lowest to highest into the following nine orders: angels, archangels, principalities,
> powers, virtues, dominions, thrones, cherubim, and seraphim.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 150 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> homes, that the minds of our soldiers and the people may be reassured
> in you and we will then arrange matters.”
> Siyyid Yahyá accepting this, wrote, “O my companions! You
> should gather up your own gear, leaving the spoils you have won, and
> return to your own homes.” And the companions obeyed his behest. But
> the following day their foes attacked their houses, captured some, carried
> off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them as
> prisoners to the camp.
> There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had
> served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, and in the path of the
> Truth, out of sincerity and devotion, had closed his eyes to all earthly
> concerns. And when word was brought that the executioner was on his
> way from the city charged with decapitating that illustrious personage
> [i.e. Siyyid Yahyá] and his Yazdí companion, the master said, “It is thee,
> not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay me will arrive
> tomorrow.” When the morrow was come, after he had completed the
> Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is now come.”
> About an hour after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out Siyyid
> Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner administered
> to the youth the draught of martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on
> Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle
> and will not lift my hand to slay His offspring,” neither would he
> consent to do their bidding. Then one whose two brothers were
> consigned to hell on the orders of the Siyyid, and therefore cherished a
> deep resentment, said, “I will kill him.” And he loosed the shawl
> wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast it round his neck, and drew it tight.
> And other evildoers beat his holy body with sticks and stones, dragging it
> hither and thither over the plain, till his soul soared falcon-like from the
> cage of body to the branches of paradise. Then the executioner severed
> his glorious head from his body, skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and
> sent it, with other heads, along with the captives and accompanied by
> minstrels and musicians to Shiraz.
> And the people came out from the town in large numbers and
> each commented according to his own understanding. Some of the
> captives were martyred, while others were imprisoned for a while and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 151
> 
> then released at a later time. The night before, when the raid had been
> made on the houses of the Siyyid’s companions, twelve of them had
> escaped. These, however, were subsequently captured in the
> neighborhood of Isfahán and brought to Shiraz, where they suffered
> martyrdom.
> Sanctified be God, above the cruelty of the oppressors and the cry
> of the meekly! I take refuge in His holiness as He sends down His
> calamity and His wrath upon the people. Yet they observe all these
> conflicts and are not awakened; consider their own life worthy but
> others as insignificant. They call crazed such glorious figures as are
> indeed the finest among the people of Islam and the like of whom, in
> nobility and learning, are scarce to be found. And they consider their
> own mind, which is consumed with base thoughts and desires, as the
> standard for reason. It is a thing to marvel at, that ere the believers in
> this sublime Faith had embraced the new doctrine, all men readily
> admitted their virtue, sincerity, and integrity. To wit, Siyyid Yahyá ranked
> unquestionably among the most eminent divines of Islam. Whenever he
> entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met and honored by
> all the divines and nobles of the district. But upon embracing this Cause,
> he was subjected to such bitter sufferings and was martyred, his holy
> head stuffed with straw as though it had been the head of a Turkman or
> Baluch, and borne from town to town. Not one of the Muslims asked,
> “What has this illustrious Siyyid wrought, other than to spread the
> teachings of the descendants of Muhammad?” May God, as a mercy
> upon those who attained His presence, guide the meek and lowly, and
> rigorously punish the guilty.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 152 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 7
> 
> Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím
> 
> But those who are slain in the way of God, He will never let their deeds
> be lost.
> Qur’án 47:4
> 
> Introduction
> Another account of Nayríz-I and subsequent events was written by a
> citizen of that city in 1270 A.H. [1853] and inscribed on the inner wall of
> the Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír317 (The Smaller Friday Mosque) of the same
> town. In the colophon of this important historical document, the author
> introduces himself as Siyyid Ibráhím, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn Nayrízí,
> and the present writer knows no other biographical information about
> him. Muhammad-‘Ali Faydí reports that Shu‘lih318 in the introduction of
> his poetry collection, known as Khusraw va Shírín, has noted, “...
> Eventually the government provided support to the local forces and, as
> is written on the wall of the Masjid Jami‘ Saghír by the hand of the late
> Siyyid Taqí Khúshnivís Nayrízí and is reflected with some minor
> differences and errors in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, Siyyid Yahyá was
> slain...”319
> This particular mosque was located in the Bázár quarter of Nayríz
> and had always been in the possession of non-Bábís. The fact that such a
> history was preserved on its walls indicates the deep impression that this
> event made on the consciousness of the people of Nayríz. Although
> written in a seemingly neutral language, this document does not fail to
> 317 This mosque is not to be confused with a larger mosque by the same name in the
> 
> Chinár-Súkhtih quarter that served as a Bábí stronghold.
> 318 Shu‘lih [the flame] was the sobriquet of Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, a
> nephew of the governor of Nayríz.
> 319 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 91-92.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 153
> 
> convey the depth of admiration and respect for the Bábís that the
> incidents of Nayríz had evoked in the heart of the writer. Clearly the
> writer, who resided in the quarter whose inhabitants had battled the
> Bábís and had been himself an observer, or perhaps even a participant in
> the events, had developed such admiration towards the besieged party
> that he took the not inconsiderable risk of penning this sympathetic
> narrative in a public place.320
> For many years this singularly important narrative remained
> unnoticed and protected under a cover of dust and dirt and only in 1940
> did it come to light, when an archaeologist examining historic buildings
> discovered its existence. The dust and debris was carefully removed from
> this inscription until finally the actual text became fully visible. This
> archaeologist, who according to Rawhání was friendly towards the
> Bahá’ís, provided the Spiritual Assembly of that city with a copy of the
> inscription.321 The full text is reproduced in Nayríz Mushkbíz and
> Lam‘átu’l-Anvár322, and while some minor differences exist between
> them, both sources have been utilized in this translation.323
> In terms of style, this document was composed in the customary
> 
> 320 The Báb, p. 182, notes about Siyyid Ibráhím:
> 
> Although he had to write with circumspection to avoid being
> denounced, he composed his narrative in such a way that one can,
> without difficulty, read more of it between the lines. His account
> bears out the fact that Vahíd was given solemn assurances, that he
> was received with great esteem and reverence, that those who had
> pledged their word broke their pledges, that the quarter of Chinár-
> Súkhtih, which was then a stronghold of the Bábís of Nayríz, and the
> quarter of Bazar were sacked, that houses were demolished, huge
> sums of money extorted, and Nayríz was reduced to a state of
> desolation.
> 321 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 306, n.1. The same source indicates that the Bahá’í
> 
> community was unaware of the existence of this document as no Bahá’í was
> permitted entrance into this mosque, situated in a quarter that was historically
> antagonistic towards the Bábís and Bahá’ís.
> 322 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 92-102; and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 306-318.
> 323 Abú’l-Qásim Afnán has brought to the notice of the present writer that Dr. Iraj
> 
> Afshar has published a picture of the original text in one of his books, however I
> was unable to locate this source.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 154 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Qájár mode, which included a generous use of abstruse language,
> excessive ambiguities and many laudatory titles. To the degree possible,
> these have been retained in the translation to ensure authenticity and a
> taste of this style of composition.
> 
> Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím
> He is God, the Exalted.
> Of the events of this transient and seditious world and of the
> occurrences of this unfaithful plane, one that came to pass at the end of
> the heavenly reign of Muhammad Shah, the sovereign Qájár king and the
> light of God in His dominion, and at the beginning of the reign of the
> pivot of the world, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was the appearance of certain
> beliefs and utterances by Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad, the Báb, in the year
> 1263 A.H., in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm324 of Shiraz. This led to uprising and
> sedition among the people in the civilized nation of Iran, particularly in
> Zanján, the province of Mázandarán, and even in ‘Iraq and Fárs in the
> year 1266 A.H. [1849-50].
> An effulgence of that blazing and insurgent fire reached the hearts
> of some inhabitants of this realm and in the whirlwind of events, it
> destroyed the foundations of many lives and washed away many others
> in the water of annihilation.
> An evidence of but one of the flames of that fire is Áqá Siyyid
> Yahyá, who numbered among those enamored [of the Báb] and desirous
> of freedom, who for sundry reasons was associated with the people of
> this region over a period of some years, and had ties of friendship and
> camaraderie with many citizens. As such he was able to plant the seeds
> of revolt in many hearts.
> The above-mentioned Siyyid, having come upon this path [i.e. the
> Bábí faith] in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm of Shíráz, had gone to the Daru’l-‘Ibád [i.e.
> Yazd] and had lit the fire of Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’lláh’s sedition. A
> district in that city that admired him had come to follow him.
> 
> 324 Lit. the City of Knowledge, a title of Shíráz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 155
> 
> Consequently, by order of the governor of that region, the possessions
> and the families in that district perished. After this incident, and being
> taken with fright, the Siyyid escaped to Bávanát, on the border of this
> region. He selected this location as he had many enthralled followers,
> predisposed and ready for his Faith. Wherever he went, he spoke of his
> beliefs and wrote many treatises until he arrived at the Shrine of Khájih
> Ahmad Ansárí325. His honor Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, out of
> consideration for the monarch and the well-being of his people, did not
> consider it prudent for the Siyyid to enter [into Nayríz], and forbade him
> from doing so. The Siyyid therefore moved to the village of Istahbánát
> where he tarried for a while, and many joined him in his belief. From
> thence he proceeded to the town of Fasá, where [its governor] Áqá
> Mírzá Muhammad, a confidant of the monarch, discerned the Siyyid as a
> [potential] cause of commotion, and with gentleness dislodged him from
> that town. Therefore, once more he set out for the village of Istahbánát
> where he paused for a few days. From that base, he was able to rally a
> number in his support and, united in his cause, immediately decided to
> proceed thence towards Nayríz.
> Upon arrival he went directly to the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, in the
> Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, where his followers had gathered from all
> corners, preparing for battle. The congregation numbered nine hundred
> men armed with guns and swords as he ascended the pulpit with his
> ready saber. He spoke to the assembled people and prepared them for
> combat, and in that quarter raised the standard of revolt.
> At the time of the arrival of the Siyyid and the conversion and
> alliance of people, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, mentioned
> earlier, had gone to the Qurtiyih district. When he was apprised of the
> situation, he rose in defense and gathered fifteen hundred of the tribal
> men of Ma‘ádin and other regions and arrived at his home [in Nayríz],
> which was a fortified stronghold.
> For four days before the fighting commenced, many of the nobles
> and respected inhabitants of this town and the divines of Istahbánát
> exerted much time and effort to counsel them, but it was to no avail and
> 
> 325 A shrine for one of the companions of Prophet Muhammad, located seven
> 
> kilometers to the west of Nayríz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 156 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> their hearts remained unmoved. Therefore the matter came to battle and
> resulted in the separation of the Chinár [Súkhtih] quarter. Many took
> refuge with the governor and thereby outwardly protected themselves
> from this inconvenience. As the state of the people came to this, at
> nighttime, the above-named Siyyid together with one hundred and eighty
> or perhaps two hundred of his followers managed to reach the fort of
> Khájih and establish his stronghold therein.
> On the morrow, when the Khán was apprised of this escape, being
> confident in the number of his men and their support, he sent about five
> hundred gunmen and cavalry to the vicinity of the fort. From the fort,
> the Siyyid sent out his gunmen who killed all the governor’s soldiers. His
> efforts proving vain once more, the Khán sent forth more of his men,
> who were reduced as well.
> When the state of affairs reached this point and the matter of
> revolt had come to such a pitch, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> 
> Khán himself, and his older327 brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, who had ruled
> this town for fourteen years328, along with all their relatives and men,
> arrived with utmost confidence and surrounded the fort. They pitched
> their tents on the eastern side of the fort, where they passed the first
> night.
> On the following eve, a great host from the fort suddenly attacked
> them and killed or injured forty of the relatives and gunmen of the
> Khán, while many of the rest took to flight. The following night saw
> many more fall victims to the same fate, that is, many were killed or
> taken hostage and the rest escaped. None were left unmolested. The
> honored ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, older brother of the aforementioned Khán,
> whose qualities were previously described and who ruled the region, was
> slashed into pieces and slain. Together with a few of his servants, the
> Khán took refuge at his home, which he had built strong and greatly
> protected. He passed the day there and once the dark night fell, he had
> 
> 326 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “revolt” as “proof of God,” which most
> 
> likely is a misreading.
> 327 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “older” as “martyred.”
> 328 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, n. 1, informs that ‘Alí-Asghar Khán was the
> 
> governor of the surrounding districts.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 157
> 
> ridden with great haste to the fort at the village of Qutriyih.
> In this manner, the Siyyid and his followers established their rule,
> and through the control of the fort were able to live unhindered. After
> shedding so much blood, he instructed his executioner, a certain Shaykh,
> to behead twelve more men.329 Untold fright and utmost trepidation
> overcame the hearts of the men, to the point that they renounced their
> worldly goods, their wives and children. The descendants of the Prophet,
> who were the cornerstones of the community and the upholders of
> virtue, for fear of their lives fled to the village of Bábak, where for fifty
> days the noblemen of that town were able to enjoy their company and
> profit from their accomplishments. Many were frightened and agitated to
> such an extent that they collapsed and passed away.
> When the illustrious governor of Fárs, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was
> appraised of these events and was told that this revolt had passed all
> bounds, he appointed Mihr-‘Alí Khán, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, and Mustafa-
> Qulí Khán Qarihguzlu as commanders of cavalry and soldiers, and
> together with some other officials, instructed them to hasten to the fort
> and rectify the matter. The regiments came and camped across the fort.
> The Khán also joined them from his safe hiding place, armed with the
> necessary guns, powder and cannons.330
> Confident in his forces and his own strength, the Siyyid decided
> on a nighttime surprise attack, and arranged that from one side his men
> from the town, and from another direction, his men in the vicinity of the
> fort, would attack the camp and destroy it thoroughly. This they
> proceeded to do with much bravery and courage. Like the moth circling
> the flame, they attacked the hellish fire of the cannons and sacrificed all
> they had. At the conclusion of this first night attack, forty warriors from
> the fort were found to have lost their lives. In the course of the second
> night, some others also gave their lives in the encounter.
> 
> 329 No collaborative evidence is known for this assertion. It should be noted that it
> 
> is common for Muslim historians of the Qajar era (and later periods) to make
> unsubstantiated, and often false, accusations against the Bábís, including murder and
> other aggressions.
> 330 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 312, n. 1, indicates that the governor was in hiding at
> 
> this village of Qutriyih for these 50 days.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 158 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Since the killing by the opposing sides lasted for some time and
> the battle raged unabated, the army camp planed a plot of deception and
> perfidy. In short, they offered gifts331 and supplications to the chosen
> disciples of the Siyyid and presented declarations of submissiveness to
> the Siyyid himself, which contained promises of allegiance, trust and
> devotion to his cause. They wrote him, “We are all deeply devoted to
> you and consider obedience to you our greatest privilege. Should you
> decide to emerge from the fort and enter our camp, then rest assured
> that we would consider the dust beneath your feet as the kohl of our
> eyes.” With such sweet words and colorful expressions, conveyed
> through letters or messengers, they induced and robbed the Siyyid of his
> deductive powers and rational thoughts.332 Straightway he mounted his
> horse and, accompanied by a few chosen disciples, arrived at their camp
> where he was greeted by all the soldiers, to the sound of the military
> band playing and the generals welcoming him warmly. With utmost
> majesty, he was received in a special tent and was seated with
> resplendent glory. From every direction they offered him compliments
> and congratulatory expressions. However, when the time came for him
> to leave, by a myriad obstinate and roguish means, the Yúz-Báshí [the
> captain] detained the Siyyid saying “Orders have just been received from
> the honored Navváb to detain you and your commanders, and this
> renders your departure impossible.” Guards were therefore placed
> around his tent. The soldiers then seized the fort and its defenses and
> killed all his companions.
> In four days time, in accordance with the instructions of the
> Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the executioner arrived at the camp of
> Mustafa-Qulí Khán and conveyed the order that Siyyid Yahyá was to be
> delivered to the honored Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán as a ransom for the
> blood of his brother and some other fallen men. So, by order of the
> Prince, the Siyyid was delivered into the hand of the Khán and a receipt
> 
> 331  Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 313, n. 1, states that it was Siyyid ‘Abid who
> traitorously bartered his allegiance in promise of favors and properties.
> 332 It appears that in order to appease orthodoxy, the writer has made no mention
> 
> that, on the back of a Qur’án, the opposing camp penned a promise that Siyyid
> Yahyá would not be harmed, and sent this sealed assurance to the fort.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 159
> 
> obtained. When this occurred, all the soldiers, those that had lost
> kinsmen and some others, attacked him with sticks, stones, bayonets and
> guns and killed him forthwith. The next day, they buried his remains
> under the southern333 wall of the Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’llláh, known as the Siyyid, in the Bázár quarter.
> This astonishing and bewildering event took place in the month of
> Rajab of the year 1266 A.H.334
> After the capture of the Siyyid and his followers, colonel ‘Alí
> Khán335 arrived at the camp, leading a regiment of Sílákhúrí soldiers.
> Upon arrival, he proceeded directly to the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and
> accompanied by the sound of music, his soldiers plundered that whole
> district. They remained in that quarter for twenty days or perhaps a
> month, and ransacked the whole neighborhood and stole whatever
> treasures were hidden beneath the earth or within the walls. No one
> recalls such pillage having occurred ever before! Had they plundered any
> other major city, they could not have amassed such great wealth and
> possessions! Some of the streets and neighborhoods associated with the
> Bázár quarter were also pillaged.336 Beyond this, by the decree of the
> exalted Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, five thousand tumáns were obtained
> from the citizens and given to the Khán and whatever land, orchards,
> aqueducts, homes and possessions were owned by the residents of the
> Bázár were confiscated with extreme brutality and excruciating tortures.
> Indeed, in this regard, what transpired in Bázár quarter did not come to
> pass in the [Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter.
> Verily, such intense fear and fright overcame this region that no
> tongue can recount one thousandth fraction of its black incidents. What
> oceans of blood were spilled and how many bodies were scattered to
> dust in the wilderness!
> 
> 333 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 315, n. 1, states that Vahíd was buried under the
> 
> northeastern wall.
> 334 13 May - 11 June 1850.
> 335 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, gives his name as Valí Khán.
> 336 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 316, n. 1, indicates that some of the affluent Bábís,
> 
> such as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and Hájí Muhammad-Taqí were residents of Bázár
> quarter.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 160 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> During these conflicts close to one thousand lives were lost on
> both sides.337 The account of the ensuing massive pillage remains beyond
> any imagination, conception or description. Whichever of the men of the
> [Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter were not killed, had to take flight to other
> regions and towns.
> 
> This is but a brief account of the events of Nayríz, of Siyyid Yahyá
> and the followers of His Holiness the Báb. “Such is the bounty of God,
> which He bestows on whom He will; and God is the Lord of the highest
> bounty.”338
> After these happenings day by day the sufferings inflicted on the
> followers of this sect increased in intensity, and by way of retaliation and
> 337 Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, p. 311, informs that the Nayríz upheaval was for a period of
> 
> one month and three days. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 292, states that this event
> lasted four months.
> 338 Qur’án 62:4.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 161
> 
> revenge, the Khán carried out to the fullest extent the decree of the
> government.
> Gradually, after three years from the inception of this event,
> renewed animosity emerged which led to another strange and wondrous
> event. That is, five days after the Naw-Rúz of 1269 A.H.339, when
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was in the public bath one hour after sunrise,
> Karbalá’í Muhammad with his three sons and Qásim, the brick layer,
> who had hidden themselves in that place, emerged and attacked his
> naked body, grabbing his head and shoulders and stabbing him with
> knives and razors. They cut off his arms that were as strong as any
> man’s. Even though about fifty of his kinsmen were present in that bath,
> as the Almighty God would have it, not one of them came to his aid.
> The Khán, wounded with some sixty cuts on his chest and body, was
> brought from the bath alive. Late that night, however, he left this plane
> of suffering. Indeed he was a worthy, wise and distinguished man. He
> ruled with prudence and was a knowledgeable statesman. There are
> many signs of his generosity and goodwill evident in this town, including
> many buildings. His servants put his slayers to death in that very place.
> Written in the year 1270 A.H. [1853] by the least of the servants,
> [Siyyid] Ibrahim Nayrízi, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn.
> 
> 339 26 March 1853.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 162 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 8
> 
> Narratives of the Qájár Historians
> 
> They are the ones that say, of their brethren slain, while they themselves
> sit at ease: “If only they had listened to us, they would not have been
> slain.” Say: “Avert death from your own selves, if ye speak the truth.”
> Qur’án 3:168
> 
> Introduction
> Continuing the earlier traditions of Iranian historiography, the historians
> of the Qájár era were essentially chroniclers. They described year by year,
> either briefly or in great detail, the activities of the monarch, gave
> dramatic, though at times unreliable, accounts of battles and traced the
> intricacies of court intrigue. Their philosophy was fairly simple. Victories
> in war, prosperity, security, and order were attributed to the will of God
> and the wisdom of sovereign – His shadow on earth – while defeat,
> famine, enemy invasion, and natural disasters were blamed on evil
> fortune or some magical force. The historians of the Qájár period
> commanded a readable and often eloquent style, because for them
> historical writing was considered a branch of literature. If the story read
> well, was instructive, and, most important of all, pleased the King, the
> author could be justly proud of his efforts – particularly since most of
> these histories were commissioned by the royal court. The idea of
> identifying source materials, or of making reference to military and
> diplomatic dispatches and eyewitness accounts to substantiate historical
> details, was completely unknown to most of them. Where a personal
> account or experience is shared, it is accidental and designed to further
> advance the writer’s agenda.
> As a rule, the Qájár historian used to depend on imitating, often
> word for word, earlier writers, when they dealt with periods before their
> own. The only original part of their writings was that in which they dealt
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 163
> 
> with their own age. Very few among them tried to criticize, analyze, or
> compare. Fewer still had the courage to give their own opinion in their
> writing, mostly because of their continued employment depended on
> pleasing their patrons. Since they often utilized the form of annals for
> their histories, the facts that formed the material of their books are
> particularly disjointed and lack unity and continuity.
> The best known of these are the two official chronicles of the
> mid-nineteenth century, the Násiku’t-Taváríkh and the Raudatu’s-Safá
> Násirí, which both pay considerable attention to the rise of the Bábí
> religion. Both of these accounts discuss the Bábí uprising in Nayríz. In
> addition, the Fársnámih Násirí has devoted several pages to this event and
> that text will be considered in this section as well.
> 
> 1. Extract from the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh by Mírzá Taqí
> Mustawfí, the Lisánu’l-Mulk [the Tongue of the Kingdom], often known
> by his poetical nom de plume of Sipihr.
> As the book’s title implies, this ambitious history was intended to
> supersede all preceding works of a similar style. It consists of a series of
> large volumes, each of which deals with a particular period in the Islamic
> history. The last volume is entirely devoted the Qájár dynasty and is
> divided into three parts: (1) the origin and the rise of the Qájárs and the
> reigns of Áqá Muhammad and Fath-‘Alí Sháh; (2) the reign of
> Muhammad Sháh; and (3) the reign of Násiri’d-Dín Shah up to the time
> of the composition of this history in 1267 A.H./1850. A further
> supplement was published separately extending the narrative to the year
> 1273 A.H./1856.
> In general the wealth of information on the Bábí movement in
> parts 2 and 3 of volume 3 makes this book one of the important sources
> for the study of this religion. In addition to his firsthand knowledge of
> events, Siphir, unlike other Qájár historians, seems to have had access to
> a wide variety of military dispatches, field reports and other military
> intelligence that enabled him to provide very detailed descriptions of
> battles (including troop movements, dates of battles, appointments of
> officials and officers, and so on) between the Bábís and the government
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 164 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> forces, particularly for the fort Tabarsí incident.340
> However, despite its useful data, deep-rooted bias and cynicism
> grossly mar this history, which is loaded with exaggeration and
> accusations to discredit the movement and please the authorities. For
> this reason, most of Bahá’í authors have ignored this valuable chronicle,
> their position perhaps best informed by the following expression by
> Bahá’u’lláh:
> 
> Each year, Hájí Muhammad-Karím Khán Kirmání wrote a
> book of refutation, as did other ignorant people known as
> possessors of knowledge. The author of Násikhu’t-Taváríkh
> hath written of the Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] that which no
> infidel dared to pen. We beseech God to enable His servants
> to consider with justice and fairness that which hath been
> revealed and sent down by God.341
> 
> The following is a translation of a section of the Násikhu’t-
> Taváríkh, vol. 3, pages 121-124, which deals with Nayríz-I events:342
> 
> The Description of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí’s insurrection
> in Nayríz and his propagation of the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí-
> Muhammad, the Báb.
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was a son of Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far
> Dárábí, titled Kashfí. Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far ranked foremost
> among the ‘ulamá and his interests lay outside the
> philosophy of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í and the doctrines of
> [Mullá] Sadru’d-Dín Shírází. In Qur’ánic interpretation and
> esoteric exposition of the hadith, he differed from other
> 
> 340 Later Iranian historians all seem to have copied Siphir and ignored Raudatu’s-Safá.
> 
> It should be noted that Sipihr’s account was rewritten by the I‘tidádu’s-Saltanih, a
> literary Qájár Prince, and was published under the title of Fitnih Báb. It has all the
> same information without Siphir’s pompous style, along with additional details.
> 341 Iqtidárát, p. 16.
> 342 See A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 173-188, for an outline of all the Bábí related
> 
> entries in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 165
> 
> contemporary jurists and often was heard to say, “On a
> certain journey, I was with Khidr and discovered seventy
> inner meanings of the Qur’án.” His contemporaries did not
> take issue with such utterances, as he possessed unrivaled
> learning, perfect piety and many goodly qualities. The other
> learned men considered his books and treatises most
> authoritative.
> However, his son, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, was unequipped
> in the field of learning, but ambitious in securing an exalted
> position and wealth. After living with his father, he left for
> Tihrán and spent some days in association with the
> governmental authorities, proving however unsuccessful in
> his goal. Therefore, he hastened to Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad
> Báb and became one of his disciples, and once more
> returned to Tihrán where he remained ineffectual. Fearing
> that his affiliation would be discovered, he left that city for
> Yazd. In the latter place, as noted previously, he unveiled his
> intentions and began to summon people [to the new Cause].
> For a while, he fought with Áqá Khán, the deputy-governor,
> but this sedition and rebellion too proved fruitless.
> Therefore he left Fárs, and first arrived at Fasá where
> he invited the people to the religion of the Báb. This event
> took place at a time when the Prince Bahrám Mírzá had
> been dismissed as the governor-general of Fárs and was
> residing in Tihrán, and his brother, Fírúz Mírzá, the
> Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was appointed in his place but had not
> yet arrived. In consequence, the affairs of the province were
> left in the capable hands of the vizier, Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the
> Násiru’l-Mulk, to whom the nobles of Fasá wrote,
> complaining that Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was untiring in deceiving
> people [i.e. in converting them to the Bábí faith]. Therefore,
> the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote him, “A man such as you should
> not engage in such activities. Leave these thoughts behind
> and come forth into our presence, so that we may spend
> some days together in joy and felicity.” “Such accusations
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 166 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [against me] are nothing but exaggeration and lies,” Áqá
> Siyyid Yahyá wrote in response, “Why do you heed such
> slanders and write to a friend such as me in this manner?
> Soon I will leave this place and journey to you.” Receiving
> this assurance, the Násiru’l-Mulk was satisfied. After a while,
> though, news was received from Fasá that, “five hundred
> devotees have circled round Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and soon a
> mighty upheaval may occur.” On hearing this intelligence,
> the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote once more and sent an emissary,
> but when he arrived, together with his disciples, Siyyid
> Yahyá had already left Fasá in haste for Nayríz and was half
> way to his destination. In such wise, the messenger was not
> able to deliver his charge and returned forthwith.
> It so happened that during this time the people of
> Nayríz had risen against the governor of that land, Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán, and considered the arrival of Siyyid Yahyá a
> great omen. Some of the people became enamored of his
> beliefs [in the Báb] and bowed their heads in obedience to
> him. Some others, in order to force Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán
> from office, also placed their trust in the newcomer. In
> short, Siyyid Yahyá and three hundred of his disciples took
> position in one of the decayed castles of Nayríz and began
> to strengthen its walls and turrets. The people of Nayríz also
> rose in his support.
> When he discerned the nature of the situation,
> Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán gathered two thousand Nayrízis on
> his own side and wrote an account of the occurrences to the
> Násiru’l-Mulk. The latter wrote Siyyid Yahyá, “Before this
> fire that you have kindled, for sundry reasons grows and
> consumes the world, it is best for you to reduce its fury and
> hasten to me.” When the directive of the Násiru’l-Mulk was
> received by him, he replied, “At this time a crowd has
> gathered around me determined to rebel against the
> government. It is conceivable that should I leave them and
> proceed thither, they may injure me on the way. If you are
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 167
> 
> able, send a force to rescue me from this trouble and
> conduct me unmolested to Shiraz.” With this message, he
> sent back the emissary.
> That very night Siyyid Yahyá prepared for battle, and
> when darkness had enveloped the land, his disciples, crying
> their battle cry, surprised Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and rushed
> the city putting to the sword both men and women. The
> older brother of the governor, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán343, together
> with a number of his relations and some other nobles of the
> city were slain. The three sons of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán were
> seized and brought back to the fort. With great difficulty,
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán escaped from that battle and
> withdrew twelve farsangs. From there he prepared some
> gifts, which, together with a report of the occurrences, he
> sent to the Násiru’l-Mulk.
> Meanwhile, after this victory, the people of Nayríz
> came in unison to Siyyid Yahyá and embraced his beliefs.
> The properties and possessions of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán and
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán were taken as battle spoil by his
> disciples. By such means, Siyyid Yahyá gained much strength
> and arrayed a force in excess of two thousand ready men.
> At that time, proceeding from the Capital to Fárs,
> Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was four days journey
> from Shiraz when he learned of the situation. The Prince
> wrote a command and entrusted the same to a messenger to
> deliver it in haste to Shiraz. Therein it was written that, with
> the consent of the Násiru’l-Mulk, Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí, the
> Díván-Baykí of Fárs, who was titled the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk,
> together with General Mustafá-Qulí Khán, should lead two
> regiments of men, one a new formation and the other an
> existing battalion, and proceed to reduce Siyyid Yahyá.
> Upon receipt of this command, the Násiru’l-Mulk sent forth
> Mihr-‘Alí Khán with one hundred men and wrote to
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán to assemble as many men from the
> 343 Other sources have given his name as ‘Alí-Asghar Khán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 168 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> region and the mountain [tribes] as he could, and to join
> Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He further sent Mustafa-Qulí Khán
> Qaraguzlú with soldiers, two cannons, and artillery forces in
> the same direction. These three forces came together en
> route and proceeded towards Nayríz.
> One day, Siyyid Yahyá was by a tent that had
> previously been taken in battle and was now pitched by the
> castle, and his men stood in front of him with their ready
> swords and listened most attentively to his sermon. Siyyid
> Yahyá said to them, “Never fear guns and cannons, nor
> dread any army. Because if I so will it, the cannons will not
> fire and the enemy’s bullets will return and strike the very
> shooter.” He was saying such things when the dust of the
> enemy’s army was discerned over the horizon and Mihr-’Alí
> Khán, Mustafa-Qulí Khán and his artillery forces arrived.
> From a distance they fired their cannon and it struck the
> pillar of the tent, while the mounted men standing on the
> other side allowed the tent to collapse over Siyyid Yahyá. It
> then became obvious that cannonballs did not follow the
> commands of Siyyid Yahyá.
> Upon their arrival, the army decided not to wage
> battle and instead engaged in raising breastworks.
> Discerning the cannonballs to have a will of their own,
> Siyyid Yahyá went within the castle and ordered the walls
> and turrets fortified. For five days, the two armies
> contemplated their next move. During these days, Mustafa-
> Qulí Khán greatly exerted himself so that this unrest and
> rebellion might be subdued peacefully, but he was
> unsuccessful. On the sixth night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote certain
> words on scraps of paper and asked his men to wear these
> amulets around their necks and said to them, “These prayers
> will protect you from all harm on the ground and in the
> air.”344 Thereupon three hundred of his men emerged for a
> 
> 344 It was common for the Bábí men to wear talismans in the form of a five-pointed
> 
> star as protective prayers. The women wore circular talismans.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 169
> 
> surprise attack, some with unsheathed swords and some
> carrying wooden maces, and crying loudly they attacked the
> enemy’s camp. The battle lasted from the middle of the
> night to dawn-tide. They came so close within the trenches
> that Mustafa-Qulí Khán was struck severely by the clubs. In
> that battle one hundred and fifty of [the Bábís] were killed.
> In the morning they carried their dead with them to the fort,
> realizing that the scraps of paper would not protect against
> cannonballs and bullets. With all this bravery, they had killed
> only four soldiers and injured five more.
> In short, Siyyid Yahyá gave instructions for the dead
> to be buried that very night behind the wall of the fort, so
> that the enemy would not know the number of the fallen.
> However, one by one or two by two, the people of Nayríz,
> recognizing the spurious nature of Siyyid Yahyá’s claim,
> began to leave him and return home.
> After three days, once more his disciples launched a
> surprise attack and advanced on the army. However, Mihr-
> ‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán fought bravely and
> ordered the cannons and guns to rain fire upon them. Soon
> the attackers were unable to endure and retreated to the fort.
> When Prince Fírúz Mírzá arrived in Shíráz, he
> instructed Valí Khán Sílakhúrí to lead the regiment under his
> command to reinforce the army in Nayríz. However, before
> their arrival, recognizing the gravity of the situation and the
> depletion of his men, Siyyid Yahyá commenced peace
> negotiations. Mustafá-Qulá Khán welcomed these efforts
> and provided further incentives. Pleased with his offers,
> Siyyid Yahyá dispersed his few remaining companions, and
> with ease of mind proceeded towards Mustafá-Qulí Khán.
> The latter welcomed him at his camp and even once stood
> behind him in prayer. Then he said unto the Siyyid, “Since
> you own a residence in Nayríz, it is best for you to spend the
> night in your own dwelling in peace so that people would
> recognize the cessation of hostilities and this trouble be
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 170 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> subdued.” Siyyid Yahyá found this suggestion agreeable, and
> that night in company of an attendant proceeded towards
> his own residence. On the way, though, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán’s
> sons and some others who had been released from the fort,
> attacked him and killed him with knives and swords.
> After his death, Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafa-Qulí
> Khán, seized Siyyid Yahyá’s two sons and thirty other
> companions, and in chains and fetters brought them to
> Shiraz. In consideration of their holy lineage, the Nusratu’d-
> Dawlih spared [Vahíd’s] sons, but dealt with the
> companions as they deserved and cleansed the world of
> their presence.
> 
> 2. Outline of the Raudatu’s-Safá Násirí, vol. 10, by Ridá-Qulí
> Khán Hidáyat. The final volume of this series, penned by the talented
> historian known commonly as Lali-Báshí, contains essentially the same
> information as the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh. For this reason, instead of a full
> translation of the section dealing with Nayríz insurrection, we present an
> outline of its content (vol. 10, pages 456-458):
> 
> - The uprising of Nayríz took place when the governorgeneral of Fárs, Bahrám Mírzá, was summoned to Tihrán
> and Fírúz Mírzá was appointed in his place, though he
> had not arrived.
> - Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí was deeply learned, but his son,
> Siyyid Yahyá was unlettered and ambitious.
> - After Yazd, he went to Nayríz and converted some to the
> Babi Movement.
> - His arrival coincided with a general uprising in Nayríz
> where the inhabitants had forced their governor, Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán, son of Muhammad-Husayn Khán, to quit
> the city.
> - Siyyid Yahyá took advantage of the ongoing rebellion,
> and ordered the elimination of the governor’s brother,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 171
> 
> ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, and some others among his kinsmen,
> which was carried out immediately.
> -    At a distance of four days from Shiraz, Fírúz Mírzá
> ordered Mustafá-Qulí Khán to lead two regiments of
> Hamadání soldiers against the Nayrízís and these were
> augmented by Mihr-‘Alí Khán and his men.
> -    On the first night of their arrival, Siyyid Yahyá’s men
> attacked them, but suffered many casualties and
> prisoners taken.
> -    Siyyid Yahyá requested aid from the surrounding villages
> and several more sorties took place, but eventually the
> besiegers were reduced.
> -    Siyyid Yahyá and some of his men were captured and
> brought to Shiraz where they were executed.
> -    Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán regained his post but was
> murdered some time later in a public bath.
> -    Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán were rewarded
> by the governor-general and given other important
> assignments.
> 
> The same source (page 560) gives a very brief account of Nayríz-
> II, which reads, “During this period the remnant of Siyyid Yahyá’s
> followers in Nayríz rose in opposition. Several of them were anticipating
> an opportunity and found the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
> alone in the public path and because of the past conflicts, injured him
> fatally. These assailants were captured and punished. Then a large
> number of them went into the mountains and planned revolt. By order
> of the governor of Fárs, Mírzá Muhammad-Na‘ím Núrí, the son of
> Muhammad-Zakí Khán, led a large army against them and reduced the
> insurgents. Most of the rebels were brought to Shiraz and were punished
> accordingly.”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 172 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 3. Outline of Táríkh Burújird by Ghulám-Ridá Mawlaná.345 The
> account of Siyyid Yahyá is based for the most part on the Raudatu’s-Safá,
> though it provides a few additional pieces of information, (Táríkh
> Burújird, vol. 2, pp. 306-313). The following is an outline:
> 
> - Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí was the eldest of Siyyid Ja‘far’s sons,
> but the least educated.
> - Quotes Tara‘iq (vol. 3, p. 456), where (allegedly) Siyyid
> Ja‘far had predicted the trouble-filled future of his son.
> - Siyyid Yahyá was born in 1226 A.H. [1811] and killed at
> the age of 40 in 1267 A.H. [1850] in Nayríz.
> - Because of constant bickering with his father, Siyyid
> Yahyá left for Tihrán where he heard about the Báb’s
> claim and on meeting Him converted in order to advance
> his own ambitions.
> - He returned to Tihrán in order to teach the Báb’s
> doctrines.
> - He went to Yazd, Burújird, Shiraz and Fasá, where (at
> the last location), two thousand were converted to his
> movement, and he trained them in the art of war.
> - Fírúz Mírzá charged the Násiru’l-Mulk, Valí Khán, Mihr-
> ‘Alí Khán and Mustafá [-Qulí] Khán to battle him.
> - After a series of sorties, Siyyid Yahyá and 354 of his
> companions were killed and the troubles ended.
> - Thirty more of the Bábís and Vahíd’s two sons were sent
> to Shíráz, where the Bábís were killed and the sons sent
> home.
> - This occurred in 1267 A.H. [= Nov 1850 - Oct 1851].
> 
> 4. Extracts from Fársnámih Násirí by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Fasá’í:
> One of the most useful sources for the history, people, culture,
> 
> 345 The present writer is grateful to Prof. Sholeh Quinn for sharing a copy of this
> 
> reference.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 173
> 
> geography and architecture of the province of Fars, the well-regarded
> Fársnámih Násirí contains almost nothing about the Bábí movement,
> even though it had its origin in Shíráz and many of its early events took
> place in that region.346 Despite this glaring omission, a brief outline of
> the first episode of Nayríz is presented in Fársnámih (vol. 1, pages 792-
> 794) and because of its overall importance, a translation is recorded
> below:347
> 
> The Naw-Rúz celebration fell on the evening of 6 Jamádu’l-
> Avval of the year 1266 A.H.348 At the beginning of that year,
> the Prince Bahrám Mírzá, the Mu’azzu’d-Dawlih, proceeded
> from Shiraz to Tihrán and the governorship of Fárs was
> conferred upon the Prince Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-
> Dawlih.
> In the early part of Muharram of that year [1266
> A.H.] , Siyyid Yahyá, son of the celebrated renowned
> 
> scholar, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Dárábí, known as Istahbánátí,
> would invite people to embrace the newly invented religion
> in the name of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb. Due to his
> having a father [as famed] as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, he was
> welcomed with great honor at each locality he arrived at. At
> the end of the previous year, he had come from Yazd to
> 
> 346 The only reference to the Báb is on pages 784-785 where the author notes:
> 
> That year [1262 A.H./1846], the disturbance of the Bábís took place.
> They considered themselves followers of the merchant Mírzá ‘Alí-
> Muhammad, son of the shopkeeper Mírzá Ridá Shírází. As the
> chronicles and journals are full of descriptions of this occurrence, we
> have avoided it in the Fársnámih. May the Almighty God grant
> strength and power to the Faith of Islam and the Muslim Monarch
> and humiliate and reject the heretics and mischief-makers!
> 347 It should be noted that the present rendering has benefited from an earlier
> 
> translation of the first section of the Fársnámih dealing with the history of that
> province and published by Heribert Busse: History of Persia under Qájár Rule; 1972,
> Columbia University Press.
> 348 20 March 1850.
> 349 Muharram 1266 A.H. corresponded to 17 November to 16 December 1849.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 174 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Fasá, ostensibly to preach, teach, and expatiate on the
> ordinances pertaining to forbidden and lawful aspects of the
> religion of the Lord of the World of Being, the illustrious
> Seal of the Prophets, Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’llah, but
> actually to spread the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb.
> The governor of Fasa, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad, welcomed
> him with honors and assigned him suitable lodging. He tried
> in various ways to win sympathy [for his beliefs], and spent
> the nights in discussion350 and the days preaching, and
> eventually a number accepted his teachings. Then he
> propagated his teachings openly. When Áqá Mírzá
> Muhammad was informed of the latter’s faith, he
> summoned him and said, “The inhabitants of this district are
> firm in their profession of the true Religion of Islam and are
> immovable in their faith. Should they gain knowledge of
> your profession, it might happen that they would stain their
> hands with your blood. The best thing you can do is to leave
> this town and proceed to another place.”
> And he sent a report of this occurrence to Shiraz.
> Because the Prince Mu’azz’d-Dawlih had left Shiraz and the
> Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih had not yet arrived, the
> responsibility lay with Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the Násiru’l-Mulk,
> and Áqá Mírzá Muhammad was given no clear reply. At his
> wit’s end, he sent Siyyid Yahyá a large sum of money as a
> gift351 and ordered a group of people to proceed in the
> middle of the night to the latter’s house and to threaten him
> with death.
> At the end of Safar of the year 1266 A.H.352, Siyyid
> Yayhá went from Fasá to Istahbánát. The inhabitants of this
> town, too, were not willing to have anything to do with him,
> and since he did not know what to do, he chose as his abode
> 
> 350 Original “musahirát” implies keeping night vigils.
> 351 The original “Niyáz” suggests a gift given to mystic orders.
> 352 Last day of Safar corresponded with 17 January 1850.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 175
> 
> the town of Nayríz, where the evildoers353 had risen in
> rebellion against their governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán.
> Siyyid Yahyá won over the evildoers as his friends, and
> made his intentions public without reserve. All the evildoers,
> about five hundred in number, accepted his teachings. He
> abrogated the injunctions of the Islamic religion, and his
> reputation increased every day.
> Then he chose a ruined fortress outside Nayríz as his
> abode and repaired its defense works. He moved to that
> fortress and decided to wage a religious war [jang madhhabí]
> with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. Every day his followers brought
> the people of the bazaar forcibly before him, and he would
> demand a sum of money before releasing them. After some
> time, anyone who had been brought before him and was not
> willing to enter into a covenant with him354, had either to
> pay a large sum of money as a ransom or to prepare to be
> executed. This procedure was applied to several people. One
> day a man was brought before him; when he crossed the
> courtyard and saw Siyyid Yahyá, he fell down and died on
> the spot
> When Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán saw things going on
> in this manner, he gathered an army and prepared for battle
> with Siyyid Yahyá. Siyyid Yahyá’s men, however, anticipated
> the attack and at midnight, sword in hand, threw themselves
> upon Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s host and killed close to
> 150 people, sparing neither men nor women. Among those
> killed was ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the eldest brother of Hájí
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. His body was brought to the fortress
> and thrown into a water conduit.355 Three of the governor’s
> 
> 353 Busse in History of Persia under Qájár Rule has pointed out that the original term,
> 
> “Ashrár”, refers to different kinds of opponents of the Qájár rule, without
> distinguishing their political aims.
> 354 Meaning, had not become a Bábí.
> 355 Since the fort was old, there might have been dry, abandoned conduits that lay
> 
> open. Otherwise, it is not likely that corpses were placed near running water, as it
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 176 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> sons were taken prisoner and brought to the fortress in
> chains. Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, with great effort, mounted an
> unsaddled horse and hastened to the village of Qatru, nine
> farsangs east of Nayríz, and informed Nasiru’l-Mulk in
> writing of the occurrence.
> Upon this victory, the inhabitants of Nayríz and the
> surrounding villages had no choice but to join Siyyid Yahyá
> and accept his teachings. The houses of Hájí Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán and ‘Ali-Asghar Khán and their followers
> were plundered and the booty was distributed among the
> companions of Siyyid Yahyá. The inhabitants were so afraid
> of the Bábís that they delivered everything they were asked
> for without delay. The people [i.e. Bábís] were firmly
> convinced that they would subdue Fárs and even beyond
> within a short space of time and that they would destroy the
> religion and the state. The power of the Bábí community
> was increasing every day; the unflinching warriors numbered
> more than three thousand men.
> The honored Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih was informed
> of this before his arrival at Shiraz. Four stations from Shiraz,
> he wrote to Násiru’l-Mulk saying that Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí,
> the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, commander of the Shírází horsemen,
> was to march with great haste, together with General
> Mustafá-Qulí Khán Garaguzlú, the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih, and
> two detachments of Qaraguzlú soldiers, and to attack Siyyid
> Yahyá. Accordingly, the Násiru’l-Mulk supervised the
> preparations of these troops and made them march off with
> two pieces of artillery.
> Upon his arrival at the village of Qatru, Hájí Zaynu’l-
> ‘Abibín Khán summoned the aldermen of the mountains
> and the districts around Nayríz, and about two thousand
> men came to his support. Near Rustáq, three farsangs from
> Nayríz, he joined the troops of the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk and the
> I‘timádu’s-Saltinih; together they marched to Nayríz and
> 
> would severely contaminate the downstream flow.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 177
> 
> encamped opposite the fortress of Siyyid Yahyá.
> Five days elapsed without any fighting. On the sixth
> night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote a few words on scraps of paper
> and fixed them to the belts of his men and said: “This scrap
> of paper will protect you from the fire of muskets and
> guns.” Then he selected three hundred of them for a night
> attack on the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s camp. He gave each of
> them a scimitar, and at midnight they came out of the
> fortress, hurried to the camp with great clamor, and invaded
> the breastworks without fear. They killed several people and
> caused I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk much trouble.
> They fought in the camp until sunrise. The spears and
> muskets of the soldiers killed several Bábís. The rest of them
> returned to the fortress. Then it became known that one
> hundred and fifty of the Bábís and three hundred men of
> the camp had been killed during the night.
> The Bábís realized that the paper scraps were of no
> use, and their faith dwindled; groups of five or ten people
> deserted from Siyyid Yahyá’s camp, at first in secret, then
> quite openly, and his army was diminished.
> Three days after this event, Siyyid Yahyá made new
> preparations and selected three hundred men for another
> night attack, and they assaulted the camp making a lot of
> noise. The people of the camp leveled their guns at them,
> and cannon and musket fire killed about fifty Bábís.
> However, the rest of them invaded the breastworks with
> great bravery, and about one hundred men of the camp were
> killed. The I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk fought
> back courageously and threw the Bábís out of the camp.
> During the battle another group of Siyyid Yahyá’s
> followers deserted him and went its way. When he saw that
> his army was diminishing, he began peace negotiations.
> After the exchange of messengers and letters, Siyyid Yahyá,
> five days later, came out of the fortress with twelve of his
> adherents, entered the camp with all honors, and was put in
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 178 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s tent. After spending one night with
> honors, he and his adherents were arrested and killed the
> next day by the heirs of ‘Alí-Asghar Khán; two of Siyyid
> Yahyá’s sons and thirty of his followers were put in fetters
> and sent to Shiraz. The thirty followers were executed and
> the two sons of Siyyid Yahyá, who were not yet grown up,
> were sent to Burújird and surrendered to their learned
> grandfather, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far.
> 
> 5. Outline of Fatsafih Níkú by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Níkú Burújirdí,
> vol. 3, pages 119-120:
> 
> - Together with Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, Vahíd was
> commissioned to investigate the Báb and was given a
> horse and 100 tumáns;
> - He met the Báb at the house of His uncle through the
> intervention of Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í;
> - In response to his questions, Tafsír Kawthar was
> revealed;
> - A series of travels was undertaken until eventually he
> joined forces with Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh.
> 
> 6. Outline of Vápasín Junbish Qurún Vustá’í dar Dúrán
> Fiúdálí [The Last Medival [social] Movement in the Feudal Period] by
> Muhammad-Ridá Fisháhí: Though a relatively recent study, pages 126-
> 128 offers innovative analysis of the undercurrents of social
> dissatisfaction of Nayrízís which led to the Bábí rebellion.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 179
> 
> Qájár Records Pertaining to Nayríz-II
> 7. Notice of Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s Assassination
> The following notice was posted in Rúznámah Waqáyi’í Ittifáqiyya356, no.
> 117, Thursday, 19 Rajab 1269 A.H./28 April 1853:
> 
> News of Fárs: According to the reports in the Fárs
> newspapers, on 15 Jamádíu’th-Thání357, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán Nayrízí had gone to the public bath where several
> malefactors had beforehand taken position and at an
> opportune moment had rushed and murdered him. After he
> had entered the bathhouse, they had emerged from hiding
> and caused him injuries on the left side and as apparently no
> one was with him, people heard the commotion and
> informed his attendants who came quickly and dealt with
> the four assassins accordingly.358
> 
> 8. Outline of Haqayiqu’l-Akhbar Násirí on Nayríz-II
> Some of the underlying causes for the second Nayríz uprising are noted
> in this source, which are not mentioned elsewhere:359
> 
> - The Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih,
> was appointed governor-general of Fárs in 1269 A.H.360
> - Though a competent governor, he was hamstrung by the
> Prime Minister who was the brother-in-law of Mírzá
> Na‘ím Núrí.
> 
> 356 Journal of Current Events, first established on 7 February 1851, by Mírzá Taqí
> 
> Khán Amír-Kabír, the Prime Minister, as a weekly organ of national news. For further
> information, consult E.G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, pp. 98-99.
> 357 26 March 1853
> 358 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 90, n. 1.
> 359 Quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 27, n. 1.
> 360 October 1852 to October 1853.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 180 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> - The governor was unable to prevent the injustices and
> oppressions of Mírzá Na‘ím in the administration of
> Nayríz, the intrigues of Mihr-‘Alí Khán and the wretched
> and impoverished Bábís in Nayríz and Dáráb.
> - Tahmásb Mírzá remained unresponsive to the complaints
> of the Bábís of Nayríz.
> - Frustrated with the status quo, the remnant of the Bábís
> emerged from hiding and rose in opposition against the
> deputy governor.
> - Mírzá Na‘ím misrepresented the situation to the
> governor-general, who sent him to Nayríz in company of
> an army and two cannons.
> - Mírzá Na‘ím arrived during the last ten days of
> Muharram361.
> - The battle started on 1 Safar362.
> - A large number of the Bábís were massacred and the
> remaining were brought to Shiraz as prisoners of war.
> - The Prince interrogated the Bábís, killed the
> insurrectionists and sent the remaining number to
> Tihrán.
> 
> 9. Nayríz-II uprising in the Government Newspaper
> The following is recorded in the Rúznámah Waqáyi’i Ittifáqiyya, no. 148,
> Thursday, 29 Sifr 1270 A.H./1 December 1853:
> 
> News of Fárs - According to the newspapers of that region,
> once again, Bábís have insurrected and about five or six
> hundred of them gathered with their wives in a mountain
> near Nayríz, constructed a large number of fortifications and
> caused mischief and trouble. The illustrious Prince,
> Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, the governorgeneral of Fárs, together with the honored Mírzá Na‘ím, the
> 361 23 October – 2 November 1853.
> 362 3 November 1853.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 181
> 
> Lashkar-Nivís363, and the governor of Nayríz, and General
> Luft-‘Alí Khán, in the company of a Qashqá’í regiment and
> another regiment maintained in Fárs and several heavy
> artillery pieces and cavalry, were sent to reduce the
> insurgents. A fierce battle took place between this misguided
> band and the all-powerful regiments at the end of Muharram
> and beginning of Safr364. Our forces were eventually
> victorious and captured two or three of their fortifications in
> the mountain, killing in battle about one hundred of their
> number and raising their heads upon spears. The rest were
> captured along with their wives and children and sent to
> Shiraz.
> Praise be to God that because of the unceasing divine
> confirmations surrounding the person of the monarch, the
> said group [i.e. the Bábís] were thoroughly routed and not
> one among them remained, as all were either killed or
> captured. Also according to these reports, the mountain
> where the battles took place was extremely difficult to pass,
> and only after intense battle was the army able to secure it.
> Several soldiers and royal attendants were injured in these
> events.365
> 
> 10. Muntazam Násirí
> Fádil Mázandarání quotes the following passage from this source,
> “About five or six hundred of the Bábís gathered in Nayríz and raised
> fortifications in the nearby mountains. The Prince Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih,
> the governor of Fárs, instructed Mírzá Na‘ím Lashkar-Nivís, governor of
> Nayríz and General Lutf-‘Alí Khán to proceed with a division of
> Qashqá’í and other soldiers and several cannons to reduce and eliminate
> them. After a fierce battle, their fortifications were conquered and some
> one hundred of them slaughtered by swords, while the remaining
> 
> 363 Chief registrar or the secretary of an army
> 364 3 November 1853.
> 365 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 118-119.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 182 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> number were captured as prisoners.”366
> 
> 366 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 39, n.1.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 183
> 
> Chapter 9
> 
> Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání
> 
> And their Lord hath accepted of them, and answered them: “Never
> will I suffer to be lost the work of any of you, be he male or female: ye
> are members, one of another; those who have left their homes, or been
> driven out therefrom, or suffered harm in My cause, or fought or been
> slain, verily, I will bolt out from them their inequities, and admit them
> into gardens with rivers flowing beneath; a reward from the presence of
> God, and from His presence is the best of rewards.
> Qur’án 3:195
> 
> Introduction
> A Bábí and Bahá’í of many years, Siyyid Husayn Hamadání had held civil
> service posts in the government, and had once been a member of the
> Sháh’s retinue when the monarch visited Europe in 1873. Some time
> later, Mírzá Husayn was imprisoned because of his religious affiliations
> and afterwards accepted a position in the Tihrán office of Manekjí Sábih,
> who had come to Iran seeking royal exemption on payment of religious
> taxes (jaz’iyh) for the Zoroastrian community – an effort that took him
> to Baghdad and led to a meeting with Bahá’u’lláh, probably in 1861. In
> addition to Siyyid Husayn, Manekjí employed the celebrated Mírzá
> Abú’l-Fadl as a secretary and according to the latter, Manekjí was an avid
> book collector and always encouraged and persuaded talented people to
> write and compose for him. Being fascinated with the rise of the Bahá’í
> faith and its relation to the Bábí religion, Manekjí commissioned Siyyid
> Husayn to prepare a detailed history of the Bábí movement. In
> consultation with Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl and with his encouragement, Siyyid
> Husayn readily undertook this charge and produced a remarkably
> moving account which relied substantially on the narrative of Mírzá Jání
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 184 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh.367
> However, after the completion of this task, it was not known what
> became of Mírzá Husayn’s original manuscript. Manekjí, despite of his
> weak grasp of the Persian language, had the habit of editing such texts
> and it is evident that he attempted to “improve” Siyyid Husayn’s
> composition. This revised text did survive and should be labeled as
> “Manekjí’s text.” A copy of this was acquired by the London Museum
> and was later labeled “Codex L” by Prof. E.G. Browne. Also, the
> renowned Bahá’í scholar-teacher, Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní, surnamed
> Nabíl Akbar, decided to further edit Manekjí’s text and produced was is
> presently known as Táríkh Badí‘ Bayání. This later text is more than 90%
> the same history prepared by Siyyid Husayn. It is the view of the present
> writer that Browne acquired a copy of this text, which he labeled “Codex
> C” for the Cambridge manuscripts, and mistakenly thought it was the
> original of Siyyid Husayn.368 Despite its limitations, Browne’s translation
> of Siyyid Husayn’s revised narrative, published under the title of Táríkh-i
> Jadíd, remains one of the most important and moving accounts of the
> rise and struggles of the Bábí community.
> Fortunately, after the passage of these years, Susan Maneck was
> able to locate the original text of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative, which
> includes some of Manekjí’s interpolations, and I am grateful to her for
> kindly sharing a copy with me. In her cover letter she states, “...
> Although Manekjí’s library had been reported as destroyed by white ants
> (his grandson told me this) I in fact found that at least part of it was
> housed in the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute in Bombay. There were cards
> written in Persian identifying each manuscript. Besides photocopying
> each Bahá’í manuscript I copied those notes. Unfortunately I could not
> locate them as I was getting ready to mail you this manuscript. They will
> 367 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. xxxii, gives the date of this composition as 1297-8 A.H. (1880).
> 368 For instance, in Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 131, n.1, Browne concludes that this section had
> 
> been a subsequent addition to the original text, which seems a reasonable inference.
> However, Browne identifies Nabíl as Mírzá Muhammad Zarandí and refers to the
> translation of A Traveler’s Narrative for details concerning him. As noted earlier, the
> evidence suggests that by Nabíl is meant Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní. Concerning Nabíl
> Akbar see Eminent Bahá’ís in the time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 112-115, and Memorials of the
> Faithful, pp. 1-5.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 185
> 
> turn up eventually and I will send you the entire list. The notes identified
> the texts, the authors, the types and quality of calligraphy and the
> calligrapher. Hamadání was listed as the calligrapher and the author.”
> This aged text stands at a total of 261 densely written pages and will be
> referred to as “Hamadání’s manuscript.” It is the earliest text of
> Hamadání’s Tarikh-i Jadid known to the present writer.
> In addition to the newly found manuscript of Siyyid Husayn’s text,
> I am in possession of a later revision scribed by a certain Hájí
> Muhammad-Sádiq, son of the martyred Muhammad-‘Alí, who completed
> his copying on 10 Ramadán 1317 A.H.369. This text is in 327 pages and
> will be referred as “Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript.”
> Hamadání’s manuscript accords very closely to Browne’s Codex L,
> but there are some notable differences. For instance, on page 120, n.1, of
> Táríkh-i Jadíd, Browne notes that both his manuscripts refer to Prince
> Farhád Mírzá. However, both manuscripts in my possession have Prince
> Fírúz Mírzá (Hamadání, p. 81, line 18; and Muhammad-Sádiq, p 166, line
> 8). Another example is in the next line, where Browne refers to Mihr-‘Alí
> Khán, but the manuscripts in my possession name him as Muhammad-
> ‘Alí Khán, and leave out his title, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk. There are many
> other minor differences that are beyond our present purposes to
> describe and hopefully will be documented in a separate study.
> Yet a third version of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative pertaining to
> Vahíd and the Nayríz struggles appears in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár.370 It is
> apparent that Rawhání was not familiar with the complicated history of
> Siyyid Husayn’s narrative and in error thought that it was penned by Hájí
> Mírzá Jání, whom he thought a Bahá’í.371 For the most part, the text used
> by Rawhání follows Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript, but towards the
> end begins to diverge completely and also shows a number of other
> corruption. Therefore, it was decided not to use this version and to limit
> the study to the original of Siyyid Husayn and the revised Muhammad-
> Sádiq’s. It should be noted that Muhammad-Sádiq’s version is utilized
> primarily to illustrate how such texts change through transcriptions and
> 
> 369 12 January 1900.
> 370 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 319-336.
> 371 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 319.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 186 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> revisions. To facilitate a comparison of the present translation with
> Táríkh-i Jadíd, to the extent possible, Browne’s actual words have been
> used, though they been modified as demanded by the two cited
> manuscripts.
> 
> Notations:
> 
> [] comments added to enhance clarity
> {} appears only in Hamadání Manuscript
> <> appears only in Muhammad-Sádiq Manuscript
> 
> Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání
> {Yet more bewildering than the Mazandaran episode is that which befell
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí}372, son of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí. He
> was eminent amongst mujtahids373 and the learned, [divinely] gifted with
> supernatural faculties and high spiritual attainments, notable for his
> sanctity, and unrivalled in discourse and revelation, austerity of life and
> piety. When he heard the tidings of the Manifestation, he went to Shiraz
> expressly to inquire into the matter. There he met with a certain eminent
> and illustrious mujtahid truly learned in divine knowledge and wise in the
> wisdom of the Eternal, one whose being is an ever-stirring sea harboring
> pearls and jewels of understanding. But men know him not by this name
> [of Babi], for the All-Wise hath till now kept him under the shadow of
> His protection for the edification and perfection of His servants, the
> guidance of such as wander in the valley of search into the straight path
> of recognition, and the deliverance from darkness of such as seek after
> truth.374 With this illustrious personage and several other learned and
> pious believers did this thirsty pilgrim in the path of inquiry [i.e. Vahíd]
> meet on his arrival at Shiraz. He was eager to obtain forthwith an
> 
> 372 <The amazing episode of Áqá Siyyid Yahyáy-i Dárábí in Yazd and Nayríz occurred
> 
> in the year 1266 A.H. He was>
> 373 Those certified to issue rulings on matters of Islamic religious laws.
> 374 Presumably a reference Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 187
> 
> interview with the Bab, the object of his search, but permission was for
> sundry reasons deferred, and [Siyyid Yahyá] spent this interval in
> examining some of the revealed verses. {Finding in them no ground for
> objection or denial,}375 he said in confidence to the illustrious divine and
> exalted Siyyid already referred to [i.e. Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í], “These
> luminous words bear witness to the truth of this claim, and leave no
> room for doubt; yet were it permitted to me to behold some miracle or
> sign beyond this, I should gain a fuller measure of certitude and
> assurance.” To this the illustrious Siyyid answered, “For such as have,
> like us, beheld a thousand marvels stranger than the fabled cleaving of
> the moon, to demand a miracle or sign from that Perfect Truth would be
> as though we should seek light from a candle <or be satisfied with a
> lighted wick> in the full blaze of the radiant sun:
> 
> In presence of the sun’s effulgence bright
> Should we from lamp or candle seek for light,
> ‘T would surely be an act as vain as rude,
> A proof of folly and ingratitude.
> The sun, in sooth, requires no further sign
> Than the slant sun-beam’s long-protracted line.376”
> 
> <For a while, in a state of doubt and quandary Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
> tarried in that town. Thereafter, he set down in writing several hard
> questions of his own devising, and one night, about five hours after
> sunset, sent this paper by means of the aforementioned eminent divine
> to His Exalted Holiness, (may the spirit of all that dwell on earth be a
> ransom for Him). In the morning the messenger brought the answer,
> wherein were nearly three thousand verses of text and commentary
> sufficient to dispel all hesitancy. No sooner had Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
> glanced at these than he was filled with wonder, and said to that
> illustrious personage, “I have beheld a marvel a hundred-thousand-fold
> 
> 375 <Although outwardly he testified to the eloquence and sublimity of those verses,
> 
> yet inwardly he was hesitant and desired to witness something extraordinary and truly
> miraculous.>
> 376 This quotation is from the Mathnaví. (E.G.B.)
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 188 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> beyond what I sought, {for,} with all my learning and scholarship, I
> spent <eight or> nine whole days in writing one single page of questions
> containing not more than twelve lines. Most wonderful, therefore, does
> it seem to me that over two thousand exalted verses and illustrations of
> such exceeding eloquence and beauty of style should be revealed and
> written down during five {or six} hours of the latter part of the night,
> which is the time for His Holiness’s repose.”
> When, therefore, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá had well considered that
> treatise, and the solutions therein offered of the hard questions which he
> had propounded, his doubts were completely removed; and, after a
> sojourn of some little while, during which the honor of an interview was
> accorded to him <which completed his enchantment>, he received
> permission to depart, and set out for Yazd. The late Hájí Mírzá Jání
> writes:377
> 
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, at the behest of His Exalted Holiness [i.e.
> the Báb], came from Yazd to Tihrán, and it was during this
> journey that I had the honor of meeting him.378 This was at
> a time when snow had covered the earth and the air was
> bitterly cold, and snow and rain threatened travelers with
> destruction and rendered movement almost impossible.
> Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility and
> contentment as knew no limit. I inquired of him what had
> been the means of his conversion and how he had come to
> believe, and he answered as follows: ‘<Although it requires a
> great deal of explanation to outline the manner in which I
> recognized Him, as I was immersed in doubts and tarried in
> the land of dilemma and uncertainty for much too long, I
> shall endeavor to acquaint you with a brief outline.> After
> the report of the Manifestation had been spread abroad,
> 
> 377 The first two paragraphs of the section that follows are similar to the Nuqtatu’l-
> 
> Káf, pages 120-122, quoted in Chapter 6. However, one will note a number of
> additional details in the present section.
> 378 As noted earlier, this meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of
> 
> 1847 as Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 189
> 
> men would ask of me, “What say you of Him [i.e. the Báb]?”
> to which I was forced to reply, “Not having seen Him, what
> can I say? Once I have beheld Him, and ascertained
> somewhat more about Him, then I shall be able to impart to
> you that which I have understood.” Later I set out for
> Shiraz to inquire into the matter and ascertain its truth. After
> staying in Shiraz for some time, I was granted the honor of
> attaining His presence. In the first interview with His
> Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of divines, in a
> somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous questions, and
> conducting myself haughtily, as men of learning are wont to
> do. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being still
> covered with a veil of egotism and self-centeredness, His
> words found no favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to be
> somewhat sorry <and disappointed> that I had troubled
> myself to no purpose, and fruitlessly undertaken so long and
> tedious a journey. <What had I desired to witness had not
> transpired and in fact the very opposite was the case.>
> However, His Holiness smiled much upon me, and treated
> me very graciously. On returning to my lodging, I said
> confidentially to some of His disciples, who were
> profoundly versed in knowledge and entrusted with the
> divine treasures, “You are more learned and far wiser than
> this Youth; for what reason do you acknowledge the truth
> of His claim and admit the cogency of His proofs?” “If you
> will but be patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you
> too will confess and yield allegiance.” Deeply disappointed, I
> wished to return to my home, and was actually intending to
> commence the journey, when my companions <stopped
> and> prevented me, saying, “You too will be fully
> convinced and become a believer. <Since you have troubled
> yourself with this journey, do not hasten to return until the
> doubts have been dispelled and the veils lifted.>“ I inquired
> on what grounds they based their belief. They replied,
> “Experience has taught us that anyone whom His Holiness
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 190 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> receives graciously, and to whom He shows affection, is in
> the end invariably persuaded, even though he be filled with
> antagonism and aversion; while, on the other hand, anyone
> on whom His Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even
> though at first he may incline to believe.”
> ‘To be brief, I delayed my departure [from Shiraz]
> during which time I observed certain events that increased
> my desire to discover the truth and, in fact, brought about a
> limited degree of assurance. However, one night His
> Holiness summoned me, [and, after receiving me,] very
> graciously, said, “What dost thou then desire of Me? I
> replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily
> bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou
> grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of
> Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand.” “Write down your
> questions,” said He, “that I may answer them in writing.”
> Now I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote
> down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen,
> and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen
> could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took
> another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question
> which you have in heart is this, and this is its answer.” When
> I had considered these full and sufficient answers, and the
> reply given to the question which I had in my heart and
> which I regarded as more weighty and important than the
> other two, but deemed unanswerable, and observing a
> number of other details <including His innate splendors,
> divine attraction and power and might over all things>, I
> became certain that in truth the expected Proof and the
> fashioner of the worlds seen and unseen, was none other
> than Him. Indeed, I submitted so entirely to the power of
> attraction and influence which He possesses that, oblivious
> of any danger and peril that might await me, at a mere hint
> on His part I was proud and glad to undertake a journey in
> this cold winter weather, my only hope being that He would,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 191
> 
> of His grace and favor, accept me as the servant of His
> servants, and that I might be permitted to shed even a drop
> of my blood in the furtherance of His cause.’
> When, after the lapse of some time, I again had the
> honor of meeting Áqá Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd379, I observed in
> his august countenance signs of a glory and power which I
> had not noticed during my first interview with him in the
> capital [i.e. Tihrán], nor at other encounters, and I knew of a
> certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his
> departure from the world. In subsequent meetings I heard
> him say several times in the course of conversation, ‘This is
> my last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and
> often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to the
> same thought. Sometimes when we were together, and the
> conversation took an appropriate turn, he would remark,
> ‘The near-ones to God are able to foretell coming events,
> and I swear by that beloved True One in the grasp of
> Whose power my soul lies that I know and could tell where
> and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me.
> And how glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood
> should be shed for the uplifting of the Word of Truth!’
> Sanctified be God! I know not what these personages
> thus perceived that they surrendered the realm of self to
> divine attraction. And what marvel has He wrought, that
> such illustrious men of learning, achievement and piety, can
> foretell their own deaths and be informed of the slayer and
> the killing place, and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm,
> hasten to the abode of sacrifice. It is as though they were
> detached from this world and all that is therein, and indeed
> had grown weary and disgusted with all earthly things.380
> 
> 379 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However,
> 
> both manuscripts in my possession have the meeting in Yazd.
> 380 The above two paragraphs closely correlate with the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pp. 223-230;
> 
> see Chapter 6.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 192 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, after he had believed and made
> submission, took leave [of the Báb], and set out from Shiraz for Yazd.
> For a time at the beginning of his mission he expounded the Báb’s
> doctrines only in gatherings of such as were prepared and fit to hear
> them. <He would share with certain companions and believers, the glad
> tidings of the Manifestation and the Truth of His Cause. Gradually as the
> flame of love for the Beloved grew stronger in the heart of the seeker,
> and the heat of recognition engulfed him, he would express a greater
> measure of the truth.> But afterwards, according to the purport of the
> verse-
> 
> “Prudence and love can ne’er walk hand in hand,”
> 
> and the verse
> 
> ‘Love and fair fame must wage eternal war;
> O lover, halt not at the loved one’s door!”
> 
> he began openly to proclaim the truth, and converted a great multitude
> <from ranks of the both the learned and the common>, beside leading
> many who had not reached the stage of conviction and the haven of
> assurance to profess devotion and sympathy. At length, through the
> exertions of certain meddlesome and mischievous people, the governor
> of Yazd was informed of what was taking place. He, fearing for himself,
> sent a body of men to arrest Siyyid Yahyá <and his companions>. A
> trifling collision occurred between the two parties and thereupon the
> governor prepared to effect his capture by force of arms, and prepared
> for battle.
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired with a number of his followers and
> friends into the citadel of Yazd, while the myrmidons of the governor
> surrounded it and commenced hostilities. At length the matter came to
> actual warfare, in the course of which some thirty or more of the
> governor’s men and the rogues and vagabonds of the city who had
> joined them were killed, while seven of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá’s followers
> were also slain, and the rest were besieged for some time, till some,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 193
> 
> unwilling to endure further disaster or withstand trial, dispersed. Siyyid
> Yahyá thereupon determined to set out for Shiraz, and said one night,
> “If one of you could manage to lead out my horse, so that I might
> diffuse this untoward situation, and convey myself to some other <preordained> place, it were not amiss.” One Hasan <Yazdí> by name, who
> bad been for some time in attendance on Siyyid Yahyá, and had
> displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion, having
> witnessed on the part of his august master many a display of miraculous
> and supernatural faculties, made answer, saying, “With your permission,
> I will lead out the horse.” “They will capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid
> Yahyá. “In the path of servitude to you,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to
> bear. I have no ambition beyond it. <My purpose has been to attain
> detachment from worldly things and the blessings of martyrdom,
> particularly in the fulfillment of your wishes.>“ So Siyyid Yahyá allowed
> him to go, and, even as he had announced, they took the youth captive
> outside the citadel and brought him before the governor, who ordered
> him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. When they would have
> bound him with his back towards the gun, he begged the gunners, “Bind
> me, I pray you, with my face towards the gun, that I may see it fired.”
> The gunners, and those who stood by looking on, were astonished at his
> composure and cheerfulness, and indeed <such behavior is a cause of
> wonder and amazement as> one who can be cheerful in such a plight
> must needs have great faith and fortitude.
> Siyyid Yahyá, however, succeeded in effecting his departure from
> the citadel with one other, and set out for Shiraz <where he stayed only
> briefly>, whence he proceeded to Nayríz. After his withdrawal the
> governor soon overcame his followers. Several of them were taken
> captive and put to death, while from the rest, after they had suffered
> divers torments, fines of money were exacted. <This also provided an
> excuse to round up a number of affluent citizens, and despite their
> having remained aloof from the events, to forcibly extract from them
> considerable sums before releasing them.>
> Now when Siyyid Yahyá was come to Nayríz, which was the
> abode of his family and many friends, <in the course of a short while>,
> he caused many to believe, while others denied, and many remained
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 194 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> hesitant and undecided. The governor of that district, <that is, Mírzá
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán>, though he had formerly professed the most
> devoted attachment to him, no sooner perceived <that some of the
> town’s population had sided with Siyyid Yahyá while others were
> decidedly antagonistic, and feared that> a struggle was imminent
> <among the commoners,> and that the government would pass out of
> his hands, than he sent word to Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider
> it expedient that you should continue any longer in this province. It is
> best that you should depart with all speed to some other place.” To this
> Siyyid Yahyá made reply, “I have returned hither, after a prolonged
> absence, to learn how matters fare, and to see my wife and family,
> neither do I wish to interfere with anyone. What makes you order me to
> quit my house, instead of affording me protection and observing towards
> me the friendship and respect which are my due? <It is most unseemly
> to order me to depart in such a hurry.> Do you not fear God, and have
> you no shame before His apostle?”
> So when the governor, <Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán>, saw that Siyyid
> Yahyá heeded not his words and answered him sharply, he was filled
> with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a popular tumult, inciting such
> men of every class and kind as were most wicked and mischievous to
> make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid Yahyá, who, perceiving this,
> repaired to the mosque, and, after performing his devotions, ascended
> the pulpit formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather, and spoke as
> follows:
> 
> O good Muslims! Am I not he whose opinions and
> prescriptions ye were wont to follow in all religious
> questions? In your hour of need and trial, as well as in all
> matters of doctrine and practice, did ye not use to prefer my
> word to that of any other? Was not my belief, and the
> judgment which my studies had led me to form, the
> criterion of all your actions? What has come to you that you
> meet me now with opposition and enmity? What forbidden
> thing have I sanctioned, or what lawful thing have I
> forbidden, that you thus without reason charge me with
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 195
> 
> heresy and error? I stand here amongst you wronged and
> oppressed for no other cause than that I have, for your
> awakening and enlightenment, spoken true words and held
> faithful discourse, and that I have, out of sympathy for you
> and desire for your welfare, made known to you the path of
> guidance. This being so, let each who slights or supports me
> know of a certainty that, howsoever he acts in my regard, he
> acts so in regard to my illustrious Ancestor.
> 
> When he had spoken words to this effect, some were sorry, and
> some wept bitterly, saying, “We still continue in our former allegiance
> and devotion to you, and all that you say we hold true and right.”
> Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque, left the city, and
> alighted in a ruined castle hard by, those friends who bore him company
> being not more than seventeen in number. But even after he had left the
> city his malicious and mischievous persecutors ceased not from their evil
> designs, for they followed him with a great multitude, scouring the
> country in all directions until they discovered his retreat. Thereupon they
> laid siege to the castle and opened hostilities. Then Siyyid Yahyá
> commanded seven of his men to go out and drive them away, and gave
> them full instructions as to the ordering of battle, adding that whoever
> should occupy a certain position would be slain by a wound in the
> breast, and that such as went in a certain direction would return unhurt.
> One amongst those present, a young lad of Yazd, good of heart and
> comely of countenance, arose and said, “I pray you suffer me to be the
> pioneer of this much-wronged band and to precede my comrades in
> martyrdom.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and breathed a
> prayer for him. Then the defenders of the castle sallied swiftly forth, and
> attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere long scattered them and
> put them to flight. But the Yazdí lad, even as his master had foretold,
> and he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom, escaped
> from the bonds of earth’s deceits, and gained the everlasting world and
> life eternal. The rest returned victorious, having learned the meaning of
> “verily we belong to God, and unto Him do we return.”
> At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 196 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, came to assume the government of Shiraz,
> and was informed of what had taken place. He at once collected a
> considerable force, which he dispatched under the command of
> Muhammad-‘Alí Khán Díván-Begi, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán of
> Núr, and General Mustafá-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlú, to subdue and take
> captive the insurgents. When this force reached the castle, the number of
> Siyyid Yahyá’s followers had increased to at least seventy. Several
> encounters took place between the two forces, and on each occasion the
> Bábís routed and dispersed their opponents and obtained possession of
> abundant spoils. Meanwhile the devotion, faith, and love of Siyyid
> Yahyá’s companions were much increased by the many prodigies which
> he wrought, so that each was fully prepared to lay down his life. Siyyid
> Yahyá had repeatedly described to his companions the circumstances of
> his approaching end, and all had, for the good pleasure of the Beloved,
> washed their hands of life, and, quit of earthly ties, awaited martyrdom.
> Those who had come to take them, being unable, notwithstanding all
> their efforts, to prevail by force of arms, and despairing of the final issue,
> had recourse to treachery, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá expressing
> perplexity as to his mission, making excuses for past deeds, declaring
> themselves eager to inquire into the matter, and begging for instruction.
> They further pledged, with oaths sworn on the Word of God [the
> Qur’án], that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they
> would obey whatever terms he might propose.
> So Siyyid Yahyá, out of respect for the Qur’án, prepared to go
> forth. But his followers surrounded him on every side, saying, “We are
> fearful and anxious about your exit, for this host is more faithless than
> the men of Kufa.381 No reliance can be placed on their oaths, neither
> ought you to believe their promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied, “By
> God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery, and I
> know it as well as my saintly Ancestor382 knew the perfidy of the men of
> Kufa. But how can I resist their wiles, these being in accord with the
> divinely-appointed destiny? Because of what they have written and
> 
> 381 The people of Kufa by their promises of support induced the Imam Husayn to take
> 
> up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. (E.G.B.)
> 382 A reference to Imam Husayn from Whom Vahíd descended.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 197
> 
> pledged themselves on the Qur’án to perform, it is incumbent on me to
> go and complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written
> instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his
> companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do
> we return.” And his followers wept bitterly.
> So Siyyid Yahyá came to the warring camp, and there alighted. At
> first they treated him with all respect and deference, such respect as
> Má’mún ar-Rashid observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí383, upon Him
> be a thousand blessings and salutations, while inwardly bent on His
> death. And they agreed to postpone all discussion of terms till the
> morrow, and spent that night conversing on various topics. But when
> morning was come, and Siyyid Yahyá would have gone forth from his
> tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It is not permitted for you to
> go out.” So he remained a prisoner in the tent.
> No sooner had tidings of this reached Siyyid Yahyá’s faithful
> followers than, unable to restrain themselves, they emerged from their
> castle, hurled themselves upon the center of the army, and, in the space
> of one hour, threw the whole camp into confusion. The senior officers,
> seeing this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, saying, “Was it not
> agreed between us last night that there should be peace and concord?”
> “Aye,” said he, “but your scheming last night and your conduct this
> morning provoked this reprisal.” “It was done without our knowledge,”
> answered they, “and without our sanction. Some of our men, who have
> lost kinsmen and relatives in this warfare, offered you this insult
> ignorantly and without our knowledge. You, who are merciful and
> generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”, said he, “would you have
> me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men of yours, bidding them
> evacuate the castle and return to their own homes, that the minds of our
> soldiers may be reassured; and we will then arrange matters as you may
> determine, and act agreeably on your suggestions.”
> Siyyid Yahyá had no resource but to write to his followers, “Come
> what may, you must submit to the divinely ordained decree; meanwhile
> there is no recourse but that you should gather up your own gear, leaving
> the spoils you have won exactly as they are, and return to your homes.
> 383 The eighth Imam. ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818).
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 198 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Let us wait and see what God wills, and what’s behind the veil of
> predestination.” So these poor companions, being constrained to obey
> his behest, departed to their homes. But no sooner did they arrive there
> than their foes attacked their houses, <captured them singly,> carried
> off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them in
> chains, bound hand and foot, to the camp.
> There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had
> served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, suffering much for his
> sake, and attaining the exalted station of servitude by renouncing all
> earthly possessions. And when word was brought that the executioner
> was on his way from the city charged with the killing of that illustrious
> Siyyid [Yahyá], this man began to make great lamentation. But his master
> said, “It is you, not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay
> me will arrive tomorrow.” When the morrow came, about an hour after
> the time of the Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is
> now come.” Shortly after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out
> Siyyid Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner, just as
> Siyyid Yahyá had foretold, proffered to the youth the draught of
> martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am
> ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle and will never lift my hand to
> slay His offspring,” neither would he, for all their importunity, consent
> to do their bidding. Then one who had lost two brothers in the earlier
> part of the war and therefore cherished a deep resentment, said, “I will
> kill him.” And he loosed the shawl wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast
> it round his neck, and drew it tight. And others beat his holy body with
> sticks and stones, dragging it hither and thither over the plain, till his
> soul soared falcon-like to the branches of paradise <and took his place
> near the Lord of Oneness>. Then they severed his head from his body,
> skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and sent it, with other heads, along with
> the captives to Shiraz. And they sent an announcement of their victory
> and triumph to Prince [Firuz Mírzá], and fixed a day for their entry into
> Shiraz. And when on the appointed day they drew near, the city was
> decorated, and the people were busy enjoying themselves and making
> merry, most of them having come out from the town to meet the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 199
> 
> victorious troops and gaze on the captives.384 The late Hájí Mírzá Jání
> writes:385
> 
> One Kuchak ‘Alí Beg, the head-man and chief of the
> Basirí386 tribe of Shiraz, related what follows: ‘After they had
> slain Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, they came to take camels from our
> people, intending to set the captives on their bare backs. I
> was distressed at this, but could not resist the governor’s
> order. I therefore rode away from my tribe at night and
> came to Shiraz that at least I might not be amongst my
> people and have to endure the insolence of the soldiers.
> When I was come within half a farsang of Shiraz, I lay down
> to sleep for a while to rid myself of weariness. When I again
> mounted, I saw that the people of Shiraz had come out in
> large numbers with minstrels and musicians, and were sitting
> about in groups at every corner and cross-road, feasting and
> making merry with wanton women. On every side I noted
> with wonder drunken brawls, wine bibbing, the savor of
> roasted meats, and the strains of guitars and lutes. Thus
> wondering I entered the city.
> ‘After a while, unable to endure the suspense, I
> determined to go out and see what was taking place. As I
> came forth from the city-gate, I heard an old man asking
> another, “What has happened today that the people have
> thus left their houses and gone out of the town as though to
> see some great sight, and why do they thus make merry?”
> The other, a youth, replied, “You must surely be a stranger
> 
> 384 The portion detailing Vahíd’s activities in Yazd and Nayriz closely correlates with
> 
> the section in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf; see Chapter 6.
> 385 This entire section is not in the published Nuqtatu’l-Káf. At least two possibilities
> 
> exist: (1) Hamadání was using a text of Hájí Mírzá Jání’s narrative that differed from
> Browne’s edition of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf by at least this one section; or (2) he simply
> added this material and attributed it to Mírzá Jání, much like other writers who
> attribute their writings or poems to earlier recognized figures.
> 386 The Basirí is one the Khamsa (Arab) nomad tribes of Fárs and Laristán. See Lord
> 
> Curson, Persia, vol. 2, p. 114. (E.G.B.)
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 200 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> not to know about the heretic who renounced our faith and
> creed of Islam and rebelled against His Majesty the Shah,
> and how a great force of troops was sent against him. Well,
> they have taken and slain him, and made captive his family,
> companions {and followers} whom they will bring into the
> city today.” “By which gate,” asked the old man, “will they
> enter?” “By the Sa‘dí gate,” answered the other.
> {‘He was a wise old man,’ continued Kuchak ‘Alí Beg,
> ‘and had seen the world and read its history!387 As soon as I
> had heard what passed between him and the youth, it at
> once recalled to me the story of Sahl ibn Sa‘íd, how he
> questioned the man of Damascus, and how just such a
> dialogue ensued, the latter saying, “They will enter
> Damascus by the gate of Sa‘at.”388 I was much struck by the
> coincidence, and my wonder increased.} When I had gone
> <somewhat> further, I saw such feasting and rejoicing as I
> had never before witnessed. Most of the men were engaged
> in making merry and toying with their wanton women. After
> a little while I saw the camels approaching, whereon there
> 
> 387  The narrator means, I suppose, to imply that the old man, struck by the
> resemblance between the episodes of Nayríz and Karbala, intentionally asked this
> question to bring out this resemblance more clearly. (E.G.B.)
> 388 In illustration of this narrative, I subjoin the translation of a passage occurring in a
> 
> manuscript collection of ta‘ziyas belonging to the University Library of Cambridge
> (Add. 423, f. 63b): “It is related on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbás that Sahl-i Sa‘idí related
> as follows: ‘I had gone on business to Damascus. One day I arrived at a village in the
> neighborhood of Damascus. I found that orders had been issued for the village to be
> decorated, and that the people were flocking out as though to see some sight, with
> rejoicing and beatings of drams and kettledrums. I said to myself, ‘Surely these people
> must have some festival not common to other men.’ I asked one what was toward. He
> replied, ‘O Shaykh, art thou then an Arab of the desert?’ I answered, ‘I am Sahl-i Sa’idi,
> and one of the companions of our Holy Prophet.’ The man heaved a sigh and began
> to weep and make lamentation, saying, ‘It is wonderful that the heavens do not rain
> down blood at this calamity.’ Then said I, ‘Speak more clearly.’ Then quoth he, ‘The
> people of Damascus are rejoicing and making merry over the blessed head of Imam
> Husayn which they of Iraq have sent to Yazid.’ I said, ‘From which gate of the city will
> they bring forth that head?’ He answered, ‘From the Gate of Sa‘at.’...” (E.G.B.)
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 201
> 
> were set some forty or fifty women. Many of the soldiers
> bore on their spears the severed heads of the men they had
> slain. And till this time the towns-folk had been busy with
> their merrymaking, but no sooner did their eyes fall on the
> severed heads borne aloft on spears and the captives set on
> barebacked camels than they burst unrestrainedly into tears.
> ‘Thus they brought the captives into the bazaars,
> which had been decorated and adorned, and though it was
> no great distance from the bazaars to the citadel, yet such
> was the throng of spectators who purposely retarded the
> passage of the captives that it was after mid-day when they
> reached the governor’s palace. The Prince was holding a
> pleasure-party in the summer-house called Kuláh Farangí389
> and the garden adjoining it, he sitting on a chair, and the
> nobles and magnates of the city standing. On one side was
> drawn a curtain, behind which the women of the Prince’s
> household were ensconced. And the captives all bound to
> one chain were led in this sad plight into the garden and
> brought before the Prince. Then <colonel> Muhammad-
> ‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other officers recounted
> their exploits and their glorious victory, with various
> versions and many embellishments, to the Prince, who on
> his part kept inquiring the names, rank, and family of the
> captives, and throwing in an occasional, “Who is this?” and
> “Which is that?” And all the captives were women, with the
> exception of one child four or five years of age who was
> with them. And that {sickly} child was in truth a partaker of
> the sufferings of these unfortunate women.
> ‘Now when the conversation had been extended for a
> long while, suddenly a very tall woman who was amongst
> the captives cried out, “O son of Marjina390, hast thou no
> 
> 389 Lit. “The European’s hat”, is the name of a summerhouse of the Fars’ governor,
> 
> which E.G. Browne states he visited in the spring of 1888; see, A Year Amongst the
> Persians, p. 317.
> 390 Shimar ibn Jawshan, one of the murderers of Imam Husayn. See Sir Lewis Pelly,
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 202 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> fear of God nor shame before my Ancestor391 that thou thus
> lookest on his offspring before all these strange men?”392‘
> Here Kuchak ‘Alí Beg added an oath before continuing,
> ‘The woman’s words produced such an effect on the hearts
> of those who were present, moving them to tears, that had
> the sight-seers and townsfolk been there and witnessed what
> took place there would assuredly have been a disturbance
> and revolt. The Prince first ordered the woman killed, but
> afterwards, seeing the mood of the bystanders greatly
> changed, he grew apprehensive, and ordered the captives
> dismissed.”
> 
> The night before, when the raid had been made on the houses of
> the {captives}393 [at Nayríz] {and they had been taken prisoner}, twelve
> people had succeeded in effecting their escape. These, however, were
> subsequently captured in the neighborhood of Isfahan and brought to
> Shiraz, {where they suffered martyrdom.}
> But in spite of all this, [as it would seem two years later,] they again
> waged protracted mountain warfare with the believers [of Nayríz], who,
> because of the cruelties and exactions to which they were subjected, were
> for a long while hiding in the mountains with their wives and children.
> Their persecutors, having captured and killed the men, seized,
> together with their children, at least thirty-five of the women, or
> according to another reckoning some forty of them, <on account of
> their enmity> they placed the women and children in the midst of a
> cave, heaped up in the cave a vast quantity of firewood, poured
> kerosene, and set fire to it. One of those who took part in this deed
> related what follows: “Two or three days later, we ascended that
> 
> Miracle Play of Hasan and Husayn, vol. 2, p. 258, and Tabari’s Annales, series ii, vol. i, p.
> 377, 1. 6. (E.G.B.)
> 391 The Prophet Muhammad, or his cousin and son-in-law ‘Alí b. Abi Talib, from
> 
> whom the woman, as belonging to a family of Siyyids, claimed descent. (E.G.B.)
> 392 i.e. men beyond the circle of those whose nearness of kinship to a woman entitles
> 
> them to look on her unveiled. (E.G.B.)
> 393 <companions>
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 203
> 
> mountain and removed the door from the cave. We saw that the fire had
> sunk down into the ashes; but all those women with their children were
> seated, each in some corner, clasping their little ones to their bosoms,
> and sitting round in a circle, just as they were [when we left them]. Some,
> as though in despair or in mourning, had suffered their heads to sink
> down to their knees in grief and all retained the postures they had
> assumed. I was filled with amazement, thinking that the fire had not
> burned them. Full of apprehension and awe I entered. Then I saw that
> all were burned and charred to a cinder, yet had they never made a
> movement, which would cause the crumbling away of the bodies. As
> soon as I touched them with my hand, however, they crumbled away to
> ashes. And all of us, when we had seen this, repented of what we had
> done. <But of what avail was this?>”
> <In the course of conversation, I myself heard the following from
> a certain learned divine who was unrivalled in piety and saintliness, and
> which increased my astonishment at these people [i.e. the Bábís]. Of the
> details he shared, a summary is this: One day during the period when
> Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and the body of his companions were surrounded by
> the gunmen and the standard of war and battle was raised high, one of
> them was struck by a bullet. “My injury is fatal,” he informed his friends,
> “the time for my earthly separation from you draws nigh. However as
> long as I am able to move, even stumblingly, use my body as a shield and
> get behind me. Thus, as they shoot at us, [the shots] will spare you and
> strike me instead, and as I am already dying, the greater the injuries, the
> quicker will be my departure.>
> But at that time the Bábís were subject to so rigorous a
> persecution, and matters went so hard with them, that none dared so
> much as utter their name, or allude to them in any way, or inquire
> concerning them. The full narrative of these events, therefore, would
> greatly exceed what is here recorded, but that which is set forth is all that
> could be ascertained. And these details were for the most part related by
> persons who were not believers, though candid and truthful after their
> own fashion. {“Excellence is that whereunto foes testify.”}
> Even this brief summary, however, will suffice for the appraisal of
> unprejudiced persons. The truth of the matter is, indeed, sufficiently
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 204 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> indicated by a tradition of Jabir, who, speaking of the promised Proof,
> says, “He shall manifest the perfection of Moses, the splendor of Jesus,
> and the patience of Job. His chosen ones shall be abased in His day.
> Their heads shall be offered as presents even as the heads of Turks and
> Daylamites. They shall be slain and burnt. Fear shall seize them; dismay
> and alarm shall strike terror into their hearts. The earth shall be dyed
> with their blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail and lament. These indeed
> are my friends!”394
> Glory be to God, {His Prophets, and the sacred religion}! <Now
> consider how in the Hadith [known as] Tablet of Fatimih,> a thousand
> years before this Manifestation the signs and tokens whereby its saints
> might be distinguished were thus explicitly declared by the imams of our
> holy religion for the information of this misguided people and their
> deliverance from error. The fulfillment of this announcement is now
> clearly seen; yet still the majority of mankind, thus blinded by willful
> prejudice, refuse to recognize this, and pay no heed to the
> accomplishment of the prophecy handed down by tradition from the
> Imams of old, the blessings of God be upon Them all. Yet have they
> clearly seen and heard how the heads of these true believers were sent as
> presents from land to land, how they were slain and burned, how their
> wives and children and those of their households were led captive from
> city to city, and how, just as the Imams foretold, the earth was dyed with
> their blood. Still do many, accounting as sound reason their own erring
> and wilful judgments, stigmatize as misguided or deranged men such as
> these, who were in truth kings in the spiritual world, gracious proofs of
> the Point of Unity {exemplars of “I was a Hidden Treasure. I wished to
> be made known, and thus I called creation into being in order that I
> might be known,”395 to whom, moreover, such words as “These indeed
> are my friends” were addressed}. And the greatest marvel is that before
> those who believed in this sublime and holy faith had embraced the new
> doctrine all men readily admitted their virtue, learning, sincerity, integrity,
> wisdom, and piety, and granted them their being incontestably superior
> to their contemporaries in austerity of life, godliness, intelligence, and
> 
> 394 Translation by Shoghi Effendi as it appears in the Kitab Iqan, p. 245.
> 395 Translation from the Kitáb-i Aqdas, n.23.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 205
> 
> good works. Thus Siyyid Yahyá, for example, was admittedly one of the
> most eminent divines of Islam, being remarkable not only for his
> singular holiness of life, but for his rare insight and miraculous faculties.
> Whenever he entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met by
> all the divines, nobles, and great men of the district, and was brought
> into the city with every mark of deference and respect. It was considered
> an honor to serve him, and at whatever house he alighted the owner
> thereof would glory over his fellows. In short, all men regarded his
> society as a privilege, and converse with him as a legitimate cause for
> pride. But when he had, after most careful and diligent enquiry,
> recognized the Lord of the world, and, actuated only by a desire to
> please God, set himself to save from error those who still wandered in
> the wilderness <of heedlessness and delusion>, and to guide them {to
> the shores of certitude and fulfillment and} into the haven of peace
> <and assurance> then, because bat-like they hated the light of Truth and
> effulgence of understanding, they acted according to their evil nature and
> their ancient custom, and, in return for his charity and kindness towards
> them, stirred up strife and blood-shed, persecuted and afflicted him,
> stuffed his holy head with straw as though it had been the head of a
> Turkman, Baluch, or Deylami, and bore it from town to town. Then, just
> as the holy Imams had foretold, they grievously afflicted and slew his
> friends and followers, cruelly burned their bodies with fire, and sent their
> heads as a show and a gift from land to land, as though to say, “This is
> the meaning of ‘Love’s portion is affliction,’ and this the way of such as
> are permitted to draw near to the courts of God!
> 
> {‘The guest whose place is highest in this banquet
> They ply most often with the wine of woe.”‘}
> 
> Thus they acted as they had done of yore in the time of God’s
> Apostle, dealing with these sorely afflicted people as they dealt with the
> Prince of Martyrs [Imam Husayn], upon Him be a thousand blessings
> and salutations, and His followers on the plain of Karbala, and as they
> had dealt with the Holy Spirit of God [Jesus] and His disciples. But the
> cruelty, hardness of heart, and unbelief which they had displayed towards
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 206 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Moses and the other Prophets of bygone time appeared in this
> Manifestation with redoubled intensity, revealing to all discerning
> persons the infidelity which permeated every recess of these men’s
> beings. For just as in every previous age they slandered the Prophets and
> saints, accounting it a work of merit to slay them, burn them, saw them
> asunder, and crucify them in blind obedience to their priests’ commands;
> just as they reviled, cursed, and rejected them, and convened assemblies
> to devise means for the shedding of their blood; just as they set in order
> proofs for the justification of their own assertions and actions, and
> arguments for the falsity of the claims advanced by those who
> announced themselves to be God’s messengers; just as they accounted
> their miracles naught but magic or slight-of-hand, and their revelations
> mere tales and “fables of the ancients396,” so in this Manifestation did
> they say and do more than ever they had said or done, in days gone by.
> <In truth, many of the divines who considered themselves men of
> influence and guides of people in the realms of God, without any
> scrutiny or careful determination, and solely based on personal pride on
> material learning and for protection of their position and leadership,
> caused all these misdeeds and agitation. They brought untold tumult and
> bloodshed. Unchecked and without the least questioning, they gave
> instructions for the eradication of these servants of God. In truth, no
> criticism is directed at the Monarch, as his majesty the Shah was urged,
> indeed forced into this unseemly violence against this community,
> because the divines exerted such influence over the nation and the
> government that the power and the authority of the Throne is
> insignificant compared with the mastery and rule of the divines. By such
> disagreements and divisions, they have reduced the religion of God to a
> mere name, they have rendered the government impotent and the
> monarchy an empty shell. Indeed, the Throne is a lifeless vessel, and
> much like a slaughtered bird moves its wings and legs, but its agitation is
> a sign of decline and impending death. Or their behavior can be likened
> to a ship wherein these unholy divines have gathered, each considering
> himself the competent captain and the independent and unrivaled leader
> of this vessel. In their competitiveness and hidden rivalries, one
> 396 Qur’án 4:25, 8:31 and 16:26.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 207
> 
> commands the vessel to go east, while another, for no better reason, calls
> for the west, and the third, based solely on his own vain imaginings,
> directs it north. None have been given the understanding and insight to
> discern the path to salvation, and to safely guide its inhabitants to the
> shores of deliverance. Whatever directions they give are futile, and
> whatever they instruct is useless. As soon as winds of opposition blow,
> they will all assuredly perish in the depths of oblivion.>397
> 
> {And these events took place in the year 1266 A.H.}
> 
> 397 Hamadání manuscript has two lines of Mathnaví.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 208 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 10
> 
> Companions of Vahíd
> 
> Even as it hath been recorded ... in the ‘Tablet of Fátimih’, concerning
> the character of the Qá’im: ‘He shall manifest the perfection of Moses,
> the splendor of Jesus, and the patience of Job. His chosen ones shall be
> abased in His day. Their heads shall be offered as presents even as the
> heads of Turks and Daylamites. They shall be slain and burnt. Fear
> shall seize them; dismay and alarm shall strike terror into their hearts.
> The earth shall be dyed with their blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail
> and lament. These indeed are my friends!’
> Kitáb-i Iqán, p. 245
> 
> The extinction of Vahíd’s life was the signal for a fierce onslaught
> on the life and property of those who stood identified with the new
> movement. For Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán it was time to exact his long
> awaited revenge, which he satisfied by ordering the capture and massacre
> of all who had been associated with Vahíd or had rebelled against his
> own tribal rule. Several thousand men, led by Colonel Mihr-‘Alí Khán,
> were commissioned for this villainous task. Some of the men were
> among the Silákhurí regiment while others were the armed gunmen sent
> from Shiraz, and yet others had been the irregulars gathered from the
> surrounding tribes allied with the governor. For a period of no less than
> a month these men committed that which had never before occurred in
> the history of the young movement – not even in Mázandarán.
> The companions of Vahíd who had scattered in hiding to various
> homes, orchards and wilderness were, one by one, hunted, seized,
> chained, tortured, and eventually slaughtered. Their women and children
> were captured and subjected to heinous brutalities, wholly unparalleled in
> the history of the region. Fádil Mázandarání writes: “On account of their
> mistreatment, some of the [Bábí] women decided to commit suicide and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 209
> 
> threw themselves into wells and perished. It is reported that they cut the
> breasts of some other women and several infants were stabbed and lifted
> from their cradle by bayonets and tossed some distance. They placed
> forty women in a cave and burned them alive.”398
> The properties of all Bábís were confiscated and their homes
> destroyed. Soldiers vandalized the homes in such wise that even the
> floorboards and roof-lumber were taken away. What remained, was
> burnt to the ground and obliterated. The Chindár-Súkhtih quarter, the
> scene of the arrival of Vahíd and the first Bábí mass conversion in
> Nayríz, was so completely demolished that for decades much of it
> remained uninhabited. Those portions of Fort Khájih made out of wood
> were burned to the ground and no trace of many of its segments was left
> standing. The luxurious home of Vahíd, which at one time had been a
> source of pride for the inhabitants, and had witnessed Vahíd’s
> matrimony, was ransacked and every article from it taken away.399
> The armed men of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán continued to hunt the
> companions of Vahíd and one by one located them, and anyone else
> remotely related to them or associated with that unfortunate band. The
> captives – men, women and children – were roped together, paraded at
> first through the streets of Nayríz, after which they were subjected to
> atrocious treatment in the hope of extracting from them whatever
> material advantage their persecutors had hitherto been unable to obtain.
> Having satisfied the greed of their captors, the victims were made to
> suffer an agonizing death. Many men had to endure having horseshoes
> nailed to their feet, and in that piteous state they were made to walk,
> each of them dragged through the streets an object of contempt and
> derision to all the people. Afterwards, they were all beheaded and their
> women and children made to walk over their severed heads and
> decapitated bodies.
> Those affluent Bábís whom Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán for purposes of
> 
> 398 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 422. Other sources indicate that the incident of
> 
> burning forty Bábí women and children took place subsequent to the battles of
> Nayríz-II.
> 399 Years later this house was purchased by the Bahá’í institutions in whose possession
> 
> it remained until the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 210 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> personal benefit had plunged into dark and subterranean dungeons were,
> as soon as his object was achieved, brought out and forced to sign the
> deeds of their properties over to him, or to offer exceedingly large
> ransoms, only to be delivered into the hands of his soldiers who
> perpetrated upon them acts of unspeakable cruelty.
> Shortly after the fort’s fall, the three-hundred and fifty unarmed
> Bábís who had been massacred outside the fort of Khájih, were buried
> without any religious ceremony, even such as was required by the Islámic
> laws, in a ditch near the entrance of the fort, wearing the same clothes
> they had on when they died.400
> 
> Taking Captives to Shiraz401
> Having now completed the task entrusted to it, the army sent some
> months earlier to eradicate Vahíd and his companions by Prince Fírúz
> Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was now prepared to return to its base.
> Feeling victorious and wishing to take a prize to their leader in Shiraz,
> 
> 400 During ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry, a member of the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz,
> 
> Mírzá Muhammad-Ibráhím, son of Mírzá ‘Alí-Bayk, purchased the land and much of
> the surrounding ground where the fort of Khájih was situated. Through the
> community’s efforts, sections of the fort were restored to their original condition.
> However, in 1923, a flood caused considerable damage and Shoghi Effendi instructed
> special fundraising in both the eastern and western hemispheres for reconstruction
> purposes. With those funds, an additional Bahá’í cemetery was also constructed
> nearby. Under the supervision of the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz and in collaboration
> with the Shíráz Assembly, several of the survivors of the 1850 pogrom, including
> Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih and Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí, were brought to the
> location, and the exact burial spot of the three-hundred and fifty companions of Vahíd
> was identified. A special shrine was constructed on that spot and a memorial stone
> installed. Also, the room in the fort where Vahíd had stayed was restored and
> refurbished much the same as it existed during his brief occupancy. Moreover, in
> accordance with Shoghi Effendi’s instructions, the remains of the eighteen martyrs of
> Naw-Rúz 1909, who were initially buried in public cemeteries, were exhumed and also
> brought to this location and buried next to their spiritual brethren of an earlier
> generation.
> 401 The information in the following sections is gleaned from Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
> 
> vol. 3, pp. 292-301, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 211
> 
> they collected the heads of many Bábí martyrs which lay scattered in the
> fields and hoisted them high on spears, among them the straw-filled,
> skinned head of Vahíd himself. They also assembled from among those
> unfortunate survivors some thirty men and fifty women, captured and
> taken as a battle trophy.402 The men, conducted in chains, were made to
> walk barefoot all the way to Shiraz over harsh and hostile terrain; while
> the womenfolk, most barely clad, were made to ride on barebacked
> camels. The leaders of the victorious party led the procession, while the
> captives followed in miserable conditions and the cheering foot soldiers
> proceeded from behind. To the sound of drums and trumpets, they
> marched to their destination. Of this, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, titled
> Núri’d-Dín, has recorded the following in his unpublished diary:
> 
> The martyrs’ heads and the captives were brought into
> Shiraz from Dariyun, Tang-Sargán and Tang-Sa‘dí. In Tang-
> Sargán, opposite a place near Sitlan and Burhid, and in the
> proximity of the entrance to Tang-Sa‘dí, there is a place
> known as Qabr Bábí [Bábís burial]. It is named thus because
> when the caravan reached that location, three of the Bábís
> could no longer walk and therefore they were decapitated,
> their heads raised above the points of spears along with
> other heads, and the remains were buried in that spot.403
> 
> Also related to the arrival of the Bábís in Shiraz, Fádil
> Mázandarání writes:
> 
> The soldiers traveled in great haste until they reached Shiraz.
> The governor-general had decreed the day of arrival of the
> captives and the severed heads to be a day of citywide
> celebration. The people therefore had left their homes and
> gone outside the city, carousing and merrymaking, watching
> the arrival of the wretched party. The formation of the
> procession coming to Shiraz was as follows: The military
> 
> 402 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 71.
> 403 Núri’d-Dín’s Diary, p. 76.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 212 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> commanders rode in front, while those of lower ranks were
> riding behind them. Compelled to march behind them were
> the captive Bábí men numbering in excess of thirty, all
> bound and chained, and in their midst were some fifty
> women prisoners riding unsaddled camels. Surrounding
> them were soldiers, each carrying a severed head raised on a
> long lance, [with the rest of their numbers following
> behind]. The soldiers were jubilant and exceedingly cheerful
> and in such manner arrived at the city.404
> 404 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 258, n. H, summarizes:
> 
> The heads of the victims were stuffed with straw, and bearing with
> them these grim trophies of their prowess, together with some forty
> or fifty Bábí women and one child of tender age as captives, the
> victorious army returned to Shiraz. Their entry into that city was
> made the occasion of general rejoicing; the captives were paraded
> through the streets and bazaars and finally brought before Prince
> Fírúz Mírzá, who was feasting in a summerhouse called Kuláh
> Farangí. In his presence Mihr-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other
> officers recounted the details of their victory, and received
> congratulations and marks of favor. The captive women were finally
> imprisoned in an old caravansary outside the Isfahan gate. What
> treatment they experienced at the hands of their captors is left to our
> conjecture.
> Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 407, states:
> This day was a fete day, so an eye witness tells us. The inhabitants
> were scattered about through the countryside, bringing with them
> their food and many among them drinking, on the sly, whole bottles
> of wine. The air was filled with musical strains, the songs of
> musicians, the screaming and laughter of lewd women. The bazaars
> were adorned with flags; joy was general. Suddenly there was absolute
> silence. They saw thirty-two camels coming, each carrying an
> unfortunate prisoner, woman or child, bound and thrown crosswise
> over the saddle like a bundle. All around them were soldiers carrying
> long lances and upon each lance was impaled the head of a Bábí who
> had been slain at Nayríz. The hideousness of the sight deeply affected
> the holiday population of Shiraz and they returned, saddened, to their
> dwellings. ‘The horrible caravan passed through the bazaars and
> continued to the palace of the governor. This personage was in his
> garden where he had gathered in his kiosk (called Kuláh Farangí) the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 213
> 
> Upon their arrival, in accordance with the Prince’s
> instructions, all the Bábí prisoners were brought before him
> in the government house and, with much delay each was
> presented to the governor who closely considered each of
> the men and women brought to him. Thereupon, he
> ordered some of the prominent figures among the captives,
> such as the aforementioned Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí405 and
> Shaykhuná406, martyred with utmost cruelty and torture. The
> rest were placed in prison.407 They acted so brutally towards
> them however, that certain ones among them, such as,
> [Mírzá] Mihdí, the uncle of ‘Alí Sardár, expired in captivity.
> Some of the others were released after a considerable
> passage of time. Included among those released were the
> two sons of Vahíd. Of the Bábí women who were eventually
> released some returned to Nayríz while others chose other
> destinations.408
> 
> Initially the Bábís brought to Shiraz were locked in a decayed
> caravansary where guards were posted to watch over them. Each day
> 
> rich, the eminent citizens of Shiraz. The music ceased, the dancing
> stopped and Muhammad-‘Alí-Khán as well as Mírzá Na‘ím, two small
> tribal chiefs who had taken part in the campaign, came to tell of their
> brave deeds and to name one by one the prisoners.’
> 405 A companion of Vahíd from Yazd.
> 406 Fort Khájíh’s executioner.
> 407 A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 317 states:
> 
> It was in this building [Kuláh Farangí], I believe, that the Babi
> captives taken at Niriz were exhibited to Firuz Mírzá, the governor of
> Shiraz. These captives, consisting entirely of women and little
> children (for the men had all been slain on the spot), were
> subsequently confined in an old caravansary just outside the Isfahan
> gate, where they suffered great hardships, besides being exposed, as
> the Babi historian asserts, to the brutality of the soldiers.
> Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, states that women and children were placed in a
> house next to a military barrack while the men and the bags containing the severed
> heads were imprisoned in Sháh Mír Abú’l-Hamizih Caravansary.
> 408 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 423.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 214 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> they were brought forward to town’s central square and made the object
> of the contempt and insults of the citizens.409 As the condition of the
> prisoners deteriorated and the city’s population was no longer amused by
> tormenting them, a decision was reached to divide them into two groups:
> one being released unconditionally, who for the most part left the city
> and dispersed across far regions, and the second group, who were
> returned in chains to Nayríz and handed as a gift to Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán. Among the latter group were: Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf; Karbalá’í Mírzá
> Muhammad; and Shír-‘Askar, uncle of Táju’d-Dín who had been among
> the first martyrs of the fort.
> An illuminating perspective on the events is gained from the
> intelligence communications of Mírzá Mahmúd, the British Agent in
> Shiraz, who filed a series of reports on the incidents, the first of which
> was for the period 4 to 20 June 1850:
> 
> I wrote to you previously that by the order of H.R.H.410, a
> Regiment of Sirbaz [soldiers] and two Guns had been sent
> to Nereez. Information has now been received, that the
> followers of the Báb made a night attack upon the Sirbaz,
> and killed and wounded several. The next day Moostuffa
> Gooly Khán Sirteep [General] commanded the Sirbaz to
> attack and take the Babees and to destroy the Tower, in
> which was Syed Yahyáh. The latter on hearing this, came out
> and ordered his followers to attack the Sirbaz. Accordingly
> an engagement ensued which continued from morning until
> noon, when the Babees prevailed, and the Sirbaz were
> 
> 409 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s wife, Munírih Khánum, reports that Khadíjih Bagum, the widow
> 
> of the Báb, stated to her: “One day I noticed that the city of Shiraz was particularly
> perturbed and the people were exceedingly jubilant, with the sound of trumpets and
> horns heard on every side. Then I learned that the heads of the Bábí martyrs of
> Nayríz were brought into the city on that occasion and in the same manner the
> captives of Nayríz arrived and conducted to their prison. How I longed to meet at
> least one of the kinsmen of the martyrs! But, alas, it was not possible. One night,
> however, two of them came to our house begging. Even then, it was not possible to
> speak with them.” (Translated from Khándán Afnán, p. 165.)
> 410 By His Royal Highness is meant the governor-general of Fárs.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 215
> 
> defeated. Many on both sides were killed and wounded.
> When H.R.H. heard this news He commanded a Regiment
> of Sirbaz with 50 Horsemen and two Guns under Mahomed
> Wulee Khán to proceed and reinforce Mehr Ally Khán and
> Moostuffa Ally Khán. On the 19th [of May] Mahomed Salah
> Khán Yoozbashee with 50 Horsemen proceed to Nereez.
> On the 20th [May,] Mahomed Wulee Khán Sirteep, with
> two Guns and the Sallakhoonee Regiment followed to the
> assistance of Mehr Ally Khán. The Prince says 50 were
> killed and 40 wounded ... The Prince having ordered the
> Heads of the slain Babees to be brought in, on the 9th
> [June] Mehr Ally Khán arrived with 12 heads. H.R.H.
> commanded the Sirbaz to perambulate the streets with these
> Heads on the point of their Bayonets. This was accordingly
> done, with drums beating. It is said however in the City, that
> these heads did not belong to the Babees but to the Sirbaz.
> After they had been paraded in the streets, the heads were
> suspended at the Isfahan Gate ... On the 23rd [June?]
> H.R.H. received a letter from Mehr Ally Khán reporting that
> the Babees had been defeated, and that Syed Yahyáh and his
> followers would be speedily sent to the Prince.411
> 
> The second secret report of Mírzá Mahmúd is for the period 23
> June to 3 July:
> 
> On the 24th [June] Mehr Ally Khán having sent to Shiraz 13
> Heads of the Babees, the Sirbaz placed them on their
> Bayonets and carried them to the Prince. H.R.H. ordered
> them to be paraded through the streets with drums beating,
> and after to be suspended at the Gate... on the 26th two
> Ghoolams arrived from Mehr Ally Khán with news of the
> capture Syed Yahyáh. H.R.H. gave dresses of honor to both
> of them. It is reported that finding he could not escape,
> Syed Yahyáh with 4 of his men surrendered on the 17th
> 411 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 110.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 216 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Instant to Mehr Ally Khán. He made four requests 1st that
> his followers should be permitted to go free, 2nd that if
> doomed to die, his Captor should intercede with the Prince
> for a respite of three days, 3rd that if taken to the City, not
> be escorted by Sirbaz, 4th that in the place of the
> Executioner one of the Moojtehids should put him to death,
> after receiving his last words. All these requests were refused
> by Mehr Ally Khán, who said he waited orders from the
> Prince for his disposal. On the 25th H.R.H. sent an
> Executioner with two Furrashes to put him (Syed Yahyáh)
> to death, but before their arrival he and his followers had
> been killed by the Sirbaz. It is reported that the Sirbaz have
> plundered Nereez, and taken all the women captives.412
> 
> The final operative communication pertaining to the Bábí struggle
> filed by Mírzá Mahmúd, the British agent in Shiraz, is for the period 1 to
> 16 July 1850:
> 
> On the 8th July Mehr Ally Khán sent to H.R.H. eleven
> followers of Bab, they have all been imprisoned. 10th July...
> Mehr Ally Khán and Moostufa Gooly Khán, who had been
> sent against Syed Yahyáh, have returned to Shiraz bringing
> with them 25 of the Babee Sect, together with the head of
> Syed Yahyáh and 13 others, as an offering to H.R.H. who
> ordered the Prisoners to be confined. The Prince has
> received these two Khans with great favor. It appears that
> only one Mahala [quarter] of Nereez was plundered and
> destroyed. The Sirbaz had with them a good quantity of the
> stolen property. Syed Yahyáh is reported to have had four or
> five vessels of Pomegranate Syrup, a single drop of which
> was sufficient to make a man become a Babee and join
> them. One bottle was drunk by four Sirbaz, who instantly
> turned Babees, and fought against their own Commanders.
> 
> 412 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 110-111.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 217
> 
> They say this Syrup has been brought to the Prince.413
> 
> Momen notes, “The matter of the pomegranate syrup is of course
> typical of the ridiculous stories circulated about the Bábís by their
> enemies in order to explain the success of the Bábís and their own
> inadequacies.”414 The same sort of story is reported by Ferrier, dated 25
> July 1850. He concludes, “The Persian can say nothing nor do anything
> without adding miracles to it. But what is certain is that all the sectaries
> who have been executed up to this day have borne their punishment
> with a courage and a faith worthy of the heroic times of the first
> martyrs.”415
> Fádil Mázandarání writes: “Regarding the severed heads of the
> Bábís sent to Shiraz, these were all buried in that city, except eleven,
> which according to Prince’s order were sent to Tihrán along with some
> other Bábí heads. Upon reaching the village of Ábádih, the imperial
> orders were received to bury them in that place, which they obeyed.”416
> 
> Complaining To Tihrán
> The preeminent historian of the Bábí and Bahá’í faiths, Fádil
> Mázandarání has written:
> 
> After the martyrdom of the honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá
> Vahíd Akbar and his companions, in order to protect
> themselves from the ensuing atrocities and murder, a
> number of believers, though hungry and unclothed,
> dispersed into the wilderness. Their foes constantly pursued
> them and did all they could to persecute the families of
> those wretched souls. To seek justice, a group417 of these
> wronged ones left for Tihrán and when they had reached
> 
> 413 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
> 414 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
> 415 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 111.
> 416 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 426.
> 417 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 425, gives their number as 12.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 218 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> two days distance from the city, they retired to rest a little.
> At that time a number of officers from the province of Fárs,
> who were returning from the capital, recognized them. They
> immediately seized all the Bábís save one who succeeded in
> escaping and reaching Tihrán.418 The remainder were
> brought to Shiraz and presented before the governor of that
> province who instructed them to recant – an order that was
> summarily refused. Therefore, he instructed them martyred
> on the city’s square.419
> The one who succeeded in reaching Tihrán petitioned
> the authorities for alleviation of the wrongs against the
> Bábís, and for the establishment of justice and order in
> Nayríz. When this news reached the governor, Mírzá
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, it further inflamed his enmity and
> hatred towards this helpless community and solidified his
> resolve to show no mercy to the men, the women, the old or
> the young. At this time, a number of the Bábí captives were
> returned from Shiraz and were presented to the governor.
> When in chains and fetters Shaykh Yúsuf was brought
> before him, the Khán instructed the ears of that wronged
> one cut and several more were beaten with sticks so
> mercilessly that they expired from their injuries. The
> 
> 418 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 425, gives the name of the believer who reached
> 
> Tihrán as Karbalá’í Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. He remained there for many years.
> 419 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 408-409, states:
> 
> Some Bábís, eager to see Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán punished,
> started for Tihrán to protest to his Majesty against the atrocities
> which had been committed. They were but two or three stations away
> from the capital and, after the fatigue of the journey were enjoying a
> little rest, when a caravan of Shírází people went by and recognized
> them. All except one who escaped were arrested and taken to Shiraz
> where the Prince immediately ordered them executed, and so these
> men, Karbalá’í Abú’l-Hasan [Káshí-Sáz], a dealer in crockery, Áqá
> Shaykh Hádí, uncle of the wife of Vahíd, Mírzá ‘Alí and Abú’l-Qásim
> Ibn Hájí Zayná, Akbar Ibn ‘Abid, Mírzá Hasan and his brother Mírzá
> Bábá all died for their faith at this time.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 219
> 
> governor’s attendants threw their remains in a well. He
> ordered the noses of others to be pierced, and rope passed
> through the incisions.420
> Among the Bábís of that city, Mullá Muhammad, Hájí
> Qásim, Mullá Ahmad and Husayn ‘Alí-Naqí, managed to
> effect their escape and reach Tihrán. Together with the
> believers in that city, they petitioned for justice.421
> 
> Captives of Nayríz
> Of Vahíd’s companions, Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán kept fifteen in his prison.
> 
> 420 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 22, n.1, states:
> 
> Certain eyewitnesses have stated that since some of the governor’s
> enemies [i.e. the Bábís] gathered in a mountain known as Bálá-Tarám
> and attacked and killed a number of his men, and his guards were
> unable to track the assailants, then the Khán rose in fierce
> indignation. He gave orders for all the Bábís in the prison and in
> chains to be murdered, including Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí, Shaykhá and
> Mihdí. Two of the women threw themselves into a well. He sent
> three of the Bábís to Tihrán, namely: Mullá Muhammad; Hájí Qásim;
> and Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí. They perished in the holocaust of 1268
> A.H. [1852]. Mullá Ahmad died while imprisoned by the Khán. A few
> others escaped and reached as far as two or three days’ journey to
> Tihrán. When they were sleeping, a few of the Farmán-Farmá’s men,
> who were carrying the triumphant news of Nayríz to the monarch,
> accidentally came upon them, seized them and took them to Shiraz
> for their master. These Bábís were: Karbalá’í Abú’l-Hasan; Áqá
> Shaykh Hádí, an uncle of Vahíd’s wife; Mírzá ‘Alí; Abúl son of Hájí
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; Akbar, son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Hasan and his brother,
> Mírzá Bábá. These eight were martyred in the courtyard of the
> garrison. Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf and some others were sent to Nayríz in
> chains and the Khán ordered the ears of Shaykh Yúsuf cut and
> several others killing by beating with sticks. The ones martyred were
> Karbalá’í Mírzá Shír-‘Askar and Táju’d-Dín, who were slain at night
> and their remains thrown in a well.
> With some minor alterations, the same information is given in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
> vol. 2, p. 426.
> 421 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 22-23.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 220 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Each day, the governor would have one of the unfortunate captives
> taken from his cell and paraded in the streets. At each stop, the prisoner
> would be severely beaten until the citizens gave enough money and gifts
> to the governor’s men to make them stop mistreating the wretched
> prisoner. The French historian Nicolas writes:
> 
> It would seem, alas, that all this bloodshed would have been
> sufficient to appease the hatred and the lust of the
> Muhammadans. Not at all! Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
> finding himself filled with a desire for revenge on those he
> had betrayed and vanquished, gave neither truce nor rest to
> the surviving ones of the sect. His hatred knew no bounds
> and it was to last as long as he lived. It was actually the very
> poor that had been sent to Shiraz, the rich had been kept
> back. Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had entrusted them to a guard
> who was ordered to walk them through the city beating
> them as they went. The people of Nayríz were greatly
> entertained at that time. They hung the Bábís by four nails
> and everyone came to gloat over their anguish. They placed
> burning weeds under the nails of these unfortunate martyrs,
> they branded them with hot irons, they deprived them of
> bread and water, they cut holes through their noses, and
> running through them a cord they led them as one would a
> bear!422
> 
> Only a few of the prisoners survived those horrid conditions and
> the rest were dropped in a well, which was later filled with earth. Of
> these fifteen brave and faithful men, we know the names of eight:
> 
> 1. Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
> In former days he had exercised considerable influence as one of the
> ‘ulamá and had been greatly honored due to his learning and piety. So
> great was the respect they owed him that it is reported the governor of
> 
> 422 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p.           408.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 221
> 
> Nayríz gave him precedence over himself and treated him with deference
> and courtesy.
> Initially a native of Yazd, he had settled in the Bázár quarter of
> Nayríz and had established his luxurious home next to that of Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán. When Vahíd arrived in Yazd, Siyyid Ja‘far immediately
> came to meet him and soon was won over to the cause.423 On his return
> to Nayríz, having enjoyed great prestige as a divine and being endowed
> with a wonderful power of exposition, at the instruction of Vahíd, he
> began to preach openly about the new faith, particularly in the Bázár
> quarter where he resided and was most influential. Through him, many
> were converted to the Bábí faith.
> On hearing the conversion of Siyyid Ja‘far and his active role in
> the new movement, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was thoroughly agitated and
> instructed that the Siyyid be permanently debarred from entering his
> own residence. As such, Siyyid Ja‘far settled in the Masjid Jámi‘ Kabír
> and later moved to the fort along with Vahíd and was numbered among
> his close advisors.424
> Because of his knowledge and power of utterance, the governor
> regarded Siyyid Ja‘far as one of those most responsible for the
> conversion of people to the Bábí faith. He ordered that the Siyyid’s
> turban be befouled and flung into the fire. Shorn of the emblem of his
> lineage, he was exposed to the eyes of the public, who marched before
> him and overwhelmed him with abuse and ridicule, as he was taken
> “from door to door making him beg for money.”425 In addition, by daily
> beatings and torture, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was able to extract the deeds
> to all the personal properties of the Siyyid.
> The Nayríz battles and their aftermath, which lasted several
> 
> 423 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 21, and Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 138, suggest that Siyyid
> 
> Ja‘far became a convert in Yazd and left that city for Nayríz after the persecutions. As
> both of these authors were related to Siyyid Ja‘far, this information takes precedence
> over other sources, such as, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 143, and The Dawn-Breakers, pp.
> 496-498, which suggest he converted in Nayríz. Also, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 148,
> incorrectly states that Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí was a first cousin of Siyyid
> Ja‘far. The exact relationship is given in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 138, n.1.
> 424 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 293.
> 425 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 408.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 222 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> months, brought widespread poverty and famine to the region. The
> troops engaged in this conflict had drawn too heavily upon the meager
> resources of the local community, and after their departure, food became
> almost unobtainable and many poor people were starving. In the
> meantime, the governor had hoarded a large stock of corn to sell to the
> public at an inflated price. When, however, the situation became
> desperate, he consented to distribute the corn among the people at the
> fair market price. When the ration was given out, Siyyid Ja‘far would be
> brought from the dungeon and posted at the entrance to the barn. The
> governor’s orders were that all those who wished to obtain corn must
> first spit upon this man’s face. Failure to do this would deprive them of
> their ration. The following extract from a biography of Siyyid Ja‘far
> reveals something of this ordeal and other indignities heaped upon him
> and a companion:
> 
> For hours this champion of the Cause of God [Áqá Siyyid
> Ja‘far], this once revered man of learning, stood by the door
> of the barn while hundreds of men and women spat upon
> his blessed face as they filed through that door, looking at
> him with bitter hate and prejudice.
> In the face of this dire humiliation, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far’s
> feelings were not those of disgust, intolerance or
> indignation. On the contrary, he remained calm and resigned
> throughout his ordeal and manifested a spirit of sublime joy
> and love and thankfulness towards those who offended him.
> Once during the ordeal, it is authoritatively stated, he
> noticed several people who hesitated to come forward for
> their share. Apparently the ghastly deed of spitting upon his
> face kept them away. With a face beaming with heavenly joy
> he beckoned them and said: ‘You had better come and get
> your share before it is too late; it won’t matter if you spit
> upon my face; I’ll wipe it off with my handkerchief...’
> A deed such as this, so rare, so Christ-like, constitutes
> a shining proof of the transmuting power which is latent in
> the words of the Manifestations of God.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 223
> 
> Very probably, as he stood by the door of the barn
> that day, his thoughts went back to those glamorous days in
> Yazd, where each Friday at the close of his sermon, standing
> on the steps of the pulpit, he would receive the homage and
> the tumultuous ovation of the vast audience. Now how
> striking was the contrast! Although the object of the vilest
> indignity, he was extremely happy, because his beloved Lord
> had revealed to his eyes the glorious vista of a new life and
> bestowed upon him the crown of eternal glory. Little
> wonder therefore, that those bitter persecutions could not
> becloud the radiance of his heavenly joy...
> This monstrous treatment meted out to Áqá Siyyid
> Ja‘far was but a prelude to a period of agonizing tortures for
> himself as well as for his illustrious companion426. Among
> other things, the ruthless governor ordered that the
> bastinado be inflicted on Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far in public. Each
> day he was conducted from the dungeon to the gate of the
> house of a well-to-do-citizen where this heart-rending scene
> was staged. There he was beaten until, as was the fashion,
> the occupants of the house as well as passers-by would
> secure the victim’s temporary release by offering money to
> the torturers as a ransom. Then, next day, the scene would
> be shifted to another point along the street.427 After a while,
> as a result of this daily torture, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far’s legs and
> feet became so horribly sore and swollen that they could no
> longer support his body...
> The fate of his companion, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí,
> was even more cruel and appalling. Daily, he was conducted
> to the governor’s mansion where, stripped of his clothes, he
> was flung into the pool. A number of men, placed around
> 
> 426 A reference to Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, titled Ayyúb.
> 427 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 146, reports that often his wife and children were brought
> 
> to witness these daily beatings so that additional money could be extracted from them
> as well. On such occasions, seeing the terrible ordeal of their father, bitter tears pour
> from their eyes and with broken hearts they would return home.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 224 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and armed with long sticks, would administer severe blows
> upon his body. The standing order was that the beating
> should be continued until the water around him turned
> reddish with blood.
> However, the mighty Hand that had raised up and
> reared these wondrous beings was now to stay the tide of
> suffering which was about to engulf them. They were
> destined to live to receive the greatest privilege of all, having
> their eyes illumined by gazing upon the heavenly
> countenance of Bahá’u’lláh.
> It was the governor’s wife who, as the result of a
> dream, was prompted to secure their freedom.428 She
> approached her husband with an earnest appeal to release
> these unfortunate victims, but her intercession proved of no
> avail. Moreover, she was rebuked for being too soft and
> sentimental. Undismayed by her husband’s ruthless attitude,
> she decided to work secretly towards that end.
> With the goodwill and support of a few trusted
> persons at her disposal she worked out a plan and made the
> necessary arrangements with utmost caution. Then, late one
> evening the prison door was opened and the pitiable figures
> of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far were taken
> out, propped up on donkeys and entrusted to a muleteer
> with the express order to carry them at full speed to Harát –
> a small town beyond the area of jurisdiction of the governor
> of Nayríz.
> Eventually, when these oppressed souls reached Harát
> they were utterly exhausted. The sight of their appalling
> condition presented a study in grief and aroused the
> sympathy of the headman of the village who received and
> treated them with the utmost kindness.
> They remained in Harát for a number of months to
> 
> 428 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 28, states that she dreamt that several figures clad in black
> 
> clothing descended from the heaven and said to her, “Wow betide Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán for treating a descendent of the Prophet with such contempt!”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 225
> 
> recuperate and heal their terrible wounds.429 Afterwards they
> traveled to Yazd.430
> 
> These two men were imprisoned in Nayríz for nine months.
> After a short stay in Yazd, in 1852, Siyyid Ja‘far and his family
> returned to Harát and once more became the object of people’s affection
> as he commenced service as the Imám-Jum‘ih in a local mosque. It was
> during this time that, having received communications from Bahá’u’lláh
> in Baghdad, he reached the conclusion that Bahá’u’lláh represented the
> fulfillment of the Bayán’s promise. Some four years later, he moved his
> family back to Yazd.
> At a later stage yet Siyyid Ja‘far followed the example of his old
> companion in sufferings, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, and walked to Baghdad
> to attain Bahá’u’lláh’s presence. Those feet that had received such beastly
> tortures for nine months did not fail to carry him all the long way to the
> abode of his heart’s desire, where he was showered with heavenly
> bounties. Years later, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá recalled that pilgrimage in a tablet for
> Siyyid Ja‘far’s son, Siyyid Muhammad.431 In reply to one of his
> supplications, Bahá’u’lláh, some time prior to his declaration in 1863,
> honored him with an important composition known as the Suriy
> Nush.432
> Renewed and encouraged by his visit to Bahá’u’lláh, Siyyid Ja‘far
> embarked on a life of service in Yazd. His enthusiasm knew no bounds
> and the fire of his faith touched many souls. A daughter and two sons
> 
> 429 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 294, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 147, note that
> 
> through the insistence of his wife, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín released the men from the prison
> and sent them to his own village of Qatriyih. It was there that due to past association
> with Siyyid Ja‘far, the inhabitants looked after them and later in defiance to the
> governor’s order to return them to Nayríz, sent them with their respective families to
> Yazd.
> 430 “Bahá’í News and Reviews”, a Journal of the National Spiritual Assembly of the
> 
> Bahá’ís of Iran, no. 7, December 1947. This account was written by Habib Taherzadeh
> and appears in slightly edited form in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp. 139-140.
> 431 For the text see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 432-434.
> 432 For a brief discussion of this Tablet, see Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 142. For
> 
> text see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 350-379.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 226 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> survived him: Fátimih Bagum, Siyyid Músá and Siyyid Muhammad.433
> 
> 2. Hájí Muhammad-Taqí Nayrízí
> Another victim of the governor’s tyrannies was Hájí Muhammad-Taqí,
> who in earlier days had enjoyed such a reputation for honesty and justice
> that his opinion was most influential over the jurists. Though young, he
> had acquired great wealth by being a successful merchant. It is also
> reported that he acted as a local bank where people would deposit their
> savings with him and often exchanged his receipts in place of
> currency.434
> Hájí Muhammad-Taqí was previously acquainted with Vahíd, and
> once he learned from Vahíd’s father-in-law of his arrival at Istahbánát,
> he hastened there to welcome Vahíd and immediately accepted the
> movement. In Vahíd’s company, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí returned to
> Nayríz and en route looked after Vahíd’s two young sons, and when they
> were tired, carried them on his shoulders. Upon his arrival at Nayríz,
> Hájí Muhammad-Taqi hired several town criers to broadly announce the
> public meetings where Vahíd would fearlessly proclaim the new message.
> When the troubles unfolded, he became one of the early defenders, first
> in the Masjid Jámi‘ and later at the Fort. Because of his wealth, during
> the entire period of the upheaval, he bore all the expenses of the Fort
> and fought valiantly at their side. One of his duties was to direct those
> desiring to join their ranks to write a statement and fix it with their seal,
> testifying to their readiness to sacrifice life and belongings.
> Upon the conclusion of the battles, Zaynu’l-‘Adibín issued a
> special order for his capture together with the aforementioned Siyyid
> Ja‘far. It is reported that the governor had instructed his chief
> lieutenants: “The wealth of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and the eloquence of
> Siyyid Ja‘far were the mainstay of the defenders. They must be captured
> and punished so that a befitting example is set for all others.”
> As one of the venues of torture, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had
> ordered that during the winter months, each day one of the prisoners be
> 433 For further details see Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 28-31.
> 434 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 132, n.1.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 227
> 
> thrown in the pool and beaten until the cold water had turned red. In all
> instances, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, being younger and more robust than
> others, would present himself in place of other companions and submit
> to this inhuman act. This great and esteemed man was, in the depths of
> winter, stripped of his clothes, thrown into a pond, and lashed severely
> until the water of the pool had turned red with his blood. His nearly
> dead body was pulled out each day, in anticipation of yet another day of
> such treatment. Despite his severe injuries, which caused him nearblindness and significant disfigurements, each day the governor’s men
> would take him out into town and subject him to still further humiliation
> so that a sum could be extracted from passers by for the cruel spectacle.
> Finally, he was rescued in the manner described earlier and
> together with his family was able to settle in Yazd and seek much needed
> medical treatment. Some time later, he learned that Bahá’u’lláh was the
> new leader of the Bábí community and resided in Baghdad, and desiring
> to meet him, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí departed with his family for that
> city. Joining a caravan on its way to the twin holy cities of ‘Iraq where
> many pilgrims trudged on foot, he also walked the distance of no less
> than fifteen hundred kilometers. En route, one of the fellow-pilgrims,
> someone obviously well provided for the long journey, approached him
> and after having a good look at him invited Hájí Muhammad-Taqí as his
> guest as far as Karbalá. “In my dream last night,” the man said, “Imám
> Husayn, Himself, commanded me to take you as my guest.” In this
> miraculous way, the Hájí reached Baghdad and the presence of
> Bahá’u’lláh.435
> For the next three years, he was extremely happy and content.
> Continually he enjoyed association with Bahá’u’lláh and was the recipient
> of his love and tender considerations. A person who in his youth had
> been a tower of strength and might, but through the nine months of the
> governor’s beatings had been reduced to a disfigured, bent man, was
> now receiving his basking in happiness.
> When he passed away in Baghdad, Bahá’u’lláh participated in the
> procession that led to his burial. He was buried at the Baghdad cemetery.
> He will always be known as the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Suriy
> 435 Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 130.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 228 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Sabr, known also as Lawh Ayyúb, composed on the first day of
> Bahá’u’lláh’s arrival at the Garden of Ridvan.436 In that tablet, his
> imperishable memory and name is recalled and the title Ayyúb [Job] is
> bestowed upon him.437
> Hájí Muhammad-Taqí’s wife was a daughter of one of the martyrs
> of the events of 1850, Hájí ‘Abdu’l-Husayn. In years past, during one of
> his many visits to Nayríz, Vahíd had presided over the marriage
> ceremony of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí and his bride. This union had
> resulted in a son named Muhammad-‘Alí, and a daughter known as
> Gawhar. While in Baghdad, this son was fatally shot in the nearby palmgroves. Upon learning of this, the Hájí had smiled and with good cheer
> turned to the lad’s fallen body, raising his hands, saying, “Praise be God,
> that in the path of resignation to Thy good will, I was called to gave up
> my only earthy attachment, this son.” Solacing him, Bahá’u’lláh had
> remarked, “Hájí Muhammad-Taqí has surpassed the patience of Job.”
> Shortly thereafter, Bahá’u’lláh revealed a tablet honoring the fallen son
> and bestowing blessings upon the family.
> After the passing of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, his wife grieved
> bitterly and was overwhelmed with sorrow over the loss of both her
> husband and son. To remedy her aching heart, Bahá’u’lláh instructed
> that a young man named Ahmad-‘Alí, who was of the same age as her
> fallen son, be given to her as her new son. He further advised her that
> she should endeavor to raise this new son with the same zeal and love as
> she had shown towards her former child. After remaining in Baghdad
> for a total of five years, the wife of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, together with
> her daughter Gawhar and her new son, Ahmad-‘Alí, returned to
> Nayríz.438
> 
> 3. Mullá Mírzá Muhammad Nayrízí
> 436 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 6.
> 437 The original Arabic text is published in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 379-408.
> 438 For a detailed outline of the descendants of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí through his
> 
> daughter, Gawhar, see Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 137-141. A slightly different
> biography of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí is given in Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, pp. 130-131.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 229
> 
> The eldest son of the affluent Hájí Sifr-‘Alí, he had been a brave
> defender in the Fort. He possessed great wealth, pleasant features and
> unequaled artistic abilities.439 He had married at an early age, and had two
> sons, Muhammad-Karím and Muhammad-Rahím440, who at the time of
> Vahíd’s arrival at Nayríz were two and a half, and one and a half years
> old, respectively.
> Some time after joining Vahíd and the other defenders, deeply
> worried over his fate, Mullá Muhammad’s mother, wife and two young
> sons came to Fort Khájih pleading with him to return home. The mother
> cried bitterly, and his wife, pressing the children to his breast, lamented
> their condition and loneliness. She begged him to return, but the more
> they sobbed, the less was its effect on Mullá Muhammad. In fact, it is
> reported that at one point, to demonstrate his resolve, he pulled his knife
> and said to them that he was prepared to sacrifice his two sons so all
> would recognize the depth of his commitment and that his devotion
> could not be curtailed by such concerns. Seeing his immutable resolve,
> the mother, wife and children returned home.
> Throughout the battles, Mullá Muhammad showed unusual
> bravery. One night, ordered to carry out a particular mission, he left the
> Fort on horseback, but was spotted by the soldiers and shot in the face.
> The governor’s men captured him, but after a few days the governor’s
> brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, who had been childhood friend and
> classmate, intervened and arranged for his release. Together with his
> wife, two sons and his father, he proceeded to Istahbánát to receive
> medical attention for his injuries.
> Meanwhile, the fort fell and a savage pogrom took place. In the
> course of this massacre, a younger brother of Mullá Muhammad, only
> twelve years old and blind from birth, was captured. As a means of
> extracting the family estate, he was cruelly tortured in front of his
> sobbing mother; property and wealth were forcibly transferred to the
> 
> 439 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 298, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 151, and Táríkh
> 
> Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, p. 219, suggest that Mullá Muhammad scribed in naskh style
> better than others, save the legendary Mírzá Ahmad Khúshnavís.
> 440 Also known as Hájí ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Nayrízí, he is the maternal grandfather of
> 
> Habib and Adib Taherzadeh; Khátirát Málmírí, p. 24.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 230 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> governor. This savage act was repeated several times until the entire
> estate of Hájí Sifr-‘Alí was confiscated. At the end, the young boy
> expired.
> After some six months in Istahbánát, Mullá Muhammad returned
> to Nayríz to learn of what had transpired.441 Profoundly disturbed by
> these savage acts, Mullá Muhammad decided to proceed to Tihrán and
> eliminate the source of injustice and tyranny, the reigning Monarch. On
> hearing this, his mother handed him the only remaining family
> possession, a pearl necklace, to be used towards his journey’s
> expenditure and the fulfillment of his objective. Leaving that same night,
> in Shiraz he met with some other militant Bábís442, and with them
> proceeded to Tihrán to revenge the death of his fallen brother and
> companions. There he joined Sádiq Tabrízí443 and his band. This small
> group, having tasted first-hand the bitter drought of persecution,
> planned the disastrous assassination attempt of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh.444
> Mullá Muhammad was martyred in the course of that event, in the
> Níávarán district of Tihrán, sometime during 3 to 10 of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih
> 1268 A.H. [19-26 August 1852].
> The weekly newspaper, Waqáyi‘ Ittifáqiyyah reports the following
> in its issue no. 81, published on Thursday, 3 Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1268 A.H.:
> 
> A short distance from the Prime Minister, the most holy
> threshold [the Sháh] had issued instructions for the
> attendants to mount their steeds when suddenly one of the
> accursed from Nayríz of Fárs who had garbed himself as a
> villager, bravely ran forth crying: “I have a supplication!” A
> few of the servants observing him came forth to see what
> that vagrant had to say, but before they could apprehend
> 
> 441 Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 25-26.
> 442 Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ names two other believers as Hájí Qásim and a certain
> 
> Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí.
> 443 Martyred on 15 August 1852 in Tihrán. For details consult Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr,
> 
> vol. 3, pp. 216-218.
> 444 For further details, consult The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 26, Bahá’u’lláh: the King of
> 
> Glory, chapter 15, and Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, pp. 216-223.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 231
> 
> him, he pulled a gun and fired upon the monarch. However
> by divine grace, the bullet missed its mark.
> 
> In the next issue of the newspaper (no. 82), published the
> following week, it is reported:
> 
> Mírzá Muhammad Nayrízí who had participated in all the
> battles of Nayríz, Zanján, and Mázandarán and bore many
> cuts from those past battles, was shot to death by the
> attendants, armed guards, servants and officers of the royal
> forces, and thereafter his body was beaten with rocks and
> sticks until it became one with the soil.
> 
> 4. Asghar
> He was the younger brother of the above-mentioned Mullá Muhammad,
> and was captured as a means of extracting the wealth of their father, Hájí
> Sifr-‘Alí. Each day his mother was called to the prison where the young,
> blind boy was kept, and made to watch severe torture that often included
> placing hot iron bars on his body. On seeing such a heart-wrenching
> sight, the mother willingly would sign over yet another piece of property
> to the governor so that the barbarous men would leave her son alone for
> another day. Each day, the same act was repeated. One by one, the entire
> vast possessions of Hájí Sifr-‘Alí were confiscated by Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> Khán. As the result of this torture, the young boy died in the prison.
> 
> 5. Hájí Qásim
> Another of the defenders taken prisoner was Hájí Qásim Nayrízí. For a
> whole year this brave man was subject to beating and torture, including
> being thrown in the ice-filled pool in the middle of winter and then while
> still wet flogged or hit with sticks until he became unconscious. These
> afflictions were intended to, and succeeded in, extracting from him his
> entire estate. At long last, one of his friends, Haydar, was able to secure
> his freedom by the payment of one hundred tumáns, a considerable sum
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 232 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> at that time.
> Once freed from captivity, Hájí Qásim left the region quickly and
> proceeded to Tihrán to revenge the wrongs that he was subjected to, as
> he considered the person of the Sháh the source of all evil in the
> despotic regime of the Qájár.445 In Tihrán, he joined forces with a group
> of Bábí dissidents who had gathered for the express purpose of
> eliminating the monarch, and on 15 August 1852, he, Sádiq Tabrízí and
> Mullá Muhammad Nayrízí, attempted their ill-conceived plot of killing
> Násiri’d-Dín Sháh. Tabrízí was killed on the spot, while as noted earlier,
> Mullá Muhammad was slain some days later after extensive violence and
> torture. The same fate awaited Hájí Qásim. The following is reported in
> Waqáyi‘ Ittifáqiyyah newspaper, issue no. 81:
> 
> His [Mullá Muhammad Nayrízí’s] work was not finished
> when a third evil-one, much like his two comrades, suddenly
> appeared and fired upon the exalted one [i.e. the Sháh].
> Those in company of the monarch at first thought that his
> bullet has also missed the mark as there was no change in
> the countenance of the King, however when at the request
> of the prime minister and the Mustufí’l-Mamálik and some
> others, the monarch arrived at the nearby gardens of
> Sandúq-Khánih, it was determined that a few pellets had
> penetrated the skin above the shoulder bones and only
> caused a superficial scratch and a slightly deeper cut.
> 
> And the following week, on 26 August 1852, the same newspaper
> reported:
> 
> Hájí Sulaymán Khán, the son of Yahyá Khán Tabrízí, whose
> 
> 445 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 155, reports that he participated in the Nayríz II events
> 
> and survived that event as well. The information provided by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘
> and Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, pp. 254-256, as well as other sources cited in this
> chapter, indicate that he was among the Bábís who went to Tihrán to assassinate the
> Shah. Haqáyiqu’l-Akhbár Nasirí 116-117 reports that Hájí Qasim claimed to be the
> successor to Vahíd. The same is noted in Mu‘ínu’d-Dín Mihrábí’s Quratu’l-‘Ayn, p. 126.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 233
> 
> situation was described earlier, together with Hájí Qásim
> Nayrízí who was the successor of Siyyid Yahyá [i.e. Vahíd]
> were brought [from Níávarán] to the city by Áqá Hasan, the
> vice-general. Their bodies were pierced with lit candles and
> to the sound of trumpets were paraded in the streets for the
> people to see, but were prevented from being stoned. At the
> gate leading to [the shrine of] Shah ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím, the
> executioners cut their bodies into four pieces, each piece
> being displayed by one of the city’s gates.446
> 
> It is reported that when they wanted to slay Sulaymán Khán, he
> had said, “First martyr Hájí Qásim Nayrízí and let him attain unto this
> exalted bounty, as he is eminent over me.”447
> Hájí Qásim was survived by two sons, Hájí Muhammad and Mullá
> Husayn, who during Nayríz-III showed great bravery.
> 
> 6. Mullá Karím
> Yet another believer who after the fall of the Fort spent time in the
> governor’s jail and suffered his tortures was Mullá Karím. Together with
> other inmates, he was taken on daily parades where humiliation awaited
> them. While they were exposed to the cold, the scum of the people were
> hired to heap upon their shivering bodies abominable cruelties. Unable
> to resist the temptation and in need of the promised bag of wheat or
> barley, people would spit upon the prisoners and thus win the governor’s
> favor. After Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had forced him to transfer the title to
> all his properties, he was released.
> 
> 7. Mírzá Muhammad ‘Abid
> His wife was a niece of Muhammad-Ridá Khán, an uncle of Zaynu’l-
> 446 The two newspaper extracts appear in Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr, vol. 3, p. 255. For
> 
> other details on the failed assassination attempt see Haqáyiqu’l-Akhbár Násirí, pp. 113-
> 117, and The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 26.
> 447 Vápasín Junbish Qurún Vustá Dar Dúrán Fu’adalí, p. 131.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 234 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> ‘Ábidín Khán, and through this family connection, and payment of a
> considerable ransom, she was able to persuade the governor to release
> him. Mírzá Muhammad also fought bravely in the Nayríz II and III
> upheavals and we will have occasion to refer to him again.
> 
> 8. Áqá Siyyid Abú-Tálib
> A son of Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, he was very affluent. In earlier days he
> served as chieftain of the Bázár quarter and his fame was even known to
> the monarch in Tihrán. On Vahíd’s approach, he had gone as far as
> Rúníz to welcome him to the region, and together with his two brothers,
> Siyyid Hasan and Siyyid Husayn, he embraced the new faith, joined the
> defenders and exhibited great bravery at the Fort. After the termination
> of battles, he was imprisoned for a time, during which all his possessions
> and properties were confiscated and he himself was subject to severe
> daily tortures. Shortly thereafter, the central authorities ordered that he
> be sent to Shiraz for further public humiliation, but the governor
> preferred to keep him close by and falsely reported that he had perished
> in battle. Soon, though, he was bound in chains and sent by the governor
> to Ma‘dan Shikárú, in the vicinity of Nayríz. At the instigation of Hájí
> Mírzá Nasru’lláh Nayrízí, the rawdih-khán, a fatwá was secured for his
> death, which was carried out by poisoning while be lay in the prison of
> Ma‘dan.
> 
> 9-15. The remaining eight prisoners
> According to Rawhání, the remaining prisoners all died from their
> tortures while in captivity.448 A well was dug in the prison courtyard,
> where their bodies were dumped and soil was poured over them. Their
> identities remain obscure.
> 
> 448 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 158.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 235
> 
> Dispersed Defenders
> In addition to those that were captured and imprisoned, a number were
> able to disappear in the countryside and hide from the vengeance of the
> governor. The identities of some of these are known and most
> participated three years later in the Nayríz-II episode.
> 
> 1. Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
> He was Vahíd’s father-in-law and the leading cleric of Nayríz, as well as a
> judge of great repute, whose faith in the Báb and support for Vahíd were
> unassailable. Together with his two sons, Shaykh Hádí and Shaykh
> Muhammad (seventeen and fourteen years of age, respectively), he
> fought bravely in the Fort and showed great self-sacrifice. Upon Vahíd’s
> martyrdom and following the end of the battles, by an unfrequented
> route, he hastily sent his daughter who was Vahíd’s wife, Sughrá
> Khánum, and her son, Siyyid Ismá‘íl, together with some other kindred,
> to the house of Vahíd’s sister and her husband, Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl
> Lárí, in Istahbánát. By so doing, he rescued them from certain
> humiliation and death. Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí then sought hiding in the
> countryside and nearby mountains, and from time to time would visit
> Nayríz stealthily.449 This situation continued until the start of the Nayríz-
> II upheaval, when once again he joined the defenders, along with his
> family. After the battle, his captors first decapitated his two sons in his
> lap, then murdered him. On that day, his captive wife managed to escape
> to the home of her brother, Siyyid Ibráhím, but as he was not a Bábí, he
> refused her entry. She then proceeded to the home of Karbalá’í Ridá
> Hammámí who in former days had been an attendant of theirs. That
> very night she passed away.450
> 
> 449 Mullá Shafi‘ notes that Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí together with Siyyid Husayn, Siyyid
> 
> Ja‘far and Hájí Muhammad-Taqí were conducted from house to house for daily
> beating and humiliation.
> 450 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 294-295.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 236 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 2. Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
> A renowned jurist of Nayríz and the local prayer-guide, this old man and
> his family had gone to Istahbánát to welcome Vahíd and embrace the
> new reform movement. At the dawn of the troubles, he was the first
> person to be injured451, which propelled Vahíd and his disciples to take
> position in the Fort of Khájíh. Among those first occupants of the Fort
> was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn with his three brothers and five sons.452
> After the Fort’s fall, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his family took
> refuge in the nearby mountains and kept in hiding and occasionally
> would visit Nayríz under the cover of darkness. As we shall see in the
> course of the subsequent chapters, he and his sons took part in the
> Nayríz-II episode, where he lost all his children. At the conclusion of
> that event, he was captured and sent to Tihrán. However, some three
> days distance outside Shiraz, at a Siyyidán village, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
> expired. He was decapitated and his severed head joined those of the
> other martyrs, while his body was buried in the same location, at a
> known spot.
> 
> 3. Khájih Qutb
> Fádil Mázandarání gives his name as Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn and
> states that he was among the leaders of the Bábís in Fort Khájíh, and
> after Vahíd’s martyrdom went to Tihrán. On his return, he announced
> himself the successor to Vahíd Akbar and the avenger of his blood and
> the blood of the Báb.453
> 
> 4. Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
> Mírzá ‘Alí was born in either 1237 or 1238 A.H./1823 to a well-regarded
> 
> 451 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 82, suggests that he was among the first occupants of the fort
> 
> where he sustained his injuries.
> 452 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 161, indicates that one of his sons, Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, the
> 
> father of Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, suffered martyrdom during Nayríz-I. However,
> Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 83, states this occurred during Nayríz-II.
> 453 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 24.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 237
> 
> family. From early youth he showed extraordinary bravery and courage,
> and soon was given a position in the city administration by Hájí Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín. Because of his skills, the governor entrusted the supervision of
> his own properties in Rastáq and Qutriyyih to him. The first time that
> Sardár’s fame became widely known was when one evening, together
> with his childhood friend, Hasan Mírzá, he tracked, disarmed and
> arrested a gang of seventy highway robbers near the village of Rastáq. As
> the thieves promised that they would never engage in such deeds, Mírzá
> ‘Alí released them – an act which solidified his reputation as a fairminded but courageous commander. Even though the governor
> continued to entrust important assignments to him, Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
> grew increasingly hostile towards the regime, partly in recognition that
> Zaynu’l-‘Abdidin Khán had assumed office through the unjust murder
> of his brother, the rightful successor to their father, and had further
> exerted efforts to eliminate the children of his fallen brother. However,
> for some time the Sardár concealed his hostility, waiting for the right
> moment to strike. By the time Vahíd arrived on the scene in 1850, Mírzá
> ‘Alí was ready to break all ties with the governor, and the news brought
> to Nayríz by Vahíd, and his zeal in establishing a just government in line
> with the Báb’s teachings, was a welcome alternative which he readily
> embraced, dedicating the rest of his life to its achievement. Following a
> period of two years hiding in the wilderness subsequent to Vahíd’s
> martyrdom and the general massacre of the Bábís, the Sardár returned to
> Nayríz and was ready to complete the task commenced by Vahíd. He
> was the key figure in organizing the dispersed Bábís and became their
> rallying point during Nayríz-II. He taught them the art of warfare and
> served as the chief military commander of the Bábís.
> 
> 5. Khájih Muhammad-Husayn
> For three years, he was secure in the nearby village of Karbál where the
> governor’s men failed to locate him. He did not take part in Nayríz-II,
> but his wife and some other kindred participated. On hearing that his
> wife had been captured and subjected to indignities, he was overcome
> with depression and died shortly thereafter.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 238 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 6. Siyyid Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Istahbánátí
> He was in hiding during the period of three years separating the Nayríz I
> and II events. After Nayríz-II, his whereabouts are not known.
> 
> 7. Ibráhím, son of Sálih
> He managed to keep away from the governor’s men and participated in
> Nayríz-II, where he was captured and taken as a prisoner to Shiraz. He
> was released some time later.
> 
> 8-9. Siyyid Husayn and Siyyid Hasan, sons of Hájí
> Siyyid Ahmad
> Together with their brother, Siyyid Abú-Tálib (see above), they had gone
> out as far as the village of Rúníz to welcome Vahíd and joined him in the
> Fort as defenders. After the fall of the Fort, these brothers escaped, but
> reemerged from hiding in three years’ time to participate in Nayríz-II.
> No further news of them is known, except that Siyyid Hasan survived
> the event as one of the prisoners.
> 
> 10. Mullá Hasan, son of Karbalá’í Qásim
> After a period of hiding, he too participated in Nayríz-II and was
> captured and sent to Shiraz, where he was released after a while. He then
> returned to Nayríz.
> 
> 11. Shaykh Muhammad-Ismá‘íl,                                                   son         of   Mullá
> Muhammad-Báqir
> He followed the same fate as the above-mentioned Mullá Hasan.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 239
> 
> 12. Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar, son of Mullá Muhammad
> Istahbánátí
> He had come to Nayríz in the company of Vahíd and had stood by him
> during all the events. He was captured, subsequently released, went into
> hiding and then emerged again during Nayríz-II, when again he was
> captured and eventually released.
> 
> 13. Shaykh Yúsuf
> He was extradited from Shiraz and spent some time in the governor’s
> dungeon. He was released on the condition of leaving Nayríz. Later, he
> participated in Nayríz-II, where he was subsequently captured and sent
> to Shiraz as a prisoner. Upon release, he returned to Nayríz again, but
> soon rebelled against the local authorities who had caused his
> imprisonment and torture, as a result of which he was severely injured
> and disfigured. His daughter, the wife of Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih,
> was also imprisoned after the Nayríz-II events.
> 
> 14. Lutf-‘Alí Qá‘id
> During the battles, he showed much bravery, but was struck by a cannon
> shell that resulted in the amputation of his left hand. After the Fort’s fall,
> though severely injured, he managed to escape and remained in the
> wilderness for nearly three years until the gathering of the forces for the
> Nayríz-II uprising, when once more he joined the Bábís in defending
> themselves. After the uprising’s conclusion, he was imprisoned for some
> time and eventually released and sent home.
> 
> 15. Mírzá Muhammad, son of Mírzá Muhammad-‘Abid
> After successfully remaining in hiding for two years, he joined the Bábí
> community during the Nayríz-II episode and was later captured and sent
> to Shiraz. En route, he threw himself into Bakhtigán Lake to commit
> suicide, but was rescued and released a while later. Eventually, he
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 240 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> returned to Nayríz.
> 
> 16. The Istahbánátí Bábís
> Of the twenty-one converts that had accompanied Vahíd from
> Istahbánát, two defected. The first was Hájí Mihrizí, who broke his
> allegiance at the height of battles and caused great hardship to the
> remnants of the community after the Fort’s fall. The second was Ismá‘íl
> Mazíjání. He asked for Vahíd’s daughter in marriage and on receiving a
> negative response, was disappointed, but remained in the Fort and
> endured the subsequent events. After the battle, he made his escape by
> stealing Vahíd’s steed (given to him by Muhammad Sháh) and returned
> to his native town where he set himself up as a religious cleric.
> It appears that the remaining nineteen Bábís from Istahbánát
> remained faithful and those that survived the battles were able to return
> home and rebuild the Bábí community of that village.
> 
> 17. Descendant of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Samí‘
> A native of Shiraz, this learned mystic had become tutor to the Qájár
> princes and was greatly admired by many. However, because of the
> jealousy of other clerics, he left Shiraz for Nayríz where he spent the rest
> of his days and there attracted the attention of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.
> Two sons survived him: Mullá Báqir and Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí.454
> Much like his father, Mullá Báqir excelled in the acquisition of
> knowledge and emerged as one of the foremost jurists of the region,
> occupying the position of marja‘-taqlíd [the source of religious
> emulation] in the city. As such appointments often required, he married
> a niece of Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shiraz, adding
> significantly to his personal prestige. He served as the Imam-Jum‘ih of
> the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír of Nayríz and the custodian of its properties, all
> of which distinguished him in the eye of the citizens. At the time of
> Vahíd’s arrival and because of their prior association, he went out as far
> 
> 454 Lab-Shikarí played an important role in Nayríz-II uprising.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 241
> 
> as Rúníz to welcome him, and enlisted among his most devoted
> companions. However, outwardly he adopted a more neutral stance and
> due to his influence, the governor left him alone, a situation that
> permitted Mullá Báqir to clandestinely assist other Bábís. He passed away
> a few years later. He was survived by four sons who later converted to
> the Bahá’í faith: Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, surnamed Vafá by
> Bahá’u’lláh; Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan; Shaykh Ahmad; and Shaykh Abú’l-
> Qásim.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 242 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 11
> 
> Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ - Part 2
> 
> Let those fight in the cause of God who sell the life of this world for the
> Hereafter; to him who fighteth in the cause of God, whether he is slain
> or gets victory, soon shall We give him a reward of great value.
> Qur’án 4:74
> 
> A Comment by the Translator
> The first part of Mullá Shafí‘’s account was given in chapter 5 and an
> annotated translation of the remaining portion is provided below.
> However, before we turn our attention to this narrative, a brief comment
> – perhaps an attempt at contextualizing the history of Nayriz-II – is in
> order.
> Following the events’ chronology, chapters 5 through 10 have
> provided glimpses into the intense persecution that beset the Bábí
> community of this town in the aftermath of Vahíd’s martyrdom and the
> Bábí defeat in the summer of 1850 – a persecution that continued in
> various forms and unabated for some two years. By then, the Bábí
> community of Iran in general, and Nayriz in particular, was faced with an
> unprecedented challenge. Its Prophet-founder, the Báb, was martyred.
> Its most nationally recognized promoter, Vahíd, was slain. The faith’s
> chief lieutenants, Quddus, Mullá Husayn, Táhirih and eight other Letters
> of the Living, were murdered and the rest were either missing, in hiding
> or in doubt. Nearly five-hundred of the ablest devotees of the Báb had
> been eliminated in Shaykh Tabarsí. The charismatic and learned Hujjat
> and two thousands of his companions had perished in Zanjan. Its
> supposed leader, Yahyá Azal, was utterly incompetent and in hiding.
> Bahá’u’lláh’s influence was neutralized by being exiled for some 10
> months to Karbala. In August 1852, an ill-conceived attempt on the life
> of Nasiri’d-Dín Shah resulted in a Bábí bloodbath in Tihran and the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 243
> 
> surrounding regions which essentially annihilated the remaining
> leadership of the community or its learned members. What remained of
> the notables of the community – including Bahá’u’lláh – were then
> seized and imprisoned in Siyah-Chál, most to suffer execution.
> In Nayriz, the situation for the Bábís was particularly ominous.
> Having lost most of its men and many of its women members, the
> Chinar-Sukhtih quarter – the Bábí stronghold – was reduced to rubbles,
> its Bábí residences were robbed of all their possessions and compelled to
> disperse in the countryside and mountains, and forced to live in the
> wilderness with no provisions or shelters for some two years. One can
> only imagine the intensity of their sufferings stretched over such a long
> period, especially during the bitterly cold winter seasons.
> As Mullá Shafí‘’s narrative in the following pages will reveal and is
> supported by subsequent documentations provided in later chapters, by
> the Fall of 1852 gradually some of the Bábís began to return to their
> native town and once again the nucleus of a community was formed.
> But this was a drastically different community. Having lost all its
> prominent and learned members, it was now a community that knew
> very little about the Báb’s wide range of teachings nor did it have a
> cohesive leadership in form of the wise and learned Vahíd when he
> guided its affairs in 1850. It was a community that bore the deep scars of
> intense and cruel sufferings of these two agonizing years. Naturally,
> anger and desire for revenge burnt brightly in many hearts.
> It was under such circumstances and without a charismatic leader
> of Vahíd’s caliber, that the community was once more formed and in
> absence of a strong leadership, it allowed a few of its members on the
> fringes to commit certain desperate acts, chief among them being the
> assassination of the town’s governor – the man most responsible for
> their prolonged sufferings – an act that precipitated another cycle of
> bloody and severe persecution that lasted for many more months,
> costing the lives of many more hundreds of the believers. As the
> situation grew increasingly gloomy and desperate, in addition to the
> governor’s assassination, as will be outlined in these documents, the
> beleaguered Bábís committed several other desperate acts – acts that had
> Vahíd or a leader of his qualities been around, would not have been
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 244 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> permitted.
> The above comments are made in hope that as the reader
> considers the details provided in these documents, he would bear in
> mind the backdrop of the situation and the bitterness of the
> community’s experiences which shaped certain of their decisions. That
> is, I feel compelled to warn the reader that a few incidents in these
> documents indeed portray a degeneration that characterizes men in
> desperate situations, or perhaps are characteristics of every religious
> community at the conclusion of their spiritual cycle. Without keeping the
> historical backdrop in mind, it is feared that the reader might be tempted
> to view with too critical an eye the Bábí community of Nayriz in 1852-53
> or perhaps pronounce a harsh judgment against them that would be
> ahistorical in nature.
> 
> Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ - Part 2
> 
> [12. The Transition]
> In short, for about two years,455 perhaps less or more, the situation
> passed thus. Meanwhile the believers who had been dispersed located
> one another in the mountains. Many were planning vengeance. However,
> the Khán was shrewd and cautious, never leaving himself alone, and
> when he rode, he was always accompanied by a large number of guards
> and gunmen. And on the occasions when he visited the city, he never
> went to the residence of others and kept to his own well-protected
> mansion. Every day a new scheme was designed [by the believers to
> eliminate the governor], but none could be implemented.
> Eventually, in the Fall season, when the grapes were ripe in the
> mountainous vineyards and ready for syrup-making, the believers
> attacked a syrup-making facility belonging to the Khán that was situated
> on the Bálá-Taram mountain, and injured two or three of the workers.
> On hearing the news, the Khán sent his men to capture them [Bábís],
> 
> 455 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 23, gives this period as one and a half years.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 245
> 
> but it was to no avail. The believers, however, were no closer to their
> goal of capturing and eliminating the Khán.
> Of those taken in chains to Shiraz, several were martyred,
> including Áqá Ghulám-Ridá, an attendant of his holiness [Vahíd] who
> was from the city of Yazd, and Shaykhá, the executioner, who was
> martyred with the utmost brutality and savagery.456 The rest were thrown
> in the dungeon. A certain Mírzá Mihdí, a maternal uncle of ‘Alí Sardár,
> died of exhaustion in that location. After some time the remaining
> believers were released from the dungeon; some returned to Nayríz,
> while others preferred to disperse in far away regions.
> [In Nayríz] rather than be taken prisoner, two of the [Bábí] women
> threw themselves into a well and perished. Three of the men, Mullá
> Muhammad, Hájí Qasim and Husayn, son of ‘Alí-Naqí, proceeded to
> Dáru’l-Khaláfih457 Tihrán [to express their grievances], and during the
> upheaval after the assassination attempt on the monarch and the episode
> of Sulaymán Khán, two of them were martyred.458 A few others had
> gone [to Tihrán seeking justice], but during the same upheaval <p.23>
> were captured and thrown into the dungeon – one of them was a certain
> Mullá Ahmad who passed away in captivity, while the others were
> eventually released.
> Of the ones mentioned earlier who were determined to exact a
> revenge, several went to Dáru’l-Khaláfih Tihrán in the hope of making
> their case to the monarch, thinking that this would bring ruin upon the
> Khán. They were but two or three stations away from the Land of Tá
> [Tihrán] and were enjoying a short rest, when several soldiers carrying a
> communication from Shiraz went by and recognized them as belonging
> to this people [i.e. Bábí]. They were all arrested except Karbalá’í
> 
> 456 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that in Mírzá Mahmúd’s
> 
> report for the period 23 September to 10 October 1850, the following is recorded to
> have occurred on 6 October:
> On the same day two Babees were delivered by Mehr Ally Khán to
> H.R.H. One of them was the executioner, and the other a Sirdar
> [commander] of Syed Yahyáh. Both were beheaded.
> 457 Lit. the city of rulers, it is a designation for Tihrán as it has served as the seat of
> 
> central government for a long time.
> 458 Sulaymán Khán was martyred on 15 August 1852.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 246 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín who succeeded in reaching Tihrán, where eventually he
> came to possess a house and other properties and passed away some
> time later. The others were taken to Shiraz where the Prince instructed a
> number of them to curse and recant [their new found Faith], and when
> they refused to do so, immediately ordered their execution in the
> courtyard of the army’s barracks. These martyrs included: Karbalá’í
> Abú’l-Hasan, a crockery-maker; Áqá Shaykh Hádí, maternal uncle of the
> wife of the illustrious Vahíd; Mírzá ‘Alí and Abúl, sons of Hájí Zayná;
> Akbar, son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Hasan and his brother Mírzá Bábá.459
> The late Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf and the rest of the captives were
> brought in chains and fetters to Nayríz as a gift for the Khán – a prize
> that made him extremely happy and excited. With his own hand he
> slapped the honored Áqá Shaykh Yúsuf, issued instructions for the nose
> of another one to be pierced and a rope passed through it, and yet
> another was ordered beaten with sticks. In fact, several of them died
> during these brutal beatings, including Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad who
> had served as the gatekeeper of the fort and was martyred on the first
> day while being beaten with sticks; also a certain Shír-‘Askar, paternal
> uncle of Táju’l-‘Ayn460 who had been among the first martyrs of the fort,
> was viciously martyred at night in the dungeon and his remains thrown
> into a well.
> 
> [13. The Nucleus of Dissent]
> And the manner in which [Mírzá] ‘Alí Sardár came to leadership was this:
> 
> 459 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that in a report of the British
> 
> agent Mírzá Mahmúd for the period 10 to 27 August 1850, it is recorded,
> On the 20th His Royal Highness summoned ten Babees and
> commanded them either to curse Syed Yahiyeh or to suffer death; as
> they remained silent, it was concluded they were steadfast in their
> faith. The Prince however respited them for an hour, when they
> submitted to His Royal Highness’ will. Some persons then interceded
> for them and the Prince forgave them... The Prince has been rather
> unwell for some days past, on which account, it is said, he will release
> all the imprisoned Babees.
> 460 Most likely a copyist error for Táju’d-Dín.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 247
> 
> after two years of being a refugee, he returned to Nayríz in secret.461
> Upon arrival, at nights, armed with a sword, he quietly visited the homes
> of the believers, searched home after home, and wherever he found
> anyone hungry, unclothed or without other necessities, he would gather
> the provisions and <p.24> unbeknownst to the needy, deliver them to
> that household. And when the non-believers would chance to see him
> engaged in such undertakings, he would pretend that he was occupied
> with something else. The reports, however, eventually reached the Khán,
> who ordered his path intercepted and [the Sardár] arrested. The
> 
> 461 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 173-179, states (in summary):
> 
> Gradually, the network of contacts was expanded and regular
> communication was established with those who had dispersed, and
> food and other necessities were arranged for them as well. This circle
> of believers and sympathizers grew larger by inclusion of the believers
> released from the governor’s prison, and soon an organized and
> active nucleus of dissent was formed.
> The first such cell, or assembly, was formed in the number of
> the Bayánic vahíd, that is, 19, and consisted of: ‘Alí Sardár; Hájí Mírzá
> Husyan Qutb; Hájí ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, Vahíd’s father-in-law; the two sons
> of Hájí of ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí; Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his four remaining
> sons; and nine other believers - all residents of what had remained of
> the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. This assembly began to meet in earnest
> and its first decision was to charge two of its members who were
> among the ‘ulamá, namely, Hájí ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
> Husayn, to deepen and educate the Bábí remnant and to instill in their
> hearts devotion to the Cause and obedience to the laws of the Faith.
> Through their consultation, the assembly recognized that
> sporadic guerilla attacks on the governor’s vast estate had been utterly
> ineffectual and ultimately an organized uprising was needed against
> him. They resolved that the two youngest members, the Sardár and
> Qutb, would try to locate and attract the believers who had dispersed
> in the mountains, and would urge their return to the city for this
> purpose. Therefore, these two brave members of the assembly set out
> to spread the good news that once more the community was being
> consolidated, and to encourage and fortify everyone’s faith and
> cooperation. Day by day, the number of those returning to Nayríz
> increased and many more were encouraged to emerge from hiding
> and to once again join their brethren.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 248 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> governor decreed severe tortures. It was through the Divine Will that he
> was released. Once again his only thought was the need of the poor, the
> ill, the destitute, the widows and the orphans. At night he would gather
> the believers, and speak and encourage them, and constantly urge them
> to unity and cooperation.
> It was at that time that the late Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb,
> returned from Tihrán to Nayríz. He was a brave and magnificent man
> and acted with such sincerity and fidelity that all believers were deeply
> attracted to him. Due to his generosity and forbearance, all the learned
> and affluent members of this community [i.e. the Bábís] felt called to
> obey him.462
> Each night, they would gather some seventy or eighty believers in
> various assemblies and urge and encourage them to slay the Khán463 and
> 
> 462 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 177, places the number of Bábís at this time in excess
> 
> of “kul-shay” (=361). The same source continues to state (in summary):
> Through the constant efforts of the learned men in their rank, the
> knowledge and devotion of the Bábís to the Cause grew stronger and
> the flame of the fire of the love of God blazed fiercer through regular
> study of the Báb’s writings in their possession.
> In a few months’ time, a large number of the inhabitants of
> Nayríz yet again stood firmly identified with the new Revelation and
> the basis for another massive uprising against the tyranny of the
> authorities and the defense of the community was now set.
> During this time, the influence of the governor and his agents
> was waning considerably, as each day the number of believers
> increased and their morale grew. Soon Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was
> sufficiently alarmed that he too began to plot a second suppression.
> The news of his concerns and schemes for severe retaliation reached
> the believers and they readily recognized that in due time the
> governor would once again gather his forces and would attempt to
> purge the region of its Bábí elements and sympathizers.
> 463 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 170-172, state:
> 
> One of the believers who rejoined the community at this time was
> Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, a son of Mullá ‘Abdu’s-Sami’, and a
> younger brother of the influential Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih.
> Mullá Hasan had been appointed by Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imam-
> Jum‘ih of Shiraz, to supervise his properties in the village of Kushak-
> Mullá, and many years earlier had the good fortune to accompany the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 249
> 
> revenge the sacred blood of the illustrious Vahíd.464 However, no
> opportunity presented itself, until five of the residents of the [Chinár-
> Súkhtih] neighborhood who were also relatives of the Khán, namely,
> Karbalá’í Muhammad and his three sons, Khájih Mahmúd, Khájih Hasan
> 
> Báb in one of His journeys to Bushihr, and though he had remained
> unaware of the Latter’s claim to being the promised Manifestation, he
> had been greatly attracted to the young Siyyid, and day and night
> exerted himself to serve His every need. At the conclusion of the
> journey, out of His infinite benevolence, the Báb had given His own
> precious ring to Mullá Hasan, which the latter treasured to his last
> breath.
> When Vahíd arrived in the region and proclaimed the new
> Cause, Mullá Hasan and his brother embraced the Faith and while
> Mullá Báqir outwardly projected a neutral disposition towards the
> Bábí Movement, Mullá Hasan was very much in the thick of things
> and would openly proclaim the Faith and propagate its interests. In
> addition, he had been a close family friend of Muhammad-Báqir
> Khán, the governor’s brother who was assassinated at Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán’s bidding, to the point that his sons called him
> ‘brother.’
> It was through the intervention of Mullá Hasan that the
> children of the slain Mullá Báqir Khán were secretly provided food
> and provisions and thus rescued – a fact that had added to the disdain
> of the governor. It had become known that Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
> had put together a plan to slay Mullá Hasan and his comrades, Sardar,
> Mírzá Husayn [Khájíh] Qutb, and a few others. Therefore, with evergreater fervor, Sardar and Qutb preached the importance of
> eliminating the root cause of troubles, namely, the despicable
> governor.
> 464 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 23, states:
> 
> Day by day, Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín grew in enmity and grievance. He
> confiscated the properties and possessions of all the believers and left
> them with no dwelling to live in. Consequently, the Bábís dispersed in
> the mountains and began to gradually organize themselves against the
> governor and the ‘ulamá. They recognized that no matter where they
> went, they would never be able to live in tranquility and would always
> be a target for the despotism and tyranny of this corrupt order.
> Therefore, they resolved to eliminate the governor and his hatchetmen and to avenge the blood of Vahíd and his companions.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 250 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and Khájih ‘Alí, together with Ustád Qásim, who was a banná
> (construction taskmaster) at the governor’s home, and all had become
> resentful of the Khán, decided to murder him.465
> On a Thursday night, the Khán informed his Farrásh-Báshí
> [attendant], Karbalá’í Sádiq, “In the morning I will go to the bath-house,
> and when I return I wish to go for a ride in the country-side. You are to
> take a large contingent of our men and proceed to the Chinár-Súkhtih
> quarter where, according to our list, some seventy of these people [i.e.
> Bábís] reside. Seize and place them all in jail as I have decided to put
> them in a pot and boil them.” A trusted friend informed the five [wouldbe assassins] of this conversation and they in turn, bid farewell to their
> wives, and before dawn proceeded to the public bath and concealed
> themselves in its dark chambers.
> Ever concerned with security, the Khán would place
> sharpshooters on the roof of the bathhouse as well as on the turret of his
> own mansion that was next door, and would take every precaution
> during his visits, and ensure that the bathhouse was vacant prior to
> entering. [On that day,] when the Khán arrived at the bath, at an
> opportune moment, the five men <p.25> emerged from their hiding
> place and, armed with razor blades, other sharp objects, the masseur’s
> knives, injured the Khán with several cuts and slit his stomach open. The
> masseurs called out to his attendants and guards who rushed in and
> quickly martyred the five. Ustád Qásim was still barely alive when he
> heard the cry of the Khán coming from the dressing room and dragging
> himself there shouted: “O accursed one! They martyred my four
> brothers and you are still alive?!” And even though he was held back by
> the attendants, he freed himself momentarily and lunged forward,
> putting his hand on the Khán’s cut, pulling out his intestines and other
> organs. Had he not committed this act, the injuries of the Khán were not
> fatal and the five men would have sacrificed their lives fruitlessly. The
> Khán lived for only one more day and then went to where he belonged.
> Ustád Qásim was immediately martyred.466
> 
> 465 Manábi‘ Táríkh Amr Bahá’í, pp. 56-57, states that these five were Bábís. Kawakibu’d-
> 
> Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 213, refers to them as the remnant of the Bábí martyrs and captives.
> 466 The governor’s death took place on 26 March 1853; for documentation see the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 251
> 
> [14. The New Governor]
> In those days, the Prime Minster in Tihrán would name the local [senior]
> officials, and he had given the governorship of Nayríz to Mírzá Na‘ím467,
> who in turn had passed it on to
> [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín] Khán.468 Out of pride though, the Khán ruled
> 
> Qájár newspapers cited later in this monograph. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 302,
> notes:
> Grossly agitated over the murder of his father, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
> and unable to exact a full revenge, Fath-‘Alí Khán decided to slay
> Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, who was one of the believers suspected of
> masterminding the assassination plot. His attendants carried out this
> murder while Mullá Hasan was visiting Fort Sayf-Ábád in the vicinity
> of Nayríz. This martyr was survived by two sons: Mullá Áqá Baba and
> Mullá Muhammad-’Alí.
> Mullá Muhammad-’Alí and a son of Mullá Áqá Baba, also named Mullá Hasan, were
> martyred in the course of Nayríz III.
> 467 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 27, n. 2, quotes from Fársnámih Násirí:
> 
> Mírzá Na‘ím, the Lashkar-Báshí, was born in Shiraz in 1219 A.H.
> [1804] into one of the Núrí families residing in Shiraz. His job was
> Lashkar-Nivís-Báshí [the officer in charge of the logistics] of the
> military forces assigned to Fárs. For a while, he was the governor of
> Nayríz, Dáráb, Jahrum, and some other regions and eventually died in
> Shiraz in the year 1292 A.H. [1875].
> Mírzá Na‘ím was a brother-in-law and a cousin of the ruling Prime Minister Mírzá
> Áqá Khán Núrí.
> 468 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 26, states:
> 
> At the beginning of the Spring of 1268 A.H. [circa March 1852],
> Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Amír-Atábak, fell into disfavor with the
> monarch. This was because of his vanity, pride and despotism, as he
> would ignore the royal decrees and would reject and dismiss the
> king’s direct orders. He would carry out what he thought best, and he
> considered the sovereign a youth incapable of royal rule. As he had a
> particularly acrimonious nature and would deal with others in an
> extremely harsh manner, the vast majority of the governors strongly
> disliked him. Once, he reduced the rank of the military officers and
> they rose against him. As a result, he had to appeal to Mírzá Áqá
> Khán [Núrí], the I‘timadu’d-Dawlih, who helped him rectify his
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 252 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> independently, and until the end never wore the gifted robe of honor.
> The news [of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s assassination] was sent to the
> governor of Fárs, the late Prince Tahmasb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-
> Dawlih.469 Being extremely pleased with the turn of events, Mírzá Na‘ím
> 
> relations with the commanders. In the end, the Shah dismissed Mírzá
> Taqí Khán from office, isolated, exiled and incarcerated him in
> Káshán.
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 26, footnoted the following from Muntazam Násirí:
> On 25 Muharram, Mírzá Taqí Khán, the Atábak A‘zam, was deposed
> from office as chief military commander and Prime Minister, lost the
> title of Atábak and all other privileges, offices and honors. Mírzá Áqá
> Khán, the I‘timádu’d-Dawlih, was installed in his place as Prime
> Minister.
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 26-27, continues:
> Eventually, at the royal bidding, he was slain in the Hammám Fin.
> When the King’s executioners informed him of his fate, he became
> repentant about the true reason for his punishment and confessed his
> wrongdoing saying, ‘Of a certainty, it was not prudent to oppose the
> Siyyid-i Báb and His followers. I gravely erred in slaying this Siyyid
> and now I must suffer the due punishment.’ The aforementioned
> Mírzá Áqá Khán [Núrí] was appointed Prime Minister by the Shah
> and gradually given complete authority and independent rule in
> military and political matters, and raised to the rank of Sadr A‘zam.
> With much innate statesmanship, wisdom and skill he began to
> organize the affairs of the realm, particularly the situation of the
> Bábís.
> At that time, the uncle of the Shah, Tahmasb Mírzá, the
> Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, was the governor of Fárs. Because of the
> troubles in that region, Mírzá Áqá Khán separated the rule of Nayríz
> from the province of Fárs and granted its rule to Mírzá Na‘ím Núrí
> who was sent with a great many men to that city. Mírzá Na‘ím was
> instructed by the Prime Minister in the art of statesmanship and was
> told to deal with the Bábís calmly and prudently, to grant them liberty
> and freedom of movement, and then to seize them all.
> 469 Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih was the governor-general of the Fárs from the
> 
> beginning of 1266 A.H. [December 1849] and served until he was replaced with
> Tahmasb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, a cousin of Muhammad Shah, in Sha‘bán
> 1269 A.H. [May 1853]. Tahmasb Mírzá served in this capacity until 1858 and once
> more during 1860-62. He was a son of Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá, son of Fath-‘Alí Shah.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 253
> 
> quickly dispatched his maternal uncle, Mírzá Baba, to Nayríz in the
> company of several soldiers. Upon their arrival, they did not discuss their
> mission with anyone until a month later when Mírzá Na‘ím,
> commanding a large contingent of cavalry and soldiers, arrived
> triumphantly [in Nayríz].470 Among the welcoming party were ‘Alí Sardár
> and the believers, who thought they could breathe easy now.
> Two or three days after his arrival, Mírzá Na‘im was privately
> approached by the wife of the slain Khán, who encouraged him to
> revenge the blood of her husband on the promise of gaining whatever he
> wished. He inquired as to the means of accomplishing this, to which she
> responded, “There is no other way except to lure them through
> kindness.” Finding this approach pleasing, on the following day he sent a
> messenger to the believers [in the Bábí quarter] declaring, “All those who
> have sustained an injustice through Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín <p.26> Khán or
> have had their property confiscated, should gather at the government
> house and provide the details so that their property may be separated
> from the estate of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and returned to them.” The
> believers did not know about the scheme designed to trap them, but
> sensed that something was stirring, therefore, they decided to tell the
> new governor that they no longer had a claim on any property taken
> from them and absolved the Khán of all he had committed, leaving him
> to divine judgment and justice.
> Therefore, [on the appointed day], many of them went to the
> government house. Prior to their arrival, however, the soldiers and the
> gatekeeper were instructed that upon their entrance, the gate should be
> quickly shut and [if necessary] the gunmen should open fire on them
> ensuring that no one, from either within the building or outside, would
> dare move. In short, some one hundred and fifty471 of the leading
> believers were arrested and imprisoned that day and some received
> severe beatings. Among them Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb,
> ‘Alí Sardár, and some other braves.
> Some time passed while the [Bábí] men remained imprisoned and
> 
> 470 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 28, estimates the number of his men as two
> 
> divisions.
> 471 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 174, gives this figure as 130.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 254 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> their womenfolk apprehensive. Eventually Mírzá Na‘ím decided to
> journey to Shiraz and he prepared a list of the prisoners, whom he
> entrusted to his uncle, Mírzá Baba, and together with his soldiers he
> returned to Shiraz. Meanwhile, the aforementioned Shujá‘u’l-Mulk
> informed the Prime Minister that Mírzá Na‘ím had rendered a great
> service by capturing in the space of one hour some one hundred and
> fifty of the enemies of the throne472 in such a manner that not even one
> had a nose bleed. The Prime Minister in turn presented the text of that
> communication to the monarch, who was very pleased, instructing him
> to respond that the entire group of the prisoners must be sent to Tihrán.
> After Mírzá Na‘ím’s departure for Shiraz, the inhabitants of Qatrih
> [Qutriyih], one of the villages of Nayríz, refused the orders of Mírzá
> Baba, the [temporary] governor of Nayríz, on account of excessive
> taxation. No matter how many emissaries, soldiers or gunmen Mírzá
> Bábá sent, it was futile and the villagers would not budge. Mírzá Baba
> was informed that the only men whose influence could sway the
> situation was ‘Alí Sardar and the other lion-hearted [Bábí] warriors
> <p.27> presently in prison, and that he had no option but to release ‘Alí
> Sardár and send him to Qatrih [Qutriyih]. He complied as advised and
> offered the Sardár a robe of honor and commissioned him for the
> task.473 On hearing the news of his approach, in spite of their strength
> and resolve, the villagers retreated and the Sardár was able to collect all
> owed taxes and to send the money to Mírzá Bábá.
> Duly impressed, Mírzá Bábá released the [remaining captive]
> believers and dealt with them justly and respectfully. It was then that the
> monarch’s officials arrived in Shiraz in order to conduct the Bábís to
> Tihrán and Mírzá Na‘ím was informed of their mission, and in turn, he
> sent several of his men to Nayríz [to bring with them the Bábí
> captives].474 However, before the arrival of the officers in Nayríz, the
> 
> 472 The original, qiblih ‘álam (lit. the pivot of the world) is one of Násiri’d-Dín Shah’s
> 
> titles.
> 473 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 175, states that it was Mírzá Na‘ím who met with the
> 
> Sardár and asked for his help. However, according to Mullá Shafí ‘, by then Mírzá
> Na‘ím had long left for Shiraz.
> 474 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 176, notes that during this period a number of the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 255
> 
> believers in Shiraz learned of the details and quickly dispatched a
> messenger to Nayríz to inform the friends.475
> The believers [of Nayríz] consulted and divided into three groups.
> The first group consisted of the akhúnds [clerics] who gathered in the
> house of one of their own, Mullá Muhammad Mu’min. ‘Alí Sardár and
> his expert riflemen gathered at his house, while Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn,
> titled Qutb, led another group to the vineyards outside the city limits.
> Every hour they would send messengers back and forth to ensure they
> were fully informed of each other’s situation.
> Mírzá Bábá was contemplating ways to trap the Bábís [for dispatch
> to Tihrán]. He decided to send an envoy [with the false pretense] that
> some particular region had rebelled and that they were needed to come
> and prepare to do battle [with the insurgents] on the following day. He
> thought that the believers were unaware of what had been decreed [by
> the monarch], and when they came, he would be able to seize them.
> However the believers responded, “We are under no compulsion to aid
> the government in its dealings with the rebels and will not come.”
> [Undaunted, Mírzá Bábá] sent a second emissary, and yet again they
> refused to come.
> Fearing the royal wrath, Mírzá Bábá summoned to the government
> house a few Muslim gunmen from the same quarter that were
> uninformed of the events <p.28> and placed them in confinement. He
> thought that if eventually he failed to capture the Bábís, at least he could
> send these plebeians in their place to Tihrán. However he soon realized
> that unless a few Bábís were also forcibly seized and placed among them,
> his plan was futile.
> 
> ‘ulamá in Shiraz, such as Shaykh Husayn Nazimu’sh-Shari‘ih, known as Shaykh
> Zálim [the tyrannical Shaykh], Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí Mahallátí and Shaykh Mihdí
> Kajvarí, every day most vehemently denounced the Báb’s religion and anyone
> associated with the nascent Faith.
> 475 From the early years of the Bábí faith into the opening decade of the Twentieth
> 
> Century, a number of political and administrative figures of Fárs were Bábí, or Bábí
> sympathizers. Some of them were believers in Bahá’u’lláh as well; for details see,
> Ahang Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge. Therefore, it is likely that senior officials in
> Shiraz leaked the plot against the Bábís to the community.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 256 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [15. First Battle, the Fall of 1853]
> [Therefore in order to apprehend some of the Bábís,] he ordered his
> soldiers and footmen to encircle the vineyard [where a group of the
> believers had taken refuge]. However, none among his men dared to
> enter.476 Eventually, several farrashes were sent in to overcome and
> arrest the believers, but they met the swords, sticks, pistols and stones of
> the defenders, and had to retreat in great haste. Raising the cry of “Alláhu-Akbar,” the Bábís continued to chase them outside the orchard.
> Similar shouts were raised by the Bábí ‘ulamá, as well as the men under
> the command of ‘Alí Sardár who were all emerging from their locations,
> creating a most fantastic spectacle with the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar” raised
> from all three directions.
> A contingent of mounted soldiers was positioned at the orchard’s
> gate when one of the believers named Muhammad, son of Mír[zá]
> Ahmad, emerged from within with burial garb on his shoulders477 and
> wielding a sword. The courage manifested by this one man caused the
> soldiers to flee before him. Soon the soldiers retreated to the
> government house, managing only to seize and imprison a single Bábí.478
> On that day the believers stood approximately two hundred strong
> and were surrounded by the soldiers and gunmen from all four
> directions. Using the protection of the aqueduct’s wall, the believers
> joined the battle, and the noise of five or six hundred guns was heard
> constantly until dusk. In their haste to join their comrades, however,
> several of the believers were captured. Among them was a certain Mullá
> Muhammad-’Alí Qabid; and I do not recall the name of the others
> caught.479 These were also incarcerated.
> 
> 476 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, gives the number of soldiers and irregulars on
> 
> this occasion as 2,000. But this seems inflated and may reflect the number of
> opponents assembled a week or so later.
> 477 As a sign of readiness for self-sacrifice, at times, burial cloth is worn in battles.
> 478 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, indicates that it was the same believer,
> 
> Muhammad, who was captured.
> 479 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 30, states that altogether three Bábís were
> 
> captured.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 257
> 
> The believers that were confined by then included: the
> aforementioned Muhammad, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad; Mahmúd, son of
> Haydar-Bayk; ‘Abdu’lláh, <p.29> son of ‘Askar Shabán; Ahmad, son of
> Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; ‘Alí and Murád Sírjání; and Ridá from the Qanqárí
> region of Bávanát. The traitorous Khájih Ghafar, who in former days
> had been among the companions of the illustrious Vahíd, joined these
> seven. They were all placed in a room beneath the tower of Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán’s mansion. In the course of their consultations, they
> decided to make a hole in the tower’s wall, through which they could
> escape. Using a knife and by pouring out water, they dug through the
> night, and were aided by Khájih Ghafar. However when the task was
> nearly complete, the latter informed Mírzá Na‘ím, “You have seized me
> in error as I am not a Bábí, but these others are. They are planning their
> escape by excavating a hole in the tower.” After it was determined that
> indeed the prisoners had attempted to carve a hole in the wall, he was
> told to further prove his disassociation with other prisoners by
> beheading them, to which he readily consented. They were all brought
> forth from confinement and, in front of the Masjid Nazar-Baykí, a
> certain Áqá Ridá, son of ‘Alí-Naqí, with his pistol shot and killed one of
> them, namely, Muhammad, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad. Khájih Ghafár
> decapitated the remaining believers and was released. [After this
> occurrence and deeply ashamed by his son’s heinous betrayal,] Khájih
> Ghafár’s father would repeatedly and indignantly roar, “He is a bastard
> and not a son of mine!”
> At night time, the army division withdrew to its barracks and the
> believers went to an orchard half a farsang away from town at the foot
> of the mountains known as Bídlang480, where Vahíd had planted the
> trees with his own blessed hands. For two days they tarried there until all
> the believers had gathered. In their discussions, they recognized that
> given their imperiled circumstances, there was no hope for outward
> victory and that instead they should prepare for life everlasting [and
> martyrdom]. Gradually the number of the men reached four hundred.
> 
> 480 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 180, refers to it as Bid-Bikhubih and Hájí Muhammad
> 
> calls it Bid-Najviyyih. This mountain is 14 kilometers south of Nayríz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 258 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [16. Retreat to Mountains]
> There are many modest fig-orchards at the base of that mountain, and all
> the Nayrízís, of whatever rank, own an orchard there. At that time
> <p.30> about half of the city’s inhabitants were there working their
> groves. [In their desperation,] the believers decided that since it was
> certain that they would be killed and their wives [and children] taken
> captive, they might as well exact a measure of revenge. They searched
> the orchards for anyone who had at one time persecuted, humiliated or
> injured them and would then slay them. Each day, several corpses [of the
> non-Bábís] were brought to town.
> The governor of Nayríz pleaded for assistance to the Prince and
> Mírzá Na‘ím [in Shiraz] and himself assembled a two thousand strong
> force from the nearby villages and regions.
> The Army of God also resolved that while they still stood, no
> harm would be allowed to come to their womenfolk; and after they had
> perished, whatever would be, would be. On the third night, they
> removed their families and other necessities from town and returned to
> the mountain. At that time the number of men was four hundred and of
> women six hundred. The families were left in the vineyards and the men
> went further up the mountain, securing all pathways leading to their
> positions and placing fortifications on all the strategic points.
> A few days later, Mírzá Na‘ím arrived with artillery, infantry and
> cavalry, leading four divisions and the Khamsih tribesmen. Also arriving
> some twenty days later were one thousand Istahbánátí gunmen, and
> another thousand ‘Aynálú men led by their commander, Ma‘sum-‘Alí
> Khán Qurt, making their way through Iraj-Kih-Dihí, a village of
> Istahbánát situated at a distance of four farsangs from Nayríz. Mírzá
> Na‘ím and his camp, horsemen and soldiers joined them by way of
> Darb-Shikáf, which is the entrance to the mountain region.
> To their ranks were added another thousand Nayrízí men, perhaps
> more, assembled from the nearby regions and villages, who made their
> way through a mountainous passage known as Dúr-Qalat, and led by:
> Mírzá Yúsuf, the Kalántar of Nayríz; <p.31> Muhammad-Ridá Khán,
> brother of the slain [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín] Khán; Mullá Hasan, son of Mullá
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 259
> 
> ‘Alí-Muhammad, mentioned previously as having been shot in the
> Masjid’s minaret; and several other nobles and chieftains from various
> quarters.481 In short, from all four directions the mountain was
> 
> 481 The following report was filed in October 1853 by the British Agent in Shiraz,
> 
> Mírzá Fadlu’lláh Qazvíní (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 147-
> 148):
> Merza Naeem having falsely accused the people of Neireez of being
> Babees, obtained an order from the Government to seize one
> hundred and seventeen of the inhabitants, put them in chains and
> sent [sic] them to Tehran to be punished. Thus empowered he
> proceed to Neireez with a number of people and there he pillaged
> and plundered the houses of the people and committed every kind of
> excess. The Neireezees fled, some to the mountains and others to
> various places, and a large body of them took sanctuary a few days
> ago in a Shrine outside the city. Meerza Naeem then bribed the
> worthless characters who frequent the city to assist his people in
> seizing the Neireezees and dragging them from their place of
> sanctuary, and at night he sent his people thus aided to effect this. A
> dreadful uproar ensued and in the confusion one young lad was
> seized and conveyed to Meerza Naeem’s house, where he was beaten
> with bastinado until he died. Hajee Kavam [Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí-Abkar, the
> Qavámu’l-Mulk] the Vezeer of Shiraz on learning this, sent people to
> prevent the seizure of the rest of the Neireezees. In truth should
> Meerza Naeem be permitted to remain here he will drive the people
> into rebellion, for they are quite annoyed at the conduct of the
> Government in acting in this manner at the instigation of a man like
> this.
> Alee Beg who had been send to Sheeraz to take charge of the
> above people accused of Babeeism having arrived at Neireez where
> he committed every kind of outrage, the people returned and having
> withdrawn their families from the place, again fled to the mountains
> where they have conveyed provisions, enough to maintain them for
> three or four months.
> Meerza Naeem has demanded and received from the new
> Governor, who knows nothing of the matter, a force amounting to
> four hundred soldiers, two guns with artillerymen and ammunition,
> and he has started for the purpose of seizing these poor people and
> sending them to the Capital. The Governor has also given him orders
> to receive aid from the different Districts in the vicinity. But the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 260 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> thoroughly surrounded.482
> For their part, the Army of God erected about forty fortifications
> and each was assigned to the command of one of its members.483 For
> instance, the fortification at the entrance of Darb-Shikáf was under the
> command of a certain [Mashhadí] Darvísh, and another in command of
> Khájih Qutb, and yet another in command of Mír[zá] Ismá‘íl, and
> another assigned to Hájí Qásim, and another to Mullá Shah-‘Alí, and so
> forth.484 Each was assigned a commander, and there were a few other
> brave souls who routinely visited and supervised the fortifications.485
> Among the believers were seven men known as the Haft-Nafarí486
> [i.e. the seven men], who performed all the heroic deeds, and they were:
> Báqir, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad; Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár [the standardbearer]; <p.32> Hájí, son of Asghar; ‘Alí, son of Ahmad, known as
> Garmsiry; Husayn, son of Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; Husayn, son of Hádí
> Khayrí; and Hasan, son of Mírzá.487
> 
> Neireez people have fixed upon a very strong place in the mountains
> for their quarters and there is only one road to it, so it is believed that
> the troops will not be able to seize them. They made a descent upon
> Neireeza and killed those that had remained there and were hostile to
> them.
> 482 Mírzá Na‘ím’s strategy was to effect a complete blockade of the mountain so that
> 
> the Bábís would starve to death. He also utilized the tribesmen as his frontline, as
> they were more familiar with the terrain and the mountain passes.
> 483 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 32, indicates that each fortification was marked by
> 
> a red flag.
> 484 Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí reports that the lowest fortification was named Mádar
> 
> Sami‘ [Mother of Sami‘]. This fortification served as both the lookout post and the
> frontline of defenses.
> 485 The military organization of the Bábís manning the barricades was that each
> 
> fortification was assigned a commander and eighteen other believers for a total of
> nineteen defenders equal to the numeric value of “váhid.” Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
> 272, suggests that eighteen believers manned each fortification, and the nineteenth one
> was considered to be the person of the Báb, who was believed to be present and an aid
> to each group of the Bábí defenders. Whether 18 or 19 men were assigned to each
> group, it is clear that a deep sense of commitment to the Báb and reliance on divine
> confirmation characterized the Bábí struggle.
> 486 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 272, refers to them as haft-barádarán (seven brothers).
> 487 The concluding three words in this sentence are not readable to the present
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 261
> 
> And of those obeyed by all, one was the honored Mashhadí Mírzá
> Husayn, whose instructions were considered irrefutable and divinely
> inspired, and the other, ‘Alí Sardár, who knew the art of warfare and
> battle.488 Some of the men were among the akhúnds, both ‘ulamá and
> mystics, whose ranking members included: the late Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-
> ‘Alí, the Qádí [judge]; the late Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his
> sons; Mullá ‘Alí; another Mullá ‘Alí and his sons489; and a certain
> Karbalá’í Hádí. The task of logistics, compiling the daily records, and
> trumpets, was given to Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn.
> The youngest son of the aforementioned akhúnd, that is, Mullá
> Muhammad-Taqí, had gone to Harát to visit Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí
> when he heard the news [of the uprising] and immediately came to the
> mountain, and eventually ranked among the martyrs. In short, each
> person was assigned a particular task.490
> 
> [17. First Mountain Battle]
> 
> translator.
> 488 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 272, states that the overall command resided with an
> 
> assembly of nine men. The commander-in-chief was ‘Alí Sardár, and Khájih Qutb
> served as the second-in-command, having a quasi-spiritual authority, while the other
> seven helped with various command decisions.
> 489 The sequence of the names given here is conspicuously similar to that given for the
> 
> people mentioned as welcoming Vahíd at Istahbánát.
> 490 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 33-34, notes:
> 
> For a number of days while Mírzá Na‘ím was in process of organizing
> his camp, the believers would descend the mountain in search of
> water-springs, which always resulted in clashes with the tribesmen.
> For each of these attacks, one of the fortifications would be chosen
> and one of its defenders would remain behind while the other
> eighteen believers, having placed burial garbs over their shoulders,
> would rush forth crying ‘Yá Sáhib Zamán!’ and attack the guards
> placed around the water-springs. Quickly dispersing the guards, they
> would fill their sheepskin bags with water and return to their position.
> Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár often led these battles and exhibited unsurpassed
> bravery; occasionally, a few of the Bábís were killed or injured in the
> battles.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 262 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Unexpectedly, the Istahbánátí gunmen launched a surprise attack.
> However, five of their akhúnds broke ranks and carrying a large cache of
> arms joined the Army of God in the mountains and eventually attained
> the glory of martyrdom. They were: Mullá Fadlu’lláh, son of Mullá
> Abu’l-Qasim, the Qadi of Istahbanat; Mullá Muhammad-’Alí; Mullá
> Muhammad-Báqir; Karbalá’í Sifr; and [Karbalá’í] Muhammad-Ismá’íl. At
> about that time, some fifteen hundred ‘Aynálú, Qurt, Chayan and
> Istahbánátí men who had been assured by their ‘ulamá that slaying the
> Bábís would win them the good pleasure of God, surrounded and
> attacked the believers.491 These men over-powered their foes [i.e. the
> Bábís] and captured some thirty fortifications while pushing the believers
> into two or three fortifications. <p.33> The two camps were then
> standing toe to toe.
> One of the Istahbánátí sharp-shooters positioned himself behind a
> large rock and martyred three of the believers: Ismá‘íl Khájih Ahmadí,
> the custodian of the Khájih Ahmad shrine located about one farsang’s
> distance from Nayríz; Sha‘bán, son of ‘Ábidín; and Muhammad.
> Moreover, this gunman also shot Mullá Husayn, a son of Mullá ‘Alí-
> Muhammad492, and son of Áqá Bábá, who were injured, and passed away
> after a few days. As soon as the rifle of the Istahbánátí sharpshooter was
> empty, Taqí, son of Safr, flew forth like a hawk and with his sword
> struck him so hard that from his upper lip the top of his head was
> sundered, and then he returned to his fortification.
> About then, ‘Alí Sardár came to them bitterly tired and asking for
> food. Some dried bread and walnuts were given to him. He then asked
> for a water-pipe and a certain believer, Muhammad, prepared it and as he
> was bringing it to him was shot in the head and killed instantly. ‘Alí
> Sardár sprang to his feet like a ferocious and esurient lion and rushed
> forth from the fortifications charging the enemy which stood strong as a
> mountain. A group of the people of Truth [i.e. the Bábís] joined him
> from behind and the mighty forces of the enemy were put to flight. With
> ready sabers, the Bábís continued to chase after them and twenty-one of
> the ungodly assailants were cornered and all beheaded on the spot and
> 
> 491 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 33, places their numerical strength at 2,000.
> 492 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 34, gives his name as Mullá ‘Alí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 263
> 
> thrown down the mountain. The rest were so frightened by the audacity
> displayed by the Bábís that they retreated four farsangs to the village of
> Iraj, and at about one hour past noon the Army of God returned
> triumphantly to its original position. It was then one hour into the
> afternoon.
> Mírzá Na‘im and the Nayrízí gunmen were unaware of this defeat
> [and withdrawal], <p.34> so they prepared a communication for the
> [Istahbánátí] troops, with instructions, “Tomorrow, four hours into the
> day you are to commence an offensive from the direction of the Qiblih,
> and the Nayrízí and Vaysbagluyih men, under the command of
> Muhammad-Ridá Khán and Mírzá Yúsuf Kalántar, from the eastern
> front will open fire with cannons, and using foot-soldiers will proceed
> through the Darab Shikáf passage. Swiftly we are to thoroughly eliminate
> them [i.e. Bábís] and thereby win the good pleasure of the Shah, which
> will bring us honor and glory.” This dispatch was entrusted to a
> messenger named Mashhadí Ja‘far, who on his way was spotted and
> seized by the believers’ watchmen. They decapitated him and threw his
> remains down the mountain. In this manner the defenders were
> informed of the contents of that [military] directive.493
> Suddenly, gunmen, soldiers and commanders began to appear in
> the opposing entrenchments, unaware of the messenger’s fate. Gradually
> their number increased to about four hundred, and included some
> Nayrízí citizens whose wives had embraced the Cause of Truth [and
> were now among the defenders in the mountain], while they themselves
> remained in opposition. They asked, “Why have you brought our wives
> [to this mountain]?” “They are no longer your wives,” [the Bábís
> responded,] “as now you are not permitted to one another.”494 For a
> while they continued to converse [with the Nayrízís], who would ask,
> “How is it that you have recognized the Lord and yet we have failed?”495
> 
> 493 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 35, has additional materials on this incident.
> 494 According to the law of the Bayán, a woman believer may not be married to an
> 
> unbelieving husband. The above reference is further evidence that the Bábís of Nayríz
> had sought to implement the laws of the Bayán.
> 495 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 35, provides a Bábí response:
> 
> You have failed in your recognition much the same that Salmán and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 264 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Meanwhile, ‘Alí Sardár instructed several skilled riflemen to [circle
> and] approach the army, instructing, “We will keep them occupied with
> conversation [while you position yourselves], and suddenly we both will
> open fire. Through God’s assistance, perhaps we will manage to untie
> this knot.” One of the braves by the name of Hasan, son of Mírzá, took
> several men with him and implemented what was commanded.
> Simultaneously the two groups of believers opened fire, and then with
> unsheathed <p.35> swords attacked the enemy, who, deeply frightened,
> left behind their tools, weapons, and provisions, and escaped forthwith.
> That day, after initial hardship, victory was ours! Many of our men
> were near-death with hunger and half of the men of Truth [i.e. Bábís] did
> not have weapons. Carrying away all the arms, bread, clothing, lead,
> gunpowder, rifles and swords that were left behind they returned to their
> position.
> On that day the true cowardly character of the unbelieving
> Nayrízís became well-evident: two thousand men, selected among the
> ablest, could not withstand the charge of twenty [Bábí] men, and not one
> of them discharged his gun, and they all took to flight in greatest haste!
> It was near sunset when this skirmish was concluded. As
> mentioned earlier, supported by an unnumbered host of soldiers and
> troops, Mírzá Na‘ím was lurking in ambush near Darab Shikáf, unaware
> of this defeat, and expecting to circle the believers from all four
> directions on the following day, in accordance with the written
> instructions earlier given to his messenger.
> Someone remarked, “Presently we are all tired, but tomorrow we
> will go after them [i.e. Mírzá Na‘ím’s forces].” However, ‘Alí Sardár
> responded that it was best to deal with the problem that very night so
> that the following day we could rest easy. Everyone concurred.
> Nineteen men were sent to the entrance of the passage Darab
> Shikáf, and nineteen others, led by Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, proceeded
> towards the Ásbúrán Mountains. They agreed that once they were
> certain that the enemy had fallen asleep, from the heights of the
> mountain they would open fire and dislodge the camp. Siyyid Husayn
> 
> Abú-Dhar recognized the Prophet of Islam while the ‘Arabs and the
> Jews with all their divines remained deprived.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 265
> 
> was one of those approaching the camp from the [Ásbúrán] heights, and
> as he had frail eyesight, <p.36> he knocked some rocks in the darkness
> of the night, which rolled down the mountain and alerted the camp.
> Raising the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar,” the believers immediately opened
> fire, causing the camp to fall into total disarray and the soldiers to hastily
> disperse in all directions. One of the believers set fire to one of the
> yúrts496 and quickly other friends emulated the same, and several yúrts,
> made of lumber, were set ablaze. Soon the whole area was as bright as
> day, which allowed the soldiers to find their escape route, including
> Mírzá Na‘ím who left on the back of one of his men. The believers
> ended the hostilities and brought back with them the cannons and the
> arsenal.497 If they had not set fire to the yurts, the entire company of the
> soldiers would have perished that very night.
> At any rate, the Army of God returned victorious and triumphant,
> having won the guns and ammunition, and for nearly a month the
> situation was peaceful.498 In this period of tranquility, they lived with
> some comfort, every morning and evening firing cannon shots of salute,
> and always reminding each other of the Words of Truth. They
> incessantly urged and encouraged one another to martyrdom and would
> remind their family and womenfolk that soon they would be taken as
> captives and slaves, saying, “When you are taken as prisoners, wear old,
> worn cloths. Never cry, lament or shed tears over what will transpire,
> and never concern yourselves with the cold, heat, hunger, thirst or with
> being unclad. Manifest patience and forbearance, and be heedless of the
> 
> 496 The nomads of central Asia refer to their circular skin- or felt-cover tent, with
> 
> collapsible frame, as yúrt. In the Persian and Turkish contexts it refers to a wooden
> tent, room, house, or lodging. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 185, refers to soldiers’ tents as
> “Bikhus-Karan,” a local phrase.
> 497 According to Táríkh-i Jadíd, after having first beheaded the officer in charge of
> 
> the gun, the Bábís took with them the cannon and the arsenal. Finding themselves
> unable to push the entire cannon up the mountain, they removed the wheels and
> carriage, and using ropes pulled the gun barrel up to their location. They positioned
> it against a large tree and planned to use it in future conflicts. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1,
> pp. 181-182, suggests this cannon was captured in the course of the second battle.
> 498 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, states that it was 40 days in between the
> 
> battles.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 266 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> scorn of the enemies.”
> In those quiet days, a few of the virulent enemies who had
> perpetrated much harm to the community, such as the treacherous Hájí
> Siyyid ‘Abid who had turned against the illustrious Vahíd <p.37> and
> had caused the scattering of the believers, were put to death after much
> torture and torment. Another such individual was Mírzá Husayn, the
> soothsayer, who in former days used to frequent the nightly gatherings
> of the friends, and with much humility and meekness represented
> himself as one of them, but by day he would report the entire
> proceedings to Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. He too was put to a harsh
> death.499
> 
> [18. Second Mountain Battle]
> Being extremely agitated, Mírzá Na‘ím appealed to the authorities in
> Shiraz. The Prince [Tahmásb Mírzá] Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih instructed the
> commander of the Qashqa’i division, Lutf-‘Alí Khán500, to prepare at
> once together with armed men and cavalry from Gulpáyigán, Sarvistán,
> Istahbánát, Iraj, Panj-Ma‘ádin, Qatrih, Yashnih, Dih-Cháh, Mushkán,
> Ghúry, and Rasátíq, and the outlying regions such as, Dahmurád, Khájih
> Jamálí, Chár-Ráhy, Qarání, Lashtí, Nayrízí, Bahárlú, and Aynálú, under
> the command of Ahmad Khán, Khán Mírzá and Ma‘súm Khán Qúrt –
> the commander who had suffered a terrible and complete defeat in the
> first battles.501
> 
> 499 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, suggests that these two were killed when 95 of
> 
> the Bábís attacked the city.
> 500 Fársnamih Násirí notes: “General Lutf-‘Alí Khán, son of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán
> 
> Ilkhání ibn Jání Khán, who was the tribal leader of the Qashqá’ís, became army
> general after the passing of his father. Several times he was given missions in Sitán
> and the mountains of Giluiyyih. He died in the 1270’s [1854-64]. His son, Hájí
> Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, settled in Ábádih because of his mother’s family ties with
> that region.” A report of an interview with Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán is recorded
> later in the present monograph.
> 501 The British Agent in Shiraz, Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, reported the following on 14
> 
> November 1853 (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 148-149):
> On the 1st Mohurrum [4 October 1853] news reached Sheeraz
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 267
> 
> concerning the conflict of the People of Neereez in the mountains.
> I wrote you word last month that Meerza Naeem had
> proceeded with Sirbaz [soldiers] and Guns, and a body of villagers to
> exterminate the Neereezees. On reaching the foot of the mountains,
> where the enemy lay, Meerza Naeem incited and urged the Sirbaz,
> villagers, and the artillery to ascend the single pass that leads into the
> heart of the mountain, (along which the Neereezees had erected a few
> towers, and in each one planted a number of men armed with
> firelocks), and having reached the interior, to cut all the people to
> pieces. Yielding to the pressing importunities of Meerza Naeem, the
> army ascended, and, as luck would have it, they reached the first
> tower about Sunset – garrison (located therein) were perfectly quiet –
> not a Sound was heard – so still did they remain that one would have
> thought the tower deserted and empty:- the troops gaining confidence
> pressed onwards to number two tower, where they found the same
> stillness prevailing, and having passed them all they entered the
> mountain itself. (No sooner had they done so than) Neereezees, who
> were in the van of Troops, backed up by those who were in the rear
> in the Towers, fell upon and commenced slaughtering the men of the
> unfortunate and ill-starred army:- there being no mode of escape, and
> the disaster having come upon them thro’ the ill-management of their
> commander, the Neereez women clambered up the rocks, and,
> beating their mouths with their hands, vented forth cries of
> exultation. Night was succeeded by darkness – the troops were
> scattered over the mountain, and one of their guns fell into the hands
> of the Enemy.
> Being desirous that so severe a calamity should be kept secret,
> a story was put in circulation that two of the Gulpaeeganee Sirbaz had
> been killed in the fray, and some few had gone astray in the
> mountains, who would shortly return.
> From the villagers, who accompanied the forces, however, it
> became known that many were killed, that the Neereezees had carried
> off the horses, and everything pertaining to the army; in short that
> Meerza Naeem and his army had been shamefully discomfited. The
> new Ruler proposes sending a fresh commander with fresh troops.
> Report has it that Meerza Naeem had been in two or three
> engagements prior to this one, and in one and all was defeated.
> Neereez has to pay Revenue 5,500 Tomans:- the Governor
> and Revenue Collectors were wont in former days to levy 10,000
> Tomans at the very least, but so completely has Meerza Naeem
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 268 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> In all, about twelve thousand502 men from diverse tribes and
> regions surrounded the mountain. Supported by a Gulpáyigání division,
> a number of elite Nayrízi figures and a contingent of skilled sharpshooters, Mírzá Na‘ím encamped at a homestead known as Bayd-
> Khánih, situated in the vicinity and under the first fortification of the
> 
> ruined the Country, and that too out of pure selfish motives, that
> expectation of payment of Revenue hereafter must be out of question
> altogether. Hosts of inhabitants have been slain and many yet will
> follow ...
> On the 15th Mohurrum [18 October 1853] 600 of the
> Kashkaee [Qashqá’í] Sirbaz and Two Guns, with complement of
> Gunners and ammunition, the whole under command of Lutf Alee
> Khán Sirteep, were in orders to proceed to the assitance of Meerza
> Naeem in Neereez.
> Enclosing the above report and the one sent by the same agent quoted earlier, W.
> Taylour Thompson, the British Chargé d’Affairs, sent his own assessment of the
> situation (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 149):
> The enclosed Extracts from the monthly Report of the British Agent
> at Shiraz, received on the 14th Instant, communicate the discomfiture
> of a small body of the King’s troops send against Neereez, a district
> in the neighbourhood, whose inhabitants would appear to have been
> driven into rebellion by the oppressive and extortionate conduct of
> Meerza Naeem Nooree, a relation of Sadr-i-Azim [the Prime
> Minister]. Accused by this individual of being Babees, orders had
> been issued by the Persian Ministers for the translation of a number
> of their principal men to Tehran, the execution of which they now
> determined to resist by force of arms. That some few followers of the
> sect are present in that part of the Country seems to be very generally
> believed: but the measures taken to suppress them have been certainly
> unfortunate, and may give to more serious complications.
> Tahmasb Meerza, the new Governor of Fars, is mentioned by
> our Agent as devoid of the talent and energy requisite to conduct his
> charge, and to keep in subordination the several factions into which
> the notables of the Province are divided. He is accompanied too by a
> large number of relatives and needy retainers for whom employment
> and emolument could only be provided at the expense of influential
> persons whose loss of place must render them inimical to his
> administration.
> 502 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 184, gives this figure as ten thousand.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 269
> 
> people of Truth. He exerted every means to demonstrate his glory and
> means in comparison to the condition of the people of Truth. However
> the people of Truth thoroughly ignored his army and men. At times the
> sound of bugles, trumpets and drums filled the air, and at other instances
> the soldiers participated in military exercises and practiced their march.
> But the believers still paid no attention to them, though they prepared
> for eventual martyrdom.
> Gradually, Mírzá Na‘ím gained courage and with his men came
> near Darab Shikáf passage in a field known as Áqá-Miry, <p.38> in the
> vicinity of an important fortification of the people of Truth, and raised
> his own defenses. There was a spring in that area known as Yaqútí which
> served as the source of water for the people of Truth, and Mírzá Na‘ím
> cut off access by placing his ablest soldiers and gunmen on its
> perimeters. Therefore, the honored ‘Alí Sardár and the seven brave
> believers mentioned previously, together with a few others, including
> Karbalá’í ‘Askar, the standard-bearer, for a total of fourteen [men],
> attacked at once the camp of that accursed one [i.e. Mírzá Na’im]. The
> gunmen standing guard by the spring began to fire and a bullet struck
> the right arm of Karbalá’í ‘Askar, the standard-bearer. Firmly planting
> the standard on the ground and not allowing it to fall, he wielded a
> sword in his left hand and chased after the enemy, succeeding in killing
> several of the attackers. The standard was then lifted by Mírzá Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín, an able and skilled young nephew of Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn,
> who, like a lion in chase of her prey, pursued the opposition,
> slaughtering one after another, to the point that the cry and lamentation
> of the entire camp was raised high. On their triumphant return, the
> believers brought the fat from the stomachs of fallen soldiers as
> medicine for their own injuries. On that day none of the believers were
> killed and their loss was limited to the injuries sustained by Karbalá’í
> ‘Askar.
> The Bahárlú men, whose bravery and skill with rifles was unrivaled
> in the entire province of Fars, suddenly, by way of the village of Iraj,
> circled the two fortifications known by the name of their commanders,
> Hájí Qásim and Khájih Qutba’í, and began to execute a [military]
> campaign. First they hid their foot soldiers and sharpshooters in the
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 270 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> forest behind <p.39> large boulders and inside ditches. Then, they sent
> some men to ride their mounts in the open field while declaiming and
> haranguing loudly, [presumably to goad the Bábís into action].503
> ‘Alí Sardár was completely unaware of the gunmen in the ambush.
> His [customary] strategy was to rush the enemy with only two or three
> men, and he never attacked their camp with more than three.504 On this
> occasion as well, he emerged from the fortifications in company of two
> or three other gun-carrying believers and gradually made his way to the
> 503 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 186-187, notes:
> 
> This time Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár sensing that the end was upon them,
> assembled the commanders of each of the fortifications and several
> of the Bábí divines to consult on their desperate situation. He told his
> brave companions: ‘The days of our lives have drawn to a conclusion
> as our food, powder and bullets have been nearly depleted. Those
> wishing to save themselves, should depart now before the enemy
> overwhelms our forces and slays our men.’ None among his men was
> willing to leave, and in unison they proclaimed their readiness to
> stand with him to the bitter end.
> The Sardár praised their fortitude, but he added: ‘In the
> forthcoming battle, I shall be killed. If they decapitate me, you can
> still recognize my remains by this ring that I wear. And if they decide
> to take the ring as booty, then surely they must cut off this finger
> which will allow you to recognize my fallen body by the missing
> finger. You are to bring back my body and to bury it next to the
> fortification named after me.’
> It is reported that they also placed all the money and jewelry
> that they had with them in a copper pot and buried it at a fixed spot
> so that those surviving the ordeal might have means of support. The
> following day, bidding the friends farewell, the Sardár mounted his
> horse, but how strange that on this occasion the steed did not heed
> his command and remained immobile – it seems as if his horse also
> knew the fate that awaited him. Eventually though, the horse gave
> way to the flow of destiny and galloped ahead.
> Regarding the Sardár’s comment about his ring, a similar event occurred with Imam
> Husayn and with the Bábí leader, Hujjat Zanjání (see, In the Land of Refuge, chapter
> 6). Evoking parallels between Imam Husayn and Karbalá and their own situation
> was a common feature of Bábí historiography.
> 504 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 187, suggests on this occasion he attacked with 18
> 
> other men for a total of 19.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 271
> 
> horsemen. Oblivious of the identity of ‘Alí Sardár, the riders continued
> to jockey and parade, and in no time the Sardár had penetrated their
> company and the battle was joined. Slowly but deliberately, the armed
> equestrians began to withdraw and the Sardár chased after them down
> the valley in the company of three of his ablest companions, two of
> whom were: Mírzá Muhammad, son of the Akhúnd Mullá Musá; and
> Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, son of the late Mír[zá] ‘Abdu’l-Husayn.
> Then, without warning, the foot soldiers emerged from hiding and
> opened fire and a bullet struck the Sardár on the leg. He tried to
> discharge his rifle, but it jammed and did not fire; nor did his pistol; and
> when he attempted to draw out his sword, it became entangled with its
> sheath. Meanwhile some six hundred gunmen, more or less, were
> approaching him with volleys of fire, and were soon joined by the
> cavalry. The believers standing on the mountain could not see clearly
> what was transpiring and thought that the Sardár had won the battle and
> was resting in a safe location. In fact, ‘Alí Sardár was martyred by bullets
> on that spot.
> Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, another of his companions, also sustained many
> injuries, including a ghastly cut under his throat, but was still barely alive
> – though the troops thought him dead. The foes had no intimation that
> they had martyred ‘Alí Sardár. However, ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir and
> a brother of Táju’d-Dín who had fallen martyr during the episode of the
> illustrious Vahíd, was standing on a hill <p.40> and from that position
> beheld the motionless remains of the Sardár. Profoundly agitated by this
> scene and sobbing unceasingly, he rushed forth and threw himself on the
> Sardár’s body. He, too, was martyred.
> Until that afternoon, neither side realized that the Sardár had been
> killed. When the Nayrízi soldiers passed through the field and came
> upon his remains, they recognized his remains and gave their comrades
> the glad tidings of the death of ‘Alí Sardár.505 It has been reported that it
> 
> 505 Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí tells that despite his injuries, the Sardár was able to drag
> 
> himself back to the Bábí fortifications and passed away at that location. He was buried
> beneath a fortification named after him. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 113, n. 1, reports that
> Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, son of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, has written in his
> history:
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 272 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> was Khán Mírzá Bahárlú who recognized that illustrious personage and
> murdered him.
> [The soldiers] took the blessed head of the Sardár and, together
> with the heads of two other [Bábís], sent them to Mírzá Na‘ím who
> rewarded them with prizes and honors. Amazingly, they left the body of
> Siyyid ‘Alí unmolested and he remained motionless until that evening
> when he made his way back to the fortification and to the friends.
> Without exaggeration, he bore in excess of two hundred cuts. “After I
> was shot,” he related to the companions, “I was beaten severely with
> rocks and sticks and cut repeatedly by sabers, waiting to be beheaded like
> my comrades. In a state of unconsciousness I heard a voice calling unto
> me, saying, ‘Arise and inform your friends of the Sardár’s martyrdom.
> You will be taken to Tihrán and martyred in that city.’” He then became
> senseless from his injuries, and as will be related later, was eventually
> taken to Tihrán and slain in that land.
> In short, one evening, a certain Karbalá’í Hádí, who was one of
> the commanders, accompanied by ninety-five other companions,
> returned to town [Nayríz] and entered the Sádát quarter; [that particular
> quarter was chosen] because the womenfolk of that neighborhood had
> exulted when the illustrious Vahíd was beheaded.506 A fierce battle took
> place that night <p.41> such that many of the non-Bábí Nayrízís took to
> flight and retreated to the safety of the mountains. Some thirty-five of
> their womenfolk, though, were slain and two of the companions were
> martyred that night as well.507
> 
> After Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár was struck by bullets and fell from his mount,
> the soldiers surrounded and killed him in a hail of gunfire. Then they
> cut off his head and the heads of the two others and took them to
> Mírzá Na‘ím who prized them.
> 506 Considerable division existed between the residents of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter,
> 
> who were for the most part Bábís and were now in the mountains, and the residents
> of the Sádát quarter who earlier had been Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s base of support
> and now were the main force behind the efforts to eliminate the Bábís.
> 507 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 183, states that the Bábís also assaulted the military
> 
> barracks of the soldiers where a number of regulars were killed. The rest, fearing for
> their lives, along with many of the Nayrízís, escaped into the wilderness and hid in
> various places. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 37, places this event during the 40
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 273
> 
> Ahmad Khán and Khán Mírzá Bahárlú, the commanders of the
> opposition, sent a messenger [to the Bábís] saying, “Our purpose has
> been achieved and we have no further quarrel with your remaining
> numbers. The royal decree was for the arrest of ‘Alí Sardár and as good
> fortune had it, he was killed by our hands. Under the cover of night, you
> should take your families and evacuate this area since your forces are no
> match for [the army of] the king. Each day a thousand men can be added
> to our ranks and arrayed to kill you. The fewness of your numbers,
> coupled with lack of command and this cold wintry weather, portends a
> hopeless outcome for you.” “That which should not have taken place,”
> the believers responded, “has occurred. Now that you have shown such
> courtesy, allow us to bury our dead and then we will leave.”508
> The [Bahárlú] camp withdrew a distance of a mile, presenting an
> opportunity for the believers to collect the decapitated remains of their
> companions and to bury them in a mass grave, wearing the same
> bloodied clothing they had on. After this, our men and women grew
> extremely depressed and changed all the standards from red and green to
> black. According to one report, the martyrs had no clothing and were
> buried unclad.509 “The Truth is with God.”
> It was decided by the honored Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, the
> esteemed Mírzá Ahmad and several of the illustrious akhúnds to collect
> the womenfolk from the various fortifications and yurts and to relocate
> them to the Ásbúrán orchard. They also instructed the men to withdraw
> from all the fortifications and to gather in the Ásbúrán barricade
> immediately above the spot where their families were to assemble – a
> fortification that had previously demonstrated solid defenses.
> Afterwards, they sent an envoy to the Bahárlú leaders <p.42>
> bearing the message, “Though you have martyred our commander [‘Alí
> 
> days of quiet in which Mírzá Na‘ím was rearming. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 182-
> 183, states that it was at this time that the Bábís moved further up the mountain to the
> Bálá-Tarám location. The same source (p.183) indicates that frequently at night the
> Bábís would go into town to acquire provisions, which typically would result in
> opposition.
> 508 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 41, attributes this response to Mashhadí Mírzá
> 
> Husayn Qutb, Mírzá Ahmad and other Bábí ‘ulamá.
> 509 The implication being that the enemy took their clothing as booty.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 274 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Sardár], in now withdrawing your camp and allowing us a passage to
> leave, you have shown much generosity. We are indeed grateful.
> However it appears that you are not fully informed of our cause. For
> four years now, we have resigned ourselves to suffer martyrdom and for
> our women to endure captivity and slavery. The sooner we sustain that
> fate, the greater will be our [heavenly] reward. Your charge is to massacre
> us. Therefore, do not condemn yourself before the royal throne. If you
> do not slay us, another will be sent for this purpose. Therefore, bring
> your camp closer. And if you have some consideration in your hearts
> towards us, then, after our martyrdom, shelter our families.”
> 
> [19. The Final Days]
> The womenfolk were assembled in the aforementioned place and the
> men in a nearby fortification. By then our entire food supply was
> depleted save for a small quantity of rice, some figs, and a few donkeys,
> one of which was, each day, slaughtered and its meat distributed among
> the men and women. Though weak with fatigue and near starvation, the
> women refused the rice and were satisfied with a few figs as they knew
> that the men needed their nourishment in order to fight battles.
> There was only a small spring in that mountain and its flow was
> insufficient for the needs of our people. Therefore, the women decided
> to fetch water from the Yáqutí Spring, which had considerably better
> flow, but was now in the hand of the enemy. To this end, a band of
> them proceeded to the spring, some hoisting the standards while others
> were without them. The soldiers opened fire on them [forcing their
> retreat], and one of the women was shot and wounded, dying a martyr’s
> death a few days later in captivity. “May the wrath of God be upon the
> oppressors.”
> In those days, the weather was bitterly cold. <p.43> We had no
> clothes, not even shoes, and were faced with an extreme shortage of
> food and water. The men had exhausted their supply of lead and
> powder. Even the few animals that they had with them had died of
> thirst. In short, conditions had grown so miserable that no pen dare
> describe nor tongue attempt to tell them.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 275
> 
> Lutf-‘Alí Khán moved his cannons, cavalry and foot-soldiers
> closer, along with Cháhr-Bulúk sharpshooters and Istahbánátí gunmen,
> and erected a fortification opposite the one occupied by the Army of
> God. From another direction, the Bahárlú men returned as well and
> established their own position. From their own fortification, each group
> began to fire and it went thus for two or three days, while God’s Army
> was very frugal with their shots as they suffered from an acute shortage
> of bullets and powder. All the bullets fired upon them by the opposition
> struck the fortifications and caused no damage, nor were the cannonshells very effective, except that they would explode among the rocks
> and the resulting shrapnel injure a number of the friends.
> The number of the enemy was increasing each day, while the
> God’s Army became considerably weaker as the result of extreme
> shortages of food and clothing. The late Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn would
> constantly urge and encourage the believers, saying, “While a breath of
> life is left in us, we must exert ourselves and then rejoice in martyrdom.”
> 
> [20. The Final Battle]
> The infidels soon recognized the futility of sounding their drums and
> trumpets, and firing guns and cannons from the safety of their
> fortifications. Therefore, they devised a scheme, much like the one they
> had used against the illustrious Vahíd. From afar they shouted, “Are you
> devoid of your senses by subjecting yourself to such sufferings?! If you
> have religious arguments, then come forth and let us hear your
> presentation and you can also consider ours, and, if we find your points
> compelling and agreeable, then we will accept and you can join us under
> the royal banner. We will intercede on your behalf with the monarch and
> can assure you of his reprieve.”
> <p.44> In response, Mullá ‘Alí, who was among akhúnds and
> known for eloquence and experience in promotion of the Cause of God,
> and who had washed his hands from life, bid the companions farewell
> and proceeded to the camp of Lutf-‘Alí Khán. There he shared the
> Words of Truth and in response, peace [and cessation of hostilities] was
> offered.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 276 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Mullá ‘Alí returned to the friends and aquatinted them with the
> proposal. “We are not seeking truce,” the companions cried out [towards
> the enemy’s camp], “and have no claim other than maintaining that the
> Truth has been made manifest. If you wish to battle us, here we stand.
> Otherwise, move your camp.”
> Suddenly the sound of trumpets signaling the army to attention
> was raised from their camp and all the soldiers and gunmen gathered.
> About a thousand Istahbánátí riflemen and a number from other
> locations stealthily took position behind the trees and large boulders, and
> the remaining regiments moved in unison forward as well. To the sound
> of drums and trumpets was added the discharge of guns at the rate of
> about one hundred thousand shots each hour. In the midst of these
> events, a light drizzle caused a thick fog to envelop the region to the
> point that no one could see his neighbor and only by voice were they
> able to recognize one another. The distance separating the enemy’s
> defenses from the fortification of the God’s Army was a quarter of a
> farsang and a thickly wooded valley covered this stretch. [According to a
> scheme that they had devised,] the soldiers left their own fortification for
> about two hundred steps and approached the defensive lines of the
> people of Truth, while rank upon rank of the Istahbánátí gunmen
> remained hiding in ambush.
> As customary, the army of Truth also emerged from their
> fortification and after a round of gunshots, unsheathed their sabers and
> rushed forth towards the soldiers, who quickly turned around and
> retreated to their own fortification. At that moment, all at once, the
> Istahbánátí gunmen burst forth from their place of hiding and opened
> fire upon the believers from all four directions. <p.45> Immediately,
> their forces were augmented by the foot soldiers [that now returned to
> the battle field].
> The people of Truth were hopelessly paralyzed. Whichever
> direction they turned, they met with large volleys of fire and by then
> their path to retreat was also completely blocked by the opposing
> riflemen. At long last, with much trouble and suffering, they managed to
> regain their fortification, [and as they could not see], began to call out to
> their comrades when they noted some fifty of their ranks were missing.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 277
> 
> They waited for two hours and then searched the field for the absent
> number. Though bitterly tired, frustrated and, because of prolonged
> starvation being on the verge of collapse, nevertheless under the
> darkness of night they reemerged from their haven and began to search
> the field, enduring that piercing cold in their thoroughly drenched
> clothing. Having located many of their comrades and finding them dead,
> with great difficulty they brought with them the injured.
> That night was extremely agonizing. [Out of fear of providing a
> target for the enemy’s sharpshooters], fire was not made in their midst all
> night. The injured were unconscious most of the time, but when they
> woke would beg for warm water, of which none could be provided.
> They could hear the sound of drums and soldiers rejoicing in the
> opposite camp and their constant barrage of remarks about the events of
> the next day and the fate of their wives. Constantly the late Mashhadí
> Mírzá Husayn would encourage the friends and urge them to exert even
> greater heroic deeds while still each of them was left with a breath of life.
> However, fearing what tomorrow had in store, two or three persons left
> their company under the cover of dark. That night all the bedding was
> pulled over the injured to protect them from the piercing cold of winter.
> 
> [21. The Massacre]
> The next morning, with cheers and jubilation, and to the sound of drums
> and trumpets, the enemy moved in upon them. The remnant of the
> believers rushed forth as well and joined the battle. In no time the
> opposition prevailed and was thoroughly victorious. They massacred a
> number, seized some others and beheaded all the injured.
> Seeing this, a group of the people of Truth <p.46> joined hands
> and resolved that they would not turn their back to the enemy and would
> stand their ground, prepared for the ultimate sacrifice. The late Mullá
> ‘Alí-Naqí510 urged them all to yet again rush forward despite their
> frailties, and bringing his hand up to encourage an attack, was struck by a
> bullet which went through his hand and head and killed him instantly.511
> 510 Father of the narrator, Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘.
> 511 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 129, n. 1, quotes from an unpublished narrative of Shaykh
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 278 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> The rear flank [of the Bábí defense] was still engaged in the battle
> when they noticed the womenfolk falling captive. The late Mírzá Ahmad
> with his remaining men, who numbered either fifteen or sixteen,
> launched a final offensive, but the infidels circled and martyred them one
> by one.
> In the course of this, a number of believers were running down
> the mountain so fast that they lost their footing and fell to their
> martyrdom. And of those who the night before had taken to flight, many
> were lost in the mountain and were confronted by the enemy who killed
> some and seized others.512
> 
> [22. Taking Captives to Nayríz]
> Meanwhile, the womenfolk had garbed themselves in modest clothing,
> discarding and leaving behind for the infidels all their jewelry. The main
> group apprehending them was Bahárlú tribesmen, who earlier had
> martyred ‘Alí Sardár, and now plundered their possessions, but caused
> them no harm. The [Bábí] women were moved to Bísámán Mountain
> and along the way were protected [by the Bahárlú].
> Two of the older believers that were unfit for battle were among
> the women and these were both martyred. One was Mullá Musá Namad-
> Mál, and the other was Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh, who was martyred by
> Mírzá ‘Alí-Bayk Nayrízí, the hard-hearted commander of the Nayrízí
> soldiers from the Ashqíya’ tribe. After killing Mashhadí Báqir with his
> pistol, <p.47> he beheaded the victim and handed the severed head to
> one of the Bábí children instructing the child, “Carry it as a gift to Mírzá
> Na‘ím.” Placing a black veil over the head of the very young granddaughter of Mashhadí Báqir, he placed her on his own horse and rode
> hard to the camp of Mírzá Na‘ím, situated on Bísámán Mountain as well.
> Using a large rock as a seat, Mírzá Na‘ím was surrounded by his senior
> 
> Muhammad-Husayn ‘Ahdiyih where the same incident is outlined. The present
> translator has not been able to locate ‘Ahdiyih’s manuscript.
> 512 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 44, states that the entire duration of mountain
> 
> siege was six months. Further on page 47, the same author indicates that the period
> of Bábí wars with the regular army was four months.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 279
> 
> officers and attendants who were ecstatic with their triumph and dancing
> wildly. Reaching this festive gathering, Mírzá ‘Alí Bayk threw the head of
> Mashhadí Báqir to the feet of Mírzá Na‘ím and hurled the young girl to
> the ground saying: “O Commander! That which thou didst desire, has
> been achieved and all the Bábís have been reduced.” Mírzá Na‘ím and
> his entire company praised God and shouted congratulatory cries.
> At that time, the women, numbering about six hundred and three,
> were placed in a trench. Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn was brought to
> the presence of Mírzá Na‘ím, who asked: “O Akhúnd! You are a wise
> man. But how did it come to pass that after a life-time of learning and
> self-discipline, [you converted to the Bábí Faith] notwithstanding the
> consequences of the death of your sons and the thralldom of your wife?”
> “I am too weak to respond,” the divine replied, “I only know, ‘All laws
> are abrogated.513’”514 On hearing this, that accursed one instructed his
> mouth to be filled with dirt, and subsequently one of the attendants shot
> him in the head with his pistol, which only caused a superficial injury. As
> they were preparing to martyr him, Mírzá Na‘ím exclaimed, <p.48>
> “This man is one of the ‘ulamá of this people and must be sent to Tihrán
> [to stand trial] before the throne!”
> At Mírzá Na‘ím’s instructions, the captives were moved from that
> location with the men being bound tightly. The path chosen was a
> specially excruciating route with deep valleys and thick woods through
> Mount Bísámán. Among the women led as prisoners some were old,
> some young, some pregnant, some nursing, some having never walked
> far, some having been raised in comfort, and all mournful over the death
> of their husbands, sons, brothers and relations.515
> 
> 513 The independence of Bábí jurisprudence from the Islamic legal system was
> announced at the Badasht conference in July 1848 and from that point forward many
> Bábís fearlessly proclaimed the new Dispensation as the abrogation of the Islamic
> Shari‘a.
> 514 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 45-46, gives a much more elaborate proof
> 
> speech by the Bábí divine.
> 515 The following statement is communicated by the British official Kemball to W.
> 
> Taylour Thomson (quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 150):
> The details of the massacre of Nereez are confirmed by a letter from
> another party. The inhabitants – for the most part not Bábís – having
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 280 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> At that time I was nine years old. My mother carried my younger
> brother, Asadu’lláh, on her back. [Before his martyrdom,] my father had
> expressed his wish that when taken captive, we were to wear used
> clothes, but my mother had not removed the child’s hat and even placed
> a small decorative memorabilia on the hat. In such a state, my mother
> was carrying him. She also had tied a rope to my hand with the other end
> being tied to her own waist. When I asked her of the purpose of the
> rope, she responded, “When they are about to kill you, I want to be near
> and to see it with my own eyes so that I may not have to live with
> uncertainty about you.”
> As we were proceeding, one of the riders spotted the child’s
> [embellished] hat and bringing his horse near, reached for the hat, but
> instead grabbed both the hat and my brother’s hair. When he rode away,
> the child was pulled from my mother’s back and thrown some ten yards
> away, while the man rode away with the hat and the scalp. <p.49> We
> ran to my brother and noted that he lay on ground motionless and
> unconscious. My mother picked him up and embraced him tenderly.516
> In short, that is how the captives were brought to a mill known as
> Takht, situated some distance from a maydán from the town [Nayríz].
> The women were all seated together while the men were chained in rows
> of ten. The heads of the martyrs were piled high and the soldiers began
> to skin the heads.
> 
> [23. List of Martyrs]
> From what I witnessed and recall, the number of those suffering
> martyrdom during this period in the mountain was one hundred and
> 
> given all the proofs required that they did not belong to the
> obnoxious Sect, were induced by the most solemn protestations of
> safety to surrender themselves when 100 of the men were ruthlessly
> butchered and the women handed over to the soldiery.
> 516 The same event is told in the narrative of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, son of
> 
> Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, and is captured in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 116-117. Since no
> further mention of the young boy is made in any of the references, it is presumed that
> he was killed in that incident.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 281
> 
> eighty [Bábís], in addition to a large number who were taken to Shiraz
> and Tihrán [who perished for the most part]. Among the prisoners was
> Karím, son of Muhammad, who in former days had been a skilled
> hunter-marksman. As soon as Mírzá Na‘ím and the decapitated heads [of
> the Bábís] reached the aforementioned mill, he ordered Karím to be
> blown from the mouth of a cannon.
> Some of the names of the remaining martyrs whom I recall:
> Zaynál, brother of the above-mentioned Karím; Karbalá’í Yúsuf Najjár
> [carpenter]; son of Mashhadí Muhammad; Khájih Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; son
> of Khájíh Ghaní; Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh [painter]; Mashhadí ‘Askar,
> son of Mashhadí Báqir; Mullá Muhammad-Taqí and Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí517,
> sons of Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn; Mullá ‘Alí, Mullá Hasan, Mullá
> Mu’man and Mullá Ahmad, sons of Akhúnd Mullá Músá; Muhammad
> Kuchak, son of Mashhadí Rajab; Mashhadí Mír[zá] Muhammad; Mullá
> Darvísh; Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mullá Muhammad; Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín,
> son of Ustád Muhammad; <p.50> Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Najf; Karbalá’í
> Báqir and his son Mullá Muhammad; Mashhadí Taqí Baqál [shopkeeper],
> son of ‘Abid; Mírzá Ahmad, son of Mullá Sádiq, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár;
> Akhúnd Mullá Ahmad, son of Muhsin; Akhúnd Mullá ‘Alí Kátib [scribe],
> son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh; Muhammad ‘Abdu’l-Karím; Mírzá ‘Alí; Mullá
> Sádiq; Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá ‘Alí; Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Akbar;
> ‘Abid Yár-Kash; Malik, son of Mullá ‘Alí; Báqir; Abú-Talib, son of
> Mír[zá] Ahmad; Muhammad, known as Yíkih; Mírzá Hasan and his son;
> Hasan, son of Ya‘qúb; Mullá Husayn and ‘Abid, sons of Mullá
> Barkhurdár; Barkhurdár, son of Mullá Husayn; Lutfu’lláh Shumál;
> Karbalá’í Muhammad; Karbalá’í Shamsu’d-Dín, who was martyred in
> Nayríz by Áqá Ridá Áqá; ‘Alí-Naqí; Asadu’lláh Mírzá Mihdí; Ahmad Hájí
> Abú’l-Qásim; Muhammad Mullá Musá; Husayn, son of Rajab; Hasan
> Mírzá, one of the brave ones; Karbalá’í Husayn, son of Hájí; Karbalá’í
> Ismá‘íl; Mashhadí ‘Ábidín; Mírzá Bábá; Mírzá Ahmad; sons of Khájih
> Hasan; Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir, and his son, ‘Askar; Muhammad-
> ‘Alí; Shaykh Hasan; Husayn-‘Alí, son of Mírzá Áqá; ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í
> Báqir; Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Sulayman; Hasan, son of Mashhadí
> Muhammad; Muhammad-‘Alí and his son Kázim; Mullá Hájí
> 517 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, places his martyrdom during Nayríz-I.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 282 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Muhammad; Hájí Shaykh ‘Abd-‘Alí; Áqá Shaykh Muhammad, and his
> son Husayn; <p.51> Hádí Khayrí, who was martyred in Shiraz in a
> manner to be described later; Husayn Mashhadí Ismá‘íl; ‘Abdu’lláh
> Karbalá’í Akbar; Muhammad-Sádiq Husayn; Khájih Burhán; ‘Askar, son
> or ‘Alí; Sádiq; Mír[zá] Husayn; Mír[zá] Akbar; Husayn, son of Zamán;
> Muhammad, son of Akbar Farzí; Mullá Shah-‘Alí; Khájih Ismá‘íl; Khájih
> ‘Alí Karam; Ustad ‘Askar; Karbalá’í Hasan; Mashhadí Sifr; Muhammad,
> son of Mullá ‘Alí; Sharríf Karbalá’í Rajab; Muhammad-‘Alí Naw-Rúz;
> Akbar Muhammad-Qásim; Ustád Ja‘far; Muhammad-‘Alí Hájí ‘Alí-Sháh;
> Ahmad, son ‘Isá; ‘Abid Mashhadí Muhsin; Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí; Khájih
> Ustád Nabí; Muhammad, son of Ridá; Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, son of
> Mullá Áqá Bábá; Taqí, son of Sifr; Siyyid Husayn; Siyyid Nazar; son of
> Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí; son of ‘Alí Murád; ‘Abdu’lláh ‘Alí; Akbar, his son; Hájí
> Muhammad Mullá ‘Ashurá; Hájí Naqí; Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár [the
> standard-bearer]; Rahím Ustád ‘Alí-Naqí; ‘Alí, son of Mashhadí Ahmad;
> ‘Alí and Husayn, sons of Qásim-Sifr; Mu’min Ustád Ahmad;
> Muhammad, son of Báqir; Husayn Ustád Ahmad; Shamsu’d-Dín, son
> ‘Askar; Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Naqí; Akbar Muhammad-Sháh;
> Muhammad Karbalá’í Mahmúd; Mullá Husayn ‘Abdu’lláh; Karbalá’í
> Qurbán; Sha‘bán, son of ‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Mullá Muhammad;
> Mír-Shikar ‘Alí, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá; Karbalá’í Báqir; Ustád Taqí, whose
> slayer was Mír-Shikar Rajab; Muhammad-‘Alí; Sádiq and ‘Ábidín, sons of
> Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl Hammámí; Mullá ‘Ábidín; Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn;
> Mírzá Taqí, [martyred] on the way to Tihrán; Taqí and Karam, sons of
> ‘Alí; <p.52> son of Ustád Taqí; Mashhadí Muhammad-‘Alí, son of Naw-
> Rúz; Abú-Tálib, son of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar;
> another Abú-Tálib; Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb; Mírzá
> Husayn; Mírzá Musá; Mírzá Ahmad; Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abdidin, nephews of
> Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn; Mírzá Muhsin Áqá Nasru’lláh; Karbalá’í
> Muhammad-Ja‘far, son-in-law of Hájí Muhammad-Taqí Ayyúb; Mullá
> Akbar, brother of Karbalá’í Ja‘far; Karbalá’í Hádí; Mírzá Mihdí; Hasan
> Haydar Bayk; ‘Alí-Murád, brother of the slayer of the illustrious Vahíd
> [Dárábí]; Murád Lurr; Karbalá’í Sádiq, son of Mashhadí Rajab; Husayn,
> brother of Karbalá’í Ridá; Hasan and ‘Alí, sons of Mullá Qásim; Mullá
> ‘Ashurá; Hasan-‘Alí, son of Nurí, and his mother; Safr Karbalá’í Zamán;
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 283
> 
> Hasan Mashhadí Safr; ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí; Mullá Abú’l-Qásim; and
> Hasan, son of Ustád ‘Alí.
> These are the names penned by the learned and elders [of the
> Bábís] who participated in this episode. Because so many of the present
> believers were mere infants at that time – the time when their fathers
> were martyred – many names have disappeared from memories.
> There were a great many martyrs who were slain on the way to
> Shiraz, or in Shiraz itself, or on the way to Tihrán or in the dungeons of
> Tihrán, [whose names have also been forgotten]. What I remember, I
> commit to paper “by the sovereignty of God and His might.”
> 
> [24. Captives in Nayríz]
> As described previously, when Mírzá Na‘ím, the captives and the heads
> [of the martyrs] arrived at the aforementioned mill, Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
> Vahhab Rawdihkhán [prayer-reciter] reached in the presence of Mírzá
> Na‘ím. This Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab Rawdihkhán was a brother of
> the previously-discussed Hájí Mírzá Nasír, who had insulted His
> Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] – may all spirits be a sacrifice unto
> Him – by asking Him to kiss the Shaykh’s518 hand. It was then that he
> spotted Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan, son of Mírzá Taqí, the martyrdom in the
> mountains of whose brother, Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, was mentioned
> earlier.519 In order to please Mírzá Na‘ím, <p.53> on the charge of being
> a Bábí, he began to severely beat that wronged-one [Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan]
> with a club while he was still chained. At a later point, the details of
> Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan’s martyrdom in Tihrán will be related.
> Soon thereafter, mounting his steed, Mírzá Na‘ím ordered the
> severed heads [of the martyrs] to be placed on the points of spears and
> in front of this procession, drums and trumpets were blasting while the
> prisoners were forced to march between two columns of cavalry and
> whoever could not endure the pace was dealt with by bayonet. It was
> about sunset when the procession commenced and numerous torches
> 
> 518 Reference to the Imam-Jum‘ih of Isfahán.
> 519 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 47, indicates that Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan was one of
> 
> the Bábí divines.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 284 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> illuminated the path before Mírzá Na‘ím. Though it was only a short
> distance [to the city], perhaps nearly a maydán, for six hours the captives
> were delayed and tormented on the way to their destination. Barefoot,
> the women were forced to march with great speed on the brushwood
> and nettles. In the bitter cold of the night [and as a further measure of
> torture], whenever they reached a creek, the captives were thrown in the
> freezing water. For instance, a long-suffering older woman who was
> carrying two small children in her arms was thrown in a stream and
> nearly drowned while a large multitude of non-believers gathered about,
> with women cheering and men exulting.520
> Under such conditions, the captives reached the caravansary in the
> Bázár quarter [of Nayríz] in the middle of night. This small inn was
> situated next to an Imám-zádih and was covered with filth and refuse,
> and soiled water ran all through it. By then it was two full days since they
> had eaten anything. Hungry, cold and unclad, the six hundred captive
> women and children shivered there all night, consumed with thoughts of
> the troubles and sufferings that tomorrow would bring.
> When the morning came, men and women [of Nayríz]
> congregated <p.54> around them. The noble [Bábí] women, the merest
> corner of whose eyes had until then been seen by no one, were now
> brought forth from the caravansary unclad and subjected to all manner
> of mistreatment. Some stoned these wretched ones, while others clubbed
> them, or spat on their faces, and yet others cursed them. And yet a
> number of others were weeping over the plight of this pitiful band.
> In such condition, the captives were moved to the madrisih
> [seminary school] of that quarter. Another day passed and still no food
> or drink was given them, save what they could drink from a filthy and
> fetid pool in the school-court.521
> 520 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 50, states this old woman was drowned on that
> 
> occasion.
> 521 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 50, notes that among the captive men was Shaykh
> 
> ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, the father-in-law of Vahíd, who had fought alongside Vahíd in 1850
> with his two young sons, Shaykh Hádí and Shaykh Muhammad. In order to exact a
> degree of revenge, his two sons were decapitated in his own lap, and then he
> himself was martyred through the severest forms of torture. Their heads were
> collected and added to the other piles. Some of their relatives still hiding in town
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 285
> 
> Soon Mírzá Na‘ím ordered the captives taken to Shiraz and
> provided just enough nominal food to remain alive. Each evening,
> twelve man522 of cornbread – tasting worse than soil – was given them.
> Some [of the believers] had resolved that they preferred death by
> starvation before touching the bread brought by these most vile and
> despicable of people – these captives ate only a few tiny scraps found in
> the courtyard, such as the skin of onions or fruit skins.
> Twenty days went by in such manner. Meanwhile, Lutf-‘Alí Khán,
> his commanders, cavalry and troops, had camped by the mill. He
> proclaimed: “Anyone who brings one of these people [Bábís], dead or
> alive, will receive a handsome reward.” Therefore, those suspected of
> being believers were seized and taken to that accursed one who spent his
> days engaged in beating and tormenting his prisoners. For instance, a
> certain Karím, who had been the loader of a harquebus during the
> battles, was blown from the mouth of a cannon. <p.55> Every night,
> after getting drunk, Lutf-‘Alí Khán would order some captives tortured
> by having their beards burnt with candles.
> 
> [25. Sending First Group of Captives to Shiraz]
> Eventually, orders were given for about eighty of the [male] captives to
> be taken to Shiraz without any food, clothing or shoes. These were
> bound in groups of ten, and were accompanied by one hundred soldiers
> [who also carried with them baskets filled with the severed heads of the
> Bábís]. En route, for three days no sustenance was given to them until
> they reached a place known as Khánih-Gird. Having pity on them and
> for the love of God, one of the soldiers gave two sheep skins to the
> prisoners to fry over the fire and eat. When this news was brought to
> accursed Mírzá Na‘ím, he severely whipped the soldier, protesting, “Why
> did you give them these skins as they will gain strength and may flee at
> 
> came together that night and by means of a diversion allowed Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí’s
> wife to escape and hide in one of their houses. However, overwhelmed with the
> grief of seeing her sons and husband killed in such a horrible manner, she too died
> that very night.
> 522 Man is equivalent to 3 kilograms.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 286 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> night or attempt to kill us?”
> In the midst of this, because of hunger and cold, a helpless Siyyid
> known as Mír[zá] Muhammad ‘Abid died in that location.523 He was
> decapitated and his remains left lying on the ground while the soldiers
> prevented his burial. It is reported that after three days, people from the
> Báyír tribe who raised their herds and farmed in that region, buried his
> remains next to an Imám-zádih [shrine].524
> Two or three other believers were also martyred on the way;
> however I do not know their names. Their heads were also cut off and
> taken [to Shiraz]. At every village where they stayed, the captives were
> entrusted to the inhabitants and a receipt secured for them, [while the
> soldiers rested]. It went this way until they reached one day’s distance
> from their destination.
> The news reached the Prince, who ordered the shops closed [in
> Shiraz] and sent all the soldiers and enlisted men at his disposal to
> welcome the advancing party. Minstrels and bands merrily played and
> went out as well, as did multitudes of people. Cannons and artillery were
> fired as tokens of joy. <p.56>
> Some three hours into the day, Lutf-‘Alí Khán and his men
> entered [Shiraz] from the Sa‘dí Gate, parading the prisoners in rows of
> ten, and before each row, some twenty heads of martyrs raised on long
> lances.525
> It was about one hour before sunset when the captives were sent
> to prison and all were placed in shackles and manacles. By order of the
> 
> 523 Mír Muhammad ‘Abid was survived by a son named Siyyid Muhammad Báqir.
> 524 From ancient times, Iranian nomads understood that leaving corpse decaying
> 
> above ground could cause hygienic problems for dairy animals and crops, and
> always buried the dead.
> 525 There is conflicting information as to whether Lutf-‘Alí Khán returned with his
> 
> men to Shiraz. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 149, n. 3, reports:
> Mírzá Fadlu’lláh [the British Agent in Shiraz] in his report of the
> termination of this episode states, ‘On the 6th Suffur [8 November
> 1853] H.R.H. wrote words to Lutf Alee Khán nephew of the Eel
> Khanee, ‘Now the affairs of the Neereezees have come to such pass,
> you must by no means return to Shiraz, but proceed to Laristan and
> Sabijat, and there await my arrival.’
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 287
> 
> authorities, they were denied food and water, except in the afternoons
> when a piece of bread was given to each prisoner.
> 
> [26. Second Wave of Captives Sent to Shiraz]
> In Nayríz, sixty [of the believers] who had escaped earlier were captured
> by Mírzá Na‘ím [and placed with the other captives].526 He had kept two
> hundred of the Gulpáyigání soldiers and gunmen from every other tribe.
> [One day, the captive Bábí] women were brought out from the madrisih
> and were soon surrounded by [Nayrízí] men and women, when one of
> the attendants began to divide the [Bábí] women into two groups, with
> one group being [dismissed and] sent home, and the second group told
> that they must proceed to Shiraz. In this manner, families were torn
> apart with some mothers being sent in one direction, and their children
> in another.
> For this journey, about 302 women were mounted on donkeys,
> with two women riding on each steed. Groups of ten captives [Bábí
> men] each were bound together and assigned to a group of soldiers and
> cavalry who had responsibility for a number of captive women as well.527
> [On the day of their exit, the people of Nayríz gathered one more time
> to heap upon them all manner of abuse, and] with a great deal of
> torment and agitation, they came forth from the city and commenced
> their march to Shiraz.
> God only knows what manner of hardship transpired on that
> journey conducted in the middle of winter, having to endure bitter cold
> of winter without any clothing or food. On the way, the believers
> pleaded that one of their companions, Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí Qábid,
> being too old and frail, be released from the bounds of this mortal plane,
> which the soldiers granted by severing his head <p.57> and carrying it
> with them [to Shiraz]. In short, not one in a hundred thousand of the
> 
> 526 To this number soon were added several hundred more of the believers who had
> 
> remained in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.
> 527 Two hundred Bábí male prisoners were part of this march, and undoubtedly they
> 
> were accompanied by several hundred Bábí children, many of whom, most likely,
> expired on the way.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 288 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> terrible miseries they suffered have been related in these pages.
> When they reached a village situated three farsangs from the city,
> the news of their imminent arrival was sent forth to the authorities in
> Shiraz, on whose order once again a citywide celebration was
> commenced. The marketplace was decorated and the entire population
> of the city, including the ‘ulamá, the siyyids, the nobles, the influential
> and essentially all the men and women of the city came forth to observe
> the procession. They stood there pointing to various heads [raised high
> on spears] paraded before the cavalcade and the captives. Some threw
> rocks, some spat upon them, while others cursed the captives, and yet
> others shed bitter tears [over their condition].528 In such a state the
> women were taken to the Sháh Mír-‘Alí Hamzih529 caravansary, outside
> of Isfahan Gate, and the men were conducted to the same prison where
> their comrades were chained.530
> The next day, the Prince called the male prisoners to his presence
> in the government house. One of the despicable and vagabond
> characters of Nayríz, a man by the name of Jalál, had accompanied Mírzá
> Na‘ím and knew all the believers and for this reason Mírzá Na‘ím had
> named him, Bulbul531. He too was summoned. Because of the many
> afflictions which had rendered him particularly frail, the late Akhúnd
> Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn was unchained; the Prince said to him, “Hájí
> Qavam wishes a word with you, so pay attention.” The Qavám
> addressed the old man, “Akhúnd, what have you wrought?! Did you
> think that with a handful of people you could attempt to overtake the
> throne and cause much mischief, or did you have another goal in mind?
> 
> 528 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 53, states that the Bábí captives were brought to
> 
> the city through the Sa‘dí Gate, which indicates Fádil Mázandáraní was relying for
> this part on either The Nuqtatu’l-Káf or the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání.
> 529 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, gives the name of this inn as Sháh Mír Abú’l-
> 
> Hamzih.
> 530 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 54, indicates that the Bábí prisoners were added
> 
> to the Bábí captives already in prison since Nayríz I, over three years earlier.
> Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, states that women and children were placed in a house
> next to the military barracks while the men, and the bags containing the severed heads,
> were confined in the caravansary.
> 531 lit. Nightingale; alludes to Jalál’s spying.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 289
> 
> You divines must edify the unlettered, <p.58> and now instead you have
> become author of these events!” “I have no strength to comment,”
> replied the Akhúnd [Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn], “two of my sons were
> beheaded in front of my very own eyes, and now my wife and other sons
> are imprisoned. Let me be.” The Qavám pressed further, “What were
> you really after?” to which the old man responded, “The essence of our
> claim is that ‘All laws are abrogated.’”532
> After that, the aforementioned Jalál began to introduce [the
> prisoners] and mentioned each person’s role in the battle and their
> respective duties. [When it was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn’s turn,] he was
> introduced as the source of all mischief. The Prince instructed the
> captives to curse [the Báb], which they refused to abide. Orders for the
> execution of several were issued, which were carried out in the
> courtyard. Included among them were: Hájí, son of Asghar; ‘Alí
> Garmsiri; Hasan, son of Hádi Khayrí; Sádiq, son of Sálih; and
> Muhammad, son of Muhsin.533 The first three were martyred by spears
> and the others were beheaded.534 The rest were returned to the prison.
> 
> 532 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 54-55, provides extensive dialogue between the
> 
> Bábí divine and the governor in the course of which the divine repeatedly and
> emphatically asserts his belief in the proclamation of the Qá’im and their effort to
> propagate His Message. He further offered the martyrdom of so many hundreds as
> evidence for the truth of the Báb’s claim.
> 533 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 197, n. 1, notes (on the authority of Fársnámih Násirí)
> 
> that after the martyrdom of the Bábís in Shiraz, an earthquake on 25 Rajab 1269
> A.H./7 May 1853 wrecked hundreds of homes in that city. This resulted in
> thousands losing their lives and the majority of schools and mosques being severely
> damaged.
> 534 Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the British Agent in Shiraz, provided the following report of the
> 
> termination of the Nayríz battles and the fate of the Bábís (quoted in The Bábí and
> Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 150-151):
> On the 5th Suffur [7 November 1853] the Prince Governor dispatch
> Abdul Hassan Beg to Capital with letters detailing the proceedings at
> Neereez. Report hath it that Luft Alee Khán and Meerza Naeem –
> both Officers of the Army sent against Neereez – contrived by means
> of promises and oaths to conciliate the Neereezees and to induce
> them to cease fighting. No sooner however had they become passive
> than the Army (treacherously) fell upon them, cut off the heads of
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 290 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [Soon, sixty of the men who had not participated in the battles and
> were not among the influential elements of the Bábí community were
> released along with] the women535, though some of their children had
> 
> about 100 men, youths, and children, and took 300 male prisoners.
> The Sirbaz and Artillerymen have likewise made 300 women and
> maidens captives, and violently compelled them to become their
> wives – whatever goods and property came to hand was also
> plundered and carried off ...
> Masoon Khán Ainaloo, one of those who proceeded against
> Neereez, stated, on the 9th instant as follows:
> The Neereezees came forth from their defenses on the day of
> 28th Mohurrum [31 October 1853], and cried aloud ‘We are no
> Babees – a curse upon Báb and everything belonging to Báb [There is
> no corroborative evidence that the Bábís defiled their faith. Ed.
> Momen] – seeing that Meerza Naeem has robbed us of all we
> possessed and, not satisfied with our property, has sent in false
> accusations against us to the King. Moreover Alee Beg Furash has
> come to bind us with chains, and carry us away captives, hence,
> fearing for our lives and afraid of the Tyrant Meerza Naeem, we have
> betaken ourselves to these mountains – were we assured that our lives
> were not in jeopardy we would not fight or resist – let therefore one
> of Lutf Alee Khán’s people come contending.’ Messengers of Peace
> were sent by either party, and after many oaths and promises (of
> safety) the Neereezees became relieved of all fear. No sooner
> however had they been conciliated by the above promises than the
> Army fell upon them, cut off the heads of above one hundred, and
> made some 300 women and maidens prisoners.
> Meerza Naeem arrived in Shiraz on the 22nd Sufur [24
> November 1853] bringing with him the Neereez prisoners. 4 of the
> number, said to have killed many Sirbaz, were bayoneted by the order
> of the Prince. The rest of the male captives they shut up in
> storehouses. Of the 300 women and maidens, all such as seemed
> fitting were taken by the Sirbaz and Government Servants. The rest
> being set at liberty are scattered about the city of Sheeraz, and seek
> their bread by begging. The heads of one hundred slain in action have
> also been kept for transmission to the Capital.
> 535 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 276, notes that the widow of the Báb, Khadíjih Bagum,
> 
> looked after the Nayrízi women and would do all she could to improve their
> conditions. A few of the Nayrízis remained in Shiraz in the service of the House of
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 291
> 
> died in Shiraz due to hunger, cold and lack of clothing.536 Some of these
> gradually returned to Nayríz while many stayed in Shiraz and to this day
> reside in that city.537
> The monarch commanded that the remaining seventy-three
> captives along with the heads of the martyrs be sent to Tihrán.538 The
> prisoners were conducted in chains to the capital and en route twentytwo of them expired. The heads of the dead were cut off and added to
> the pile, while their bodies where thrown in ditches. It went thus till this
> procession reached the town of Ábádih, and anyone that died was
> decapitated and the head added to others for Tihrán. When they reached
> Ábádih, a royal messenger arrived with instructions to bury the heads
> there [and to bring the prisoners to Tihrán].539
> 
> the Báb.
> 536 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, notes:
> 
> Upon their arrival at Shiraz, all were deprived of bread and water.
> Afterwards, in the evenings, each prisoner was rationed a piece of
> bread. Some of the children perished at this time. Among the captives
> was a woman with two daughters and an infant son. The four of them
> had to endure the bitter cold of the nights shivering without any
> clothing, and during the days had to tolerate all manner of injury,
> insult and mockery. She kept her infant son heated in the warmth of
> her bosom while tightly embracing her two young daughters. In this
> way they would pass the night. However, the two girls died because
> of the cold. The people of Shiraz, passing by the prisoners, became
> remorseful over their condition and gradually began to show mercy
> towards the Bábí women and children. Hájí Qavámu’l-Mulk appealed
> to the governor on their behalf, and soon they were released.
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, added a remark that Nabíl Zarandí has written in
> his narrative, “The late Qavámu’l-Mulk had said, ‘Upon seeing the illustrious
> captives, the scene of Karbalá came to mind and my condition was thoroughly
> agitated.’” This statement does not appear in The Dawn-Breakers.
> 537 For one such mention see, Ahang Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge, chapter 10.
> 538 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, informs that a total of 140 Bábí men were
> 
> imprisoned – some from Nayríz I. Of these 67 had perished and their heads were
> added to the existing pile of severed heads. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 192, places the
> number of remaining captive men at 100.
> 539 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, states that the Bábí heads were buried in a
> 
> ditch near a place known as “Áb-i Khayrát” (the water of charity).
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 292 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> [Some others who died en route:] the honored Akhúnd Mullá
> ‘Abdu’l-Husayn died in Sídán540 and his head was carried away; ‘Alí
> Karbalá’í Zamán541 died in Ábádih; Akbar Karbalá’í542 Muhammad died
> in Ábádih; Hasan, son of ‘Abú’l-Váhid; Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar, brother of the
> honored Amír, died in Isfahan; Karbalá’í Báqir, <p.59> son of
> Muhammad, and his brother Hasan; Dhu’l-Faqár Karbalá’í Taqí, son of
> Fardí and his son ‘Alí; Valí Khán; Mullá Karím Akhúnd; Akbar Ra’ís;
> and [Siyyid] Ghulám-‘Alí Pír-Muhammad543, Taqí and Muhammad-‘Alí,
> sons of Muhammad ibn Jamál. Nothing is known of many others who
> perished either en route or in Tihrán.
> On the day the captives arrived in the capital, fifteen of them were
> told to curse [the Faith] and upon refusing to do so, were martyred.544
> Of their names, those known to me are: Áqá Siyyid ‘Alí, whose many
> injuries and whose vision while he lay unconscious that he would be
> martyred in Tihrán were mentioned in the description of events of the
> battle of Mount Nayríz; Karbalá’í Rajab Salmání; Sífu’d-Dín; Sulaymán
> Karbalá’í Salmán; Ja‘far Fardí; Murád Khayrchí; Husayn Karbalá’í Báqir;
> Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan; Mírzá Taqí, whose beating by Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
> Vahhab while chained to please Mírzá Na‘ím was mentioned earlier; and
> Mullá Muhammad-‘Alí, son of Áqá Mihdí. The names of the remaining
> martyrs do not come to mind.
> Twenty-three others perished in the dungeons of Tihrán, but their
> 540 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 193, states that he died at Sa‘ádat-Ábád, a distance of
> 
> three days journey outside of Shiraz on the way to Ábádih.
> 541 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, gives his name as ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í
> 
> Zamán.
> 542 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, has as Mullá in place of Karbalá’í.
> 543 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 56, states that this 21-year-old Bábí was so
> 
> severely ill that the nobles of Ábádih felt remorse over him and ransomed the
> armed guards for his release. However, he died a few days later.
> 544 Táríkh Shuháday Amr, vol. 3, pp. 333-334, reports that the Bábís responded:
> 
> If we were prepared to denounce and refuse this Cause, then why did
> we endure so much pain and sacrifice in this path? Know ye verily
> that we have accepted captivity for ourselves and our families and loss
> of all that is dear to us to proclaim widely that the Qá’im of the
> House of Muhammad has appeared and that we hold Him as the
> True One.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 293
> 
> names are not known to me except ‘Alí, son of Mír-Shikár Báqir.
> Thirteen others were released after three years’ imprisonment and
> eventually returned [to Nayríz], and these included: Karbalá’í ‘Alí-Yár,
> who passed away in the Abode of Peace [Baghdad] and is buried in
> Hamrá cemetery; Ustád ‘Innáyát and Ibráhim ibn Sharrif, both of whom
> are still living and are accomplished men; Áqá Siyyid Hasan; and Ustád
> ‘Alí, son of Mashhadí Sifr. For the most part, because of the extreme
> poverty and afflictions caused by the enemies, those that returned [to
> Nayríz] expired shortly after their arrival.
> A certain Karbalá’í Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín remained in Tihrán and passed
> away after a few years. The other names are not known to me.545
> 
> 545 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 57-59, states:
> 
> What has been described commenced toward the end of 1267 A.H.
> [the Fall of 1851]. The battles lasted from the first of Dhi’l-Hajjih
> 1269 A.H. [5 September 1853], which was the beginning of the fall
> season, until the end of Rabí‘u’l-Avval 1270 A.H. [31 December
> 1853] and during this time, as some have recorded, 400 of the [male]
> believers of Nayríz fought against 30,000 foes.
> At the beginning of 1273 A.H. [circa summer of 1857], the
> captives in Shiraz were released and some returned to Nayríz. Of the
> baqiyatu’s-sayf [remnants of the sword] of Nayríz for both events,
> some were noted in the previous volume and others will be outlined
> now. Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir, son of the aforementioned martyr
> Mír[zá] ‘Abid, was released through the intervention of certain
> persons and returned to his native town where he formed a family
> and had descendants.
> Of the following companions of ‘Alí Sardár, some freed
> themselves in Nayríz and some gained their liberty in Shiraz by
> payment of ransoms: the master-hunter Muhammad and Hájí, the
> sons of Hájí Kázim; Mírzá Báqir, son of Mullá Musá; Mullá Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín, son of Mullá ‘Abbás; Hájí, son of Mullá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín;
> Ja‘far, son of Mullá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar; Ra’is;
> ‘Abbás, son of Muhammad-‘Alí; Áqá Shaykh Muhsin; Hájí Ahmad,
> son of Mullá Muhammad; Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih, son of Mullá
> Muhammad; Karbalá’í Asghar Ra’ís; Karbalá’í Muhammad with his
> three sons, Lutfu’lláh, Hájí Muhammad and the master-hunter ‘Alí;
> Mullá Qanbar, son of Karbalá’í Ridá; Karbalá’í Mírzá, son of Ghiyáth;
> Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Ahmad, Áqá Siyyid Áqá, son of Siyyid
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 294 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Abú-Tálib; Siyyid Ismá‘íl, son of Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí; and Karbalá’í Mírzá
> Qásim.
> On their return, once more they established themselves and
> began working as either farmers, breeders, shoemakers, coppersmiths,
> or in other occupations. Out of fear of their foes, some became
> lukewarm in their convictions, but the majority remained fast and
> firm in their faith and taught their children the same.
> Moreover, some youngsters whose fathers had been martyred,
> or had escaped, or because of being underage had been released
> [from prison], returned as well. Included among them were: Mullá
> Husayn and ‘Alí, the sons of the martyred Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl; Áqá
> Shaykh Muhammad, son of the martyred Darvísh; ‘Alí-Muhammad,
> son of Ibráhím; the son of Sálih who together with his father were
> among the captives taken to Shiraz, but were freed; Mírzá Yúsuf, son
> of Mírzá Ahmad; Hájí Mírzá Ja‘far and Mírzá Fathu’lláh, who
> together with their mother were captured after the martyrdom of
> their father and upon arrival at Nayríz were released through the
> efforts of their kinsmen; Khájih Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Báqir,
> who after the martyrdom of his father was seized and together with
> his mother and two sisters taken to Shiraz where the sisters died of
> cold, but he and his mother succeeded in gaining release, returned to
> Shiraz and after great many difficulties were able to establish
> themselves; and Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir, son of Mír[zá]
> Muhammad-‘Abid, who was seized after the martyrdom of his father,
> but upon arrival at Nayríz was the subject of intercessions for his
> release and was allowed to regain his freedom. Yet another was Hájí
> Muhammad, son of Hájí Qásim, who at the age of eleven participated
> in the battle of fort [Khádjih] and afterwards was in hiding in Nayríz
> or in the mountains, and during the mountain battles joined his father
> and two brothers as defender. He managed to live through that ordeal
> and escaped with his life. His father and two brothers were seized
> however and were sent to Shiraz.
> After they were released, Hájí Muhammad became an
> attendant to one of the nobles and succeeded in gathering his family
> and sending them to Nayríz. He went to Baghdad and on his return,
> in order to protect his family from the darts of the enemies, moved
> them to a village some seven farsangs from Shiraz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 295
> 
> Chapter 12
> 
> Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí
> 
> Say: “Can you expect for us any fate other than one of two glorious
> things, martyrdom or victory?”
> Qur’án 9:52
> 
> Introduction
> Among the important eyewitness accounts of the Nayríz-II event is the
> one narrated by Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí, a survivor of both the 1850
> and 1853 episodes. At the age of fourteen, Hájí Muhammad and his
> father, Hájí Qásim Nayrízí, had stood with Vahíd at fort Khájih and
> fought fearlessly for their new found faith. At the conclusion of that
> event and following the general massacre of the Bábís, Hájí Qásim was
> seized as a prisoner and in captivity subjected to severe beatings and
> tortures. After the passage of some months, a certain Haydar was able to
> secure his freedom at long last and rescued him from certain death by
> the payment of a ransom. Upon his release, Hájí Qásim set out for
> Tihrán to avenge the cruelty of the government by assassinating Násiri’d-
> Dín Sháh. Having weathered the storm of Nayríz-I, Hájí Muhammad
> was once again caught in the midst of the second interlude, where he and
> his family were made prisoners.
> The oral memoirs left by Hájí Muhammad describe the events
> through the time that the captives, himself among them, were taken to
> Shíráz. He was fortuitously released from captivity at that time, but
> decided to stay in that city for a while. A few years later, he moved to
> Dáríyun546, but some time later returned to his native town of Nayríz as
> the new governor, Fath-‘Alí Khán, had taken a solemn oath to remedy
> 
> 546 A village at a distance of 180 kilometers from Nayríz and 42 kilometers from Shiraz
> 
> and on the way of the caravan leading the Bábí captives to Shiraz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 296 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> the past misdeeds of his father. There he was occupied with farming and
> raising sheep, and as he was a strong, robust man, often engaged in
> working the fields. Soon Fath-‘Alí Khán, having explicit faith in the
> trustworthiness of Bahá’ís, asked Hájí Muhammad to supervise his
> personal properties in the Rastáq region. The house of the Hájí at both
> Rastáq and Nayríz was the abode of visiting Bahá’ís passing though the
> region and he served them with great distinction and devotion. He
> married a niece of ‘Alí Sardár, who was a daughter of Mullá Husayn, and
> she brought him six children: Fadlu’lláh; Muhammad-Qásim; Faraju’lláh;
> Habíbu’lláh; Qudratu’lláh; and Sakínih. His descendants suffered
> extensively in the course of Nayríz-III, thus making this family one of
> the chains that connects the Bábí and Bahá’ís of Nayríz across the span
> of several generations in this panorama of suffering and steadfastness. In
> all his days, Hájí Muhammad was fond of recalling the events of his
> youth, particularly the 1853 episodes. He lived to be nearly a hundred
> years old and passed away in 1935 in Nayríz547. A tablet composed in his
> honor by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá immortalizes his memory.
> The value of this account lies foremost in the fact that it is told by
> one who participated in the events. Though in many ways it does not
> convey the rich detail of the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, it is
> nevertheless an independent description which closely corroborates the
> account of the former, and in a few instances provides some additional
> amplifications. Having noted this, one must understand that by the time
> this narrative was committed to paper, Hájí Muhammad was at a
> relatively advanced age and the passage of time had taken its toll, so that
> a few of the minor details are conflated, (see footnotes below). The
> original of this recollection appears in Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí, Nayríz
> Mushkbíz, pages 108-116.
> This account begins in the spring of 1853 when the Bábís
> commenced reorganizing and re-emerging as a distinct community and
> tells of the brutal response that awaited them.
> 
> 547 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 116, suggests that he lived to the age of 115. However since it is
> 
> known that he was 14 years old at the time of Vahíd’s arrival in 1850, that suggests his
> birth took place circa 1836, placing his age at the time of passing at about 100.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 297
> 
> Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí
> After the arrival of the soldiers, they launched an attack against us aided
> by many from the town. This resulted in the believers retreating from
> Nayríz and taking refuge at the foot of the mountains at a location
> known as Bíd Najviyyih famous for its fresh air and vivifying climate.
> The attackers continued to pursue us to that spot, continually assaulting
> our camp with increasing intensity and severity. For that reason, we
> proceeded further up the mountain to an area known as Darb Shigáf,
> and raised a number of makeshift dwellings commonly referred to as
> yurt constructed from wood and tree branches and roofed by twigs and
> leafs.
> Each day witnessed a considerable increase in the number of
> besiegers who had surrounded us from all sides and we were placed in
> dire need and grave hardship. In response, led by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár, our
> group put forth defensive measures and pushed back the attackers who
> beseeched Shíráz to augment their number with additional forces. At this
> time, Mírzá Na‘ím went forth to Shíráz and in his reports exaggerated
> the scope of the events which resulted in a large number of artillery
> pieces, ammunition and cannons being sent back with him,
> supplemented by several groups of tribal gunmen. Soon a large camp
> was raised, surrounding us from all directions, and they launched a
> massive offensive. A devastating battle took place between the opposing
> sides that resulted in our dwellings (yurts) being burnt completely. Even
> though our numbers were relatively few in comparison to the armed
> camp, by spectacular bravery, coupled with undaunted fortitude and
> steadfastness, the believers were able to deliver a decisive defeat to the
> foes resulting in the complete disarray and flight of the attackers. In the
> course of their retreat, the soldiers left behind a large cache of arms
> including a cannon that was brought up to the mountain and used
> thereafter.548
> At that time, we proceeded to another section of the mountain
> 
> 548 Most sources indicate that the capture of this cannon occurred at the next battle.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 298 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> known as Bálá-Tarám and stayed there for a while. This was beneficial as
> it allowed us relative safety and tranquility, and we even organized
> several weddings during this period. On the instructions of Mírzá ‘Alí
> Sardár, our group constructed nineteen fortifications in the number of
> váhids of the Bayán. Each was named after a certain participant, such as,
> one was named after ‘Alí Sardár, and another after Khájih Qutb and yet
> another that was defended by the womenfolk was known as Mádar Samí‘
> [mother of Samí‘]. The remains of these fortifications stand to this day.
> During this time a number of clashes took place, until Mírzá
> Na‘ím was once again able to gather a considerable number of soldiers
> and gunmen, and from the direction of Darb Shigáf entered the region
> and raised his camp. Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár organized two groups of nineteen
> each to rush and surprise the camp, one attacking from the higher
> elevations while the other was to circle and attack from beneath the
> camp. However, in the dark of night and having frail eyesight, Siyyid
> Husayn, the leader of one of the two groups, tripped over a rock that
> was dislodged and rolled down the hill. This event caused the camp to
> become aware that a night attack was underway and eliminated the
> element of surprise. A fierce battle was waged between the two sides that
> witnessed a great many gallantries by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár who at each
> instance, single-handedly, would raise the cry of “Yá Sáhib Zamán” as he
> fearlessly rushed the soldiers with his saber and scattered their forces.
> The other believers and companions also manifested exceptional
> courage, fortitude and self-sacrifice in their efforts, and even the
> womenfolk joined in by throwing rocks and stones at the enemy. All of
> this resulted in a bitter defeat for the camp and the flight of the soldiers
> from the field of battle. Even the camp’s leader, Mírzá Na‘ím, was so
> overwhelmed with trepidation that he was unable to escape on his own
> and soldiers had to carry him away on their backs to save his life. Fearing
> for their very being, all in his camp escaped and scattered throughout the
> countryside.
> After this defeat, Mírzá Na‘ím wrote to the Prince Mu’ayyadu’d-
> Dawlih, the governor of Fárs, explaining his own pathetic condition and
> that of his fallen men and yet again asking for military assistance, a
> request that was rewarded with four regiments of men. That is, orders
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 299
> 
> were issued that gunmen from all villages, hamlets and tribes in the
> neighboring regions were to gather at [Mírzá Na‘ím’s] camp so that once
> and for all the Bábís would be eliminated. Lutf-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í came
> accompanied of both foot and cavalry forces, and they were joined by
> Ahmad Khán Baharlú who brought five hundred of his well-known
> sharpshooters. The enemy’s camp was rapidly growing in number and
> each day their siege increased in intensity.
> Prior to this, the Sardár assembled us and informed all that our
> remaining days were only few, and said that if anyone wished not to
> suffer at the hand of the enemy, it would be best for them to leave at
> once. None among the believers preferred to abandon him and all
> remained faithful and steadfast. The number of our group at that time
> was four hundred men and six hundred women.
> This time the battle was particularly severe. Sardár, in accordance
> with his usual practice, raised the cry of “Yá Záhib Zamán” and riding
> high on a mount charged the enemy. In this campaign, a number of
> Baharlu gunmen had hidden behind the rocks and trees and from there
> were able to shoot and severely injure Sardar, who dragged himself to
> our fortification where the bird of his spirit was released from the prison
> of self. He was buried next to the fortification named after him.
> After Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár was slain, his companions remained
> steadfast until the last breath, even though a number of them were killed
> and the rest seized by the soldiers and tribal gunmen, who perpetrated
> uncounted cruelties upon their prisoners. Of the captives, all men aged
> twenty and over were slain and their heads piled in large baskets which,
> together with the women and children and a remnant of elderly men,
> were paraded back in Nayríz in the company of an exuberant army.
> Upon arrival, the prisoners were confined to the Madrisih Khán and
> guards ensured that no one contacted us.
> After we were kept under such miserable conditions for a few
> days, together with the basket of heads, we were sent to Shíráz. En
> route, because of the sufferings and hardships, a number of the captives
> expired and they too were decapitated and their [severed] heads added to
> the piles. One such case was Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the judge and
> soothsayer of Nayríz, who had stood with the illustrious Vahíd and had
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 300 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> survived the first episode and was among the baqiyatu’s-sayf, and now
> was included in the company of the captives. As the incarcerated
> believers were being conducted from Shiraz to Tihrán, upon reaching
> the village of Siyyidan, a distance of two days journey to Ábádih, having
> endured immeasurable afflictions, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn passed away
> and the soldiers beheaded his body, taking the head with them and
> burying the remains in that locality.
> Proceeding in such heart-wrenching conditions, when our caravan
> of captives reached Tang Sa‘dí, news was sent to the governor of Fárs
> and inquiry was made about the manner of entry into the city. The
> governor sent long spears equal to the number of the severed heads and
> instructed that each be raised above these spears, and to the beat of
> drums and cymbals to enter Shiraz. In such a pitiful and tormented state,
> the women, children and elderly men walked barefoot in the midst of
> columns of soldiers, who each carried a spear bearing the severed head
> of one of the loved ones of our pitiful band. By order of the governor, a
> number of noble and distinguished citizens of the city had come forth to
> observe this sad spectacle. On seeing the situation, many of the citizens
> were moved to tears over the miserable state of the prisoners and
> sobbed loudly, while others were bewildered by the cruelty of the armed
> men, and yet others tormented the wronged captives by assaulting them
> verbally and heaping abuse upon them and indeed some even spit on
> their faces. It was in the course of this agonizing scene, where every
> observer was profoundly moved with deep emotions of regret, that the
> Qavámu’l-Mulk Shírází, who was among the onlookers, was moved to
> cry out to Mírzá Na‘ím, reproaching him with such words: "O Na‘ím!
> Have you sought to recreate Karbalá? Even the plane of Karbalá did not
> witness such misery!”549
> In such poignant and pitiful state, our band of wronged ones was
> brought forth to the city and placed in the Sháh Mír-Hamzih
> 
> 549 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 196, reports that afterwards, the indignant Qavám
> 
> sought an audience with the governor of Fárs and stated, “With these heinous
> deeds, Mírzá Na‘ím has indeed recreated the field of Karbalá and the taking of the
> Holy Household to Damascus. The only thing lacking is decorating the city; and
> once that is accomplished, then the scene will be completely recreated!”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 301
> 
> caravansary. One day the governor of Fárs called a number of the
> captives to his presence and in the course of interrogation instructed
> some to repudiate their faith [in the Báb], and as they remained steadfast,
> issued orders for their execution. These included: Sádiq, son of Sálih; ‘Alí
> Garmsiry; Husayn, son of Hádí; Hájí, son of Asghar; and Muhammad,
> son of Muhsin.
> Soon, instructions were received from Tihrán to send the severed
> heads to that city and to free the women and children, and so the baskets
> of heads and the elderly men were sent forth towards Tihrán. However,
> when they reached Ábádih, further orders were received to bury the
> heads at that spot. The captives were taken to Tihrán however, and there
> some were freed while others were martyred.550
> 
> 550 A brief account of Nayríz-II is given by Mírzá Yahyá Azal, translated by E.G.
> 
> Browne in Táríkh-i Jadíd, pp. 415-416:
> So once more fresh troubles arose in all parts of the country, and
> some they took captive, and some they slew, carrying off their
> possessions; until at length they again made an assault on Nayríz. For
> after the martyrdom of His Excellence Áqá Siyyid Yahyá the people
> of Nayríz dispatched the governor, who was the originator of the
> mischief, to the bottomless pit. Quarrels arose anew, until at length
> pacification was effected. In the end they brought so many prisoners
> from Nayríz to Shiraz that (their number) was beyond all limits. And
> that crowd of captives they brought in to Shiraz was in this wise:
> numbers of women and men, aged and young, bound by chains and
> bonds; and the soldiers with the heads of the slain set on spears,
> amongst these being the head of His Holiness Áqá Siyyid Yahyá,
> which they had brought from Karbala [i.e. Nayríz] in such wise as you
> have heard. Thus did they bring these poor people into Shiraz,
> whence they conveyed them to Isfahan and Kashan, and (finally)
> brought them to Tihrán to the sound of drums and trumpets, as they
> themselves related. It may be imagined what the sufferings of these
> women and men were ere the end of the matter; such as seek for the
> truth will assuredly hold them in regard of their lofty view.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 302 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 13
> 
> Narrative of Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í:
> An Extract from his General History
> 
> Of those who answered the call of God and the Apostle, even after
> being wounded, those who do right and refrain from wrong have a great
> reward.
> Qur’án 3:172
> 
> Introduction
> The following is an extract from Tarikh ‘Umúmí Amr [The General
> History of the Cause], pages 73-77, composed by Mírzá Qábil of Ábádih.
> For this important history, Qábil explains that he interviewed many of
> the elders in the community, including some who had converted during
> or shortly after the Bábí Dispensation. The importance of the following
> extract lies not so much in the details, but in the fact that very likely
> Qábil used sources independent from the Nayrízí accounts and relied on
> the information current among the Bahá’ís of Yazd and Ábádih of the
> late 1800’s. In other words, this account is an example of Bahá’í folklore
> about the Nayríz-II incident in the late nineteenth and the early part of
> this century.
> Mírzá Qábil states that sometime after the failed assassination
> attempt on Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, the Prime Minister intervened with the
> monarch to reduce the Bábí killings, but the Shah had spoken harshly
> against the millenarians. Qábil then notes:
> 
> An excellent pretext was found by the governors and
> administrators of all the cities and districts of Iran to
> plunder and seize the possessions of Bábís and to collude
> with one another in killing and injuring them. In Nayríz in
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 303
> 
> particular, the wicked Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán commenced
> pillage and rose to eradicate all Bábís of that city. Each day,
> he would seize one and after penalizing and torturing the
> victim would slay him. Therefore, Bábís decided that by
> whatever means possible he was to be eliminated. This
> [intelligence] caused him to be overwhelmed with fear to the
> point that eight or nine armed guards always accompanied
> him. And when he was to visit the public bathhouse, other
> clients would be evicted from the building. [As was
> customary,] one day together with his gunmen, he went to
> the bathhouse where his men waited outside by the
> entrance. A certain construction worker (banná) was
> working within and the governor did not think that this man
> could be a Bábí. Lying in the middle of the bath and being
> massaged by a salmání551, the banná came forth of a sudden
> from where he had been working and with his sharpened
> knife and tools slit open the governor’s stomach. Hearing
> the cry of the salmání, the attendants rushed within and
> found their master covered in blood. They seized the banná
> and placed the injured governor on a cart while he was
> giving instruction for the doctor to be summoned at once to
> attend to his cut. Unexpectedly, with a quick movement, the
> banná freed himself and reaching Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
> pulled his intestinal organs out while crying, “O accursed
> one! Are you still talking and wishing for recovery?!” With
> that the governor died and his gunmen riddled the banná
> with bullets.552
> The relatives of the slain Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán
> hastened to Shiraz and complained to the governor-general
> about the Bábís of Nayríz. Therefore he sent forth a
> regiment of soldiers, led by Luft-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í,
> charged with the extermination of the Bábís.
> 
> 551 Lit. the barber, they often acted as masseurs and bathhouse managers.
> 552 The idea of a single assassin may have been inspired by Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2,
> 
> pp. 1566-1567.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 304 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Prior to their arrival, however, the honored ‘Alí
> Sardár, who was the chief of the Bábís, ordered the believers
> to gather all their possessions, livestock, and families and to
> proceed to an elevated mountain near Nayríz. Therefore, the
> Bábís, young and old, took position in that mountain range.
> When the army arrived, they learned that the Bábís, fully
> armed, had left for the mountains and had raised such
> fortifications around their positions that none could
> approach that mountain. On several occasions, the soldiers
> were ordered to attack those fortifications and each time
> would suffer decisive defeats and return with many
> casualties.
> General Luft-‘Alí Khán wrote to Shiraz that his
> assigned task was well nigh impossible to achieve and that
> he needed additional forces sent to him immediately. Five
> regiments of men together with cannons and artillery were
> sent for him. One day, he had ordered one of the cannons
> to be situated near a [Bábí] fortification and readied for fire
> when a group of the armed women believers attacked them,
> causing the gunners to flee and securing the cannon and
> ammunitions. They carried the cannon and its provisions
> with them to the higher elevations and for a while used it to
> bombard the enemy’s camp.
> Occasionally during some nights, some of the
> believers would enter the city and attack certain mischiefmakers, and after having gathered the necessary food and
> provisions, would return to their place of safety.553
> These battles and scrimmages lasted nine months until
> eventually the governor of Shiraz issued strict orders for the
> elimination of the Bábís. A large multitude of men from
> [such ethnic groups as the] ‘Arabs, Turks and Tajíks came to
> Nayríz and thoroughly surrounded the mountainside. Even
> though they sustained great many casualties, they did not
> withdraw and eventually broke through the fortifications.
> 553 Reader is referred to translator’s comment at the beginning of Chapter 11.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 305
> 
> They seized and massacred the men and captured the
> women and bound them with ropes. Seventy or eighty of
> the Bábí women and their infants had taken refuge in a cave
> and when found, a large quantity of brushwood was brought
> forth and placed at the opening of the cave. Then they lit a
> fire and burnt alive all those within. With other women,
> Lutf-‘Alí Khán would take their infants from them and with
> one hand toss them into the air, cutting them in half with
> the sword in his other hand. All their possessions were
> plundered. Four hundred of the fallen men were decapitated
> and their heads raised upon spears. Some others among the
> men were bound in chains and the women roped together.
> In such manner, the army proceeded towards Shiraz. With
> utmost difficulty and intense brutality, the captives were
> forced to run next to the galloping cavalry. Six or seven of
> the women expired en route because of the harsh treatment.
> On the day of the captives’ arrival in Shiraz, the city
> was immersed in celebration, lights and decorations were
> visible in all sides and the people would congratulate one
> another. The ‘ulamá issued a fatwá that on that day the
> citizens of Shíráz were free to express their joy in any
> manner they wished and none would be questioned for his
> doings. Therefore, all the rogues and vagrants came out with
> music and wine and were joined by rank upon rank of
> wanton women carrying drums, trumpets and cymbals and
> busily merrymaking. They came to watch the arrival of the
> wretched captives and the severed heads of the Bábís and
> were thoroughly absorbed in their festivity. Those same
> people however, once they saw the heads raised on lances
> and the condition of the captives, were overwhelmed with
> grief and raised their voices in lamentation and remorse.
> They cried bitterly over what had befallen these people and
> tears poured from their eyes like spring showers, and their
> cry of sorrow was heard from all sides.
> This news was brought to the governor and he was
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 306 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> told that seeing the condition of the captives and the raised
> heads had greatly perturbed the people, and if the
> procession were allowed to enter the city by way of the
> bazaar, most likely a revolt would overwhelm the city.
> Consequently, he ordered the prisoners to be brought to the
> government house through a passage behind the main city
> gate. When the captives were presented, the governor was
> sitting in the place of honor with many nobles surrounding
> him. From within the throng of the Bábís, a brave woman
> stepped forward and with a resonant voice spoke, “O crazed
> man! What crime have we wronged ones committed
> deserving such murder, pillage and brutality? Is it not true
> that our sole claim is that the Promised Author of the Cause
> has appeared and His recognition and acceptance is
> obligatory upon all? Does such an assertion deserve such
> cruel treatment?” The governor ordered them taken out and
> given a place to rest. After a few days, he released the
> women and sent the men and the raised heads as a gift for
> the monarch in Tihrán. In this way, the prophecy, “His
> [Qá’im’s] chosen ones shall be abased in His day. Their heads shall
> be offered as presents even as the heads of Turks and Daylamites. They
> shall be slain and burnt. Fear shall seize them; dismay and alarm
> shall strike terror into their hearts. The earth shall be dyed with their
> blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail and lament. These indeed are my
> friends!554” stood fulfilled.
> Accompanied by several regiments of soldiers and
> marching to the sound of drums, trumpets and cymbals,
> they arrived at Ábádih. At that time a messenger arrived
> from the central government in Tihrán and presented a royal
> instruction to the commander of the procession. On reading
> this order, he learned that he was to bury the Bábí heads in
> whatever location he had reached, and then conduct the
> captives to Tihrán. Therefore, behind the same decayed
> building in which the captives were housed, he ordered a
> 554 Kitáb-i Iqán, p. 245.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 307
> 
> large pit dug and the heads buried therein.
> This sorrowful event of the second Nayríz conflict
> took place in the year eight of the dawning of the Morn of
> Guidance.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 308 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 14
> 
> Narrative of Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í:
> The Garden of the Merciful in Ábádih
> 
> Think not that those slain in God’s way are dead. Nay, they live,
> finding their sustenance in the presence of their Lord. They rejoice in the
> bounty provided by God: and with regard to those left behind, who have
> not yet joined them in their bliss, the martyrs glory in the fact that on
> them is no fear, nor have they cause to grieve.
> Qur’án 3:169-70
> 
> Introduction
> As noted earlier, the heads of over two hundreds of the Nayríz Bábí
> martyrs were brought to Ábádih and buried in that town. Because of the
> importance of this site, the following extracts are shared telling in outline
> of this event.
> Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’í has penned an important and unpublished
> history of Abadih, titled Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, which outlines the history
> of the first 80 years of the Bábí and Bahá’í faiths in that town in 147
> pages, divided into 14 chapters. In the first section, pages 2-5, the
> following is recorded:
> 
> In the year 1268 A.H., corresponding to 1852, in accordance
> with the instructions of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, a savage and
> bloodthirsty army was unleashed on Nayríz for the purpose
> of the execution and elimination of the dearly loved
> believers in that region. This caused the fire of the second
> battle of Nayríz to smolder and the spiritual friends were
> severely persecuted. In those days in Nayríz, the muchesteemed commander, the honored ‘Alí Sardar, discerned
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 309
> 
> that it was prudent for the friends, men and women alike, to
> quit the city and take position in an elevated mountain in the
> vicinity of that region. Therefore they all took with them the
> necessary provisions and made their exodus to that location.
> The barbarous army of the Sháh soon surrounded
> them and the details of what transpired next are recorded in
> the histories of Nayríz. In short, the majority of the [Bábí]
> men were murdered, their possessions plundered, and
> women and children were made captive or slaughtered by
> swords. A group of them were also burnt alive.
> Many martyrs severed heads were raised upon spears
> and, together with the captives and accompanied by drums,
> cymbals and music, were brought to Shiraz, which was
> decorated for the occasion. The entire city was especially
> lighted and much celebration took place. After some days,
> the women prisoners were released. In accord with the royal
> command, the army moved the men and the martyrs’ heads
> toward Tihrán as a ransom for the sovereign. The secret of
> the Tablet of Fátimih now stood manifest.
> In short, the royal army, the heads and the captives
> reached a distance of two farsangs from Ábádih when it was
> broadcast in the city that on this day the prisoners of Nayríz
> would arrive to the beat of drums, trumpets and music. The
> people of Ábádih were thrilled with the prospect and in
> great joy rushed forth to observe this spectacle. In such
> conditions, the captives and the severed heads were brought
> into the city and placed on a desolate and forsaken field.555
> On that day, a great multitude, young and old, men, women
> and children, came forth from all the surrounding regions to
> watch the captives of Nayríz and the severed heads of the
> believers. What an incredible sight and what an amazing
> 
> 555 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 72-73 and p. 120, reports that on two separate occasions,
> 
> namely, 1850 and 1853, heads were brought to Ábádih and buried in the same spot.
> The same source (p. 120) reports that this field was outside of the city and near the
> public cemetery.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 310 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> exhibition! On seeing them, to win the good pleasure of the
> Almighty, the people would spit on the faces of those heroic
> souls and upon the decapitated heads. Some would chant,
> while others clapped for joy; yet others heaped upon this
> innocent band all manner of insults and injuries. Is this not
> how all the Prophets and chosen ones have been dealt with?
> And when a few in this large gathering felt remorseful over
> the condition of the bound and offered them a few drops of
> water, they immediately became targets of the scorn and
> disdain of the others, particularly the ‘ulamá and the divines.
> They even urged the children to heap abuse upon the
> confined believers and offered examples on how to ill-treat
> and denounce them.
> While this hellish scene was unfolding, suddenly a
> messenger arrived from Tihrán carrying an order from the
> central authorities for the commander of the armed guards.
> The contents of that envelope instructed that wherever the
> soldiers were met by the messenger, to bury the heads in
> that very spot and to continue conveying the captives to the
> capital. On seeing this mandate, the commander
> immediately ordered his men to bury the severed heads.
> However, the people of Ábádih refused to allow the Bábí
> heads to be buried in the Muslim cemetery out of fear that it
> would defile that ground – they considered it honorable to
> insist on this refusal. Therefore, the commander decided to
> bury them in a desolate field, in one large pit.
> Among the believers bound in chains was a young
> man of twenty years of age. He had suffered bitterly en
> route and by then had fallen gravely ill and was nearly
> unconscious. One of the most distinguished nobles of the
> city, Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí, known as Mullá Áqá Ján,
> felt deeply remorseful over the condition of this muchwronged youth. He immediately petitioned the commander
> of the guards, “Among the captives is one who is
> profoundly weak with illness and unable to travel any
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 311
> 
> further. Undoubtedly he will expire en route to Tihrán,
> perhaps not even very far from this town. As a
> consideration towards my Holy lineage, allow me to take
> him home with me and look after him until he is well.
> Perchance he will then convert to the religion of Islam and
> be guided.” Faced with an appeal from such an illustrious
> personage, the commander responded, “Since you are of
> noble character and wish to render a goodly deed, I will
> grant your request. But first you must give ten tumáns as
> gratuity to my men for the troubles they have shouldered.
> Then this youth may be yours.”
> By the time that the honored Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-
> ‘Alí had managed to raise the sum, the armed guards had
> moved the captives to Shúristán, a distance of five farsangs
> from Ábádih. Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí, [determined to rescue
> the young Bábí], quickly reached the guards, paid the sum,
> and secured the release of Áqá Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí, the
> wretched Bábí. He mounted the sickly youth on his own
> steed and walked on his side all the way to Ábádih. On
> gaining his home, he immediately summoned Áqá
> Muhammad-Husayn, the Hakímbáshí [traditional physician],
> who spent the next several days with the Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí
> and sought to revive him. But, alas, the young man expired.
> Áqá Siyyid Ghulám-‘Alí was buried in Ábádih’s public
> cemetery, in the vicinity of the fort of Muhammad-Hádí,
> though his exact burial location is not known as Ábádih did
> not have any believers when this incident occurred.
> The land where the martyrs’ heads were buried
> remained unnoticed and untouched for many years, and
> providentially its desolation served to protect the treasures
> hidden within its breast.
> 
> Mírzá Qábil continues to tell that Ábádih remained without
> believers in the Báb for some time until 1280 A.H./1863, when
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 312 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Bahá’u’lláh declared his mission in Baghdad.556 At that time, two of
> Ábádih’s residents happened to be students in Isfahán.557 These two
> were Áqá Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh, later surnamed Siráju’l-Hukamá, and Mullá
> Muhammad-Husayn. The news of Bahá’u’lláh’s proclamation, according
> to Mírzá Qábil, greatly perturbed the seminary students in Isfahán as
> they had thought that with the Báb’s martyrdom the messianic
> movement had ceased to exist. The seminarians’ reaction impelled these
> two students from Ábádih to investigate Bahá’u’lláh’s claim. Through an
> intermediary they met with the prominent Bahá’í of that city, Mírzá
> Muhammad-Hasan, the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá, and in the course of a few
> sessions embraced the new faith.558
> At about the same time, another resident of Ábádih, a certain
> Dá’yí Husayn, later designated by Bahá’u’lláh as Bá’yí, proceeded to the
> ‘Atabát to visit the Shrine of Imám Husayn. On reaching that region in
> April 1863, he learned that a great commotion was taking place in
> Baghdad and upon inquiry was informed that Bahá’u’lláh was being
> further exiled from that city and presently tarried at a garden on the
> outskirts of Baghdad. Years later, the same Dá’yí Husayn reported the
> events to Mírzá Qábil in such words, “I was told that outside of the city
> of Baghdad, He [Bahá’u’lláh] had raised a majestic tent and was residing
> temporarily there. Soon He was to proceed towards a new destination in
> the company of government authorities. While in this garden, I was told
> He had raised the standard of divinity and advanced the claim of divine
> authority. In this regard, He had revealed a great many Tablets and sent
> these to the ‘ulamá in Najaf and Karbalá and called on all to recognize
> 
> 556 Although Abadih was established over a thousand years ago, the city gained
> 
> importance during the Zand dynasty. In fact the name of this town is said to have
> been given by Karím Khán Zand himself. The town’s significance was in its location
> via the migratory routes of the Qashqa’í tribes.
> 557 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 6-7.
> 558 There are some minor inconsistencies in Táríkh Amrí Ábádih. For instance, on
> 
> page 7, Qábil reports that upon conversion in 1863, the two new believers received
> a copy of Bahá’u’lláh’s tablet to Násiri’d-Dín Sháh in the hand of the Sultánu’sh-
> Shuhadá. However, this tablet was not made public for at least another decade and
> therefore in all probability, the new converts saw some early Baghdad writings of
> Bahá’u’lláh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 313
> 
> His station of divinity. Further, He had styled Himself Zuhúru’lláh
> [Manifestation of God] and with no hesitation had declared that He was
> the Promised One of the Qur’án. Rank upon rank of people were
> proceeding to His presence and partaking of His utterances. This servant
> also decided to go and behold this spectacle, but then I feared that
> perchance my travel companions would accuse me of visiting Bábís and
> that I would be known by this name. Therefore, I decided against
> going.”559
> On returning to his native town, Dá’yí Husayn eventually learned
> of the conversion of Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh and Mullá Muhammad-Husayn and
> joined them in the new faith. Thus the nucleus of the Bábí-Bahá’í
> community was established in Ábádih. According to Qábil, during the
> next decade, this community grew rapidly and during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s
> ministry, Bahá’ís decided to acquire the land where the heads of Nayríz
> martyrs were buried. The following is recorded in Mírzá Qábil’s
> narrative:560
> 
> Some of the Bahá’í leaders consulted and decided to
> purchase the land where the sacred heads of the martyrs in
> the path of the Almighty was buried. They resolved to
> secure that land from the non-believers by any means
> necessary and enable it to come into the Faith’s possession.
> Soon the honored Siráju’l-Hukamá, who was charged with
> this task, was able to acquire that desolate land from its
> owner, Hájí Muhammad Khán, son of Hájí Mihdí, who was
> indeed the re-incarnation of Abú-Jahal. This acquisition
> brought immense joy to the friends and they decided it was
> imperative to construct a well or an underground aqueduct,
> as building a shrine or cultivating this land required access to
> water. Therefore, the Siráju’l-Hukamá, Hájí ‘Ayní-Khán, the
> honored Bá’yí and Mírzá Husayn Khán spent a considerable
> sum of their own money and were able to construct an
> aqueduct which they named Hayrat [bewilderment]. After a
> 
> 559 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 8.
> 560 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 14.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 314 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> few years, that land had access to water and this news was
> communicated to the Center of the Covenant [‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá]. Some time thereafter, a Tablet of Visitation addressed
> to the Siráju’l-Hukama was revealed by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá for the
> martyrs buried in that location.561
> 
> Mírzá Qábil tells that after this visitation tablet was received in
> Ábádih, he took a copy to the village of Najaf-Ábád, a distance of
> sixteen miles from Ábádih, where Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, son of
> Lutf-‘Alí Khán Qashqá’í, resided. In 1853 Lutf-‘Alí Khán had
> commanded the army forces against the Bábís of Nayríz, but his son,
> Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán, had become a believer in Bahá’u’lláh.
> Qábil recited the newly received visitation tablet for his host and then
> stated, “O honored Khán, consider in what manner the divine grace and
> benevolence surround all in this mighty Dispensation! Ponder what
> magnificent and exalted words have been revealed in honor of those
> heads severed by the orders of your father and sent as a gift to Násiri’d-
> Dín Sháh, thinking that such a heinous act would be of aid to him in
> advancing his career! Now consider how brilliantly the Sun of might and
> exaltation has dawned!”562 In response, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq Khán,
> not knowing about the early history of the Bábí movement had asked,
> “Honored Áqá Mírzá, please tell me a little of the events of Nayríz and
> the barbarous deeds of my father so that I may be informed of the
> manner in which he dealt with God’s chosen ones.”563
> Mírzá Qábil states:
> 
> Without the least hesitation or consideration, I said to him,
> ‘In accordance with the instructions of the authorities, your
> father, General Lutf-‘Alí Khán, led his bloodthirsty army
> against the believers in Nayríz. For six months the friends
> withstood his onslaught and offered a vigorous defense. At
> 
> 561 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s visitation tablet is quoted in Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 14-17, and
> 
> Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 121-122.
> 562 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 17-18.
> 563 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 18.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 315
> 
> the end, however, they were reduced and the victorious
> soldiers massacred all the men, seized the women, and put
> the children to the sword. Your own father, with one hand
> would toss the infants into the air and with the saber in the
> other hand would hew them in half. One by one, the
> innocent children were hacked into pieces while their
> wretched mothers were forced to watch. Some of the
> women were placed in a cave and burnt alive. Some others
> among the women, together with the severed heads of their
> men, were brought to Shíráz in the company of a feasting
> army. The heads, together with some of the men, were sent
> to Tihrán, and on reaching Ábádih the soldiers were told to
> bury the heads. It is because of this background that this
> sacred land is the recipient of such resplendent and unique
> favors from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and is the point of adoration of
> the Supreme Concourse.’
> Profoundly moved on hearing these details, Hájí
> Muhammad-Sádiq Khán cried unceasingly for quite a while.
> He then said, ‘Áqá Mírzá Qábil, I am deeply ashamed of
> myself and fear that my belief and recognition may not be
> accepted before God. I say this because I have heard that
> the Blessed Perfection has said that should one, with the
> utmost sincerity, become a firm believer in Him, then his
> parents would be forgiven by God, even should they not
> rank as believers. Now I realize that such a father as mine is
> not worthy of divine forgiveness and because of him, I fear
> that my own recognition may not be accepted either.’
> ‘Tomorrow we will write to the blessed presence of ‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá,’ I replied to him, ‘and inquire of this matter.’ Next
> morning we wrote to the Holy Land and after a while I
> received a Tablet revealed in my honor.564
> 
> Mírzá Qabil quotes the text of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s tablet which among
> other matters states, “... Inform the honored Muhammad-Sádiq Khán
> 564 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 19-20.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 316 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> that day appears after the black night and that world-enveloping light
> breaks through from the cover of darkness. The rose comes forth from a
> thorny stem and diverse flowers are raised from the lowly soil. Luscious
> fruits appear on the wooden branches of trees and ‘He causeth the living
> to issue from the dead, and He is the one to cause the dead to issue from
> the living.’565 ... Therefore, do not despair. Pray unto the divine threshold
> of the Almighty and fervently beseech Him to forgive your father
> through the divine breezes of celestial absolution, to waft over him a
> wave from the ocean of His mercy and to cleanse him from the filth of
> wrongdoing and transgression. ... If the burial shrine of the heads of the
> martyrs is raised with utmost spirituality and beauty, it would assuredly
> cause nearness to the court of divine unity.”566
> Likewise, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq received a communication from
> ‘Abdu'l-Bahá in which the same sentiments were expressed.567
> After receiving these correspondences, Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq
> contributed toward construction of a memorial building over the spot
> where the heads of the martyred Nayrízís were buried.568 Muhammad-
> 
> 565 Qur’án 6:95
> 566 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, pp. 20-21.
> 567 For the text see Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 21.
> 568 The following is recorded by E.G. Browne in the notes accompanying his
> translation of A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 259-261, and the original appears in A Year
> Amongst the Persians, pp. 440-442:
> When I was in Yezd in the early summer of 1888, I became
> acquainted with a Bábí holding a position of some importance under
> the government, two of whose ancestors had taken a prominent part
> in the suppression of the Níríz insurrection. Of what he told me
> concerning this the following is a summary taken from my diary for
> May 18th, 1888:
> ‘My maternal grandfather Mihr ‘Alí Khán Shuja‘u’l-Mulk and
> my great-uncle Mírzá Na‘ím took an active part in the Níríz war – but
> on the wrong side. When orders came to Shiraz to quell the insurrection,
> my grandfather was instructed to take command of the expedition
> sent for that purpose. He did not like the task committed to him and
> communicated his reluctance to two of the ‘ulamá, who, however,
> assured him, declaring that the war on which he was about to engage
> was an holy enterprise sanctioned by Religion, and that he would
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 317
> 
> ‘Alí Faydí reports that the construction project commenced on the
> anniversary of the Báb’s declaration in 1324 A.H., which corresponds to
> 27 June 1906. The Siráju’l-Hukamá took the lead in the effort, himself
> contributing the cost of raising a tall fence surrounding the grounds. In
> the same year, he completed the northern rooms of the building and
> arranged many verdant and beautiful gardens around the main structure.
> He continued to spend a portion of his personal estate towards
> completion of the building and the beautification of the surrounding
> grounds and in his will appointed his son, Áqá Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh as the
> custodian of the site. When he passed on 14 November 1913, he was
> buried in the first room of this edifice. During this time, the ground was
> 
> receive reward therefore in Paradise. So he went, and what happened
> happened. After they had killed 750 men, they took the women and
> children, stripped them almost naked, mounted them on donkeys,
> mules, and camels, and led them through rows of heads hewn from
> the lifeless bodies of their fathers, brothers, sons, and husbands
> towards Shiraz. On their arrival there, they were placed in a ruined
> caravansary just outside the Isfahán gate and opposite to an Imamzadeh, their captors taking up their quarters under some trees hard by.
> Here they remained for a long time, subjected to many insults and
> hardships, and many of them died.
> ‘Now see the judgement of God on the oppressors; for of
> those chiefly responsible for these cruelties not one but came to a bad
> end and died overwhelmed with calamity.
> ‘My grandfather Mihr ‘Alí Khán presently fell ill and was
> dumb till the day of his death. Just as he was about to expire, those
> who stood round him saw from the movement of his lips that he was
> whispering something. They leant down to catch his last words and
> heard him murmur faintly “Bábí! Bábí! Bábí!” three time. The he fell
> back dead.
> ‘My grand-uncle Mírzá Na‘ím fell into disgrace with the
> government and was twice fined, 10,000 tumáns the first time, 15,000
> the second. But his punishment did not cease here, for he was made
> to suffer diverse tortures. His hands were put in the el-chek and his
> feet in the Tang-i-Kajar; he was made to stand bare-headed in the sun
> with treacle smeared over his head to attract the flies; and, after
> suffering these and other torments yet more painful and humiliating
> he was dismissed a disgraced and ruined man.’
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 318 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> generally known as Bagh Hakím [the garden of Hakím].
> Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí reports that in 1337 A.H./1919, Dr.
> Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh and a group of Bahá’ís from Ábádih met with ‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá while on Bahá’í pilgrimage.569 One day he was summoned into
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence and was given the text of a visitation tablet
> written in honor of his father. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá remarked, “Surely, you have
> understood the meaning of this Tablet. This Tablet is revealed for your
> father.570 In truth, he was the first to raise the standard of the Faith in
> Ábádih. By what name do the people refer to the burial place of the
> martyrs in that city?” Dr. Ágáh responded, “Bahá’ís call it Bágh Ru’us’sh-
> Shuhadá [Garden of the Martyrs’ Heads] and other people call it Bagh
> Hakím.” ‘Abdu’l-Bahá paused for a moment and then, while standing,
> revealed a tablet bestowing upon him the permanent custodianship of
> that site and named it “Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán” [The Garden of the
> Merciful]:
> 
> He is God.
> 
> To the honored Mírzá Badí‘u’lláh Khán, the illustrious son
> of Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh Khán, upon both rest the Glory of God,
> the Most Glorious.
> He is God.
> O God! These heads were severed in Thy path and
> became the ornament of Thy garden and are buried in the
> Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán. O Lord! Make this land a verdant spot,
> and this realm to be filled with flowers and sweet verdure,
> and make it radiant through Thy divine favors. Grant the
> custodianship of the Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán to Thy servant,
> Badí‘u’lláh Ágáh, so that among his descendants this grace
> may bring forth divine favors.
> 
> 569 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 124-125. This source states that the information on Ábádih
> 
> is extracted from a family biographical account penned by Dr. Badi‘u’lláh Ágáh.
> 570 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s visitation tablet for the Siráju’l-Hukamá is quoted in Táríkh Amrí
> 
> Ábádih, pp. 26-27, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 124.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 319
> 
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá ‘Abbás.571
> 
> Subsequently ‘Abdu’l-Bahá composed a visitation tablet to be
> recited at the Hadiqatu’r-Rahmán and portion of it reads:
> 
> That sanctified earth that was ennobled by the severed heads
> of the martyrs is, of a certainty, holy and resplendent. Verily
> it transcends the highest pavilions of creation. The dwellers
> of the Supreme Concourse perpetually circumambulate that
> resplendent shrine and the hearts of the near ones are
> humbled before it.572
> 
> 571 Táríkh Amrí Ábádih, p. 24, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 125.
> 572 Muhádirát, p. 782.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 320 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Chapter 15
> 
> Transition from Bábí to Bahá’í Community
> 
> Be thou as a flame of fire to My enemies and a river of life eternal to
> My loved ones, and be not of those who doubt.
> Lawh-i Ahmad
> 
> Although bitterly tried and tested on two separate occasions, the Bábís
> of Nayríz proved themselves utterly resilient and undefeatable in the face
> of the combined forces of the Qájár State, corrupt feudalism, and
> religious fanaticism. With each incident of persecution and bloodshed,
> the community’s members grew deeper roots of faith and resolve, and
> the community developed its own distinct identity. As devastating in its
> immediate effect, and as painful and heart-wrenching as it was to witness
> the heroic sacrifice of many hundreds of the Bábís, these episodes of
> persecutions proved providentially the source of life for that community
> and guaranteed its eventual consolidation and endurance.
> What took place next is of paramount importance in the process
> of transition from a Bábí to Bahá’í community, as the Bábís of Nayríz
> were able to successfully and thoroughly transfer their allegiance from
> their initial apocalyptic devotion to the Báb, to the religion of Bahá’u’lláh
> and to embrace the new teachings as they unfolded. For this reason, this
> community offers a prime opportunity to study this transition from a
> militant, messianic, revolutionary group, to a peace-loving, law-abiding,
> progressive-minded society of people. As this process unfolded,
> however, it was anything but simple and painless. The sufferings, the
> heroism, the sacrifices and all the deeds that gave sustenance to the
> nascent community continued to propel the transition process forward.
> It seems that the best way to gain a perspective into this transformation
> is to examine the lives of a number of survivors from the pogroms of
> 1853 and to see how they dealt with this transitional period. Through
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 321
> 
> their story, the central features that helped build a Bahá’í community can
> well be discerned.
> 
> 1. Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí573
> Mullá Muhammad was born in A.H. 1260 (A.D. 1844) to a family known
> for learning and piety across several generations. His grandfather, Mullá
> ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, had been closely associated with Vahíd Dárábí in earlier
> days and, on hearing the news of his approach to Nayríz in 1850,
> hastened to welcome him in the company of his five sons, three brothers
> and a large multitude from the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter of their native
> town. This group went as far as Rúníz, a distance of sixty kilometers
> from Nayríz, to meet the celebrated Vahíd. On hearing him recount the
> news the Báb’s proposals and reforms, they all readily embraced the new
> movement. Throughout the succeeding events of 1850, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
> Husayn and his sons stood firm by Vahíd, rendered many important
> services, showed much valor, and suffered injuries in the ensuing battles.
> For the next two years, while his father had taken refuge in the
> mountains, the young Muhammad Shafí‘, his mother and infant brother,
> lived with their wounded grandfather till the events of the summer and
> fall of 1853 unfolded, when once again a severe pogrom against the Bábí
> community was launched. For the second time, the entire family joined
> several hundreds of their co-religionists in defending their religion, this
> time in the nearby mountains. The family of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
> showed remarkable bravery and fortitude and all five of his sons along
> with other male members of the family perished during the events.
> Taken captive were the eighty-year old Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the nineyear old Muhammad Shafí‘, his young and defenseless mother and his
> toddler brother (who was killed shortly thereafter), and they joined
> hundreds of other Bábís as prisoners of a victorious enemy. As a gift for
> a tyrannical governor, this unfortunate band was sent to Shiraz,
> accompanied by the heads of their loved-ones impaled on spears.
> In that town the women and children were thrown into dungeons
> 
> 573 Information in this section is culled from Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 322 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and the men sent to Tehran to stand accused before the royal throne.
> However, Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, frail with sufferings and old age, passed
> away en route to Tehran in the village of Sa‘ádat-Ábád574, where he was
> beheaded by guards and his body left in a ditch. His head, together with
> the heads of over two hundred other martyrs, was eventually buried in
> Ábádih.
> Muhammad Shafí‘ and his mother, being the sole survivors of the
> entire clan, were released from captivity after a period of time. The
> Imám-Jum‘ih of Shiraz, who in former days had been a close associate of
> the family and somewhat sympathetic to the Bábí reform, took the
> young lad under his tutelage and saw to his education. By dint of
> perseverance and natural talent, Muhammad Shafí‘ excelled in his studies
> and some years later, when the Imám-Jum‘ih’s grandson died and his
> office as the prayer-leader at Nayríz’s Masjid Jami‘ Kabír was left vacant,
> Mullá Shafí‘ was appointed to this prestigious and influential post.575
> After the passing of his first wife, the same Imám-Jum‘ih in Shiraz
> arranged for his grand-daughter, Khávar-Sultán, to be married to Mullá
> Shafí‘ thereby expanding the influence of the new son-in-law and
> solidifying his position in the community.576
> Having established himself, Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ set out to
> rebuild the Bábí and the Proto-Bahá’í community. He exerted much
> effort in gathering the scattered Bábís and consolidating the nucleus of
> the community. To this end, he would arrange living-quarters for those
> in need and ensure that employment awaited them at the time of their
> arrival. In looking after the poor, it is reported that he would bring
> supplies to the homes of the needy, and unbeknownst to them, leave
> provisions for the household. Through the efforts of Mullá Shafí‘, once
> more, the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter was occupied by the survivors of the
> 1850-53 persecutions and their descendants, who by this time had
> transferred their allegiance to the Bahá’í faith and would regularly
> 
> 574 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 129, gives the village as Siyyidán.
> 575 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 131, reports that after Mullá Shafí‘ the same post was
> entrusted to his son, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn.
> 576 See Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, p. 436, for a letter of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá addressed to
> 
> Khávar-Sultán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 323
> 
> organize activities, such as the observance of nineteen-day feasts and
> Bahá’í holy days, on a large scale.
> The dwelling of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ became the place where
> all Bahá’í visitors would arrive and enjoy his hospitality. Once again
> Nayríz emerged as an important center of activity and many prominent
> promoters of the religion, such as Hájí Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí, Mírzá
> Muharram, Mírzá Mahmúd Zarqání and Mírzá Jalál Zarqání came
> through that region, and Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ would see to their
> comfort and needs.
> The devotion of Mullá Shafí‘ to the service of his fellow man was
> recognized and encouraged in several communications of Bahá’u’lláh. In
> the summer of 1858, Mullá Shafí‘ and a companion, Karbalá’í
> Muhammad-Sálih, were permitted to visit Bahá’u’lláh in Baghdad.577 It is
> said that in this journey he recognized the station of Bahá’u’lláh who as
> yet had not declared a formal role for himself.
> In this regard, Mullá Shafí‘ began to educate the community in the
> writings of Bahá’u’lláh and to familiarize them with his vision and
> approach. Year by year, the dynamic of the community began to change
> and bonds of friendship between the Bahá’ís and other sectors of society
> grew stronger, to the point that considerable commerce was taking place
> between the two groups. Fath-‘Alí Khán, the son of the slain Zaynu’l-
> ‘Ábidín Khán578, determined that the wisest course for government was
> to ensure peace in the region and he began to establish important ties
> with the Bahá’í community. Mullá Shafí‘ was able to secure a peace-treaty
> in the course of one of his contacts with Fath-‘Alí Khán, guaranteeing
> that for the rest of the governor’s term, he would not interfere with the
> affairs of the Bahá’ís. In turn, Bahá’ís set aside their age-old complaint
> about having lost their loved-ones and properties in the two previous
> waves of Bábí persecution, foregoing taking active steps for restitution.
> While he was in office, Fath-‘Alí Khán observed the agreement to deal
> 
> 577 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 131.
> 578 As noted previously, Haji Zaynu’l-‘Abidin Khan was the governor of Nayríz
> 
> who, though in earlier days he had been a friend of Vahíd Dárábí, instigated the first
> Bábí persecution there in 1850. His assassination by the Bábís in 1852 sparked the
> second wave of the Bábí repression in Nayríz.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 324 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> with the community fairly and amicably.579 In fact, at a later time he
> wrote to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who expressed his acknowledgement.580
> Having dealt with potential sources of external pressure, the Bábí-
> Bahá’í community was now in need of protection from another quarter,
> namely, the writings of Mírzá Yahyá Azal, who declared himself to be
> the Báb’s appointed successor, and derided the claims of his halfbrother, Bahá’u’lláh. Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ and a few other welllettered members of the community saw to it that correspondence and
> writings from Azalís were returned unread. It is very likely that because
> of his influence, Azalís were never able to gain a foothold in Nayríz.
> All through these years, Mullá Shafi‘ organized weekly classes to
> expand the community’s understanding of the Bábí the Bahá’í writings
> and visitors were asked to bring copies of new communications received
> from ‘Akká, which were studied with great concentration. It was partly
> because of these activities that when, after the passing of Bahá’u’lláh,
> Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí began to advance claims against ‘Abdu’l-Bahá,
> 
> 579 Hájí ‘Ali Sayyáh, writes the following in his autobiography (Khátirat Hájí Sayyáh,
> 
> p. 171):
> Towards the end of Ramadan 1295 A.H. [September 1878], I arrived
> at Nayríz. I walked through the streets and bazaar and saw the city
> desolate and the people destitute. I asked, “Who is the governor of
> this town?” They said, “It is Siyyid Báqir Khán Tafrrushi, a malicious
> and ill-tempered man. Previously Fath-‘Alí Khán held this post, but
> [the governor-general of Fárs,] the Mu’tamidu’d-Dawlih, summoned
> him to Shiraz and demanded excessive gratuity [in form of taxes]
> although the people were unable to pay. Incapable of complying, the
> order for the execution of Fath-‘Alí Khán was issued. Siyyid Báqir
> Khán took advantage of the situation, paid the required sum and
> ransomed Fath-‘Alí Khán’s life on the condition that he would never
> return to Nayríz. Now, [being the governor of this town], he believes
> that he owns the life and possessions of all the wretched Nayrízís and
> therefore commits all manner of atrocities. Since previously the
> people in this quarter were Bayánís [i.e. Bábís], their homes have been
> ruined. Out of fear that if they complain, then Siyyid Báqir Khan
> would accuse them of being a Bábí, no one says anything.”
> 580 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s letter to Fath-‘Alí Khán is quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 134-
> 
> 135.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 325
> 
> none in Nayríz heeded his call and the community remained unaffected.
> All his communications and those of his brothers and followers were
> either destroyed or returned to them – a fact praised by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.
> Another important step undertaken by Mullá Shafí‘ was to
> commence business association with Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, surnamed
> Núri’d-Din by Bahá’u’lláh, and to engage a number of others from
> Nayríz in this activity. These commercial dealings not only provided a
> number of Bahá’ís with means of livelihood, but also enabled them to
> establish important ties with the prominent figures of commerce and
> industry in Nayríz, which further served to protect the community from
> potential enemies. Many of these associations with Nayríz businessmen
> resulted in their conversion to the Bahá’í faith.
> Towards the end of his life Mullá Shafí‘ was in regular
> communication with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, which resulted in his being
> encouraged to undertake new services. He began to travel extensively
> throughout the region and for a while lived in Rafsinján and helped with
> the consolidation of that Bahá’í community. He returned to Nayríz and
> passed away at the age of fifty-five in A.H. 1315 (A.D. 1896), initially
> buried in the public cemetery, and later re-interred in the Bahá’í
> cemetery.581
> Mullá Shafí‘ was survived by seven children: Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-
> Husayn; Nurijan Rawhání582; Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn ‘Ahdiyih;
> Gawhar Khánum Shua‘; Túbá Shua‘; Jahán Thábit; and Fátimih ‘Irfán.
> These descendants played significant roles in the unfolding destiny of the
> Nayríz community, and together with other Bahá’ís of Nayríz, they
> suffered extensively in Nayríz-III, the next massive pogrom in that
> region.583
> 
> 581 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 1, p. 578.
> 582 Two of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s letters addressed to her are in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp.
> 
> 436-437.
> 583 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 870, gives a brief, but slightly different, biography
> 
> of Mullá Shafí‘:
> Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí was a grandson of the martyred
> Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and his father was martyred as well. At the age
> of fourteen, together with his mother, he was sent to Shiraz as a
> prisoner of war. After two years, he was released and returned to his
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 326 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> On the news of the passing of Mullá Shafí‘, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
> composed a tablet of visitation in his memory.584
> In addition to the his important narrative recorded earlier in these
> pages, it is known that Mullá Shafí‘ has written several historical
> accounts, one of which is the Táríkh Amrí Ardistán [History of the Cause
> in Ardistán] which remains unpublished.
> 
> 2. Children of Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí585
> The story of Siyyid Ja‘far was outlined in earlier pages. Three of his
> children were important actors in the Nayríz community’s transition
> from a Bábí to a Bahá’í way of life.
> 
> 2.a. Fátimih Bagum
> She was born in 1843 and from an early age was educated by her father
> in the Persian and Arabic languages, and soon excelled in both. Her early
> years were spent in great comfort, as Siyyid Ja‘far ranked among the
> influential citizens of Nayríz. As noted earlier, upon the conclusion of
> 
> native town. Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the governor of Nayríz,
> took his mother in marriage and provided him with education. Soon
> Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ emerged as the principal religious figure of
> the region, as well as a wealthy man. He constantly looked after the
> needy and the poor, and this attracted the attention of the citizens.
> Fath-‘Alí Khán, son of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who
> became the governor of Nayríz, was an admirer of Mullá Shafí‘ and
> through the latter sent a missive to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and was honored
> with the favor of a reply. Because of this, the Bahá’ís of Nayríz were
> not harassed by the ill-wishers. After some time, Mullá Shafí‘ married
> a granddaughter of the Imam-Jum‘ih of Shiraz. Though known to all
> as a Bábí, he had much influence in religious rulings and affairs. He
> was the recipient of tablets from Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, and
> passed away in 1315 A.H. [1896]. A tablet of visitation was revealed in
> his honor by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.
> 584 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 432, Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 138-139, and a facsimile of
> 
> the original in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 137.
> 585 The information in the reminder of this section is culled from Lam‘átu’l-Anvár,
> 
> vol. 1, or other cited sources.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 327
> 
> the battles between the Bábís and the government forces in 1850, an
> extremely intense period of repression followed for all the Bábís and it
> was particularly hard on the family of Siyyid Ja‘far, who on a daily basis
> were ordered into the streets to see their father chained and bloody,
> enduring all manner of persecution. One can only imagine the tears of
> anguish that streamed from$ the eyes of the children during their father’s
> nine months of ordeals, and how they must have spent their nights
> wondering if they would see him alive once more. Never waning in
> devotion to their cause, but having lost all earthly possessions, they
> passed their days in very modest surroundings and survived on small
> rations that were brought to them by ‘Alí Sardár and a few other Bábís in
> hiding. At last, their father was fortuitously delivered from captivity and
> they proceeded to Yazd, and finding that town sorely agitated, left for
> Harát where they stayed for the next four years.
> The family then returned to Yazd where after six years of stay,
> Fátimih Bagum married Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl, one of the influential
> citizens of the city and a man with widespread commercial interests.
> During the next few years, she lived in great comfort and gave birth to
> three children. She asked her husband to move the family to Nayríz at
> this time when the winds of persecution seemed to have subsided.
> On the way to Nayríz the family stayed at the village of Qutriyih
> and during this time the news was brought to the governor, Lutf-‘Alí
> Khán, of their imminent arrival to Nayríz. Thinking that Fátimih Bagum
> was returning to reclaim her father’s properties that had been confiscated
> nearly a decade and a half earlier, the governor was perturbed and
> ordered his agents to assassinate Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl. In her early
> twenties, Fátimih Bagum thus became a widow with no means of
> support for her three children, ranging in age from one to four years old.
> The news of her condition was brought to Mullá Shafí‘, who
> immediately arranged for several of her co-religionists to go to Qutriyih
> and bring with them Fátimih Bagum and her children, who were then
> housed in Nayríz and looked after. Her brother, Siyyid Muhammad, was
> also informed of the situation and moved his residence to Nayríz where
> he married and settled. Gradually, Fátimih Bagum was able to provide
> the necessary support for her children and see to their education and
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 328 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> proper upbringing.
> Fátimih Bagum possessed an excellent command of both Persian
> and Arabic and exerted herself in the education of other Bahá’í women
> in Nayríz. She regularly conducted classes for women to deepen their
> knowledge of the scriptures of the faith and openly taught the Muslim
> women of Nayríz about the Bábí the Bahá’í religions – an effort that
> won many converts and sympathizers.
> Perhaps the greatest legacy of Fátimih Bagum lies in the services
> that she provided in this period of transition to the women of Nayríz – a
> legacy immortalized by Bahá’u’lláh in a tablet written in her honor
> around 1879.586 She passed away in 1300 A.H./1883587 and was survived
> by three children: Núrí-Ján Bagum; Sughrá Bagum; and Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-
> Husayn. The second daughter died in her youth, but the other two
> became important pillars of the community during the persecution of
> Nayríz-III.
> 
> 2.b. Siyyid Músá
> Having to endure the same hardship in childhood as his sister, Siyyid
> Músá was no stranger to the requirements of sacrifice for the promotion
> of the Bábí movement. In his childhood in both Harát and Yazd, he
> studied under the tutelage of his father and mastered the Arabic language
> and other religious studies, and developed an excellent naskh
> penmanship. At a young age he married the sister of Hájí Muhammad-
> Táhir Málmírí, and because of his skills and personality was soon
> appointed by the Afnáns to oversee their properties in Bávanát where he
> lived for the rest of his life. It was there that he established a strong
> nucleus for the Bahá’í community and fearlessly taught the faith to
> everyone he encountered.
> 
> 586 In this tablet reference is made to the martyrdoms of Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn,
> 
> surnamed the Mahbubu’sh-Shuhadá, and his brother, Mírzá Muhammad-Hasan, titled
> the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá, which took place in Isfahán in 1879. For details see Eminent
> Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 33-51.
> 587 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 227. This date may be a typographical error as on page
> 
> 229 of the same source reference is made to her giving consent to the marriage of her
> daughter in the year 1302 A.H/1884.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 329
> 
> During the 1903 pogrom of the Bahá’ís in Yazd and its
> surrounding region, he suffered extensive financial and physical
> difficulties, but was able to rescue his brother-in-law, Málmírí, and his
> family and bring them to Bávanát. However, because of the hardship of
> the journey, three of Málmírí’s infant children died and his wife,
> Khánum Laqá, fell ill and was sent to Nayríz for treatment.
> His lifelong services to the Bahá’í community and its promotion
> were recognized in at least four tablets from Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-
> Bahá. He married Sughrá Bagum who brought him a daughter,
> Jamáliyyih Bagum, and a son, Siyyid Jalál.
> 
> 2.c. Siyyid Muhammad
> As noted earlier, on hearing the news of martyrdom of his brother-inlaw in Qutriyih, Siyyid Muhammad hastened to Nayríz to look after his
> sister and her infant children. It was there that he married a daughter of
> Siyyid Báqir (and sister of Siyyid Mihdí Yazdí). As he possessed an
> exquisite naskh penmanship, he spent his time scribing Bahá’í
> manuscripts for the community. He also commenced systematic
> education classes for the children of the Bahá’í community so that from
> a young age they could be trained in the fundamental laws and
> ordinances of the new religion. It is in this regard that his most
> important contribution to transforming the life of the community must
> be evaluated. Siyyid Muhammad treated all with the utmost compassion
> and kindness and possessed a dignified bearing. To this date, seven
> tablets of Bahá’u’lláh addressed to him have been located. He passed
> away in Nayríz.
> 
> 3. Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn
> A devoted Bábí since Vahíd’s first arrival in Nayríz when his own father,
> the renowned Mullá Báqir, had converted to the new religion, he
> survived the pogroms of 1850 and 1853. Through his relationship with
> Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shíráz, he was appointed Imám-
> Jum‘ih of the Masjid Jámi‘ Kabír in Nayríz and custodian of religious
> endowments. He was a gifted poet whose art was cherished throughout
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 330 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Nayríz and who had adopted the sobriquets “Vafá” [fidelity] and
> “Muhtashim” [magnificent].588 Upon hearing the news of the declaration
> of Bahá’u’lláh, he versed a number of questions and sent them to
> Bahá’u’lláh, receiving a response in the form of the renowned Suriy Vafá
> composed in ‘Akká.589
> Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn married twice but had no children.
> He married a third time, a Bábí woman by the name of Fátimih, whose
> young husband had been martyred in 1853 and herself taken captive to
> Shíráz along with her seven month-old baby, where the baby died
> because of the hardships and lack of proper care. From this marriage a
> daughter by the name of Khávar-Sultán was born, who later married
> Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘ and suffered bitter persecution in 1909 during
> Nayríz-III.
> The days of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn were spent in protecting
> the community and enriching its zeal and devotion. With his innate
> eloquence he would teach the younger generation the writings of the Báb
> and Bahá’u’lláh that were in their possession, and prepare them for the
> next phase of the community’s future.
> 
> 4. The Sister of Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár
> In courage and fortitude the equal of her remarkable brother, she had
> been only thirteen or fourteen years old in 1853 and had stood by the
> Sardár in all phases of the struggle. At its conclusion, she was taken
> captive and sent to Shíráz, where after much hardship she was eventually
> released. She returned to Nayríz and married Mullá Husayn, a son of
> Mashhadí Ismá‘íl, and had three children: Mírzá ‘Alí; a daughter who
> married ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Háfiz; and another daughter (whose name
> has not been recorded) who married Hájí Muhammad, son of Hájí
> 
> 588 A selection of his poems is printed in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 242-248.
> 589 The text of the original tablet in Arabic is in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 418-425;
> 
> Majmú‘ih az Alwah Jamál Aqdas Abhá ki ba‘d az Kitáb Aqdas Názil Shudih, pp. 112-119;
> Áthár Qalam A‘lá, vol. 4, pp. 418-423 of 125BE version and pp. 350-358 of 133BE
> printing. An English translation appears in Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 181-191; and a
> brief discussion is available in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 4, pp. 205-213.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 331
> 
> Qásim . These descendants rendered important services during the
> Nayríz-III persecutions. She herself lived a long life and related the
> details of events she had witnessed to Mírzá Shafi‘ Rawhání, on whose
> history I have relied.
> 
> 5. Mother of Humáyún
> As a newly wed, this young woman (whose name is not known) joined
> her husband in the battles of 1852-3 where he was martyred. She was
> pregnant with a child at that time. She fell captive and was taken to
> Shíráz. On the way there, enduring the hardship and trials of the way and
> in the presence of her husband’s severed head that along with other
> martyrs’ heads accompanied the wretched company, she gave birth to a
> girl in the fields. After being freed from captivity, together with other
> Bábí women, she was received by the widow of the Báb, Khadíjih
> Bagum, and received bountiful attention. On that occasion, Khadíjih
> Bagum presented each of the Nayrízí women with a scarf, and named
> the young girl born in captivity Humáyún [auspicious].
> On returning to Nayríz, the mother and daughter spent some time
> there until Hájí Mírzá Ahmad Káshání590 asked for the young mother’s
> hand in marriage. Some years later, upon reaching adulthood, Humáyún
> married Mullá Áqá Bábá, an itinerant and learned teacher of the Bahá’í
> faith in Shíráz.
> 
> 6. Fátimih
> At the age of sixteen, together with her family she participated in the
> battles of 1853 where she was taken prisoner and sent to Shíráz. It is
> related that her father, a certain Khájíh Muhammad-Husayn, had fled to
> Karbál (one of the districts of Shíráz), and on hearing the news of the
> 
> 590 He was a half-brother of the famous Bábí martyr-historian Mírzá Jání Káshí and
> 
> the celebrated Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl, surnamed Dhabíh and Anís. In spite of
> Bahá’u’lláh’s counsel, he threw his lot with the Azalis and was eventually killed in
> Baghdad because of his reprehensible conduct. For more details, consult Revelation of
> Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, pp. 137-138.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 332 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> captivity of his wife and daughter became deeply depressed and expired
> shortly thereafter. After gaining her freedom, Fátimih returned to
> Nayríz, married Khájih Ismá‘íl and had three children. She lived a long
> and productive life, often serving the sick and destitute in the
> community and generally acting as a midwife and practitioner of
> traditional medicine. Frequently she related the details of the early days
> of the faith for Rawhání who penned these accounts for posterity.
> Fátimih passed away in her native town.
> 
> 7. Khájih Muhammad
> He was a son of Karbalá’í Báqir and together with his mother he was
> made captive in 1853 at the age of ten. They were released some time
> later and returned to Nayríz. Khájih Muhammad grew to adulthood in
> the depths of poverty, but with the memories of his own sufferings in
> childhood, coupled with the guiding hand of his mother, his devotion to
> the movement remained exemplary. Gradually, he became engaged in
> dealing cotton bales, and soon received the attention of the Nayríz
> authorities who appointed him kad-khudá [neighborhood chief].
> He lived a long life, and with his forthright attitude and bravery,
> was always a pillar of strength for the community. When the Local
> Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Nayríz was formed, Khájih
> Muhammad was elected to its membership and served with distinction
> for fifteen years. His house hosted many Bahá’í activities and the visitors
> and friends frequented that dwelling on their visits to Nayríz. At the age
> of 68, together with his two sons, Mírzá Muhammad-Báqir and
> Fadlu’lláh591, he was to suffer yet again in the Nayríz-III tragedy when
> his house and properties were plundered by a crazed mob. He left for
> Sarvistán, but eventually was able to return to Nayríz and rebuild his
> home.592
> Rawhání reports that while on pilgrimage in 1339 A.H./1921, he
> presented the supplications of the Nayríz Bahá’ís to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who
> 
> 591 The sons adopted the surname Paymání.
> 592 For a description of the migration of the Bahá’ís of Nayríz to Sarvistán in 1909
> 
> see, In the Land of Refuge, chapter 16.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 333
> 
> responded that he intended to reply to all others in a single tablet, but as
> Khájíh Muhammad was a survivor of the Nayríz persecutions of the
> early days, he deserved receiving a separate, special tablet.593 He passed
> away in Nayríz at the age of ninety.
> 
> 8. Áqá Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir
> His father, Siyyid Mírzá Muhammad-‘Abid, had served Vahíd in 1850
> and subsequently participated in the second upheaval where he fell
> captive and was martyred. His mother was a niece of Muhammad-Ridá
> Khán, the uncle of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, and as such, after the death of
> his father, the family remained unmolested and lived with Muhammad-
> Ridá Khán for about two years, after which they gave up the comfort of
> that house in to go and live in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter with the other
> believers. For years the mother and son lived in abject poverty, making
> ends meet with a meager income from raising sheep and attending the
> land. Being related to Luft-‘Alí Khán, the governor, provided the family
> a measure of protection from harassment by the general population,
> which by association was extended to the rest of the Bahá’í community.
> When Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir reached manhood, he became a
> farmer and soon married and had two sons and four daughters: Siyyid
> Muhammad-Sádiq; Mírzá Amír Khán; Bíbí Bagum; Khayru’n-Nisá;
> Fátimih Bagum; and Khánum Ján. Most of these descendants married
> other Bahá’ís and remained active in the fold, although some suffered
> persecution in later phases of the community’s life.
> 
> 9. Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán
> As noted earlier, he was a nephew of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and had
> stood with Vahíd in the course of the 1850 uprising, serving as the
> 
> 593 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 265, notes that the text of this tablet has not been located
> 
> as yet. However, by the time the second volume of this series was published this tablet
> was found and is printed in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 441-442. Another tablet
> addressed to him is in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 440-441.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 334 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> chronicler of those events.594 He was about to take Vahíd’s daughter in
> marriage when the conclusion of the events and the general massacre of
> the Bábís prevented this union. It is said that immediately after the final
> episode of Nayríz-I, together with his brothers and by means of a
> difficult mountainous route, he escaped to Dáráb and because of his
> family relation with Muhammad-Sharíf Khán, the governor of the
> Khamsih tribe, he was able to secure a ruling exempting him from
> further prosecution. Armed with this protective shield for himself and
> his brothers, they returned to Nayríz shortly thereafter.
> It is further reported that Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was aware of
> the plans for the assassination of his uncle Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán,
> the man responsible for the murder of his father, and perhaps even had a
> hand in the formulation of these plans, but managed to distance himself
> from any suspicion.595 After the governor’s demise, he continued to
> enjoy the protection of Fath-‘Alí Khán and did not take part in the
> Nayríz-II events. After the 1853 events, he continued to provide material
> assistance to the survivors and to the emerging Bahá’í community. In
> succeeding decades, he devoted himself to ensuring that the Bahá’ís were
> safeguarded from the envy of the authorities and any form of
> persecution.
> From a young age, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was a gifted poet and
> employed the sobriquet Shu‘lih (flame). Among his well-known works
> are verses written on the legendary story of Farhád and Shírín which are
> closely modeled after Nizámí’s style, and published under the title,
> Khusraw va Shírín. The editor of his poems notes that Muhammad-Ja‘far
> died as a believer in Bahá’u’lláh in Nayríz and was buried in a place
> known as Mussalá (or Imám-Zádigán) and eventually his tombstone was
> destroyed.
> One of his younger brothers, Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán,
> 
> 594 A single verse of his Jang-Námih is preserved in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 263:
> 
> Zi gard-i savaran-u dud-i tufang
> zamin gasht tirih chu pusht-i palang
> From the dust of cavalry and the smoke of guns
> the earth turned dark much like tiger’s skin.
> 595 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 262.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 335
> 
> though outwardly he did not count himself among the Bahá’ís, was
> deeply sympathetic to the faith. In fact his wife, a daughter of Áqá
> Muhammad-Ridá Khán, was a knowledgeable believer and raised their
> son, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí as a devoted Bahá’í who was the recipient
> of much kindness from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. He, in turn, had two sons and a
> daughter, respectively named Ridá Khán Hisámí, Mírzá Áqá Khán, and
> Zahrá-Sultán, who suffered in the course of later persecutions.
> 
> 10. Two Sons of Karbalá’í Muhammad
> During the 1853 battles in the mountain, he was one of the defenders,
> entrusted with the supervision of eighteen others in the fortification
> named after him. During the last phase of the war, together with his sons
> he escaped from captivity and eventually returned to Nayríz where he
> lived a long and prosperous life. His two sons who accompanied him in
> the battles were:
> 
> 10.a. Hájí Ibrahim
> Known as Ustád Hájí, he was a devoted Bábí with firm convictions.
> Even though his wife was from a quarter of Nayríz other than Chinár-
> Súkhtih (where all the Bábís, and later on Bahá’ís, resided) and was
> initially not a believer, gradually she was attracted to the Bábí movement
> to the point that she surpassed him in zeal and service. They had three
> children, Mu’min, Fátimih, and Muhammad-‘Alí, who suffered in the
> course of Nayríz-III.
> 
> 10.b. ‘Alí
> He also went into hiding after the conclusion of the 1853 events, but
> eventually returned to Nayríz and began to devotedly serve the
> community. He had three sons from his marriage, Lutfu’lláh, Badí‘u’lláh
> and Amru’lláh, and died at a young age. The first son served with his
> father in 1853 mountain battles.
> 
> 11. Amír and His Brothers
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 336 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 11.a. Muhammad-Ibráhím
> Together with his brothers, Muhammad-Kázim and Muhammad-Báqir,
> he was among the bravest and the most selfless defenders in both the
> 1850 and 1853 events. In the latter episode the three brothers remained
> with the other companions until the bitter end, when all the food and
> gunpowder were consumed. After the last battle, prior to the general
> massacre of the men, they escaped into higher elevations. For some days
> they remained hidden in various locations until three armed soldiers,
> following the instructions of the authorities to locate and seize all
> dispersed Bábís, chanced upon them and captured the three brothers.
> “Three farrashes pinned his [Muhammad-Ibráhím’s] arms and tied his
> hands behind him; but the Amír by mere strength burst his bonds,
> snatched a dagger from a farrash’s belt, saved himself [and his brothers]
> and escaped to ‘Iraq.”596
> Following a period of hiding, eventually Muhammad-Ibráhím
> heard the news of Bahá’u’lláh and hastened on foot to Baghdad to meet
> him. “There he engaged in writing down the sacred verses and later won
> the honor of serving at the Holy Threshold. Constant and steadfast, he
> remained on duty day and night.”597 During the journey of Bahá’u’lláh,
> first from Baghdad to Istanbul, and from there to Edirne, he served him
> as a personal guard, each night remaining vigilant in protection of
> Bahá’u’lláh’s tent and during the day seeing to his every need. It appears
> that it was during this time that the title “Amír” was given to him by
> Bahá’u’lláh,
> Muhammad-Ibráhím remained with Bahá’u’lláh’s family and in
> their company was sent to the prison-city of ‘Akká where he eventually
> married Habíbbíh and had a daughter named Badí‘ih, who at a later date
> married Husayn-Áqá Qahvih-Chí.598 Badí‘ih in turn had six children:
> three sons by the names of ‘Atau’lláh, Muhammad and Ahmad, (none of
> whom had descendants), and three daughters, Fátimih, Zaynab and
> Húbúr. Húbúr was killed in the United States in an automobile accident.
> 
> 596 Memorials of the Faithful, p. 94. The title “Amír” was bestowed on him by Bahá’u’lláh.
> 597 Memorials of the Faithful, p. 94.
> 598 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 872, notes that he was a son of Hájí ‘Alí-‘Askar
> 
> Tabrízí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 337
> 
> Zaynab married Dr. Zia Baghdadi, and Fátimih married Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar
> Nakhjavání and had two sons, Jalál and ‘Alíyu’lláh [known as, ‘Alí].599
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá paid Muhammad-Ibráhím this last tribute: “Thus the
> Amír was steadfast in service throughout his life; but after the ascension
> of Bahá’u’lláh his health steadily declined, and at last he left this world of
> dust behind him and hastened away to the unsullied world above. May
> God illumine the place where he rests with rays from the all-highest
> Realm. Unto him be salutations and praise. His bright shrine is in
> ‘Akká.”600
> 
> 11.b. Muhammad-Báqir
> In company of their brother, Amír, the two other brothers remained in
> the wilderness for a while, and when Amír proceeded to Baghdad,
> Muhammad-Báqir and Muhammad-Kázim returned to Nayríz and recommenced their lives there. Muhammad-Báqir soon married Nírí-Ján
> and began a quiet life dedicated to service to the community. He spent
> his days in assistance to other Bábís and promotion of the faith – an
> effort that won him ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s high praises documented in a
> remarkable tablet.
> Muhammad-Báqir had three sons and two daughters by the names
> of Muhammad-‘Alí, Muhammad-Hasan, Asadu’lláh, Khávar, and
> Munavvar. Following the example of their father’s selfless dedication to
> the community, the sons suffered bitterly during the course of Nayríz-
> III.
> 
> 11.c. Muhammad-Kázim
> He was always a companion of his brother, Muhammad-Báqir, and after
> returning to Nayríz served the remnants of the Bábí community by
> providing what support he could and gradually assisted in focusing their
> attention on Bahá’u’lláh and his new teachings. Two sons and two
> daughters survived him.
> 
> 599 ‘Alí Nakhjavání served on the Universal House of Justice from 1963-2003.
> 600 Memorials of the Faithful, pp. 94-95.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 338 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 12. Karbalá’í                      Muhammad-Sálih,                             son         of   Mullá
> Muhammad
> His father was Mullá Muhammad who had passed away prior to Vahíd’s
> arrival at Nayríz in 1850. Muhammad-Sálih was raised by his mother
> Fátimih and participated with her and other family members in the 1853
> battles where, along with his mother, he fell captive and was sent to
> Shiraz. Eventually they were released and returned to Nayríz, where
> through the care and education of his mother, Muhammad-Sálih grew in
> firmness in his beliefs and devotion. In time, he married Zahrá, a
> daughter of Shaykh Yúsuf who had fought on the side of Vahíd.
> When Mullá Muhammad-Shafí‘ decided to visit Bahá’u’lláh in
> Baghdad, Muhammad-Sálih joined him for the journey and there met
> with Bahá’u’lláh. On his return, propelled by the experience of a
> childhood spent being persecuted for his belief, and now inflamed
> further by having being inspired by Bahá’u’lláh, he rose to serve the
> community with remarkable fortitude. Having given his allegiance to
> Bahá’u’lláh and becoming a devoted Bahá’í, he served for many years on
> the Spiritual Assembly of Nayríz.
> Muhammad-Sálih was an important source of information for the
> events of Nayríz and was fond of recalling episodes of 1850 and 1853
> for the younger generation. At an advanced age in 1924 he rendered an
> important service by recalling the exact spot in front of Fort Khájih
> where hundreds of Vahíd’s companions had been buried after their
> martyrdom, thus enabling the Spiritual Assembly of that city to erect a
> mausoleum over that spot, thereby marking it for the future generations
> as they pay homage to the deeds of those heroes. He also had been
> present at the martyrdom of Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár and knew his exact burial
> location, which allowed an appropriate marker to be placed on that spot
> as well.
> The memory of this remnant of the early sufferings of the Nayríz
> community and important link to the next generation was immortalized
> by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in a moving tablet. Karbalá’í Muhammad-Sálih was
> survived by two children, Hájí Amru’lláh and Fátimih, both enduring
> much hardship in the course of the Nayríz-III episode.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 339
> 
> 13. The Wife of Mírzá Ismá‘íl
> Her name has not been recorded, but it is known that at a young age she
> became a captive with the other Bábí women, and after surviving the
> 1853 battles and returning to Nayríz, she married Mírzá Ismá‘íl, a son of
> Sádiq Khúshbín. From this marriage a son was born by the name of
> Mírzá Akbar, who in 1909 became one of the martyrs of Nayríz-III.
> After the death of Mírzá Ismá‘íl, she married Mírzá Muhsin and had
> another son, Mírzá Fathu’lláh, who made important contributions to the
> unfolding Bahá’í community.
> 
> 14. Mírzá Ja‘far, Surnamed Mírzá Jalál
> Mírzá Ja‘far participated with his father, Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn Qutb,
> in the battles of 1853 at the young age of fifteen, where his father had
> been in command and was martyred.601 With his mother he fell captive
> into the hands of Mírzá Na‘ím’s men and was taken to Nayríz. However,
> due to the intervention of his uncle, who ranked among the notable
> clerics of the city and was influential among the government authorities,
> the mother and son were not sent to Shiraz. The uncle nevertheless
> confiscated their entire estate, including their home and all its furniture,
> and constantly reproached his sister for becoming a Bábí. Soon, having
> had her fill of such abuse and taunting, she and her young son, Mírzá
> Ja‘far, left that house and relocated from the Bázár quarter to the Bábí
> neighborhood of Chinár-Súkhtih.
> Temporarily freed from the derision of the family, the mother and
> 
> 601 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 297, suggests that Qutb and Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár were
> 
> among the group of Haft-Barádarán [The Seven Brothers], but this is in conflict with
> the information given by Mullá Muhammad-Shafi‘. Further, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p.
> 297, suggests that all seven commanders were killed in the battle, but the present
> author has found no collaborative evidence for the martyrdom of Hájí, son of Asghar,
> and Husayn, son of Hádí Khayrí, who were also listed by Shafi‘ as part of this inner
> council. Therefore, either Lam‘átu’l-Anvár has limited the council of the Seven Brothers
> to Sardár, Qutb and five others, or the suggestion that all commanders perished is
> erroneous.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 340 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> son lived in a meager dwelling, when soon a number of foes, still
> aggravated over the events of previous months, blocked the entrance to
> their house and threatened to kill them if they exited from other points
> of the house. Despite constant attacks, debris and trash being thrown
> into the house, some of their co-religionists secretly arranged for food
> and other necessities to reach them, which enabled them to survive until
> eventually the agitators moved away.
> Some time later, Mírzá Ja‘far began his commercial activities and
> soon emerged as a successful businessman having trading interests with
> overseas merchants. Soon after the passing of his brave-hearted mother
> in 1871, Mírzá Ja‘far married and had three daughters: Mardiyyih, who
> married Áqá Siyyid Mihdí Yazdí; Samaddiyih, who married twice; and
> Zahrá, who married Mírzá Hasan. The daughters and their families
> suffered extensively in the course of Nayríz-III.
> After his marriage, Mírzá Ja‘far journeyed several times to ‘Akká
> where he attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh and was received with
> much kindness. A number of tablets were addressed to him by
> Bahá’u’lláh. It is also reported that during one of these visits he was
> surnamed Mírzá Jalál by Bahá’u’lláh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 341
> 
> Appendix 1
> 
> Bábí Martyrs of Nayríz-II
> 
> God hath purchased of the believers their person and their goods; for
> theirs in return is the garden of Paradise: they fight in His cause, and
> slay and are slain: a promise binding on Him in truth, through the
> Law, the Gospel, and the Qur’án: and who is more faithful to his
> Covenant than God? Then rejoice in the bargain which ye have
> concluded: that is the achievement supreme.
> Qur’án 9:111
> 
> The following list of Bábí martyrs is assembled from the narrative of
> Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq602, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár603.
> As noted earlier, with near certainty, the list in the Zuhúru’l-Haqq reflects
> the information given by Nabíl Zarandí in the unpublished portion of
> his narrative.
> To facilitate future research, each name was given a sequential
> number corresponding to the order in which it appears in each source. A
> cursory review reveals that Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, was relying exclusively
> on the information provided by Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and not the
> narrative of Mullá Shafí‘.
> 
> Sh       ZH4 LA2 Martyr
> 101      109 109 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Alí
> 134      114 114 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of ‘Askar
> 71      105 105 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Karbalá’í Akbar
> 120      113 113 ‘Abdu’lláh, son of Mullá604 Muhammad
> 92      108 108 ‘Abid, son of Mashhadí Muhsin
> 602 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, pp. 48-50.
> 603 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, pp. 448-451.
> 604 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Mullá
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 342 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 40      103       103      ‘Abid, son of Mullá Barkhúrdár
> 31      102       102      ‘Abid Yár-Kash605
> 125      112       112      ‘Ábidín606
> 108      111       111      ‘Alí
> 60      146       146      ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
> 107      110       110      ‘Alí, son of Mashhadí607 Ahmad
> 151      161        18      ‘Alí, son of Mullá Qásim ‘Ashurá
> 146      115       115      ‘Alí-Murád608
> 74      106       106      ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí
> 156      116       116      ‘Askar, son of ‘Alí Mullá Abu’l-Qásim
> 56      140       140      ‘Askar, son of Hájí ibn Karbalá’í Báqir609
> 135       13        13      Abú-Tálib
> 34        4         4      Abú-Tálib, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad
> 133       12        12      Abú-Tálib, son of Mullá Zaynu’l- ‘Abidin
> 46        5         5      Ahmad Hájí Abú’l-Qásim
> 102       10        10      Akbar, son of ‘Abdu’lláh (son of ‘Alí)
> 88        7         7      Akbar Muhammad-Qásim
> 116       11        11      Akbar Muhammad-Sháh
> 91        9         9      Akhúnd Mullá ‘Isá
> 25        1         1      Akhúnd Mullá Ahmad, son of Mullá Muhsin
> 26        2         2      Akhúnd Mullá ‘Alí Kátib, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh
> 67        6         6      Áqá Shaykh Muhammad
> 29        3         3      Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá ‘Alí
> 45      138       138      Asadu’lláh, son of Mírzá Mihdí
> 33       92        90      Báqir, son of Mír[zá] Ahmad
> 93      118       118      Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí
> 69      101       101      Hadí, son of Khayrí610
> 103       82        81      Hájí Muhammad, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá
> 104       83        82      Hájí Naqí
> 
> 605 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Yár-Kash
> 606 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has added: Karbalá’í Isma‘íl Hammámí
> 607 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Mashhadí
> 608 Brother of the slayer of Vahíd Dárábí
> 609 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing ibn Karbalá’í Báqir
> 610 Martyred in Shiraz
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 343
> 
> 66       91        91 Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí611
> 55      145       145 Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
> 165           Hájí, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
> 145       79        78 Hasan, son of Haydar Mulk
> 62       90        89 Hasan, son of Mashhadí612 Muhammad
> 49       88        87 Hasan, son of Mírzá
> 150       77       157 Hasan, son of Mullá Qásim ‘Ashurá613
> 38       86        85 Hasan614, son of Mullá Ya‘qúb
> 152       75        75 Hasan-‘Alí615, son of Nurí
> 155       74        74 Hasan Mashhadí Safr
> 109       43        43 Husayn616
> 149       78        77 Husayn, brother of Karbalá’í Ridá
> 68      136       136 Husayn, son of Áqá Shaykh Muhammad
> 70       80        79 Husayn, son of Mashhadí Ismá‘íl
> 84        83 Husayn, son of Qásim-Sifr
> 48       87        86 Husayn, son of Rajab
> 113       85        84 Husayn, son of Ustád Ahmad
> 157       73        73 Husayn, son of Ustád ‘Alí
> 78       81        80 Husayn, son of Zamán
> 59       89        88 Husayn-‘Alí617, son of Mírzá Áqá ‘Alí
> 83      125       125 Karam, son of Ustád618 ‘Askar
> 105      104       104 Karbalá’í ‘Askar Bíraq-Dár
> 20      129       129 Karbalá’í Báqir
> 122      128       128 Karbalá’í Báqir619, son of Ustád Taqí
> 143      123       123 Karbalá’í Hádí
> 
> 611 Vahíd’s father-in-law
> 612 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has Mullá in place of Mashhadi; Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol.
> 
> 4, has neither
> 613 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing ‘Ashura
> 614 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, refers to him as Husayn
> 615 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has him as Husayn-‘Alí.
> 616 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Mullá before his
> 
> name.
> 617 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has Hasan in place of Husayn.
> 618 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Ustád.
> 619 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, notes his slayer was Mír-Shikár Rajab.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 344 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 84 126 126 Karbalá’í Hasan, son of Mashhadí Sifr
> 50 132 132 Karbalá’í Husayn, son of Hájí
> 51 133 133 Karbalá’í Isma‘íl, son of Mashhadí ‘Ábidín620
> 43 130 130 Karbalá’í Muhammad
> 141 124 124 Karbalá’í Muhammad-Ja‘far, son-in-law of Hájí
> Muhammad-Taqí Ayyúb
> 119 127 127 Karbalá’í Qurbán Sha‘bán621, son of ‘Abidín
> 148 122 122 Karbalá’í Sádiq, son of Mashhadí Rajab622
> 44 131 131 Karbalá’í Shamu’d-Dín623
> 2  134 134 Karbalá’í Yúsuf Najjár
> 130 160 156 Karím, son of ‘Alí
> 64 135 135 Kázim, son of Muhib-‘Alí624
> 82 100 100 Khájih ‘Alí
> 73 98 98 Khájih Burhán
> 81 99 99 Khájih Ismá‘íl
> 4  97 96 Khájih Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín
> 94 151 150 Khájih, son of Ustád Nabí
> 42 137 137 Lutfu’lláh Shumál
> 32 32 32 Malik, son of Mullá ‘Alí
> 19 25 25 Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Najaf
> 61 40 40 Mashhadí ‘Alí, son of Sulaymán
> 7  15 15 Mashhadí ‘Askar, son of Mashhadí Báqir
> 6  14 14 Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh
> 15 23 23 Mashhadí Mír[zá] Muhammad625
> 136 64 64 Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn, surnamed Qutb
> 132 63 63 Mashhadí Muhammad-‘Alí, son of626 Naw-Rúz
> 22 27 27 Mashhadí Taqí Baqqál, son of ‘Abid
> 
> 620 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mashhadí ‘Ábidín”.
> 621 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, refers to him as Karbalá’í Qurbán, son of Sha‘bán.
> 622 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mashhadí Rajab”.
> 623 Martyred in Nayríz by Áqá Ridá Áqá ‘Alí-Naqí.
> 624 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, identify his father as Hájí
> 
> Muhammad.
> 625 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Ahmad in place of
> 
> Muhammad.
> 626 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of”.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 345
> 
> 77   46 46 Mír[zá] Akbar
> 76   45 45 Mír[zá] Husayn
> 138   38 38 Mírzá Ahmad
> 53   28 28 Mírzá Ahmad627, son of Mullá Sádiq
> 23   66 66 Mírzá Ahmad628, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár
> 28   30 30 Mírzá ‘Alí, son of Mullá Sádiq
> 117 117 Mírzá Ali Sardár
> 52 37 37 Mírzá Bábá
> 36 34 34 Mírzá Hasan, son of Yíkkih
> 137 65 65 Mírzá Husayn, son of Mírzá Músá
> 144 70       Mírzá Mihdí
> 128 62 61 Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn629, son of Mírzá Taqí
> 140 68 68 Mírzá Muhsin, son of Áqá Mírzá Nasru’lláh
> 72 71 Mírzá Mullá Qásim, son of ‘Ashurá
> 30 31 31 Mírzá Yúsuf, son of Mírzá Akbar
> 139 67 67 Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín, nephew of Mashhadí Mírzá
> Husayn
> 153 76 76 mother of Hasan-‘Alí Nurí
> 24       44 Muhammad Sádiq, uncle of ‘Alí Sardár
> 35 33 33 Muhammad, known as Yíkkih
> 27 29 29 Muhammad, son of ‘Abdu’l-Karím
> 79 47 47 Muhammad, son of Akbar Farkhí
> 112 55 55 Muhammad, son of Báqir
> 115 56 56 Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í Taqí
> 85 49 49 Muhammad, son of Mullá ‘Alí
> 47 36 36 Muhammad, son of Mullá Músá
> 95 52 52 Muhammad, son of Ridá
> 57 39 39 Muhammad-‘Alí
> 123 60 60 Muhammad-‘Alí
> 87 50 50 Muhammad-‘Alí Naw-Rúz
> 90 51 51 Muhammad-‘Alí Hájí ‘Alí-Sháh
> 
> 627 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, identifies him as “the uncle of ‘Alí Sardár”.
> 628 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, identifies him as “nephew of Qutb”.
> 629 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, have Mullá in place of
> 
> Muhammad. He was martyred en route to Tihrán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 346 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 121 59 59 Muhammad-‘Alí Mír-Shikár, son of Mullá ‘Ashurá
> 117 57 57 Muhammad Karbalá’í Mahmúd
> 14 22 22 Muhammad Kúchak, son of Mashhadí Rajab
> 72 44      Muhammad-Sádiq Husayn630
> 63 41 41 Muhib-‘Alí
> 127 61      Mullá ‘Ábidín
> 13 21 21 Mullá Ahmad, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
> 142 69 69 Mullá Akbar, brother of Karbalá’í Ja‘far
> 10 18 19 Mullá ‘Alí, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
> 96 50 53 Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, son of Mullá Áqá Bábá631
> 9  17 17 Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí632, son of Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-
> Husayn
> 41 139 139 Mullá Barkhúrdár, son of Mullá Husayn
> 16 24 24 Mullá Darvísh
> 65 42 42 Mullá Hájí Muhammad
> 11 19 20 Mullá Hasan, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
> 118 58 58 Mullá Husayn, son of ‘Abdu’lláh
> 39 35 35 Mullá Husayn, son of Mullá Barkhúrdár
> 26 Mullá Muhammad, son of Karbalá’í
> 8  16     Mullá Muhammad-Taqí, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn
> 21 26 16 Mullá Muhammad-Taqí633, son of Karbalá’í Báqir
> 12 20      Mullá Mu’min, son of Akhúnd Mullá Músá
> 80 48 48 Mullá Sháh-‘Alí
> 111 54 54 Mu’min, son of Ustád Ahmad
> 147 71 70 Murád Lurr
> 129 158 154 Naqí634, son of ‘Alí
> 106 144 144 Rahím, son of Ustád ‘Alí-Naqí
> 75 155 152 Sádiq
> 124         Sádiq
> 154 121 121 Safr, son of635 Karbalá’í Zamán
> 
> 630 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Husayn.
> 631 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of Mullá Áqá Bábá”.
> 632 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, suggests he was martyred during Nayríz-I upheaval.
> 633 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing Taqí.
> 634 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has read him as Taqí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 347
> 
> 114 120 120 Shamsu’d-Dín, son of ‘Askar
> 86 107 107 Sharíf636, son of Karbalá’í Rajab
> 158 Shaykh Hádí, son of Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
> 58 141 141 Shaykh Hasan
> 159 Shaykh Muhammad, son of Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí
> 98 119 119 Siyyid Hasan637, son of Siyyid Nazar
> 100 143 143 son of ‘Alí Murád
> 5 166 97 son of Khájih Ghaní
> 3 147 147 son of Mashhadí Muhammad
> 37 148 148 son of Mírzá Hasan
> 99 142 142 son of Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí
> 131 159 155 son of Ustád Naqí
> 126 156-7 153 sons of Karbalá’í Ismá‘íl Hammámí
> 54 149-50 149 sons of Khájih Hasan
> 110 154 151 sons of Qásim-Sifr638
> 94 93 Taqí, son of ‘Alí
> 97 93 92 Taqí639, son of Sifr
> 89   8    8 Ustád Ja‘far
> 1            Zaynal, brother of Karím
> 95 94 Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mulk
> 17 164        Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Mullá Muhammad
> 18 96 95 Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, son of Ustád Muhammad
> 
> 635 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, missing “son of”.
> 636 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, refers to him as Sharí‘at.
> 637 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, has Husayn in place of Hasan.
> 638 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, has “son of Sifr”.
> 639 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2, refers to him as Naqí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 348 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Appendix 2
> 
> The Family of Vahíd Dárábí
> 
> Thus will thy Lord choose thee and teach thee the interpretation of
> stories and events and perfect His favor to thee and to thy posterity.
> Qur’án 12:6
> 
> A. Ancestry
> In course of thirty-five generations, the lineage of Siyyid Yahyá Vahíd
> Dárábí can be traced back to its progenitor, the seventh Shi‘í Imam,
> Músá ibn Ja‘far, and thence to Prophet Muhammad and the Holy
> Household. The most detailed genealogy of this family is provided by
> Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí Rawzatí – one of the ablest modern Shi‘í scholars
> in the school of Isfahán:640
> 
> Músá ibn Ja‘far
> .
> .
> .
> Hasan
> Muhammad Faqíh
> Mihdí Mahná
> Muhammad Dá’íy
> Hasan
> Muhammad Mihdí
> Husayn
> Hakím ‘Arrif Khazr
> Yahyá
> 
> 640 Jamí‘u’l-Nisáb, vol. 1, p. 24. This genealogy is also quoted in Táríkh Burujird, vol. 2, p.
> 
> 272.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 349
> 
> Hisámu’d-Din
> Mahmúd
> Muhammad Bakhsháyish
> Násir
> ‘Allámih ‘Alí Majnún
> Mahmúd
> Qásim
> Abú’l-Ma’aly-Muhammad
> Abú’l-Fadl Muhammad
> ‘Abdu’l-Karím
> ‘Abdu’lláh Muháddith (Shaykh Husayn)
> Isháq-Ibráhím
> Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí Dárábí
> Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí
> 
> Vahíd’s great grandfather, Shaykh Husayn, of the family of al-
> ‘Usfúr, was among the last of the great theologians and scholars of the
> Akhbárí faction of Twelver Shi‘í school of jurisprudence. All of Shaykh
> Husayn’s ancestors had lived in the province of Fárs and belonged to a
> long line of learned divines and theologians.641 His son and Vahíd’s
> grandfather, Áqá Siyyid Isháq-Ibráhím ‘Alaví Musaví, a renowned
> scholar in his own right, had moved from Dáráb to Istahbánát and
> settled with his family in its vicinity. Istahbánát is located between Nayríz
> and Dáráb, some thirty-six kilometers due southwest of the former.
> 
> Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí
> It was in Istahbánát that Siyyid Isháq-Ibráhím’s son, named Siyyid Ja‘far,
> was born in the year 1189 A.H./1775642. Siyyid Ja‘far commenced his
> 
> 641 A descendant of this family was Shaykh Abú-Turáb, a son of Shaykh Mufíd, who
> 
> was a great admirer of the Báb and served as the Imam Jum‘ih of Shíráz. When in
> 1845 the ‘ulamá of Shíráz prepared a fatwá ordering the death of the Báb, Shaykh
> Abu-Turáb intervened and thwarted their plans; see Rabbani, “The Báb in Shíráz”.
> 642 There is little agreement among various sources about the year of his birth:
> 
> Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 461, indicates that he was born in the early years of
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 350 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> religious training at an early age and after completing the preliminaries,
> moved from Fárs to Najaf where he emerged as one of the best-known
> esoteric scholars of his time, mastering jurisprudence, theology,
> philosophy, interpretation, wisdom and mysticism. From various
> accounts it is evident that he did not favor the innovative doctrines of
> the Shaykhís and during the early part of his career followed Mullá Sadrá
> Shírází643 as a model for his intellectual proclivities, and was also strongly
> influenced by Ibn ‘Arabí’s mysticism. He devoted long hours to ascetic
> practices and meditation, and in the learned circles of the ‘Atabát was
> famed as one of the greatest and most celebrated ‘ulamá of his time. His
> high moral character and righteous ways attracted to him widespread
> esteem among his peers and students. His peculiar interpretations earned
> him the title of “Kashfí”, that is, one who discovers and explains the
> divine secrets. This title was also because of the visions that he claimed
> to have of the holy figures who assisted him to discover the meaning of
> abstruse passages in the Qur’án and the Traditions.
> Through his zeal and ardent imagination, Siyyid Ja‘far passed in
> the later years of his career beyond the ways of the orthodox Shi‘ís. He
> interpreted the hadiths differently from his colleagues and grew more
> mystical and esoteric over time.644 However, the fame and prestige of
> Siyyid Ja‘far grew principally due to him being one of the foremost
> political theorists of the Qajar era who provided legitimacy for the rule
> 1180’s; Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 40, gives the birth year as 1180 A.H.; Yúsuf Bahá
> dar Qayyumu’l-Asmá’, p. 30, suggests he was born in 1189 A.H./1775, a fact repeated
> by the same author in Hadrat Báb, p. 258; Sharh Hál Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí, [A
> biography of Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí], p. 272, gives the birth and death as 1189
> A.H./1775 and 1267 A.H./1851, respectively. The last source, being the earliest and
> perhaps the most reliable, is employed for most of the biographical information in
> this study.
> 643 For discussion of the life and writings of Mullá Sadrá, see: Religions et Philosophies
> 
> dans l’ Asie Centrale, pp. 81-91; A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 268-271;
> http://www.mullasadra.org/bindex.htm; the Encyclopedia of Islam 2, entry on Mullá
> Sadrá; John Cooper’s “Mullá Sadrá Shirazi,” in The Routledge Encyclopaedia of
> Philosophy, gen. ed. E. Craig, London: Routledge 1998, vol. VI, pp. 595-99; and
> Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s “Mulla Sadra as a Source for the History of Muslim
> Philosophy”, Islamic Studies 3 (1964), pp. 309-314.
> 644 See Násikhu’t-Tavárikh’s description given earlier in this monograph.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 351
> 
> of a sovereign who was not a descendant of Muhammad.645 In this
> regard, he, and prior to him, Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Qumí, were the two
> jurists who wrote extensively and creatively about the separation of the
> role of the ‘ulamá and the temporal rule of the Qajar.646
> The fame and piety of Siyyid Ja‘far was such that the Báb referred
> to him in the twenty-seventh surih of Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, “the first, the
> greatest, and mightiest” of his books,647 and exhorted him that should he
> embrace the new message, he would attain great heights in this world
> and splendid glory in the world to come.648 Further, he warned Siyyid
> Ja‘far that without the inspiration and the regenerative powers of the
> new revelation, his efforts would come to naught.
> 
> O Solace of Mine eyes! Say unto the renowned learned-one,
> Ja‘far ‘Alavi: If thou doest prostrate thyself before the Gate
> of God, thou wilt be reckoned among the bearers of truth,
> as thou art among the favored and accepted ones in this
> Mother Book. I swear by thy Lord, thou canst not rend the
> earth asunder nor reach the mountains on high649 without
> the aid of the Remembrance650, Who is sent by the Lord of
> Truth as the supreme Word unto the dwellers of earth and
> heaven. And if thou wert to propagate His Cause, know
> 645 Under the Shi‘í religion, the sovereign ruled on behalf of the Imam, who was the
> 
> ultimate source of temporal and religious authority. As such, the monarch had to be
> a direct descent of the Imam. However, the Qajar, being of Turkish descent, could
> claim no such lineage. They were forced therefore to try to gain the favor of the
> Shi‘i ‘ulamá in order to obtain their assistance in buttressing their legitimacy and
> authority. In this light, Siyyid Ja‘far played a critical role and as noted earlier, became
> one of the main theorists of the legitimacy of the Qajar monarchy.
> 646 The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, chapter 10.
> 647 Cf. Bahá’u’lláh, Book of Certitude, p.231
> 648 In the same chapter, the Báb pays tribute to Shaykh Hasan of the family of al-
> 
> ‘Usfur, a brother of Siyyid Ja‘far’s grandfather. According to a cousin of the Báb, the
> renowned Vakílu’d-Dawlih, while en route on a pilgrimage journey the Báb had
> tried, in Bushihr, to convert this Shaykh Hasan, who remained neutral. Cf. Khándán
> Afnán, p. 115.
> 649 A reference to the ‘ulamá.
> 650 A reference to the Báb.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 352 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> assuredly that We shall exalt thee over all that is in both
> worlds and that verily, through God’s consent, in the world
> beyond and in the most exalted paradise thou shalt dwell
> with Us. God knoweth all things. Know thou verily that out
> of His prescribed wisdom, God hath revealed this unto thee.
> Therefore, be attentive to the Great Truth of Our Cause and
> aid thou Our Great Remembrance Who is this Arabian
> Youth. The time for the assistance of God and the
> dissemination of His Verses is, verily, nigh, as foreordained
> in the Mother Book.651
> 
> In his other writings, the Báb bestowed on Siyyid Ja‘far various
> titles, including Siyyidu’l-Mu‘ásir (the Contemporary Siyyid) and ‘Azdu’l-
> Muhaqqiqin (the Upholder of the People of Truth).652
> Siyyid Ja‘far was well acquainted with the traditions anticipating
> the appearance of the Promised One in the year 1260 A.H./1844. Upon
> hearing the news of the Qa’ím’s manifestation in Shiraz, Siyyid Ja‘far,
> even though at an advanced age, set out at once to investigate, but the
> Báb had already left on His pilgrimage journey to Arabia. Therefore in
> pursuit of Him, Siyyid Ja‘far followed Him there and finally met Him in
> Mecca. For some unexplained reason however he failed to embrace the
> new religion preferring to continue with his own practices. Regarding
> Siyyid Ja‘far’s pilgrimage journey, Mírzá Habibu’lláh Afnán, relates the
> following in his narrative, which he had heard from Hájí Abu’l-Hasan
> who had traveled on the same steam-boat with the Báb:
> 
> Once our ship had anchored at Jaddih, His Holiness [the
> Báb] proceeded towards Mecca. That year, there were
> innumerable pilgrims. Roughly speaking, the Arab, Turkish,
> Iranian, Kurdish, and Indian pilgrims, together totaling in
> excess of seventy thousand, for the most part came from the
> 
> 651 Qayyumu’l-Asmá’, 27:46-47, in 1261 A.H./1845 transcribed copy; quoted in
> Muhádirát, pp. 759-760, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár vol. 1. Two sentences of this passage
> are quoted in Yúsuf Bahá Dar Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, p. 30.
> 652 Yúsuf Bahá Dar Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, p. 31.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 353
> 
> ranks of the ‘ulamá and the learned. Many had mastered the
> science of divination and jafr [numerology] and had
> determined that in that year, the True Summoner would
> openly issue his summons in Mecca, and they had come to
> witness the event.
> Among them was the renowned Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far
> Kashfí, who ranked as the ablest in the field of numerology
> and who had a profound knowledge of jafr. He had studied
> the Hadíth-i Marvy narrated by the Immaculate One [the
> eighth Imám, ‘Alí ar-Ridá], upon Him rest peace: “In the
> year Sixty, His Cause will be made manifest and His
> Remembrance exalted,” and the allusions of certain mystics
> who had openly given many signs for His appearance, such
> as Sháh Ni‘matu’lláh Valí, who in his poems had clearly
> given the news of the Manifestation:
> 
> If thou reachest the year of planting ghars,653 behold,
> the renewal of the sovereign, realm, nation, and
> faith.
> 
> And again:
> 
> With the passing of ghars years,
> I see the Absent One has appeared.
> 
> And also in the collection of poetry by Khajih Háfiz:
> 
> Behold the crest of the moon in Muharram654,
> and drink from the wine cup,
> Since this is a sign of safety and absence of harm,
> and augurs the year of peace and love.
> 
> 653 According to the Abjad system, ghars (=gh-r-s) has a numerical value of
> (1000+200+60=)1260, hence signifying the year of the appearance of the Báb.
> 654 The Báb and Bahá’u’lláh were born on the first and the second of Muharram,
> 
> respectively.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 354 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> He [i.e., Siyyid Ja‘far] had studied these according to
> the science of numerology and had consulted an expert in
> divination: “As this is the year ‘sixty,’ will the Qá’im appear
> in Mecca?” To which he had received an affirmative
> response. He had then asked, “If I go [on pilgrimage], will I
> attain the presence of the Qá’im?” And again he had
> received a positive response. The Siyyid had then asked if he
> was destined to become a follower of the Qá’im, to which
> the expert responded: “You will not become a believer.”
> I myself met Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far in Mecca. He saw [the Báb]
> with his own eyes and heard [Him proclaim His Faith] with
> his own ears but did not become a believer.
> Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí [Quddús], some other
> believers, and I were in His blessed presence [of the Báb].
> After the conclusion of the pilgrimage rites [p. 75] throngs
> of pilgrims were present in the Masjidu’l-Haram, and all the
> courtyards and rooftops overflowed with waves of people.
> His Holiness approached the Shrine and leaned His blessed
> back against the Ka‘bih, holding the door-chain with His
> sacred Hand. With the utmost clarity and eloquence He
> announced three times loudly: “I am the Qá’im Whose
> appearance you have been expecting!”
> It was a true wonder that despite of the massive
> multitude and the noise, as soon as the Báb begun to speak
> a complete silence overcame that whole area in such wise
> that if a bird were to flap its wings, everybody would hear.
> Once complete silence was established over everyone, He
> uttered the same blessed proclamation three times, with the
> utmost distinctness, so that all the pilgrims could hear.
> The pilgrims were recounting and translating the
> Báb’s words for one another. All conversations among the
> multitude concerned only this event. Indeed, the very first
> topic that the pilgrims of every land wrote about to their
> kinfolk was that a young merchant and Siyyid, twenty-five
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 355
> 
> years of age, had taken hold of the Ka‘bih’s chain and with
> resounding voice had advanced the claim of the Qá’imiyyat.
> In a short time, this news was spread in all parts of the
> world. Those who sought the Truth and whose souls were
> prepared to attain any degree of certitude responded, “We
> hear and obey!”655 and made haste on the pathway of Faith.
> 
> In March 1845, the Báb returned from his pilgrimage journey and
> initially a number of his disciples visited him, but soon their presence
> attracted excessive public attention, bringing with it waves of repression.
> Soon this news reached Tihrán and Muhammad Shah ordered Vahíd
> Dárábí to proceed to Shíráz in order to interview the Báb and to report
> to him the result of his investigation. As described in chapters 1 and 2 of
> the present monograph, Vahíd immediately left for Shíráz, where he met
> the Báb on a number of occasions and was quickly won over to the new
> movement.
> After a stay of some three months in Shíráz, which he mostly
> devoted to transcribing the writings of the Báb, Vahíd was subsequently
> commanded to journey to Burujird in the province of Luristán and there
> to acquaint his father, Siyyid Ja‘far, with the new message. The Báb
> urged him to exercise the utmost forbearance and consideration towards
> him. Though the reason for this mission is not known with precision, it
> can be conjectured that the Báb had hoped that the conversion of such
> an eminent figure as Siyyid Ja‘far, who had been the intellectual mainstay
> for the Qajar monarchy, would further entice Muhammad Shah to heed
> His Call and perhaps even to embrace the Movement.
> Armed with the Báb’s command to travel the length and the
> breath of the realm and spread the divine fragrances, Vahíd left Shiraz in
> the closing days of Rajab 1262 A.H.656 for Burújird to visit his father,
> Siyyid Ja‘far. He arrived in that city on the opening days of Sha‘bán (late
> July), and according to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih Tabrízí, spoke thus:657
> 
> 655 Qur’án 2:285.
> 656 25 June – 24 July 1846.
> 657 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 45-46, notes that Siyyid Ja‘far wrote these
> observations to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih. However, the two did not overlap in time
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 356 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> O distinguished father! As instructed by the government, I
> went to investigate the claim of the newly appeared Person,
> known as the Báb, and those ‘ulamá and the learned that
> have gathered around Him. The Sháh bestowed a sum
> toward the expenses of such a journey as well as a horse and
> other gifts.
> Upon arrival at Shiraz and attaining His presence, I
> perceived Him to be a Youth aged twenty-five, with a
> brilliant and heavenly visage, much the same as has been
> mentioned in the traditions and holy texts about the
> promised Qá’ím. He possesses extremely pleasing features, a
> well-proportioned face, and a small birthmark, exactly as
> anticipated in the traditions.
> Though He is a commoner [as opposed to ranking
> among the ‘ulamá] and has never studied, yet He reveals
> verses, commentaries, books, treatises, prayers, homilies and
> scientific expositions of such quality as has not been seen or
> heard of since the days of Adam.
> Our illustrious Ancestor, the Seal of the Prophets [i.e.
> Muhammad], though numbered among the learned and
> well-lettered men of Arabia, yet revealed the Qur’án, piece
> by piece, over the space of twenty-three years. Siyyid-i Báb,
> although He is Persian and is born to that language,
> nevertheless is able, should He so wish, to reveal [Arabic]
> texts equaling the Qur’án in matter of only a week.
> Similarly the homilies and prayers that the Báb reveals
> are quite distinct from those previously revealed by the
> Imams, and in many ways, more elegant and developed. His
> expressions and words are not like those gone before Him,
> and in some important ways the treatises and expositions of
> the Báb, as well as His other qualities, are different from
> 
> and it is not clear how Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih came upon such information. Further, a
> close study of this extract reveals that a segment contains many similarities with a
> treatise of Vahid; see, Appendix 3.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 357
> 
> those of all the ‘ulamá, both of past and present times:
> 
> 1. His Holiness is a commoner and has never had
> schooling.
> 
> 2. In the course of His elucidation on all topics, He
> expresses the essence of the truth in only a few words.
> 
> 3. His words and phrases are not similar to those of the
> divines and His expressions are original, innovative and
> unprecedented stemming from His innate knowledge
> and not the work of others. If He had indeed acquired
> His knowledge of others He would, of necessity, use
> their expressions, but this has never been observed.
> 
> 4. When explaining a question, no matter how small the
> available paper, He will immediately provide a sufficient
> exposition on that piece of paper that will unravel the
> mystery. Other divines must however pen lengthy
> treatises in reply to similar questions.
> 
> 5. His handwriting is the essence of beauty and elegance,
> despite the fact that He writes extremely fast.658
> 
> 6. Of greatest importance is His bearing and conduct,
> which is the very essence of refinement. He sits on His
> heels, with arms extended beyond the hem of His ‘aba,
> placing the right hand over the left.
> 
> 7. His eating and drinking habits are unique and extremely
> frugal. For lunch, He consumes three bites and for
> 
> 658 As noted earlier, a requirement of fine penmanship in Persian and Arabic is to
> 
> write slowly, and yet the Central Figures of the Faith have repeatedly demonstrated
> their abilities to write with extreme speed in a rare quality of penmanship and
> unmatched eloquence of composition.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 358 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> dinner seven bites. In total, His daily food equals that of
> two mouthfuls in a normal person. He drinks tea
> however with great delicacy.
> 
> 8. His Holiness never considers the books and writings of
> others, though He frequently quotes from them through
> His innate knowledge. When writing, the pen never
> pauses or stops and He never forgets a matter.
> 
> 9. The manner of His communion and worship is
> altogether peerless and recalls the lengthy prayer sessions
> of the Imams ‘Ali and Zaynu’l-‘Abidín.659
> 
> O kind father, such qualities, characteristics and signs
> cannot be found in ordinary men, and are limited to the
> Prophets and Chosen Ones of God. What has been seen in
> Him is beyond anything any man is capable of manifesting.
> One day when I was in His presence, I inquired, “May
> my life be a sacrifice unto You! I know not the science of
> the elixir, and I beseech You to please inform me of it.” He
> responded, “My cherished hope was for you to become
> celestial. The science of gold-making is for the earthbound.” “Were I to behold,” I said, “and then leave it
> behind, it would be better still.” He condescended to me
> and commanded me to arrange for the necessary materials.
> When I had them readied, he instructed, “Go into the
> garden in the courtyard and bring with you some of the
> vegetables.” I went into the garden and noticed that some
> beets were planted and, therefore, I gathered some of their
> leaves. The Báb instructed me to boil the leaves and I did.
> Then He said, place the copper into the furnace and melt it,
> which I also did. Afterwards He instructed, “Pour some of
> 
> 659 Up to this point the citation appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 465-466,
> 
> and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 44-45. ‘Ali and Zaynu’l-‘Abidín were the first and the
> fourth Shi‘i Imams, respectively.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 359
> 
> the water from the boiled leaves over the melted copper,”
> and when I did as bidden, the copper turned into gold.
> When I saw this, I threw myself at His feet and cried, “O
> Exalted One! The boiled leaves are bereft of such power to
> produce elixir, and only through Your might and
> sovereignty could such a miracle come to pass.”660
> 
> In the course of the discussions with his father, Vahíd concluded
> that while the former was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Message
> brought him, he preferred to be left alone and be allowed to pursue his
> own way during the remaining days of his life.661
> In the course of his career Siyyid Ja‘far lived for extensive periods
> of time in Yazd, Najaf, Isfahán, Tihrán, and Istahbánát, and spent the
> last years of his life in Burújird. In each town he purchased a home and
> established a family, hence instituting the nucleus of a following. In total,
> he acquired five wives who brought him fourteen children: two
> daughters and twelve sons.662 The identity of his wives is not known and
> all that is recorded is the city where each originated. His children from
> various wives were:
> 
> Wives                                  Children
> Yazdí                                  Siyyid Yahyá (Vahíd)
> Siyyid ‘Alí
> Siyyid Hasan
> 
> Najafí                                 Siyyid Isháq
> Siyyid Sabghatu’lláh
> Siyyid Ya‘qúb
> 660 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, pp. 88-91.
> 661 Kavakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 57, states that after Vahíd’s conversion, in a
> gathering of the divines, one of them said to Siyyid Ja‘far, “It is reported that your
> son, Siyyid Yahyá, has lost his faculties.” “Yes, he has gone mad,” Kashfí responded
> in his son’s defense, “however, this madness is not from the loss of his rational
> faculties but an inheritance from his illustrious ancestor, the Prophet.”
> 662 Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 296, and Muhádirát, p. 761, report that he had 11 sons
> 
> and 4 daughters.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 360 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Istahbánátí                            Siyyid Musafá
> Bíbí Batúl
> Jahán Bagum
> 
> Isfahání                               Siyyid ‘Isá
> Siyyid Síná
> 
> Burújirdí                              Siyyid Rayhanu’lláh
> Siyyid Ruhu’lláh
> Siyyid Músá
> 
> Among his sons, many emerged as great scholars in their own
> right, and the more accomplished among them were: Yahyá, Síná, ‘Isá,
> Isháq, Ya‘qúb, Rayhanu’lláh and Sabghatu’lláh.
> Siyyid Ja‘far was renowned throughout the Qajar realm and passed
> away a year after the martyrdom of his son, Vahíd, in 1267 A.H./1851 in
> Burújird. The year of his passing is marked by the numerical value of:
> Ghab Najmu’l-‘Alá (disappeared the exalted star). A shrine was erected
> over his resting-place, adjacent to the shrine of the two sisters of the
> Imám Ridá.663
> 
> Writings of Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí
> A number of important works have remained from Siyyid Ja‘far and
> because of their significance and continued influence on Shi‘í political
> and mystical thought they will be briefly outlined below:
> 
> 1. Al-Shariffiyh (Baládu’l-Amín): Composed after returning from
> pilgrimage in 1211 A.H./1796 in a mixture of both prose and verse, this
> highly abstract and theoretical treatise is divided into ten chapters on
> themes of Greek logic, logical reasoning and the foundations of the
> science of jurisprudence.
> 
> 663 An extensive eulogy appears on his gravestone; for the text see Muhádirát, p. 761.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 361
> 
> 2. Nukhbatu’l-‘uqul: Composed in 1212 A.H./1798 in Najaf, a brief
> exposition on the foundations of jurisprudential reasoning, it is divided
> into five sections: forbidden and permitted matters; general verses and
> specific rulings, their abrogation and their origin; traditions; reason; and
> deductive reasoning. The epilogue is devoted to ijtihád and emulation.
> 
> 3. Barq va Sharq: An extant copy is available in the hand of the author,
> composed in 1224 A.H./1808 while in Najaf. This book is an exposition
> on several Islamic traditions which Siyyid Ja‘far had styled “Barq”
> (Lightning) and his own elucidation as “Sharq” (literally, East, represents
> the dawning point of the sun of truth).
> 
> 4. Raqqu’l-Manshur fi’l Ithbat Ma‘rij Nabiyan Mansur: Composed in 1231
> A.H./1815 while residing in Najaf, this treatise seeks to establish the
> authenticity of the night journey of Prophet Muhammad through
> rational and deductive reasoning. The only extant copy of this work in
> the hand of its author is preserved in the religious library of Qum.
> 
> 5. Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk (Gift of Kings): Written in Persian at the request of
> Muhammad-Taqí Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, titled Sháhan-Sháh, in
> the year 1233 A.H.664/1817, covers discussion of the mental faculty
> under three sections: the reality of the human intellectual faculty; the
> relationship of the human intellect to lower kingdoms; and benefits and
> attributes of the human intellect. This book has received considerable
> attention and has been reprinted at least three times, in addition to
> circulating in many copies in the hand of various scribes. One poet, Hájí
> Mahmúd Burújirdí, has penned numerous verses in praise of this book
> and its author.665 As noted earlier, Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan Qumí and Siyyid
> Ja‘far developed a theory of the Qajar state as having two wings: civil
> governance and religious learning. The sovereign in his own sphere of
> civil rulership and military action, and the clergy in their sphere of
> 
> 664 The date of its composition is given by the numerical value of either of the two
> 
> phrases “Tuhfatu’l-Mulk Mulúku’l-Kalam”, or, “Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk Qa’i’di’l-Ummam”,
> which correspond to 1233.
> 665 Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, pp. 289-291.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 362 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> interpreting and implementing the sacred law, each represents an aspect
> of authority that had once been conjoined in the Imám.666
> 
> 6. Mízánu’l-Mulúk: The most influential treatise of Siyyid Ja‘far,
> composed in Persian in 1246 A.H./1831 at the request of Muhammad-
> Taqí Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, it is devoted to various themes related
> to statesmanship and leadership in ten chapters: justice; the succession
> (caliphate); sovereignty; treatment of citizens by monarchs; the conduct
> of ministers and intellectuals; responsibilities of the wealthy, the nobles
> and the government; duties of the merchants and businessmen; and the
> charitable obligations of commercial leaders and men of religion.667
> 
> 7. Shaháb Qámús: Written during 1255-58 A.H./1842, the contents are
> not known to the present writer.
> 
> 8. Kifayatu’l-Iytam: A three-volume exposition on deductive jurisprudence,
> written in Persian at the request of Burújird’s governor, the Hisámu’s-
> Saltanih, in the year 1259 A.H./1843. The introduction speaks of
> spiritual orphanage (Iytam), meaning the separation of the body of the
> Shi‘is from the Household of the Prophet, while the remainder of the
> volume one is on worship. Volume two is on things forbidden, business
> transactions, and the duties of a believer. Volume three is devoted to
> matters of inheritance, personal laws, and politics.
> 
> 9. Saná-Barq fi Sharhu’l-Baziq Min’l Sharq: This book is composed in
> Arabic and is a detailed esoteric exposition on the inner meaning of the
> Rajabiyyih Prayer668 addressing the reality of the lives and deeds of the
> 
> 666 See extracts of Tuhfatu’l-Mulúk translated in Said Amir Arjomand, Shadow of God,
> 
> pp. 225-227.
> 667 Several of Siyyid Ja‘far’s students, such as, Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Burújirdi, Hájí Mírzá
> 
> Sálih Luristání, Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-Husayn and Urang-Zayb Mírzá, went on to become
> great clerics in the field of political theology and have significantly expanded this
> field of discourse.
> 668 A Shi‘i prayer prescribed for recitation during the month of Rajab (hence its
> 
> name), it begins by the verse, “O my Lord, I beseech Thee through the inner
> meaning of all that hath dawned from Thee.”
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 363
> 
> fourteen immaculate Figures of the Islamic Dispensation, namely,
> Muhammad, Fatimih, and the twelve Imams. This work is among the
> late compositions of Siyyid Ja‘far and according to one account it was
> penned in Yazd in 1253 A.H./1837, while Áqá Buzurg maintains that it
> was completed in 1261 A.H./1845 while in Burújird. The actual date of
> its composition is of interest, as the Báb has referred to this book in at
> least two instances, the following being an extract from his Sahífih Sharh
> D‘uá:
> 
> I have read ‘Saná-Barq’ [Brilliant Lightning] of Ja‘far Alaví
> and beheld the secrets of its verses. He verily hath known
> naught but his own self and expressed naught but his
> servitude.669 What he hath written in the form of the
> commentary on the prayer revealed by the source of
> Holiness regarding the Family of God [Muhammad’s
> descendents], upon Them be peace, does not fully describe
> Them. In the presence of God, such comments are not
> befitting of Them, as he [Siyyid Ja‘far] hath only expounded
> his own servitude. He hath not mentioned the Holy Family
> through the splendor of Their divinity, as no one
> comprehendeth this Family and none among the servants
> may explain Their nature, as their highest contemplations
> are only capable of expressing the divine unity.670
> 
> In another tablet, the Báb has written the following about
> the same book, which indicates how pleased he was with its
> composition and content:
> 
> The fragrance of the mysteries enunciated in the essence of
> the writings of the contemporary Siyyid [Ja‘far Kashfí
> ‘Alaví], the upholder of the people of truth, in his ‘Sana-
> 
> 669 It should be understood that this is in fact a praise rather than a censure, alluding
> 
> to “he hath known God who hath known his self” and “servitude is an essence
> whose reality is divinity.”
> 670 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 479.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 364 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Barq’, has reached Me and it will encompass both the west
> and the east. May God grant him blessings for what he has
> written regarding the exposition of the ‘bismillah’ [in the
> Name of God]. Though written in allegorical language and
> hidden beneath veils of allusions as a measure of protection
> for those beholding it, the essence of truth is expressed in
> eloquent tongue and brilliant light. May God shower upon
> him His great blessings. Praise be to God, the Lord of the
> Worlds.671
> 
> 10. Ijabatu’l-Mudhtarrin: The present writer is unfamiliar with this text.
> 
> 11. Al-jusvatu’l fi’l-Kalam: The present writer is unfamiliar with this text.
> 
> 12. Ash-Shumus va al-‘Ukus: A treatise on the station of the Immaculate
> Fourteen and their sanctity above all earthly trappings.
> 
> 13. Sidu’l-Bahr: A book on the structure of Shi‘i jurisprudence and
> justification for derived judgments based on the reasoning of jurists. This
> work emerged as one of the fundamental textbooks for the Usulí School
> of jurisprudence.
> 
> 14. On the Science of Grammar: Arabic versified composition.
> 
> 15. Jam‘u’l-Shattat al-Mutifariqih fi’l Jama‘atu’l-Muhaqqih al-Mutihaqqih: The
> present writer is unfamiliar with this text.
> 
> 16. Poem in response to Ibn Hajr: In refuting the existence of the
> Promised Qá’ím, Ibn Hajr ‘Asqillaní (d. 582 A.H./1186), had composed
> a poem and in response, Siyyid Ja‘far versed a most innovative poem
> establishing the truth of the Qá’ímiyyat.
> 
> 17. Ratbu’l-Yabs fi’l Jama‘u’l-Mutikhalif al-Muti‘akis: The present writer is
> unfamiliar with this text.
> 671 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 479 and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 346.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 365
> 
> B. Progeny of Vahíd Dárábí
> Not very much is known of the fate of the two wives of Vahíd, though it
> is known that the first marriage took place in Yazd, which resulted in a
> daughter and three sons, and the second marriage was in Nayríz and
> brought forth a son.
> 
> B.1. Tubá Khánum
> Vahíd’s daughter, Tubá Khánum, was not with him during the Nayriz
> upheaval as she and her younger brother were left behind in Yazd with
> their mother. However, it is evident that Vahíd was concerned about her
> future and shortly before his own martyrdom, arranged for her marriage
> to a nephew of the governor and son of Muhammad-Báqir Khan,
> namely, Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán (d. 1316 A.H./1898).672
> The marriage certificate for this event was prepared in Vahíd’s
> own hand some ten days prior to his martyrdom, and years later
> recovered from Fath-‘Alí Khán, the son of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán,
> governor of Nayríz. This certificate is of particular importance as it
> represents to our knowledge the only one prepared in accordance with
> Bayánic instructions (such as fixing the dowry at one váhid of pure
> gold673), indicating Vahíd’s effort to institutionalize the laws and
> ordinances of the Báb. Subsequent to Vahíd’s execution and the ensuing
> massacre of the Bábís, there was no time for Tubá to come to Nayríz
> and Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was forced to flee quickly and hence the
> marriage was never consummated.
> Upon hearing the news of events in Nayríz, the fate of her father
> and his brutal slaying, Tubá Khánum was immersed in depths of sorrow
> and grief. She spent her days in Yazd looking after the needs of her
> mother where the family resided under the protective shadow of their
> uncle. However, after a while, due to severe pressure from their enemies,
> she left for Tihrán, where she initially lived with her aunt. Eventually she
> 
> 672 Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán was a noted poet and a collection titled “Khusraw va
> 
> Shírín” was published by him.
> 673 The Persian Bayán, 6:7; Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne, p. 378.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 366 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> married Mírzá Nasru’lláh Khán Káshí, an administrator for Fath-‘Alí
> Khán Shírází, the Sáhib-Díván. All through her life, she served the Bahá’í
> faith in a most exemplary manner, deeply involved in the life of the
> community and the education of children and women.
> 
> Marriage Certificate of Vahíd’s Daughter
> According to Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 100, Vahíd penned this certificate
> a few days prior to his martyrdom.
> On the upper right-hand corner, the seal of two parties is fixed
> and evident: the first pertained to Vahíd whose seal, “Yahyá Músaví”, is
> seen under his name, “Yayhá”. On the second line, under the groom’s
> name, Ja‘far, the following is written:
> 
> God is the Creator of earth, the Lord of heaven and the
> Master of both worlds. I give consent for the sake of God,
> the Lord of earth, the Lord of heaven and the Lord of both
> worlds.
> 
> Under this verse, the seal of the groom, “‘Abdahu’r-Rají
> Muhammad-Ja‘far” [the prayerful servant, Muhammad-Ja‘far] is seen. On
> the margin, two individuals have signed as witnesses. In the upper left
> corner, it is written:
> 
> In the Name of God, the Exalted, the Mighty.
> The Lord testifies that there is no God but Him. To
> Him belong Creation and Command.674 He gives life and
> takes it away; causes death and resurrection. He is living and
> everlasting. In His Hand is the kingdom of all things. By His
> command, He creates what He wills. He is powerful over all
> things.
> 
> The text of the certificate reads as follows:
> 
> 674 The Bábí theology recognized the worlds of haqq (divinity), amr (command or
> 
> cause), and khalq (creation). The same notion is upheld by Bahá’u’lláh; see, for
> instance, the opening verse of the Kitáb Aqdas.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 367
> 
> God has decreed marriage between Tubá, the daughter of
> his servant, Yahyá, having dedicated herself to service of
> God, the Lord of the heavens and the earth, and the Lord of
> all the worlds, and His servant, Muhammad-Ja‘far, the son
> of the late, wrongly-murdered Muhammad-Báqir, who hath
> consecrated himself to the service of God, the Lord of the
> heavens and the earth, and the Lord of all the worlds.
> He [i.e. the groom] consented to this marriage for the
> sake of God, Who is the Lord of the heavens and the earth
> and the Lord of all the worlds.
> God hath decreed for her dowry to be nineteen
> mithqals of pure gold and it is incumbent upon his servant
> to offer this amount which is a bounty from paradise, and a
> heavenly instrument in establishing their union. This
> marriage will take place by the leave of God and His Chosen
> Ones and in accordance with the laws delineated by the
> Guardian and the Proof [i.e. the Báb], Who is the Lord of
> the Age, upon Him, His father and followers be peace.
> Blessings rest upon the absent leaf, who by God’s grace, will
> consent to whatever is predestined for her.
> Say: God is the Truth, all others beside Him are His
> creation and pray unto Him. Say: God is our Lord, all others
> beside Him are His servants and prostrate before Him.
> [Written] in the month of Sha‘bán of the sixth year of
> the Manifestation of Truth675.
> 
> It should be noted that since this document bears a date in the
> hand of Vahíd, it is of enormous help in establishing the date of the Bábí
> uprising in Nayríz.
> 
> B.2. Siyyid Ahmad
> 
> 675 12 June - 10 July 1850.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 368 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Vahíd’s eldest son676 lived in Yazd and completed his religious studies in
> that city. Afterwards, he commenced his career in the legal office of Hájí
> Mullá Báqir Ardakání677 as the custodian of documents and married his
> paternal cousin, a daughter of Siyyid Hasan. He was a consecrated Bahá’í
> who served the community diligently and faithfully and withstood much
> harassment on account of his devotion. His knowledge of the history of
> the Bábí the Bahá’í movements was particularly exceptional. He was in
> communication with Bahá’u’lláh and at least one tablet addressed to him
> is known.678 Toward the latter days of his life, Siyyid Ahmad traveled to
> Isfahán to visit his two uncles, Siyyid ‘Isá and Siyyid Síná, where he
> passed away and is now buried. His only child, a daughter, passed away
> in Yazd at a relatively young age with no issue.
> 
> B.3. Siyyid Muhammad
> Vahíd’s second son was Siyyid Muhammad679, known as Imínu’t-Tujjár
> (The trustee of the merchants). He and his older brother, Siyyid Ahmad,
> were still in pre-teen years when the events of Yazd took place and
> Vahíd took the two lads with him to Nayríz. They stayed in that city with
> their father for a while, however there is disagreement between sources
> as to when they were sent away from that city. Some sources suggest that
> Vahíd confidentially sent the two youngsters to his own father in
> Burújird where they stayed for a year with their grandfather, Siyyid Ja‘far,
> until the latter’s passing.680 Other histories (such as, Násikhu’t-Taváríkh
> and Rawdatu’s-Safá) state that after the conclusion of the events, the two
> boys were sent to Shiraz and there, as a token of kindness by the
> authorities, sent to Burújird. Afterwards they returned to Yazd to their
> mother.
> 
> 676 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 113, suggests Siyyid Ahmad was the eldest of Vahíd’s
> 
> children.
> 677 Ardakání, though a known and firm believer in Bahá’u’lláh, served as the foremost
> 
> mujtahid of Yazd.
> 678 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 119.
> 679 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 406, gives his name as Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad.
> 680 Fársnámih Násirí, p. 305, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 114.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 369
> 
> Siyyid Muhammad grew to become a firm Bahá’í with a vast
> knowledge of the history and scriptures of the faith, and much like his
> father possessed an extraordinary bodily strength. As a young merchant,
> he left Yazd for Kirmán where he married and spent his days engaged in
> commerce in that city’s Gulshan district. Bahá’u’lláh wrote several
> stirring tablets in Siyyid Muhammad’s honor.681 He passed away in
> Kirmán with no progeny.682
> 
> B.4. Siyyid Muhsin
> The third son was Siyyid Muhsin683 who became a pillar of strength for
> the Bahá’í community. He left Yazd and settled near his aunt’s family in
> Qazvín where in former days his father had spent much of his time.
> There he engaged in commerce in the establishment of his cousin, Mírzá
> Mahmúd Amíní. Eventually, he married and had several children, all of
> whom remained faithful and dedicated Bahá’ís. Siyyid Muhsin was also
> instrumental in guiding to the Faith several individuals, including his
> famed cousin, Mírzá Yúsuf Vahíd Kashfí, a son of Hájí Muhammad-
> Isma‘íl. Throughout his life, he was in close communication with his
> brothers and sister.
> 
> B.5. Siyyid Ismá‘íl
> Some years prior to his conversion to the Bábí faith, Vahíd had settled in
> Nayríz and there had married Sughrá, a daughter of the renowned
> scholar Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí Nayrízí. From this union a son was
> born by the name of Siyyid Ismá‘íl in 1255 A.H./1839. During the
> stormy days of 1850, the mother and son were with Vahíd at Fort Khájih
> 
> 681 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 114.
> 682  Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 477, suggests Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid
> Muhammad, though not believers, were admirers of the Bahá’í faith. Given the text
> of Bahá'u'lláh’s tablet to Siyyid Ahmad cited earlier, this statement needs to be
> revised.
> 683 As discussed previously, following Nabil’s misstatement, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq,
> 
> vol. 2, p. 406, gives his name as Siyyid Mihdí.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 370 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and immediately after his martyrdom were rescued by Hájí Shaykh
> ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí and sent to Istahbánát in the company of some other family
> members, where they stayed with Vahíd’s sister, Jahán Bagum. The other
> sister of Vahíd, Bíbí Batul, who had married Áqá Mírzá Murshíd, also
> lived in that town, and for some while they all lived in fear of
> repercussions from the events of Nayríz.
> After a few years, relative security was established and Sughrá and
> her son enjoyed the comfort of that region and benefited from
> association with Vahíd’s family. In fact, Jahán Bagum had a son of her
> own by the name of Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan who was of the same age as
> Siyyid Ismá‘íl and she treated them equally in all ways and surrounded
> them with great affection. She ensured that both boys completed their
> early education in Istahbánát and for more advanced training in the
> Islamic sciences were sent to Yazd to enroll in the Madrisih Khán where
> they stayed with relatives.
> In that city, Siyyid Ismá‘íl emerged as a recognized scholar known
> as Hájí Muhaqqiqu’l-‘Ulamá. He married a daughter of his paternal
> uncle, Siyyid ‘Alí, and returned to Istahbánát where he spent the rest of
> his days engaged in research and writing dissertations on various aspects
> of Islamic thought. He passed away at the age of 84 in Dhi’l-Hajjih 1338
> A.H./1919.
> After the death of his first wife, Siyyid Ismá‘íl married again and
> had sons who also became renowned clerics in the Istahbánát region.
> Siyyid Ismá‘íl’s writings are among the best known in modern
> Shi‘ism and the most important among them are: Hisnu’l-Hasín dar Sharh
> Baladu’l-Amín, a commentary on his grandfather’s important work on
> statesmanship; Lam‘átu’l-Núr, an exposition of the Light verse of the
> Qur’án; Sharh Du‘á Kúmaíl, an explanation of the prayer attributed to
> Kúmaíl; Salsabíl, (Bombay, 1312 A.H./1894) on mysticism and spiritual
> ways; Matla’u’l-Núr va Manbi’u’l-Asrar, (Shiraz, 1317 A.H./1899), a
> treatise on the science of kalám (exposition or rhetoric).
> 
> C. Other Noted Family Members
> True to their heritage, a great many in the family of Vahíd went on to
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 371
> 
> become well-known divines, theologians and men of letters. However
> fearing the renewal of attacks and a fate similar to that which befell
> Vahíd, with the exception of Mírzá Yúsuf Kashfí, none among them are
> known to have pursued serious investigation of the veracity of the Bábí
> or Bahá’í faiths.
> 
> C.1. Siyyid Sabghatu’lláh Kashfí
> A brother of Vahíd, he was born and raised in Najaf and completed his
> studies in that city first with the “the author of Javáhir684” and later with
> Shaykh Murtidá Ansárí. He emerged as a renowned scholar and a
> confidant of Ansárí. He penned several important treatises, the best
> known being a commentary on the Qur’án by the title, Basa‘ir al-Ayman
> ya Darratu’s-Safa fi Tafsir A’imat’l-Hudá in two or three volumes. He
> passed away in 1270 A.H./1853 in Karbalá.
> 
> C.2. Mírzá Ahmad
> A son of Siyyid Ismá‘íl, and generally known by the title of Shaykhu’l-
> Muhaqqiqín, was born in 1291 A.H./1874 and was educated under the
> tutelage of his own father and Siyyid ‘Alí Kazirúní. He excelled in occult
> sciences and much like his great grandfather, became an expert in jafr
> (numerology). A number of books have remained by him.685 He passed
> away in 1354 A.H./1935 and is buried in Ray. His son, Muhammad-
> Hádí, went on to become an important jurist and achieved the rank of
> Shaykhu’l-Islám. He too penned many books.686
> 
> C.3. Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan Istahbánátí
> A nephew of Vahíd through Jahán Bagum and a cousin and close
> 
> 684 Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan (d. 1850) wrote the most comprehensive work on
> 
> Shi‘i jurisprudence, Javáhiru’l-Asrar fi’l Fihq’l-Islam, in 24 volumes. He is mentioned in
> the Kitáb Aqdas, paragraph 166.
> 685 For a list of publications, consult Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 302.
> 686 For a list, consult Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 303.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 372 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> companion of the above-mentioned Siyyid Ismá‘íl, Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan
> studied Islamic jurisprudence and philosophy in Yazd, Mashhad and
> Isfahán, and then spent some years mastering mathematics and
> astronomy. Mírzá Abú’l-Hasan’s biography is provided by Áqá Buzurg
> Tihrání where some of Siyyid Ismá‘íl’s writings are listed in error as
> his687. Among his writings, one should note: Hashiyyih Tahrir Uqlidus, on
> Euclidean geometry; Risálih dar Hay’at, a treatise on astronomy; Sharh
> Tashrihu’l-Aflak, (Tihrán, 1284 A.H.), an exposition of Shaykh Bahá’í’s
> magnum opus on astronomy.
> 
> C.4. Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad Haqáyiq Kashfí
> He was a son of Siyyid Musafá, well-regarded as a celebrated poet and
> founder of Haqáyiq school in Isfahán.688 He died in 1909.
> 
> C.5. Hájí Siyyid Mihdí Kashfí
> Son of Siyyid Rayhánu’lláh, one of the most influential clerics of Qum
> and Tihrán, he was born in 1896 and died in 1947.689
> 
> C.6. Siyyid Músá Muqtadí Kashfí
> Grandson of Siyyid Musafá, author of two important texts: Mahafil ash-
> Shuhadá, on martyrs of Karbalá; and Bahr al-Ma'rif, on the science of
> Qur’ánic analysis.
> 
> C.7. Mírzá Siyyid Muhammad Istahbánátí
> Grandson of Siyyid Musafá, he emerged as one of the best-known and
> best-published contemporary poets and literary figures.690
> 
> 687 Nuqabu’l-Bashar, vol. 1, p. 35.
> 688  For biography see, Áqá Buzurg, al-Dariyyih, vol. 9, p. 259, and Siyyid
> Muhammad-‘Ali Rawzatí, Jami‘u’l-Nisab, p. 118.
> 689 For biography see, Muhammad Razí, Atháru’l-Hajjih, vol. 1, p. 227.
> 690 For biography see, Muhammad-Husayn Ádamíyat, Dánishmandán va Sukhan-
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 373
> 
> C.8. Mírzá Yúsuf Vahíd Kashfí
> A nephew of Vahíd Dárábí deserves special mention as standing among
> the most eminent Bahá’ís of his age.691 Mírzá Yúsuf was born in the year
> 1281 A.H./1864692 in Istahbánát as the youngest of the eight children
> (six boys and two girls) of Jahán Bagum and Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl.
> Both his father and grandfather, Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, originally from
> Lar, were merchants of note whose trading activities spread to the
> surrounding regions. Jahán Bagum was born and raised in Istahbánát
> and together with her husband had become a firm Bábí in the course of
> Vahíd’s first visit.
> From early childhood, signs of unusual intellect and remarkable
> faculties coupled with a well-pleasing nature were evident in Mírzá Yúsuf
> and soon he excelled in all his early studies. Occasionally during this
> period he journeyed to Nayríz, visiting his sister and her family, and once
> traveled to Mashhad with his maternal uncle, Siyyid Mustafá.
> At the age of sixteen he was sent to Shíráz693 to complete his
> education under the supervision of one of his father’s relations in the
> Áqá Bábá Khán school and soon he mastered such branches of learning
> as Arabic grammar, logic, rhetoric, and metaphysics. After a while he
> also enrolled in the Qavám School where he studied the basics of the
> philosophy of Mullá Sadrá under the tutelage of Mírzá ‘Abbás Hakím,
> one of the foremost students of the celebrated Hájí Mullá Hádí
> Sabzivárí.694 It was there in 1298 A.H./1880 that he befriended the
> 
> Saráyán Fárs, vol. 4, p. 338. For an example of his poetry see, Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2,
> pp. 298-300.
> 691 For a biography see Masábíh Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 5-36; Ahang Badí‘, year 1332 Sh,
> 
> no. 10-12; and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol 1.
> 692 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 2596, gives this date as 1280 A.H.
> 693 There is a considerable confusion between various accounts on his travels during
> 
> the early years. The present writer has deemed the information in Masábih Hidáyat to
> be more reliable.
> 694 The renowned sage of Sabzivár is mentioned by Bahá’u’lláh in the Tablet of
> 
> Wisdom. He was a teacher of the famous Bahá’í scholar, the Hand of the Cause Nabíl
> Qá’iní. For details see Sharh Hál Rijál Irán.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 374 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> renowned Áqá Shaykh Ibráhím Burazjání, known as Fádil Shírází695, and
> was first introduced to the Bahá’í faith and learned the details associated
> with his maternal uncle, Vahíd, though he continued to remain identified
> with the religion of his birth.
> For his advanced studies in the various branches of Islamic
> sciences, he left Shíráz for Yazd where he remained for two years and
> enrolled in the Khán School. This stay afforded him the opportunity to
> deepen his knowledge of the Bahá’í cause through association with his
> cousin, Siyyid Ahmad (a son of Vahíd), a resident of the same town.
> Frequently he also visited Hájí Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí, the Vakílu’d-
> Dawlih696, from whom he learned many details about the religion of the
> Báb.
> Subsequently, he traveled to Isfahán, visiting his two maternal
> uncles, Siyyid Síná and Siyyid ‘Isá, and from there to Burújird where
> another maternal uncle, Siyyid Rayhanu’lláh, the youngest brother of
> Vahíd Dárábí, had succeeded his father and had acquired the rank of the
> Hujjatu’l-Islám. He stayed in that town for some six months and
> benefited from the classes of his uncle at whose encouragement he
> traveled to Karbalá and for the next two years undertook tuition under
> such renowned scholars as Áqá Shaykh Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Mázandarání,697
> Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Rashtí and Hájí Siyyid Husayn Turk. A portion of
> this time he was enrolled in the classes of various ‘ulamá in Najaf, such
> as, Hájí Shaykh Muhammad, Fádil Irvání and Shaykh Hádí Najm-Ábádí.
> Upon completion of his studies, he returned to the family’s native
> town in Dáráb, but finding its intellectual environment too stifling, he
> left after a week for Kirmán and Yazd. It was in the former city where he
> met his cousin, Siyyid Muhammad, who had accompanied Vahíd on the
> historic journey to Nayríz, and from this cousin learned much more
> 695 Fádil Shírází was among the most eminent Bahá’ís during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry
> 
> whose fascinating biography is provided in Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7.
> 696 He was a son of the eldest maternal uncle of the Báb and the architect of the first
> 
> Bahá’í house of worship, in ‘Ishqábád. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has considered him to be together
> with the Báb and the eighteen Letters of the Living among the 24 elders mentioned in
> the Book of Revelation. For more detailed biographical information consult: Khándán
> Afnán; Eminent Bahá’ís during the time of Bahá’u’lláh; and In the Land of Refuge.
> 697 His name is given as “Abdu’lláh” in Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 111.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 375
> 
> about the Bahá’í faith. Though in the course of his conversations he was
> unable to accept the new religion, as a result of further exposure to the
> Bahá’í writings he was deeply moved.
> In 1302 A.H./1884 from Yazd he proceeded to Mashhad where
> he stayed for about a year and a half. In order to satisfy his internal
> agitation, he decided after the performance of each morning’s obligatory
> prayer to recite a special prayer known as Du‘á Davázdah Imám.698 On the
> fortieth morning, his biographers note, upon reciting the phrase “...the
> divinely hidden Personage...” he had a profoundly moving spiritual
> experience and immediately stood to recite a special tablet of visitation
> revealed by Bahá’u’lláh in honor of his uncle, Vahid.699 At that point, his
> transition to the Bahá’í faith was complete.
> In 1305 A.H./1887700 he proceeded to Tihrán and arrived at the
> home of his cousin, Tubá Khánum, and through her and her brother,
> Siyyid Muhsin, was able to deepen his knowledge of the faith
> inaugurated by Bahá’u’lláh and begin his life-long path of service to
> humanity. It was during this time that he became closely connected with
> a number of government officials and solidified his reputation for wise
> and learned counsel.
> Two years later, Jalálu’d-Dawlih, a son of Zillul’s-Sultan, was
> appointed governor of the province of Yazd and decided to take Mírzá
> Yúsuf Kashfí with him.701 On learning that Mírzá Yúsuf had refused this
> offer, Jalálu’d-Dawlih informed him that, if necessary, he would be taken
> 
> 698 A prayer in honor of the Twelve Imáms, composed by Khájih Nasiru’d-Dín Túsí,
> 
> to be recited during forty consecutive mornings.
> 699 For a summary rendering see Appendix 4.
> 700 Ishráq-Khávarí, Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í, p. 2596, gives this date as 1304
> 
> A.H./1887.
> 701 This governor of Yazd was responsible for much of the persecution of the Bahá’ís
> 
> of this period and wherever he went, much like his father, he left behind a bloody trail.
> He is particularly responsible for the unprecedented pogrom of 1903 in Yazd and the
> surrounding villages where many Bahá’ís were slain. For a detailed discussion of this
> episode consult the eyewitness account of Abú’l-Qásim Baydá, in manuscript form, or
> the published account of Hájí Mullá Muhammad Táhir Málmirí, Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd.
> Another eyewitness account of this episode is translated into English in Rabbani and
> Astani, “The Martyrs of Manshád”.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 376 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> to Yazd in chains. In an effort to distance himself from the crazed
> Prince, he immediately accepted a position in the newly established
> American College in Tihrán, teaching Arabic and Persian courses.
> Seizing the opportunity, he also began to study English and the history
> of the Church, and was able to acquire a certificate of completion some
> nine months later. By now he had attracted the attention of the College
> administrators and was appointed supervisor of the school’s expansion
> program, including its construction activities. On a number of occasions,
> including the time when the monarch, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, visited the
> College, Mírzá Yúsuf was asked to represent the school to the
> government officials or to intercede on behalf of the Mission.
> In 1308 A.H./1890, Mírzá Yúsuf married a daughter of Tubá
> Khánum, the daughter of Vahíd Dárábí.702 It was soon thereafter that
> the American Mission launched efforts to establish a school in Ridáiyyih
> and for this purpose Miss Green arrived from the United States and
> another missionary worker, Dr. Cochran, was recalled from Ridáiyyih to
> report on the progress towards establishing this enterprise. On meeting
> Mírzá Yúsuf, both were greatly impressed with his abilities and asked
> him to assist with the Ridáiyyih facility. He readily accepted and with his
> family proceeded there, but his stay was short-lived and he returned to
> Tihrán. It was then that his wife passed away and was buried in Imám-
> Zádih Yahyá, next to her mother.
> In the early months of 1892, he decided to visit Bahá’u’lláh and
> proceeded to ‘Akká. However, upon reaching Tabríz, he learned of
> Bahá’u’lláh’s passing and deeply grieved, decided against completion of
> the journey and remained in Ridáiyyih for a year, and from there he
> returned to Tihrán.
> In 1311 A.H./1894, once again the American Protestant Mission
> 
> 702 Various sources, such as Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 477, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár,
> 
> vol. 1, suggest that Tubá had no child. However, Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 12, informs
> otherwise. The fact that Vahíd Kashfí married this grand-daughter of Vahíd Dárábí is
> confirmed by the present writer’s father, Dr. Iraj Rabbani, who in his youth was a
> student of Vahíd Kashfí and closely informed of the details associated with his noble
> life.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 377
> 
> in Tihrán appointed him principal of their College in Ridáiyyih.703 In was
> there that he married again, formed a family, and through hard work,
> expanded his estate.
> Much like his uncle, Mírzá Yúsuf possessed an uncanny ability for
> cultivating relations with the ruling class and since Tabríz traditionally
> served as the seat for the heir to the Qajar throne, he established
> important contacts in that town. The most beneficial of his relations, as
> it turned out, was with the governor of Tabríz, Prince Imám-Qulí
> Mírzá,704 who introduced him to Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá.705 On
> meeting Mírzá Yúsuf and hearing him make a representation on behalf
> of Imám-Qulí Mírzá, the royal prince was enchanted with his personality
> and knowledge, thereby honoring him with the title “Lisán Huzúr” (the
> sanctified tongue).
> In 1313 A.H./1895, he traveled to the Ottoman region and
> remained for some six months as a tutor of Siyyid Tah, a son of Shaykh
> Sádiq, the religious leader of the Naqshbandí Sufi order. Years later,
> around 1919-20, both this student together with another Naqshbandí
> leader, Shaykh ‘Abdu’lláh, visited Mírzá Yúsuf in Ridáiyyih and both
> accepted Bahá’u’lláh.706
> In the same year, subsequent to the assassination of Násiri’d-Dín
> Sháh, Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá acceded to the throne and his son
> Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá was named his heir and established himself in
> Tabríz. A few years later, in 1319 A.H./1901, the young Prince paid an
> official visit to Ridáiyyih in the course of which he came to the American
> 
> 703 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, is silent on this trip to Tihrán and indicates that while in
> 
> Tabríz, Kashfí was approached by the American Mission to head the school in
> Ridáiyyih.
> 704 He is a brother of Malik [Prince] Qásim Mírzá, who is mentioned in A Traveler’s
> 
> Narrative.
> 705 Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 15, states that partly responsible for this introduction to
> 
> the Prince was the effort of Hájí Mu‘ín’s-Saltanih, the famous Bahá’í historian of later
> years, who was a chamberlain of the Prince Muzaffaru’d-Dín Mírzá and enjoyed the
> title of the Hishmatu’l-Vuzará.
> 706 Some three years later, Siyyid Tah, visited Tihrán and through Vahíd Kashfí met a
> 
> number of prominent Bahá’ís, including Hájí Abú’l-Hasan Amín, and attended many
> functions at the Bahá’í Center.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 378 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Protestant Mission and through the Názimu’l-Hukamá707 was introduced
> to Mírzá Yúsuf. Some days later, Mírzá Yúsuf was called to Tabríz and
> after detailed discussions with the Prince about the faith, in the presence
> of many high-ranking officials, the title of “Lisán Huzúr” was
> reconfirmed and he was granted the honorary rank of Army Colonel.708
> In 1902, he met Siyyid Asadu’lláh Qumí who wrote of him to
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in response to which Mírzá Yúsuf received a stirring
> communication which starts with the words “O seeker of the Beloved of
> the worlds”.709 In the course of this tablet, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated, “The
> field of service is wide open.” As such, Vahíd Kashfí was moved to
> resign his post, sell his belongings and undertake a number of teaching
> journeys. On hearing of his plans to visit ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in Haifa/‘Akká
> and travel subsequently to Europe and North America, Prince
> Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá issued three royal directives to the Iranian
> embassies in Istanbul, London and Washington, to ensure his comfort
> and needs while in their jurisdiction.710
> After ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s permission had arrived, he journeyed to
> ‘Akká and stayed for nineteen days, each day paying homage to the
> Shrine of Bahá’u’lláh. Because of his fluency in English, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
> instructed him to visit the United States. Vahíd Kashfí arrived in Boston
> by way of Port Said, Cairo, Alexandria, Italy, Paris, London, Liverpool,
> 707 Father of Hand of the Cause General Shu‘á‘u’lláh ‘Alá’í.
> 708 The Royal decree, signed by the Shujá‘u’s-Saltanih, is dated Sha‘bán 1319 A.H.
> 
> [November-December 1901] and is printed in Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 21-22.
> 709 This tablet begins with “Ay mushtáq dilbar áfáq” and is printed in Lam‘átu’l-
> 
> Anvár, vol. 1.
> 710 The text of this decree, dated Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1319 A.H. [February 1902], addressed to
> 
> the Iranian Ambassador in the United States, the Mafkhamu’d-Dawlih, is in Masábih
> Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 23. A translation is as follows:
> His Excellency, the Mafkhamu’d-Dawlih.
> As Mírzá Yúsuf Khán, the Lisán Huzúr, has decided to visit
> America to complete his studies, this letter of recommendation is
> written on his behalf. Kindly ensure that in the course of his stay in that
> region all aid and assistance is rendered him. Further, kindly assure his
> comfort so that his studies may proceed satisfactorily and no delay or
> hindrance takes place.
> Dhi’l-Qa‘dih 1319 A.H., [signed] The Heir to the Throne.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 379
> 
> and Quebec. From Boston, he went to New York and met with Mírzá
> Abú’l-Fadl and Alí-Kuli Khán. After consultation with local Bahá’ís, he
> traveled extensively for a period of over a year in the eastern States,
> including Pennsylvania, Maryland, and some of the mid-western regions
> such as Missouri. During these days, from early morning hours until well
> into the night, he would exert efforts to deepen and consolidate the
> nascent Bahá’í communities and do everything he could to promote of
> the faith. At the conclusion of his journey, he went to Maine and stayed
> at Green Acre School for a while. During this period, he regularly gave
> lectures on the teachings of the Bahá’í faith, its history and the station of
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá which resulted in many accepting the new religion and, in
> effect, he was preparing the community for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s arrival a few
> years later. After a stay of two years in the United States, due to adverse
> weather and the deterioration of his health, and following consultation
> with Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl and upon ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s approval, he returned to
> Ridáiyyih and resumed his earlier career.
> Though initially he was disappointed in not being able to stay
> longer in North America, soon he received a letter from ‘Abdu'l-Bahá
> urging him to serve in his native country and to readily accept what God
> had ordained. Energized by this letter, Mírzá Yúsuf set aside all caution
> and began to openly teach the faith to everyone he encountered,
> including during his own classes in the Missionary College. Soon several
> of his students became Bahá’ís, which caused uproar among the school
> administrators, who decided to terminate his appointment. They also
> complained to the authorities, but due to Mírzá Yúsuf’s standing in the
> community, this plea was ignored. The school officials however joined
> forces with certain fanatical elements and one day rushed and plundered
> his home. Since ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had cautioned him to be resigned to the
> will of God, Mírzá Yúsuf did not approach the officials to seek redress
> for his case.
> Upon hearing the details, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá urged him to travel-teach
> in Adharbayján. As such, he spent a period of time promoting the faith
> until he eventually settled in the village of Shíshván, on the outskirts of
> Ridáiyyih Lake. For the next seven months he served as tutor to the four
> sons of the Prince Imám-Qulí Mírzá and was granted an annual stipend
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 380 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> of one hundred tumáns and a ton of wheat.711 During this time, he
> continued his intense teaching work, which resulted in several individuals
> including his four students, accepting the faith.
> In 1923, he left that region for Tihrán where he accepted a
> position at the Tarbíyat Bahá’í School in addition to his post as English-
> Persian translator for the Ministry of Commerce. Three years later he left
> for Qazvín and served for a year and a half as the principal of
> Hamdu’lláh Mustawfí School, after which for the next five years he
> administered the Tavvakul Bahá’í school in the same town.
> In 1929, when Martha Root was visiting Iran, he accompanied her
> to Adharbayiján and served as her translator. After this he returned to
> Qazvín and resumed his teaching work. Again some four years later
> when the American travel teacher, Miss Ramson Kehler, visited Iran he
> served as her translator during her two-year journeys to Gilán, Khurásán
> and Mázandarán. It was after her untimely passing in Isfahán that he
> decided to complete her tour by himself and for the next four years
> traveled extensively in various regions of the country, assisting the
> community in learning the basics of Bahá’í administration and
> organizational structure. When in 1938 Mildred Mottahedeh visited Iran,
> bearing messages from Shoghi Effendi, Mírzá Yúsuf assisted her as a
> translator in her tour of the eastern provinces.
> In total, Mírzá Yúsuf married four times. He had divorced his first
> wife prior to his conversion to the Bahá’í faith and married again, and
> this time his spouse died prematurely. His third union resulted in a son,
> ‘Atau’lláh, who became an agricultural engineer and served the faith with
> great distinction. On the passing of this wife, Mírzá Yúsuf married again
> which resulted in a daughter named Khujastih.
> Much like his celebrated uncle, Vahíd Dárábí, he possessed an
> unusual command of Islamic sciences and traditions and in the course of
> his teaching activities was able to draw upon this fount of knowledge
> with great facility. In addition to his deep Bahá’í knowledge, his
> command of several languages, such as, English, Arabic, French, and
> 
> 711 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, indicates that this stipend was granted by Muzaffara’d-Dín
> 
> Sháh. However, the text of the letter authorizing this provision is printed in Masábih
> Hidáyat, vol. 7, pp. 15-16, and clearly shows the author as being Imám-Qulí Mírzá.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 381
> 
> Turkish enabled him to promote the faith in many regions beyond his
> immediate environs. He was the recipient of numerous communications
> from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, which eloquently testify to his life-long services,
> particularly in the region of Adharbayiján where he lived for well over
> three decades. In one of these letters, he was titled Vahíd712 as a
> remembrance of his illustrious uncle, Vahíd Dárábí. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in this
> tablet calls on him to serve the world of humanity with the same degree
> of sacrifice and self-renunciation manifested a generation earlier by his
> uncle.
> During Shoghi Effendi’s ministry, Vahíd Kashfí continued to be a
> source of encouragement and a pillar of the faith to the community and
> frequently received direct communications from Shoghi Effendi. In his
> latter days, he devoted much time to organizing deepening activities for
> the younger generation.
> Vahíd Kashfí passed away on 3 October 1959, at the age of 94,
> and was buried at the Tihrán Bahá’í cemetery. The Hands of the Cause
> of God residing in the Holy Land instructed the Iranian Bahá’í
> community to commemorate his passing by holding meetings in his
> honor throughout the country, and their cable to the community reads:
> 
> Deeply saddened news passing distinguished servant Cause
> God renowned scholar Vahíd. Assure his family fervent
> prayers sacred threshold progress his noble soul. Organize
> befitting memorial gatherings. Hands Cause.713
> 
> 712 From that time, Mírzá Yúsuf ceased to use Lisán Huzúr and would instead employ
> 
> the title Vahíd Kashfí.
> 713 Masábih Hidáyat, vol. 7, p. 36, and “Akhbár Amrí”, yr. 116 BE, no. 91, 1338 Sh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 382 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Appendix 3
> 
> Writings of Vahíd Dárábí
> 
> It is known that prior to his conversion to the Bábí faith, Vahíd was a
> prolific scholar and composed many treatises on a relatively wide range
> of Islamic philosophy, jurisprudence and mysticism, but none of those
> writings are known to the present translator. Of the treatises penned
> after his conversion, a few have survived and are rendered into English
> below.
> 
> 1. Though the exact date of the following treatise cannot presently be
> determined, it must have been composed some time during 1846 and
> 1850, as Vahíd refers to his interview with the Báb. The Arabic text of
> this document, titled Risálih Istidláliyyih, is printed in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-
> Haqq, vol. 3, pages 471-473:
> 
> In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
> The praise of God and His glorification rest upon His
> Messenger [Muhammad] and His family until attainment to
> the presence of God714.
> This hopeful servant, this ephemeral slave and
> evanescent soul, 10-8-10715 Fátamí716, states that after Gh-R-
> S717 years had passed since the Prophetic migration of that
> Immigrant [Muhammad], upon Him rest a thousand
> 
> 714 Liqáu’lláh refers to the Day of Resurrection signifying the appearance of the
> 
> Qá’ím.
> 715 10-8-10 are the numerical values for the letters Y, H and Y, which spell Yahyá,
> 
> Vahíd’s given name.
> 716 A reference to his holy lineage, indicating that he was a descendent of the
> Prophet Muhammad through his daughter, Fátimih.
> 717 Gh-R-S = 1000+200+60 = 1260. The Báb appeared in the year 1260 A.H./1844.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 383
> 
> blessings and praise, I was informed that verily the Qá’ím
> had arisen in the land of Fárs and appeared as a brilliant Star
> and a luminous celestial orb in the city of Shíráz. It is the
> meaning and Remembrance of this exalted saying, “We have
> written in the Holy Scripture that after the Remembrance,
> My righteous servants will inherit the earth.”718
> Therefore I did not waver, but traveled from town to
> town, searching in all parts of the world. And the bird of my
> heart roamed in both south and north, passing by all the
> horizons and every part therein, until it reached the blessed
> land and the Baládu’l-Maqám719, which is the Baládu’l-
> Amn720, the spot of the appearance of the wronged Servant
> in the month of Jamadiyu’l-Avval of the year Gh-R-S-B
> [=1262]721.
> I stayed at the threshold and attained the presence of
> the One Who has the knowledge of the Divine Books. And
> I beheld the city that yielded the fruit of all things and
> attracted the hearts of the people. I, therefore, resided there,
> wherein the bird of my heart learned the ways of
> supplication and homage. Thereupon I swore by the One in
> Whose Hand is my soul that He [i.e. the Báb] is that
> selfsame Light and Manifestation referred to in the verse:
> “God is the Light of the Heavens and of the Earth. His
> Light is like a niche in which is a lamp – the Lamp encased
> in the glass – the glass, as it were, a glistening star. From a
> blessed tree it is lighted, the olive neither of the East nor of
> the West, whose oil would well nigh shine out, even though
> fire touched it not! It is light upon light. God guideth whom
> He will to His light, and God setteth forth parables to men,
> 
> 718 Qur’án 21:105 states, “Before this We wrote in the Psalms, after the Message
> 
> (given to Moses): My servants the righteous, shall inherit the earth.”
> 719 The land of station, a reference to Shíráz.
> 720 The land of refuge, another reference to Shíráz.
> 721 27 April – 26 May 1846.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 384 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> for God knoweth all things.”722 This Light and its brilliance
> will light and rekindle the people of light that they might be
> humbled, bestowing blessings upon those seeking the favor
> of God and upon the followers of the Prophet.
> He [i.e. the Báb] elucidated the meaning of the letters
> of “In the Name of God” in their four stations. He then
> interpreted the Surih of Kawthar so that rivers [of
> understanding] did flow therefrom – such rivers as will not
> become fetid; rivers of milk whose taste does not alter; and
> the river of pure honey; and the river of wine which brings
> pleasure to he who quaffs therefrom.723 Then He
> expounded the Hadith of that exalted Figure and Knower of
> secrets, [Imám] Abú-Ja‘far Muhammad ibn [Imám] ‘Alí-
> Báqir, praise and salutation be upon Him, who had
> addressed Abú-Lubid Makhzúmí regarding the science of
> the disconnected letters of Qur’án. Afterwards He [i.e. the
> Báb] replied [to the questions] of the honored Siyyid Abú-
> Hasan Husayní, who beseeched Him to manifest His Cause
> openly. In the course of this, He elucidated on the meaning
> of the letter “H” being the first letter of His Book724 and
> this Epistle became known as the Risálih Há’iyyih.
> He then commented on the prayer of occultation,
> which has been related in Kafí, under three headings in 14
> chapters – and from each, the dwelling-place of unseen
> mystery was made manifest. During the night725, darkness
> overtook all until the Morn of Eternity726 was unveiled.
> 
> 722 Qur’án 24:35
> 723 This refers to the Qur’ánic rivers of paradise, whose symbolic meaning the Báb
> 
> expounded in the Surih of Kawthar and other works, notably the Persian Bayán.
> (The translator is grateful to Ismael Velasco for suggesting this footnote.)
> 724 “H” is the first letter of Húva (He is).
> 725 Refers to the time from the passing of the last Imám in 260 AH/873 until the
> 
> declaration of the Báb in 1260AH/1844, when once again, according to the Bábí
> belief, divine guidance was made available to humanity.
> 726 Subh Azal, one of the titles of the Báb. This title was first employed by Imám
> 
> ‘Alí as a reference to Prophet Muhammad.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 385
> 
> Then He replied to the questions of one of the seekers and
> travelers in the way of God, who had suffered much in the
> path of the Religion of God. He also graciously replied to
> that eminent doctor, that trustworthy scholar, who attained
> certitude through the light of his heart, Siyyid Javád Husayní
> [Karbalá’í] on the matter of grammar. He replied to the
> questions of the honored Navváb Hindí regarding the Name
> of God, the Almighty. He furthermore replied to the
> questions of the learned Shaykh ‘Abid, who had recognized
> the Truth. In response to a query from Mullá Hasan Rashtí,
> He penned an eloquent answer. Then He replied to the
> questions of Hájí Muhammad-Ismá‘íl Farahání. He further
> revealed [a series of] prayers to be intoned by worshipers.
> Praise thy Lord, the Gracious! I swore by the creator
> of heaven and earth: “Verily this is the word of a most
> honorable Messenger.”727 “In a Book well-guarded which
> none shall touch but those who are clean.”728 Would you,
> therefore, remain heedless of these sayings? Your spiritual
> sustenance you acquire from a source that you consider an
> imposture. Bring forth, then, sayings like unto His, if you are
> able and are of the truthful.
> Praise be to God for all that has been said, and peace
> be upon the Messenger and “the Lord of the worlds.”729
> 
> 2-3. The following proof-treatises by Vahíd are in Arabic and the texts is
> printed in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pages 473-477. Based on internal
> evidence, the second treatise was written at the same time as the Báb was
> residing in Isfahán and Vahíd had already arrived in Tihrán. Since the
> Báb was in Isfahán between September 1846 and March 1847, and
> Vahíd, according to what he recorded in this treatise, arrived in Tihrán
> on 19 January 1847, it can be inferred that the second document below
> was penned sometime in January to March of 1847. Mázandarání states
> 
> 727 Qur’án 81:19
> 728 Qur’án 56:78-79
> 729 Qur’án 40:64
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 386 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> that the original of both are extant and are autograph copies in the hand
> of Vahíd.730
> 
> In the name of God, the Exalted, the Great.
> Praise be unto God, Who shone forth with the light
> and splendors of His Glory (Bahá) from the mystic realm
> (‘amá), and caused radiant praise to appear, encompassing all
> within the shadow of His grandeur. Thus first to be
> manifested in the book of creation was the verse “In the
> name of God” and the four exalted glorifications which
> constitute the letters of the Greatest Name731 among the
> most excellent Names. Through this Name, the essence of
> divinity was made manifest in His other [lower] kingdoms.
> While He was ...732 He ordered His cause to ascend and to
> descend, to rise and to set.733 From the pillars of His cause,
> He poured out the living waters in form of an ocean of ink
> and the precious letters “N” and “S”.734
> 
> [from the middle of page 475]
> This servant, 10-8-10735, trusting in the grace of living
> Qayyúm736, suppliant before the eternal Lord, declares in his
> splendid khutbih, before the honored Master and sore-tried
> 
> 730 The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History, p. 117, states, “A copy of the second
> 
> of these two maqálas [Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 475-477] forms the
> introduction (after a preceding khutba ascribed to the Báb) to the collection of the
> Báb’s writings made by Dárábí in Tehran and now contained in INBCM 40 (pp. 3-
> 5)”
> 731 While the present translator is not certain of the exact word intended by Vahíd, the
> 
> word “Bahá” in the original language is composed of four letters: B, h, alif and hamzih.
> 732 Unreadable by the translator.
> 733 Refers to the appearance of various Dispensations and their eventual decline, which
> 
> will then be followed by another Prophet.
> 734 The present translator is not certain what word Vahíd had in mind, but the letters
> 
> N and S form the word “Nas” which means “sacred writings”.
> 735 As noted earlier, 10-8-10 is the numerical equivalent of Yahyá (=Y H Y).
> 736 Lit. the self-sufficient, represents one of the titles of Bahá’u’lláh.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 387
> 
> Servant of God, utterer of clear speech and guide in the
> mighty Cause [Prophet Muhammad]: “Qaf. By the glorious
> Qur’án (thou art God's Apostle). But they wonder that there
> has come to them a Warner from among themselves. So the
> unbelievers say: 'This is a wonderful thing!'“737
> I have placed this verse at the opening of this khutbih,
> as a reminder to those who perceive, who posses
> understanding of the beginning and the end, whose prayer
> is: “Praise be to God, Who hath sent to His Servant the
> Book, and hath allowed therein no crookedness: (He hath
> made it) Straight (and clear) in order that He may warn (the
> godless) of a terrible punishment738 from Him, and that He
> may give glad tidings to the believers who work righteous
> deeds, that they shall have a goodly reward.”739 And “Those
> who listen to the Word, and follow the best (meaning) in it:
> those are the ones whom God has guided, and those are the
> ones endowed with understanding.”740 And “Those who
> sustain the Throne (of God) and those around it sing glory
> and praise to their Lord; believe in Him; and implore
> forgiveness for those who believe: Our Lord! Thy reach is
> over all things, in Mercy and Knowledge. Forgive, then,
> those who turn in repentance, and follow Thy Path: and
> preserve them from the Penalty of the Blazing Fire!”741
> Therefore, O assembled brothers, persevere in your
> station and position,742 and be observant and hearken to the
> voice of the Truth and the call of the Caller, for He is the
> Balance, the (straight) Path, the Sinai, the revealed Book,
> 
> 737 Qur’án 50:1-2
> 738 The original term in the Qur’án is “basan shadídán” which can be rendered as
> 
> “great event”. In Rodwell’s translation of the Qur’án, he has rendered it as “a grievous
> woe” which is closer to Vahíd's understanding that this passage was apocalyptic and
> anticipated the appearance of the Báb.
> 739 Qur’án 18:1-2.
> 740 Qur’án 39:18.
> 741 Qur’án 40:7.
> 742 That is, new believers.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 388 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> and the blessed House. Verily, He [i.e. the Báb] is the
> exalted Master, the glorious Light and the resplendent Star
> that appeared over the Baladu’l-Maqám [i.e. Shíráz] and is
> [presently] residing in the Land of Sad [i.e. Isfahán]. The Sun
> rose from its zodiac, and shone in its zenith and its light
> encompassed all horizons and manifested the inner meaning
> of the Word of God, praise be upon Him: “In the name of
> God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. By the Sun and his
> (glorious) splendor; By the Moon as she follows him; by the
> day as it shows (the sun's) glory,”743 to its completion.
> Fear not what may follow. He [i.e. the Báb]
> commanded me to proceed to the Land of Tá (i.e. Tihrán).
> In accordance with His order, I arrived at that city, on the
> first day of the second month of the third year after the year
> Gh-R-S (=1260)744, and met its inhabitants who numbered
> among His disciples. As these men spoke not but of the
> Remembrance, they were made captive in chains and fetters.
> I became cognizant of what they had endured and observed
> what befell them who believed. And yet these held no
> enmity or ill will towards those who perpetuated such
> wrongs, as they believed in God, the Almighty, the All-
> Praised.
> Verily, in the chambers of my heart, I was constantly
> mindful of my Master [i.e. the Báb] and as I was far from
> His presence, I longed to attain unto Him.
> O Son of Ahmad745! Is there a way to Thy Path and
> will our days be connected with Thy Days that we might
> bask in Thy favors? When shall we be granted to drink our
> fill from the flowing River of Thy Words? And when shall
> we quaff of Thy clear Water? Separation hath long
> consumed me. When shall I be permitted to sacrifice myself
> 
> 743 Qur’án 91:1-3
> 744 This corresponds to 1 Safar 1263 AH, or Tuesday, 19 January 1847.
> 745 Ahmad is a title of the Prophet Muhammad to whom the Báb traced his lineage.
> 
> It therefore appears that by “Son of Ahmad” he intended the Báb.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 389
> 
> in Thy path and offer up my soul as ransom for the light of
> Thine eyes? My condition is even as the Commander of the
> Faithful746, upon Him be peace, hath revealed, “I wondered
> whether I should pass the time in His remembrance or
> blindly wait in this darkness – the darkness by which the
> young grow old and the hair of the infant turns white, the
> believers will seek and through their striving will attain unto
> his Lord. Hence, it became clear that patience and
> forbearance in His path are the prudent and wise counsel. In
> such wise, with great sorrow and grief, I have continued to
> wait and be patient.”747
> And as I deemed all ways to be closed and guidance
> not possible, I decided to pass my days in collecting and
> transcribing His homilies and sacred words. From the
> beginning of the month of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih of the
> aforementioned year748, I began this work, that perchance
> my heart would be solaced and cheered. God is able to
> delight the heart of any of His servants.
> The first Effulgence [i.e. Tablet] which was revealed in
> that land [i.e. Isfahán] from the Fountainhead of Light, and
> descended from the divine knowledge, and gave light to this
> dark world, was the commentary on the Surih of Val-‘Asr.
> After that was the Risálih Nabbúvat Khasih [The Treatise
> on the Specific Prophethood] which was revealed with
> irrefutable logic, and then responses to various queries
> presented to Him [i.e. the Báb] by diverse people in His
> presence.
> He verily is the Almighty from the beginning to the
> end and He verily is the most benevolent Master and All-
> Seeing Commander.
> 
> 746 A title of the first Imam, ‘Alí.
> 747 This tradition is cited in Ibn Abi al-Mu‘tazili’s (d. 656A.H./1258), Sharh Nahj al-
> 
> Balagha,               available               at:                                         http://alshia.com/html/ara/books/nahj_albalaqe/01/09.htm#link19
> 748 October 1846.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 390 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> 4. The third volume of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq has printed two pages of an
> Arabic proof-treatise by Vahíd which is inserted after page 470. These
> pages are in Vahíd’s own hand.
> 
> Although He [i.e. the Báb], upon Him be peace, was born
> and raised amongst Persians and is but a commoner, signs
> of immense knowledge are evident in Him. With this most
> mighty Proof, He reveals prayers, sermons, visitation tablets
> and meditations in the style and language of the revelation
> of the Guardians [i.e. the Imáms]. Without the least pause or
> premeditation, within the space of six hours, He reveals a
> thousand verses. It is evident that this power transcends all
> human faculties in such wise that none even among the
> wisest has ever been known to achieve the like.
> With such manifest grandeur, in this short period of
> time, He, may my life be a sacrifice unto Him, has revealed
> many commentaries and unnumbered books and treatises in
> response to questions on diverse sciences, with conclusive
> and sufficient replies. How is one to deny this proof or to
> hesitate in His Cause after the Revelation of such Writings
> and the appearance of His light? By God, this hadith spoken
> by the Messenger of God to ‘Alí is true of Him [i.e. the
> Báb]: “O ‘Alí! None will show enmity towards you except
> him whose father is not known or who has come for the
> purpose of showing malice. Of a certainty, his spirit and the
> spirit of all who dwell in the kingdoms of revelation and of
> creation must be a sacrifice unto your knowledge and
> might.”
> Of His knowledge, it is as has been mentioned. And
> of His might, it is the power of revelation, the peace of God
> be upon Him. Without the least hesitation or thought, His
> pen reveals fragrant and sacred words, prayers, meditations,
> homilies, treatises and luminous verses. What might could
> be greater than this majesty? By the potency of God! Those
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 391
> 
> endowed with understanding will perceive this to be the
> greatest of all powers in the heavens or the earth.
> As regards His divine manners, He manifests the two
> qualities [of knowledge and grandeur] to a degree of
> perfection unrivalled on this plane of existence. He conducts
> Himself with the same excellence as His illustrious
> forebears, may the peace of God be upon them all from
> pre-existence unto eternity.
> Consider how He converses, moves and conducts
> Himself with utmost purity and piety and then you shall
> understand how in His presence the entire range of time has
> been reduced to a single hour and the whole span of earth
> limited to His House. No expression can describe the joy of
> being in His presence. “I know not what to say, or how to
> say it.”
> He is the Light that shone upon Moses and caused
> Him go forward. He is that Effulgence by which every
> moldering bone is quickened. Verily, His life-giving breath is
> sanctified by the garment of divine knowledge and goodly
> deeds and He is cleansed from all enmities and attachments.
> He is an elixir in balanced conditions and stands as a
> perfect jewel. He imparts a measure of truth to all who are
> worthy thereof and shines His effulgence upon each in
> accord to their own capacity. He enables all things, even
> such things as food or drink, to achieve their full potential –
> as this is the function and station of the elixir.
> 
> 5. The following is a letter written by Vahíd some time after his
> conversion, in the course of which he seeks to establish the validity of
> the Báb’s claim. It is not known to whom this letter was addressed.749
> The Persian text of this letter is printed in Khoosh-i-Há’i az Kharman-i
> Adab va Honar, vol. 6, pages 92-3, n. 77.750
> 
> 749 Dr. Muhammad Afnán has theorized that this letter was addressed to one of the
> 
> uncles of the Báb, other than Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí; see “Khushihá”, vol. 5, p. 92.
> 750 According to the Bahá’í World Centre (communication dated 25 August 1996),
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 392 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> He is God, the Most Great, the Most Mighty, the Most
> Glorious.
> ... It should be known to your good self that I read
> some of your correspondence while in the presence of your
> exalted and esteemed brother and perceived some of the
> misconceptions that may have troubled you. Even though in
> His Tablet of 24 of Dhi’l-Hajjih, revealed by His most
> excellent and most holy Pen, matters have been disclosed,
> yet briefly I will attempt to rectify two misunderstandings.
> Firstly, when a person appears, claiming that he is sent
> by God and brings forth that which others are incapable of
> producing, then one of two conditions obtain: either he is of
> the true and therefore obedience unto him is imperative, or
> he is of the false. If it be the second condition, then the
> Almighty has decreed upon Himself that He would not
> allow any of His servants to fall victim to the false notions
> of such a claimant. With the first of these two conditions, by
> making a claim and bringing to bear that which none other
> is able to match, God will send forth a Messenger.
> Otherwise, He will destroy man-made proofs even as he
> destroyed the magic of the sorceress through the staff of
> Moses. Or He will destroy the false claimant before anyone
> is made wayward. And should He do none of these, then of
> certainty that claimant bears the truth. Consider this verse
> and the one revealed before and after it in the Surih of
> Inevitable: “But if Muhammad had fabricated concerning Us
> any sayings, We had surely seized Him by the right hand and
> had cut through the vein of His neck.”751
> The Cause of that Personage [the Báb] in bringing
> forth Haqíqat [Truth] is indeed the same as the Cause of the
> Messenger of God [Muhammad] in manifesting Nabúvvat
> [Prophethood]. The proof of Both is indeed one and the
> 
> the original text is in the private library of Dr. Muhammad Afnán.
> 751 Qur’án 69:44.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 393
> 
> same. Recognition of the Prophethood of the Messenger of
> God will necessitate recognition of that honored Personage
> as true. The entire creation is but an effulgence of His
> Cause. “He causeth the living to issue from the dead, and
> He is the one to cause the dead to issue from the living.”752
> Rejection of this Personage [the Báb] is evidence that
> the doubters were never in Islam as Islam and the Specific
> Prophethood [nabúvvat khasih] is the same as the proof of
> His Cause. As He has brought forth His proof, all others are
> powerless to produce one the like of His. And had He not
> been Bearer of the truth, then out of His justice and favor,
> the Almighty God would have dealt with Him in one of the
> three ways mentioned earlier. And since none of those came
> to pass, therefore it stands evident that His Call is of truth.
> The proof of His verses, words and books, is the
> same proof given for the Qur’án and there is no difference
> between the two. Further explanation requires my speaking
> face to face.
> The second matter is that unlike in the past
> Dispensation, the laws are the ultimate command. Yea,
> verily it is so, on account of two reasons. Firstly, the laws are
> recognized by the Proof [the Báb] and not the Proof by [the
> veracity of] the laws. In Siffán, the Khawarij [the Seceders]
> wanted to test the Commander of the Faithful through the
> derivative laws (mustanabih) of the Qur’án which they had
> assembled in accordance with their own understanding and
> knowledge. And yet they were deprived of faith.753
> And now is the same way if one should attempt to
> recognize the Proof through the laws. After the proof has
> been vouchsafed and completed, none may be permitted to
> say that the laws are in accordance with the rulings of the
> ‘ulama or against them. ...
> The second point is that the religion of Islam consists
> 
> 752 Qur’án 6:95.
> 753 See An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, p. 25.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 394 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> of both záhir [an outward form] and bátin [an inner reality].
> And the Qur’án is endowed with both tanzíl [exoteric
> interpretation] and tá’wíl [esoteric interpretation]. The
> permitted and forbidden laws of Muhammad are the záhir
> and tanzíl of the Qur’án. And in short, the bátin and tá’wíl are
> those given by the Commander of the Faithful. The totality
> of these are manifested by the Qá’im, upon Him be peace.
> And there is no doubt that outwardly bátin and tá’wíl will be
> in contrast to záhir and tanzíl.
> [For instance,] in accordance to the Prophetic law and
> záhir and tanzíl, capital punishment is prohibited for a
> murderer who bears witness to the Faith and believes in the
> Qur’án. However, by invoking bátin and tá’wíl, the
> Commander of the Faithful, upon Him be peace, ordered
> the execution of thousands upon thousands of Nákithiyn,
> Qasityn and Mariqin in Basra, Siffin and Nahrun – those
> who had uttered, “There is no god but God, and
> Muhammad is the Messenger of God” and had believed in
> the Qur’án. That command, is in accordance to tá’wíl and is
> against tanzíl.
> All the foregoing applies equally to this honored
> Personage [i.e. the Báb]. And tá’wíl is the bátin of Islám, not
> its opposer. Outwardly, bátin and tanzíl seem to be two
> exegeses.
> [Another example,] in accordance to the tanzíl
> interpretation should one raise a place of worship or a
> mosque, even if it is large enough for only one person, God
> will grant him a dwelling in paradise. And yet, by the law of
> tá’wíl, the Qá’im of the House of Muhammad will destroy
> and reduce all the mosques. You notice that no one claims
> that this assertion is against the teachings of Islám and all
> maintain that it represents the bátin of His religion. The
> Cause of the Proof is akin to this.
> This honored Personage was not a judge or a
> mujtahid so that He should be known through elucidation
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 395
> 
> of the laws. Nay, He is the Proof. And all laws stem from
> Him. He is the divine Balance.
> In truth, such complaints are only excuses for error.
> His Cause is manifest. But since it differs from the exegesis
> of the world, then people advance excuses [not to embrace
> His Faith].
> Peace be upon you.
> Your servant, Yahyá.
> 
> 6. Of other writings of Vahíd, only the following comment by Dr. Denis
> MacEoin is known to the present translator: “A manuscript in Haifa
> attributed to the Báb under the unique title of Risála-yi Ashtát is said to
> be in Dárábí’s hand. This may, in fact, be a work by Vahíd himself, since
> no work of that name has been recorded anywhere as a work of the
> Báb’s.” The present translator is not familiar with this manuscript.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 396 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Appendix 4
> 
> Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Visitation
> for Vahíd Dárábí
> 
> For his holiness Vahíd hath this been revealed, he who beheld the
> Countenance of God, the All-Glorious, the Almighty, and who in His
> path sacrificed himself, arose to serve His Cause and quaffed his fill of
> the draught of certitude from the Hand of his Lord, the Munificent.
> 
> He is supreme over His Cause and powerful over His creation.
> The first wave of exaltation from the ocean of the grace of thy
> Lord, the Compassionate, be upon thee [Vahíd] who art the essence of
> the Qur’an and the possessor of the mysteries of the Bayán.
> I testify that thou didst quaff of the choice wine of His Revelation
> from the Hand of His favor and grace, and attained unto the presence of
> Him Who was the Promised One in all the sacred Books, Scriptures and
> Tablets. Thou didst hearken unto the divine Call when it was raised and
> perceived its manifestation above the Exalted horizon on a Day when all
> the dwellers of the mortal kingdom rejected the Creator of the heavens.
> Thou hast, moreover, discerned the Most Great Announcement and
> inhaled the fragrance of the garment of the Lord of Days.
> I testify that thou didst render victorious the Faith of God and His
> Cause through thy pen, thy tongue and thy hand until thou didst
> surrender thy life in His path and quaffed from the Kawthar of selfrenunciation in His name and in His love. Thou wast intoxicated from
> the spring of His Recognition and didst soar with the wings of certitude
> in the heaven of the murmur of thy God, the Lord of Grandeur. Over
> thy sufferings all the atoms of the earth cried out and the eye of creation
> did weep.
> I testify that because of thee all the treasures of the earth appeared
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 397
> 
> and all the pearls of the sea were revealed. Through thee, the pinnacle of
> understanding was adorned with the crown of revelation. Thou art the
> one who accepted the choice sealed wine before the face of all and drank
> thy fill in the Name of thy Lord, the Ancient of Days.
> May the resplendent glory which hath dawned from the horizon of
> divine grace, and the effulgent light from the heaven of sanctified justice,
> rest upon thee and upon those who have assisted thee. For they accepted
> the One that thou didst accept and repudiated them that had risen
> against thee. With thee and under thy shadow, they rendered the Cause
> victorious, having beheld thee and circled around thee.
> O God, my God, my Maker and the Maker of the heavens, I
> beseech Thee by the pearls of the ocean of Thy Oneness, by the
> mysteries of Thy Book, and by lamentation of Thy loved ones in their
> separation from Thee, and by the tears of the pure ones in their
> remoteness from Thee, and I invoke thee, O Thou Lord of indomitable
> strength, by this sacred Tomb and by this exalted Shrine [Vahíd’s], to
> forgive me, and my father, and all those who for Thy sake have drawn
> near to these sacred remains, and all those who have come and will come
> on pilgrimage to this spot.
> O my God, I beseech Thee by him [Vahíd] and by them who have
> suffered martyrdom in Thy path to bestow upon me and upon them that
> remain faithful unto Thy Covenant, the necessities of life. Thou art the
> All-Knowing, the All-Wise, the Lord of Creation.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 398 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Bibliography
> 
> Ábádi’í, Mírzá Qábil. Táríkh ‘Umumí Amr; n.p., n.d., manuscript in
> private hands.
> 
> _____. Táríkh Ábádih va Taváb‘; n.p., n.d., manuscript in private hands.
> 
> ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. A Traveler’s Narrative. Trans. Edward Granville Browne.
> Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1891.
> 
> _____. Memorials of the Faithful. Trans. Marzieh Gail. Wilmette: Bahá’í
> Publishing Trust, 1971.
> 
> Afnán, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh. “The Báb in Shiraz.” Trans. Ahang Rabbani.
> Bahá’í Studies Review 12(2004): 91–127.
> 
> _____. Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz. East Lansing, Mich. H-Bahai, 2000.
> http://www.h-net.org/~bahai/arabic/vol4/shiraz/shiraz.htm.
> 
> _____. Khátirat Hayát. n.p., n.d., manuscript in private hands.
> 
> Amanat, Abbas. Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Bábí Movement in
> Iran, 1844-1850. New York: Cornell university press, 1989.
> 
> Arjomand, Said Amir. The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam: religion,
> political order, and societal change in Shi'ite Iran from the beginning to 1890.
> Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984.
> 
> Ávárih, ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Ayati Taftí. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih fi Ma’athiru’l-
> Baha’iyih. v. 1; Cairo, 1342 [1923].
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 399
> 
> The Báb. Kitáb Panj Sha’n. Tihran, n.d. (196?). Reprinted, East Lansing,
> Mi.:            H-Bahai,               2000:             http://www.hnet.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/bab/M-R/panj/panjshan.htm
> 
> _____. Dalá’il Sab‘ih. Tihran, n.d. [195?]. Reprinted, East Lansing, Mi.:
> H-Bahai, 1998: http://www.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/bab/A-
> F/dalail/dalail.htm
> 
> Bahá’u’lláh. Áthár Qalam A‘lá. 7 vols. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át
> Amrí, 1963–1968.
> 
> _____. Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas; Compiled by
> the Research Department of the Universal House of Justice and
> translated by Habíb Taherzadeh, with the assistance of a committee at
> the Bahá’í World Centre. 1st pocket-sized ed. Wilmette: Bahá’í
> Publishing Trust, 1988.
> 
> _____. Majmú‘ih az Alwah Jamál Aqdas Abhá ki ba‘d Kitáb-i-Aqdas Názil
> Shudih. Langenhain: Baha'i-Verlag, 137 B.E. [1980]; Digitalized, East
> Lansing,       Mi.:       H-Bahai,       2002:        http://www.hnet.org/~bahai/areprint/baha/M-R/M/majmuihi/suppl.htm.
> 
> _____. The Book of Certitude. Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1989.
> 
> Balyúzí, Hasan M. The Báb. London: George Ronald, 1977.
> 
> _____. Edward Granville Browne and the Bahá’í Faith. London: George
> Ronald, 1970.
> 
> _____. Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh: With Some Historical
> Background. Oxford: George Ronald, 1985.
> 
> Bámdád, Mahdí. Sharh Hál Rijál Iran dar Qarn 12, 13, 14 Hijrí. 4 vols.
> Tihrán: Kitábfurúshí Zuvvár, 1347–1353 Sh. [1968–1974].
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 400 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Baydá, Abú’l-Qásim. Táríkh Baydá. N.p., n.d., manuscript in private
> hands.
> 
> Browne, Edward G. The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia: Partly Based on the
> Manuscript Work of Mírzá Muhammad-‘Ali Khán “Tarbiyat” of Tabríz.
> Reprint. Los Angeles: Kalimát Press, 1983.
> 
> _____. A Year Amongst the Persians. Cambridge: University Press, 1893.
> 
> Fasá’í, Hasan ibn Hasan. Táríkh Fársnámih Násirí. Tihrán: Intishárát
> Kitábkhánah Nisá’í, 1312–1314 [1895–1897]). Two volumes.
> 
> Fasháhí, Muhammad-Reza. Vápasin Junbish Qurun Vustá’í dar Durán
> Feudal. Tehran: Intisharat Javidan, 2536 [1977].
> 
> Faydí, Muhammad-‘Alí. Nayríz Mushkbíz. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí
> Matbú‘át Amrí, 129 BE [1972].
> 
> _____. Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí. 132
> BE [1976].
> 
> _____. Khándán Afnán Sadra Rahmán. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át
> Amrí, 127 BE [1971].
> 
> Gilbert, M.T. “Sur les sects dans le Kurdistan”. Journal Asiatique, 1873,
> 7th series, vol 2.
> 
> Gobineau, Comte de; Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale. 3rd.
> ed., Paris: Ernest Leroux, Editeur, 1900. Reprinted, East Lansing, MI: H-
> Bahai,        2006:      http://www.h-net.org/~bahai/diglib/books/F-
> J/G/Gobineau/Gobineau.htm
> 
> Godard, André. Le Masdjid-e djum’a Níríz Athár-e Iran; 1937.
> 
> Gulpáygání, Mírzá Abu’l-Fadl and Siyyid Mihdí Gulpáygání, Kashfu’l-
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 401
> 
> Ghata ‘an hiyal al-a’da; Tashkent, n.d. [1919?].
> 
> Hamadání, Mírzá Husain [Siyyid Husayn]. The Táríkh-i Jadíd, or New
> History of Mírzá ‘Alí Muhammad the Báb. Trans. Edward Granville Browne.
> Cambridge: The University Press, 1893.
> 
> Hidayat, Ridá-Qulí Khán (Lalbáshí). Rawdatu’s Safá Násirí. Tehran, New
> ed., 10 volumes, 1339 Sh.
> 
> Iran National Bahá’í Manuscript Collection [INBMC]. 103 vols. Tihrán:
> Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, [c. 1977]. [Note: This is a limited set of
> photocopied manuscripts produced from copies in the archives of the
> National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Iran;] most volumes
> published            digitally             at:            http://www.hnet.org/~bahai/index/diglib/arapub.htm
> 
> Ishráq-Khávarí, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd, eds. Má’idih Ásmání. 9 vols. Tihrán:
> Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, 128–129 BE [1971–1973].
> 
> _____. Kitáb Muhádhirát. Germany: Bahá’í-Verlag, 142 BE [1987].
> 
> _____. Núrayn Nayyirayn. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, 123
> BE [1966].
> 
> _____. Dá’ratu’l-Ma‘árif Bahá’í [Baha'i Encyclopedia]. 16 vols. Digitally
> published, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001: http://www.hnet.msu.edu/~bahai/arabic/vol5/dairih/dairih.htm
> 
> Jahangír Mírzá; Táríkh Naw [The New History]. Tihran, 1946.
> 
> Kashí, Mírzá Jání. The Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Kaf: Being the Earliest History of the
> Babis. Ed. E. G. Browne. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1910. Digitally reprinted at
> H-Bahai, http://www.h-net.msu.edu/~bahai/areprint/nk/nuqta.htm.
> 
> Loveday, Helen; Wannel, Bruce; Baumer, Christoph; Omrani, Bijan;
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 402 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> Cassidy, Anthony. Persian: Ancient and Modern. Odyssey Publications,
> 2005.
> 
> MacEoin, Denis. The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History: A Survey.
> Amsterdam: Brill Academic Publishing, 1991.
> 
> Malik-Khusraví, Muhammad-‘Alí; Táríkh Shuhadáy Amr (Vaqáy‘ Tihrán),
> v. 3; Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, 130 BE.
> 
> Málmírí, Hájí Muhammad-Táhir. Táríkh Shuhadá Yazd. 2d ed. Karachi:
> Mú’assasah Matbú‘át Pákistán, [1979].
> 
> _____. Khátirát Málmírí. Germany: Bahá’í-Verlag, 1992.
> 
> Mamiqání, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí. Guft-u Shunud-i Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammadi Báb ba Rúhániyyun-i Tabriz. Iran, 1374 Sh.
> 
> Maulana Borujerdi, Gholam-Reza. Tarikh-e Borujerd [History of Burújird].
> Tehran, Kitab Khaneh Sadr, 1354 [1975].
> 
> Mázandarání, Fádil Mírzá Asadu’lláh. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq (History of
> the Manifestation of Truth). Vols. 1–9. Digital facsimile. East Lansing,
> Mich.:          H-Bahai,           1998–2007.            http://www.hnet.org/~bahai/index/diglib/mazand1.htm.
> 
> Mihrabi, Mu’inu’d-Din. Quratu’l-‘Ayn Sha‘irih Azadih-khah va milliy-i Iran.
> Germany, 1989.
> 
> McCants, Willian, and Milani, Milani. “The History and Provenance of
> an Early Manuscript of the Nuqtat al-Kaf dated 1268 (1851-52)”; Iranian
> Studies, v. 37, no. 3, September 2004.
> 
> Momen, Moojan. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions, 1844–1944: Some
> Contemporary Western Accounts. Oxford: George Ronald, 1981.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 403
> 
> _____. Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne on the Bábí and Bahá’í
> Religions. Oxford: George Ronald, 1987.
> 
> _____. An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver
> Shi‘is. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987.
> 
> Mottahedeh, Roy. The mantle of the prophet: learning and power in modern Iran.
> London: Chatto & Windus, 1986.
> 
> Muhammad-Husayni, Nustratu’llah. Hadrat Báb. Canada: Persian Bahá’í
> Studies Institute, 1995.
> 
> _____. Yúsuf Bahá Dar Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’. Canada: Persian Bahá’í Studies
> Institute, 1991.
> 
> Mu‘inu’s-Saltanih; Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih [History of the (Bábí)
> Cause]. N.p, n.d., manuscript in private hands. Published in digital
> facsimile.    Lansing,    Mi.:  H-Bahai,        2000,    http://www.hnet.msu.edu/~bahai/arabic/vol4/muin/muin.htm
> 
> Navvabzadih-Ardakani, Sadrí. Matalibí dar bárih Táríkh Nabíl Zarandí.
> Mutali‘ih Ma‘rif Bahá’í series, vol. 18. Iran, 134 BE.
> 
> Nicolas, A.L.M. Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Báb. Paris: n.p., 1905.
> 
> Nuqabai, Hisam. Manábi‘ Táríkh Amr Bahá’í. Iran, 133 BE.
> 
> Núri’d-Dín, Áqá Mírzá Áqá; Diary; n.d., n.p. Manuscript.
> 
> Rabbani, Ahang; In the Land of Refuge: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in
> Shiraz (Translation and annotation of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán’s Táríkh
> Amrí Fars va Shiraz); Houston: eBook Publications, February 2007; vol.
> 1,      Witnesses       to      Bábí     and       Bahá’í        History,
> http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> 404 The Bábís of Nayriz
> 
> _____. Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (Translation and
> annotation of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán’s Khátirát Hayát); Houston:
> eBook Publications, March 2007; vol. 5, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í
> History, http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com.
> 
> _____. “‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Meeting with Two Prominent Iranians”. World
> Order, Fall 1998, vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 35-46. Digitally published at:
> http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com
> 
> _____. “Conversion of the Great-Uncle of the Báb.” World Order
> 30.3(Spring     1999):     19–38.    Digitally published   at:
> http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com
> 
> _____. “The Family of Vahid Darabi.” Research Notes in Shaykhi, Bábí,
> and    Bahá’í   Studies   7:1    (April    2004).    http://www.hnet.msu.edu/~bahai/notes/vol7/darabi.htm.
> 
> _____. Quddús: Life and Writings. Forthcoming volume in Witnesses to
> Bábí and Bahá’í History series.
> 
> _____. The Voices of Heroes: Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Khurásán [Trans.
> and annotation of Hasan Fú’ádí’s Táríkh Amrí Khurásán]. Forthcoming
> volume in Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History series.
> .
> Rabbani, Ahang, and Naghmeh Astani. “The Martyrs of Manshád.”
> World Order 28.1(Fall 1996): 21–36. Digitally published at:
> http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com
> 
> Rawhání-Nayrízí, Mírzá Shafi‘. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár. volumes 1 and 2; Tihrán:
> Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, 130 and 132 BE [1969 and 1971].
> 
> Rawzatí, Siyyid Muhammad-‘Alí. Jamí‘u’l Nisáb. vol. 1; n.d., n.p.
> 
> Samandar, Shaykh Kázim. Táríkh Samandar va Mulhaqát. Tihrán:
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
> The Bábís of Nayriz 405
> 
> Mú’assasih Millí Matbú‘át Amrí, 131 BE [1970].
> 
> Sayyáh, Muhammad-‘Alí. Khátirát Hájj Sayyáh. Ed. Hamíd Sayyáh. 3d ed.
> Tihrán: Amír Kabír, 1359 [1980].
> 
> Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By. Rev. ed. Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing
> Trust, 1974.
> 
> _____. Messages to America (1932-46). Wilmette, Il: Bahá’í Publishing
> Trust, 1947.
> 
> Sipihr, Mírzá Muhammad-Taqi; Nasikhu’t-Tavarikh: Tarikh Qajariyih; v. 3;
> Ed. M.B. Bihbudi; 4 volumes, Tihran, 1385[1965].
> 
> Sohrab, Ahmad. Nuzdah Nutq [Nineteen Talks]. Egypt, 1338 AH.
> [Includes ar-Risalah at-Tis’ al-‘Ashariyyih of Muhammad Mustafa
> Baghdadi.
> 
> Sulaymání, ‘Azizu’lláh. Masábih Hidáyat. 9 vols. Tihrán: Mú’assasih Millí
> Matbú‘át Amrí, 124–32BE [1967–1975]. Published electronically at:
> http://www.h-net.org/~bahai/index/diglib/arapub.htm.
> 
> Taherzadeh, Adib. The Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh. 4 Vols. Oxford: George
> Ronald, 1981-88.
> 
> Walbridge, John; “Document and Narrative Sources for the History of
> the Battle of Zanjan”, H-Bahai Occasional Paper Series, May 1998; and
> Iranian Studies 29/3-4 (Fall/Winter 1996), pp. 339-62.
> 
> Zarandí, Mullá Muhammad Nabíl. The Dawn-Breakers: Nabíl’s Narrative of
> the Early Days of Bahá’í Revelation; Trans. and ed. Shoghi Effendi Rabbani;
> New York, Bahá’í Publishing Committee, 1932.
> 
> The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2
> © 2006 Ahang Rabbani
>
> — *The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents (Used by permission of the curator)*