Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Ahang Rabbani, The Babis of Nayriz: History and Documents, bahai-library.com. ────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── The Bábís of Nayriz History and Documents Ahang Rabbani Volume 2 Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History The Bábís of Nayríz History and Documents Ahang Rabbani Volume 2 Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History Copyright and Distribution © 1999 and 2006, Ahang Rabbani This book was prepared for print publication by Ahang Rabbani. This electronic edition has been produced to facilitate widespread distribution and use of this study. This monograph may be freely redistributed in electronic form so long as the following conditions are met: 1. The contents of this file are not altered. 2. This copyright and redistribution notice remains intact 3. No charges are made or monies collected for the redistribution In addition, this electronic version may be printed for redistribution as a printed document or as a book for noncommercial purposes, such as, personal or educational use, so long as the above conditions are met with the following qualifications and additions: 1. Charges may be made or monies collected only to recover the actual costs of printing and distribution. No profit may be made, or surcharge assessed, for the distribution of this work in printed formats. 2. If printed in book form, five copies must be submitted for archival purposes to the International Bahá’í Library in Haifa, Israel (http://library.bahai.org/). Any other reproduction or redistribution in any format is forbidden without the expressed written consent of Dr. Ahang Rabbani or his designated heirs. For the latest version of this study, visit: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/ Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History The Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History series is a multi-volume ongoing project of Ahang Rabbani. A list of current projects and forthcoming research monographs is available at: http://ahang.rabbani.googlepages.com/ Published Volumes 1 In the Land of Refuge: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Shiraz 2 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents 3 Eight Years Near ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Habíb Mu’ayyad 4 Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Recollections of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán 5 Ponder Thou upon the Martyrdom of Hájí Muhammad-Ridá: Nineteen Historical Accounts 6 Bahá’í Martyrdoms in Manshad in 1903: Three Historical Accounts 7 Memoirs of a Bahá’í in Rasht: 1889-1903 8 Witness to Shaykh Tabarsi: The Narrative of Hájí Nasír Qazvíní 9 A Lifetime with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Reminiscences of Khalíl Shahídí 10 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Year in Egypt: A Compilation of Eyewitness Accounts 11 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Mírzá ‘Isá Isfahání 12 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: Diaries of Drs. Habíb Mu’ayyad and Zia Baghdadi 13 With ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Diary of Dr. Núru’lláh Hamadání 14 With Bahá’u’lláh: The Narrative of Áqá Husyan Áshchí 15 The Voice of the Heroes: The Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Khurasan O son of man! Ponder and reflect. Is it thy wish to die upon thy bed, or to shed thy life blood on the dust, a martyr in My path, and so become the manifestation of My command and the revealer of My light in the highest paradise? Judge thou aright O servant! Bahá’u’lláh (The Hidden Words) Dedication For Mírzá Asadu’lláh Fádil Mázandarání Contents Foreword ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 Vahíd Dárábí 1. The Shore of Certitude -------------------------------------------- 17 2. An Itinerant Teacher ----------------------------------------------- 42 3. The Events of Yazd ------------------------------------------------ 67 4. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz -------------------------------------- 93 Nayríz-I – History and Documents 5. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1 --------------- 105 6. Excerpts from the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf ------------------------ 139 7. Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím -------------------------------------- 152 8. Narrative of the Qájár Historians ------------------------------- 162 9. Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání ------------------------- 183 10. Companions of Vahíd ------------------------------------------- 208 Nayríz-II – History and Documents 11. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 2 ------------- 242 12. Memoirs of Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí ------------------------ 295 13. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: from General History ----------- 302 14. Narrative of Mírzá Qábil: The Garden of the Merciful ---- 308 15. Transition from Bábí to Bahá’í Community ----------------- 320 Appendices 1. Bábí Martyrs of Nayriz-II ------------------------------------------ 341 2. The Family of Vahíd Dárabí --------------------------------------- 348 3. Writings of Vahíd Dárábí ------------------------------------------ 382 4. Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet of Visitation for Vahíd Dárábí ----------- 396 Bibliography ----------------------------------------------------------------- 398 Foreword When thou seest in the path a severed head which is rolling towards our field, ask of it, ask of it our secrets, for from it thou mayst hear our hidden mystery. Rúmí (Diván Shams Tabríz) The central features of the upheavals of Nayríz are known to those who have read about the millenarian Bábí religious movement of nineteenthcentury Qajar Iran.1 Next to the incident of Zanján, where nearly two thousand Bábís perished, the Bábís of Nayríz in 1850 lost more men, women and children in the fiery ordeals that surrounded them than any other Bábí community of that country. Moreover, unlike the other major Bábí incidents, the conflicts in this town were not limited to the one pogrom, but continued to unfold unabated for several more years and in the process took the lives of many hundreds more of the Báb’s followers. The present volume is an attempt to tell the story of the leading figure of that uprising, Vahíd Dárábí, and to bring a number of historical documents pertaining to these episodes of Nayríz along with a brief analysis to the attention of English-speaking readers. By way of general background, it should be noted that the Bábís of Nayríz suffered two distinct though related incidents of persecution: one in 1850 and another in 1853. These will be referred to as Nayríz-I and Nayríz-II, respectively.2 The first incident has already been told in such moving accounts as Shoghi Effendi’s The Dawn-Breakers – an edited translation of Nabíl’s Narrative – and Edward G. Browne’s Táríkh-i Jadíd – a translation of a revised narrative by Siyyid Husayn Hamadání. In 1 For introductions to the Bábí movement and its early history, see Shoghi Effendi’s The Dawn-Breakers; Balyuzi’s The Báb; or Amanat’s Resurrection and Renewal. 2 A third pogrom in the Spring of 1909 enveloped the descendants of the Bábís of Nayríz, who by that time had become Bahá’ís. That incident will be referred to as Nayríz-III and is outlined in Rabbani, In the Land of Refuge, chap 16. 2 The Bábís of Nayriz addition, both of these sources provide a cursory glimpse into the 1853 persecution, namely, Nayríz-II. As moving and elegant as those two sources are, neither of the authors were themselves participants in the events, although much of their information comes from eyewitness accounts. Those underlying primary source materials are the focus of the present study. Discussion of Sources A deeper historical perspective about any incident or social development can best be established after all or most of the documents about that event have been assembled, critically analyzed, and correlated. As a step towards a better understanding of what occurred in Nayríz during the 1850’s – as a microcosm of the beleaguered Bábí community of Iran in that period – this monograph includes translations of many of the relevant primary accounts. Fortunately, there is a considerable amount of narrative data about the Bábí community of Nayríz and their siege from various sources, which can be divided into several broad categories: 1. Contemporary Documents Only a few contemporary narratives are available, one of these being the important description written shortly after the events by Siyyid Ibráhím Nayrízí, (see chapter 7). Since this interesting chronicle was inscribed on a wall in a relatively obscure mosque and covered in dust until 1940, it remained unnoticed and the information it contains was not reflected in subsequent accounts. To my knowledge, this document represents the only instance of a Muslim writing a detailed sympathetic eyewitness account of a Bábí incident. It is known that Vahíd Dárábí had ordered one of the besiegers (who was his planned son-in-law), Muhammad-Ja‘far, to compose a jangnámih [war epic], telling of the daily events, but only one verse of this jang-námih is extant. It is cited in chapter 15. Should the full epic ever be located, it may be of capital importance. Among Vahíd’s own writings, one important document is his daughter’s marriage certificate, which is translated and discussed in The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 3 Appendix 2. Since this document is dated, it helps in establishing the time of the siege. It further establishes that the Bábís of Nayríz had implemented at least some of the laws of the Bayán and were conducting their daily lives in accordance with such ordinances. Other writings of Vahíd that I have been able to gather are translated in Appendix 3. These, for the most part, do not include much historical information as they belong to the genre of proof-texts. 2. Bábí Eyewitness Sources As would be expected, many Bahá’í sources discuss the events of Nayríz and these can without exception be traced to earlier Bábí eyewitness accounts. However, before discussing the Bábí documents, it should be noted that the limitations of these sources reside in the totality of the Bábí disaster: virtually every adult Bábí of the Nayríz community was killed in the battles or the ensuing executions. Nevertheless, a few Bábí youngsters survived the slaughters and two of them wrote what they had witnessed in their youth. The most detailed historical exposition is that of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, a narrative more fully introduced in chapter 5. By virtue of having witnessed both the 1850 and the 1853 insurrections and having closely known and interviewed the survivors, Mullá Shafí‘ was able to pen a moving and detailed chronicle. Though unscholarly by modern standards, the author has succeeded in holding back his sympathies and has produced an account unmarred by the bitter denunciatory comments that disfigure much of the early Bábí and Bahá’í narratives. What is more important, his account is free from the anachronistic application of later Bahá’í attitudes toward the religious warfare of the Bábís. In addition to Nabíl, who based his chapter on Nayríz solely on this account, a copy must have been available to A.L.M. Nicolas, as his entire chapter on Nayríz essentially mirrors this source. Although it is not known when Mullá Shafí‘ composed his narrative, it is possible to theorize that it was in approximately the same period that Baha’u’llah called upon Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, Mírzá Husayn Zanjání and Mír Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí to write accounts of the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 4 The Bábís of Nayriz Bábí incidents in Nayríz, Zanján and Fort Tabarsí , respectively.3 And since it is known that the Zanján narrative was penned in 1880, this gives us an approximate date for Mullá Shafí‘’s account.4 The second account in this genre is by Hájí Muhammad Nayrízí, which focuses mostly on 1853 events. Though it provides less detail than Mullá Shafí‘, in some important ways it supplements the latter’s account. This account is presented in chapter 12. An early account of the 1850 siege is given in The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, a history purportedly written by Hájí Mírzá Jání of Kashan (see chapter 6). A brief discussion of some of controversies associated with this history is given in that section and in the sources cited in the footnotes. 3. The Bahá’í Sources: It is known that Mullá Shafí‘’s son, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, penned an account of considerable length, but the present writer has been unable to locate this source and cannot comment on its merits.5 Judging from the information in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, volume 1, it seems likely that this source would prove useful in gaining information on the survivors of the 1853 holocaust, particularly as they endeavored to rebuild their community and transformed their religious identity to that of the Bahá’í Faith. Since Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí quotes from this history6 it is almost certain that a copy must be extant either in Iran or among families from Nayríz residing outside Iran.7 3 Shahmírzádí’s and other accounts of Fort Tabarsí are the topic of a forthcoming volume by the present writer. 4 For a discussion of the Zanjan accounts see Walbridge, “Document and Narrative Sources for the History of the Battle of Zanjan”. 5 Sources For Early Bábí Doctrine and History, p. 178, states, “This work contains accounts of the first and second Nayríz upheavals, based on eyewitness reports by the author’s father, Áqá Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí. It was composed in 1345 A.H./1927 and runs to about 255 pages.” 6 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 113, n.1, and pp. 116-117. 7 In their 12 February 1997 communication, the Baha’i World Centre informed the present writer that neither Mullá Shafí‘’s nor Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s narratives were available in Haifa. A copy of the account by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ was immediately sent to the Bahá’í International Library for permanent The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 5 Another early Bahá’í account of the event is given by Siyyid Husayn Hamadání which for the incident of Nayríz relies on the narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání with some later additions. This narrative is more fully discussed in chapter 9. Although Prof. E.G. Browne published a translation of a later revision of this narrative, this text is sufficiently important to warrant inclusion in the present monograph. Of the later Bahá’í sources, several accounts by Qábil Ábádi’í are of considerable interest. Though these were written relatively late, his sources of information were the older members of the community, who had been contemporary with the incidents, such as Qábil’s own non- Bahá’í father. As a whole, Qábil’s line of information seems to be completely independent of the Nayrízí survivors. And while much of what he writes certainly reflects the memories of direct participants who had dispersed throughout the region, much of his account is more valuable for understanding the sort of historical folklore that had developed by the late nineteenth century among the Bahá’ís of Iran. Two of these accounts are introduced in chapters 13 and 14. ‘Abdu’l-Husayn Ávárih (Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pages 53-57) tells about the conversion of Vahíd Dárábí and pages 201-217 of the same volume are devoted mainly to Nayríz-I and a little to Nayríz-II. This source seems to be primarily based on the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání, contains almost no new information, and is therefore not included in this volume. Muhammad Shafí‘ Rawhání, a grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, wrote the two-volume Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the first volume of which deals with the Bábí uprising of Nayríz. This source is based on Mullá Shafí‘’s and Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn’s accounts, augmented by a few survivor’s interviews.8 This source proved useful for the annotations of many events and is frequently cited in the footnotes. Muhammad-‘Alí Faydí’s Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, pages 267-270, is a safekeeping. 8 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, notes that interviews of the survivors of Nayríz I and II, some 40 years earlier, included Khájíh Muhammad; Mashhadí Zaynu’l-‘Abidin; Karbalá’í Muhammad Sálih; a daughter of ‘Alí Sardár, who was then married to Mullá Husayn; Hájí Muhammad, son of Hájí Qásim; and the mother of the late Khájíh ‘Alí. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 6 The Bábís of Nayriz brief account of Nayríz-I which is essentially a summary of The Dawn- Breakers and provides little new information. However, the same author’s Nayríz Mushkbíz, offers occasional nuggets. All the later Bahá’í historians simply retell Nabíl’s account as presented in The Dawn-Breakers. 4. Qajar Histories: The most important of these is the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh [The Abrogator of Histories], written by the Qajar court historian Sipihr. Included amid the accounts of army movements, uprisings, border disputes, and the appointments and firings of officials – mostly relatives of the Qajar monarchs – is a detailed account of the Bábí movement as it was known to the court. Sipihr’s account is useful as he relied heavily on official reports and military dispatches. However, of all his Bábí subjects, his information on the Nayríz events proved to be the least valuable. Nevertheless all the later Qajar accounts derive from Násikhu’t-Tavárikh, with the possible exception of the Fársnámih. The Fársnámih Násirí is a massive two-volume encyclopedia of the province of Fars and its information on Nayríz – the only aspect of the Bábí Faith that it reports – seems to combine what is already available in the Násikhu’t-Tavárikh with supplementary data available to its welllettered author. The Qajar histories are more fully described in chapter 8. 5. European Sources The battle of Nayríz in 1850 was of particular interest to European diplomats and their network of informants, and their reports of the time contain many references to the siege. Some of these dispatches represent firsthand knowledge of the scene, while others rely on Iranian officials for their information. However, a close study of them indicates that considerable confusion persisted among the European correspondents as to the chronology of the events. Many such dispatches are noted in various sections of the present study or in the footnotes. It is surprising that in Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, (1865), Gobineau makes no mention of Nayríz incident even The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 7 though it was published two years after his return from Iran where he must have certainly heard of it, particularly since he used the Násikhu’t- Tavárikh to gain most of his historical data. A later description of Nayríz is provided by Kazem-Beg (ii. pages 224-239), but is very harsh on his assessment of Vahíd Dárábí. Browne has made a similar observation.9 As noted earlier, Nicolas’ account is a retelling of Mullá Shafí‘’s. Since these documents are available to Western readers, they have not been included in the present monograph. 6. Nabil’s Narrative: Mullá Yár-Muhammad Zarandí, surnamed Nabíl A‘zam by Bahá’u’lláh, became a Bábí towards the latter part of the 1840’s and was closely associated with Baha’u’llah from early on. He followed the latter into Iraq and beyond and always sought his presence. He traveled extensively and played an important role in converting the Bábí community of Iran to the Bahá’í Faith. He settled in ‘Akká sometime after the release of Baha’u’llah’s family from the prison of that city, and by the early 1880’s had decided to compose a history of the Bábí and Bahá’í movements based on his own observations, his extensive conversations with early converts, which included almost every prominent Bahá’í (and many Bábí survivors), and various narratives available to him in ‘Akká, some of which were commissioned by Baha’u’llah. In regard to his process of composition, Nabíl writes the following: From the beginning of the composition of these pages it was decided that whatever was penned must be presented to His blessed Threshold [i.e. Baha’u’llah] so that after its completion whatever should be the will of the Beloved of the World regarding it should be carried out. Therefore, over the course of eighteen Arabian [i.e. lunar] months these sixty-three sections were gradually written. After completion of each section, without making a copy or any other considerations, it was sent to the Most Mighty and Exalted 9 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 39, n.1. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 8 The Bábís of Nayriz presence so that after they were returned a finished copy could be prepared with utmost care. Ten complete months passed until, in these days of the month of Rabi-I 1308 A.H.,10 some of those sections have kindly been received so that I could carefully consider and correct them, and send back [revisions] to the blessed Threshold. In the last batch, the final three sections of the book have been kindly returned [to me], and on this night of 26 Rabí‘-I11 their review has been completed. Further I have noted that during these ten months [of waiting] much has occurred that is worthy of mention, and [additionally] certain of the rejuvenating events of the City of Peace [Baghdad] have often been related by the Beloved of the World to those in His presence which had not been recorded in treating the events of that city. I have therefore beseeched divine assistance to be able to briefly and in a few pages write about these [and append them to the text], as it may edify the wayward and aid seekers of certitude.12 It is clear from this description, as well as in another instance, that Nabíl wrote his narrative progressively in 63 sections and gave these to Mírzá Áqá Ján who would read them in the presence of Baha’u’llah. Apparently, the last of his chapters were written and sent to Baha’u’llah around February 1890. Ten months passed and he received no word. Then relatively rapidly he began to receive his drafts with instructions to edit and resubmit them to Baha’u’llah for further review. Having done so, Nabíl added some 23 pages of supplementary materials covering the preceding ten months, February-November 1890, and also some of the new stories told by Baha’u’llah of his days in Baghdad.13 To write his section on Nayríz-I, it is clear that Nabíl solely relied 10 15 October – 13 November 1890. 11 9 November 1890. 12 Nabíl’s original manuscript, page 1007, copy in private hands. 13 See, Memories of the Báb, Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 2, for some of the stories told by Baha’u’llah during this period. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 9 on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, a fact attested in The Dawn- Breakers, page 644. The same can be readily verified through a comparison of Mullá Shafí‘’s text as given in chapter 5 of the present study with The Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. (A few passages of Mullá Shafí‘ seems to be missing in The Dawn-Breakers and these have to do with the militant character of the Nayrízí Bábís – see the corresponding footnotes in chapter 5.) Nabíl’s manuscript remained unpublished until the time of Shoghi Effendi who produced an elegant translation of the first half, covering the period up to 1853. Within the Bahá’í community, and with Shoghi Effendi’s encouragement, this translation was immediately embraced as the standard history of the Báb and the Bábís.14 In many ways, Nabíl’s history presents an excellent opportunity to study early Bahá’í historiography. However, a serious barrier towards this objective is the fact that the original Persian text is not available to researchers. A Persian edition by ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Ishráq-Khávarí indeed exists, but it is a Persian translation of an Arabic translation of Shoghi Effendi’s English and therefore it is not useful for historical studies.15 To overcome the present problem of lack of access to Nabíl’s text, I devised a method of studying Nabíl’s original narrative by proxy.16 That is, to learn what Nabíl had written on Nayríz, Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq was used as a mirror document for Nabíl’s. Let me elaborate: In the early 1920’s, the renowned Iranian Bahá’í scholar, Mírzá Asadu’lláh Fádil Mazandarání, commenced composition of a monumental nine volume series on the history of the Bábí the Bahá’í 14 Messages to America (1932-46), 23 June 1932 cablegram refers to The Dawn-Breakers as “unchallengeable textbook”. 15 Another serious problem with Ishráq-Khávarí’s edition is the fact that it lacks a translation of the footnotes that Shoghi Effendi added to Nabíl’s edited text, augmenting the latter’s information or presenting alternative accounts of the incidents. Also George Townsend’s essay appearing at the beginning of The Dawn- Breakers was left untranslated. 16 A manuscript containing some 250 pages of Nabíl’s narrative is available in private hands. However, for the most part, the pages are not contiguous and provide only a snippet of what Nabíl wrote. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 10 The Bábís of Nayriz movements. Of these nine volumes, only one was published in his lifetime (1944) and that was volume 3, which dealt with the Bábí community and the life and activities of the principal Bábí disciples.17 Volume 8 was printed many years after the author’s death. The remaining volumes were published electronically at: In studying Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq series, I have come to the conclusion that one of the main sources used by Fádil Mazandarání to compose his history for volumes 2, 4 and much of 5, was Nabíl’s original narrative. While a full discussion of sources used to compose Zuhúru’l- Haqq and its relation to Nabíl’s narrative must await another occasion, it may prove useful to briefly outline a few observations pertaining to the relation of these two important histories insofar as the Nayríz incidents is concerned:18 1. Mazandarání’s discussion of Vahíd Dárábí’s visit to Yazd (Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 398-407) is identical to The Dawn-Breakers, Chapter 22. As explained in chapter 3, the primary source for this episode remains a mystery and in the absence of such a primary source, it is only logical to deduce 17 On 11 April 1950, the National Spiritual Assembly of Iran requested that a pamphlet be prepared over Fádil’s signature, in which he repudiated 37 points of his Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, that differed in detail from Nabíl. It appears that this concern with his history resulted in none of the other volumes being published to date, with the sole exception of volume 8 which covered the life of prominent Bahá’ís during ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s minister and did not overlap with The Dawn-Breakers or God Passes By. 18 The vast majority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, correlates closely with The Dawn-Breakers, to the point that one could almost say, for many sections, that Mazandarání seems to have lifted sections from Nabíl’s original. However, the ultimate proof of this hypothesis must wait until Nabíl’s text is made accessible. Also it should be noted that Zuhúru’l-Haqq, volumes 4 and 5, include many direct and attributed quotations from Nabíl, indicating that the latter’s text was the central source of Mazandarání’s information. This topic is the subject of a forthcoming study by the present writer. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 11 that Mazandarání must have used Nabíl’s text.19 At any rate, the two texts are essentially the same. 2. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pages 408-428 covers the Nayríz-I episode. From page 408 to 426 it is essentially identical to The Dawn-Breakers. In a few instances where Nabíl has misread Mullá Shafí‘, the same errors appear in Zuhúru’l-Haqq. This suggest that Mazandrání was not using the original text of Mullá Shafí‘ (he probably did not have access to this manuscript), and instead was using Nabíl’s account. While documentation of these discrepancies is provided in the footnotes to chapter 5 below, a few additional points can be noted: A. In listing the Nayrízí people who went out to welcome Vahíd Dárábí in Rúniz, both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that Mírzá Husayn Qutb was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter. This fact is missing in the account of Mullá Shafí‘ and implies that Mazandarání was using Nabíl’s narrative and not Shafí‘’s. B. In the same paragraph, The Dawn-Breakers associates Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih Ayyúb with Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, a fact not mentioned by Mullá Shafí‘. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, makes an identical comment at the same point. C. Both The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, state that 20 new converts joined Vahíd Dárábí in Rúniz. This fact is missing in Mullá Shafí‘’s account and further strengthens the thesis that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, was based on Nabíl. 19 In chapter 3, the present writer has advanced a hypothesis that Nabíl’s source of information on Yazd was the oral report of Mullá Ridá Manshádí. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 12 The Bábís of Nayriz Perhaps even more interesting is that, despite the statement in The Dawn-Breakers, page 644, suggesting that Nabíl did not include a description of Nayríz-II, there are strong indications that a full account was given by Nabíl in his narrative, almost certainly based on Mullá Shafí‘’s text. Therefore the fact that Shoghi Effendi included only a very brief summary of this event in The Dawn-Breakers, page 643, would appear to be an editorial decision. As to my evidence for Nabíl providing a full account of Nayríz-II, I shall once more employ Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, volume 4, as my proxy. Much of my evidence is set out in the footnotes in chapter 11 (and chapter 5), but a few additional clues can be noted. In describing the appearance of the Nayríz-II captives before the governor of the Fars, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 55, n.1, states, “Nabíl Zarandí wrote, ‘The late Qavámu’l-Mulk had said that upon seeing the illustrious captives, the scene of Karbala appeared before my eyes and it profoundly agitated me.’” Again, this statement is missing in Mullá Shafí‘’s account and represents a piece of information available to Nabíl. Additional data of a similar character that seems to have been given by Nabíl and not by Mullá Shafí‘ appears in the footnotes to chapters 5 and 11. In short, the likelihood is that Nabíl’s original work contained the full text of Mullá Shafí‘’s description of Nayríz-II. However, confirmation of this hypothesis must await the release of Nabíl’s original narrative for study. Lastly, It should be noted that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, page 23, line 9 to page 57, line 10, is nearly identical to the copy of Mullá Shafí‘s text in my possession. Any differences between the two have been documented in the footnotes. However, from page 57, line 11, to page 59, line 5, there are some additional materials, which have been translated in the present study and offered as footnotes in chapter 11. It is interesting that at the end of his section, Fádil Mazandarání tells us that his source of information for Nayríz-II was the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, but I suspect he is echoing this comment from Nabíl as well. Comments on Translations The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 13 As the narratives collected in this monograph represent important primary historical source documents, much care was exerted in the process of translation to remain faithful to the character of the originals and to avoid any embellishments or modifications. The sole exceptions are the addition of subheadings and clarifying comments inserted in square brackets, both in texts and footnotes. In some instances when other sources have provided important details, these have been included in the footnotes. Additionally, attention has been paid to certain historical clues, which may aid future researchers. For example, when a narrator speaks of someone who was deceased by the time of composition of the document, the author typically refers to him as “the late,” and these indications have been maintained in the translation. The system of transliteration will be apparent to those who have an interest in such matters. Typically, any single Islamic year (noted as A.H.) overlaps with two Christian years. Where only the year of the event is known, the first equivalent Gregorian date is given. Potential Further Research As noted earlier, the present monograph on the Bábís of Nayríz is only the first preliminary step towards such a study and much more remains to be done. In this regard, it seems important to outline a few thoughts on further research that could usefully be undertaken in this arena: 1. While there are indeed many useful studies of isolated topics relating to the Bábí and Bahá’í histories and some that have analyzed Bábí and Bahá’í teachings and scriptures, there are few systematic academic studies that correlate the findings of the historical studies. A broad synthesis of the history of the Bábí and Bahá’í movements using modern scholarly and academic methodology is yet to be undertaken. Several reasons for this maybe suggested, among them, a tradition on the part of Bábí and Bahá’í writers of speaking of these two religious The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 14 The Bábís of Nayriz phenomena as discrete events, the lack of critical editions of many important texts, particularly those of the Bábí era, and the deficient cultivation of historiographical techniques within the modern Bahá’í tradition – the custodian and successor of the Bábí movement. In addition, the present histories of the two movements tend to be global in scope, with little effort to study the religions within the confined space of a single local community. Therefore it seems that studies of the emergence of the Bahá’í community from the ethos of the Bábí faith, particularly as focused on the development of a single caste of actors, such as the Nayrízís, will shed light on the relationship between the two religious communities. The present study is of course an example, but it must be supplemented by further transition studies of other local Bábí-Bahá’í communities. 2. The raw historical documents on the history of the Bábís and early Bahá’ís of Nayríz must continue to be gathered, translated and published. There is no doubt that many of the Bahá’ís who trace their ancestry to the early days of the religion in that city possess documents of prime importance, such as letters, poems, pictures, narratives, tablets, travelogues, etc, that must be culled for important historical clues and these will no doubt enormously enhance our understanding of formative events in that region. 3. In this study I have used volumes 2 and 4 of Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq as a proxy for Nabíl’s original text. While this detective work has yielded insights, scholarship would greatly benefit from a proper scholarly edition of the full Persian text of Nabíl’s narrative. And while the present study establishes that Nabíl indeed did rely on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ for his Nayríz sections, the broader question of Nabíl’s sources needs to be studied in detail. In particular, it is known that at least some of his papers exist in the Bahá’í World Centre Archives and these must be carefully analyzed in The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 15 conjunction with any other sources known to have been used by or accessible to Nabíl. 4. In time, the source materials of Bábí and early Bahá’í history in other places must be studied, published, and translated. These include the eyewitness accounts of Shaykh Tabarsí, the various histories of the Bábí-Bahá’í communities in Iranian towns (prepared at the instruction of Shoghi Effendi), the surviving letters and documents of the early converts, and the unpublished volumes of Fádil Mazandarání’s Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, the most comprehensive history written thus far on the Bábí and Bahá’í religions. Acknowledgments In the preparation of this monograph, I have received generous assistance from a number of individuals and wish to hereby record my immense debt of gratitude. Abú’l-Qásim Afnán was most gracious in sharing a copy of the eyewitness account of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ and offering constant encouragement. Susan Maneck kindly shared a copy of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání’s history that she had located in India. The Bahá’í World Centre kindly shared a few specimens of Vahíd Dárábí’s handwritings that provided background information. My heartfelt gratitude is owed to my late father, Dr. Iraj Rabbani, a man of immense erudition who was most helpful with many suggestions and moral support. Ahang Rabbani Houston, Texas July 1998. Note: Although this monograph was completed in July 1998, obstacles outside my control delayed its publication. In the meantime, I have had a chance to reconsider parts of the manuscript and also benefit from The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 16 The Bábís of Nayriz comments of Prof. Sholeh Quinn, Sen McGlinn, Prof. Peter Smith and Ismael Velasco, who graciously read through all or parts of this monograph and offered several valuable suggestions. All errors and shortcomings, however, are mine. The Review Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United Kingdom has graciously granted permission for the publication of this monograph. A.R. March 2007 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 17 Chapter 1 The Shore of Certitude Thus will thy Lord choose thee and teach thee the interpretation of stories and events and perfect His favor to thee and to thy posterity. Qur’án 12:6 Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd Akbar20 [the great peerless one] by the Báb, was born of Siyyid Ja‘far’s Yazdí wife in Yazd21 around the year 1226 A.H./1811, and was the eldest son of his renowned father.22 Though little is known of his early days, it is recognized that he spent his youth and young-adolescence mostly in Yazd and also partly in Burújird. From an early age he attended the seminary school under the tutelage of his own father where, like other students, he memorized the whole of the Qur’án and many principal hadíth.23 For his generation, a seminary education consisted of intensive study, almost all in Arabic, of a set of standard scholastic texts on law, jurisprudential reasoning, grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, and sometimes mathematics and astronomy.24 While rote learning was an essential tool in this education, 20 Yahyá and Vahíd have the same numerical value, namely, 28, in the abjad system. 21 There is contradictory information regarding Vahíd’s birthplace: Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, vol. 3, p. 473, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41 maintain that he was born in Yazd, while Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233 and Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 326, n.1, suggest Dáráb near Shíráz. The reason that Vahíd is known as Dárábí is not because he lived there for any extended period of time, but rather due to his ancestors’, particularly his grandfather’s association with this town; see Appendix 2. 22 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, p. 78, Hadrat Báb, p. 258, Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, p. 314, and Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, state that he was the eldest son, while Muhádirát, p. 761, states he was the seventh son. 23 The science of hadíth studies the collection of traditions and utterances of the Prophet and the Imáms and their chains of transmission. 24 For a discussion of Islamic seminarian education, see Mottahedeh Mantle of the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 18 The Bábís of Nayriz the real training consisted of minute dialectical examination of the standard texts, with several iterations of each subject using increasingly detailed commentaries. It was an education especially strong in the analysis of language and the interpretation of texts, but not one that particularly encouraged imagination, creativity, originality, or urbanity. While it was a narrow education, it was very advanced and sophisticated, developing an exact knowledge of the tools needed for the work of religious interpretation and judgment, known as ijtihád. In the course of his studies, Siyyid Yahyá excelled all the other sons of Siyyid Ja‘far, and emerged as one of most learned men of the region. One of Vahíd’s areas of expertise is known to have been the science of hadíth and concerning his achievements in this field, ‘Abdu’l- Bahá is reported to have said: This remarkable man, this precious soul, had committed to memory no less than thirty thousand traditions, and was highly esteemed and admired by all classes of people. He had achieved universal renown in Persia, and his authority and erudition were widely and fully recognized.25 In addition to being recognized for his scholarly achievements and his eloquence, he was famed for his amazing strength and courage.26 Fádil Mázandarání cites sources that report that Vahíd would often bend iron bars with his bare hands and that he had mastered the art of fencing and swordsmanship – skills that later served him well as the commander of the beleaguered Bábís of Nayríz.27 Vahíd established his home in Yazd, married in the 1830s and had four children. During this period, he traveled extensively to many parts Prophet. 25 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171, n.2, from a “manuscript relating to martyrdoms in Persia.” Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 41, n.1, confirms that during the author’s visit to Haifa in 1921, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated that Vahíd had memorized 30,000 hadíth, and given that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá at a young age had met Vahíd in Tihrán, this represents primary source information. 26 Guft va Shunúd Siyyid ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb bá Rúhániyun Tabríz, p. 180. 27 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 464. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 19 of Iran, including Tihrán, Nayríz, Istahbánát, Burújird and other towns in Fárs. Of all the cities, he had a particular affinity toward Nayríz, and established another home there next to a large mosque known as the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, constructed along traditional architectural lines. Until recently, this building has been among the finest homes and important historical sites of Nayríz.28 Around 1840 he took a second wife, a woman by the name of Sughrá, daughter of the renowned Nayrízí divine and scholar, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, and from her had a son named Siyyid Ismá‘íl. Since his father-in-law was the leading clerical figure of Nayríz, this union further solidified Vahíd’s ties with the notables and ruling class of that city, establishing important political alliances. In particular, during this period he instituted close relations with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the governor of Nayríz. In 1844, Vahíd moved to Tihrán and established his residence in the house of his brother Siyyid Isháq, in the neighborhood of the Imam- Zádih Yahyá.29 It was known among the religious scholars and men of letters of the capital that Vahíd’s father had been one of the two leading 28 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42, n.1. See the picture on the title page. 29 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 42. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 20 The Bábís of Nayriz clerics who had written extensively and convincingly about Qájár political legitimacy, particularly their claim to the throne. Through his groundbreaking works, Siyyid Ja‘far reasoned that the new dynasty, though it could not claim descent from the Prophet, like the Safavids, was nevertheless acting as the rightful “shadow of God” and could rule unhindered.30 Vahíd enjoyed basking in his father’s fame as the leading political theorist for the Qájárs, and expanded his own popularity and influence in Tihrán. It is reported that he became the regular guest of Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, grandson of Fath-‘Alí Shah through his father Muhammad-‘Alí Mírzá, and often stayed in that house for some time.31 Nabíl describes his fame during this period: He occupied a position of such pre-eminence among the leading figures in Persia that at whatever meeting he happened to be present, no matter how great the number of the ecclesiastical leaders who attended it, he was invariably its chief speaker. None would dare to assert his views in his presence. They all reverently observed silence before him; all testified to his sagacity, his unsurpassed knowledge and mature wisdom.32 The royal court and particularly the Prime Minister, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, considered him an important ally among the clerics and frequently and openly paid homage to his learning and his loyalty. He was consulted regularly on difficult matters pertaining to religious doctrine and was often asked to marshal the support of other mujtahids. It is said that he wielded unusual influence with the monarch himself, mostly through the exposition of his father’s political writings. In this regard, Mírzá Habibu’lláh Afnán notes: “The late Muhammad Shah was extremely devoted to him and trusted his judgment explicitly, to such degree that without his leave and fatwa33 he would not undertake any acts nor show 30 See Appendix 2 and The Shadow of God, chapter 12. 31 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233. 32 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 171. 33 Religious ruling issued by a mujtahid. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 21 forth any initiatives.”34 The Mission In March of 1845, the Báb returned from his pilgrimage journey, and a number of his disciples came to see him. However their presence attracted excessive public attention, bringing with it waves of repression. Eventually, the Báb dismissed them all, instructing most of them to proceed to Isfahán, retaining only Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím, to whom he assigned the duty of transcribing his writings. This prudent plan served to relieve him of the immediate danger of violence from the people of Shíráz, “enabling the captive Youth to celebrate the Naw-Rúz of that and the succeeding year in an atmosphere of relative tranquility in the company of His mother, His wife, and His uncle,”35 and it also lent a fresh impetus to the propagation of his movement beyond the immediate environs of that city. Meanwhile, the reform fever that had seized his followers, and particularly his appointed Letters of the Living who had spread throughout the country proclaiming to the multitudes the news of the new-born religion, was communicating itself to the members of the clergy and to the merchant classes and was also penetrating the higher circles of society: “Indeed, a wave of passionate inquiry had swept the whole country, and unnumbered congregations were listening with wonder to the testimonies eloquently and fearlessly related by the Báb’s itinerant messengers.”36 The fame of the young prophet was exciting the entire nation and amazement and interest seized those who heard from the tongues of his chief propagators the tales of those signs that had heralded the birth of his manifestation. In this regard, Nicolas writes: While these events were taking place in the north of Persia, the central and southern provinces were deeply roused by 34 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5. 35 God Passes By, p. 11. The uncle referred to is Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the second uncle of the Báb. 36 God Passes By, p. 11. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 22 The Bábís of Nayriz the fiery eloquence of the missionaries of the new doctrine. The people, flighty, credulous, ignorant, superstitious in the extreme, were struck dumb by the incessant miracles which they heard related every moment; the anxious priests, feeling their flock quivering with impatience and ready to escape their control, redoubled their slanders and infamous imputations; the grossest lies, the most bloody fictions were spread among the bewildered populace, torn between horror and admiration.37 The remarkable news of messianic fulfillment was spreading with such rapidity and penetrating all strata with such force that even the monarch, Muhammad Shah, a man of mystical inclinations and Sufi proclivities and uninterested in the jurisprudential aspects of religion, was excited by it and wished to ascertain its truth. A number of officials in the court informed him that the Báb claimed a direct revelation from God and possessed hidden knowledge of Qur’ánic mysteries. Others professed much enthusiasm about the events, all of which served to fuel the imagination of Muhammad Shah.38 Coupled to these anecdotal reports were the writings of the Báb, first reportedly brought by Mullá Husayn to the capital, and later sent directly by the Báb from Búshihr, which greatly attracted the attention of the sovereign. Additionally, the continual stream of letters from Husayn Khán, the governor-general of Fárs, complaining about the Báb and people’s excitement, was a cause of concern to the court and required immediate investigation and response.39 In particular, Husayn Khán brought to the attention of the Shah the incident of the Báb’s proclamation in the Masjid Vakíl.40 In order to gain detailed information and receive a first-hand 37 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 387. The presenter translator benefited from Peter Terry’s earlier translation. 38 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, claims that many in the royal circle and government were either Bábí or attracted to the movement. 39 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 52, notes that the Shah was not interested in state interference in affairs of religion and therefore delayed making a decision for as long as he could. Eventually he had to give in to the pressure of the powerful clerics. 40 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 233. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 23 unbiased report, through his Prime Minister, Muhammad Shah decided to entrust this mission to Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, “one of the most erudite, eloquent, and influential of his subjects,”41 to interview the Báb and to report to him the results of his investigations. The following is noted by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán: After the spread of this Cause, the news of it reached the Shah who called Áqá Siyyid Yahyá into his presence stating, ‘According to reports reaching the throne, a certain Person in Shíráz has advanced claims to the Qá’imiyyat and to the Bábiyyat, and as we have faith in your judgment, you must proceed to Fárs and after careful investigation, inform us of the truth or falsehood of this matter, so that we may be informed of our religious duties. You must leave at once and are to report to us at your earliest opportunity.’ The sovereign then provided him with travel expenses and a steed and sent him off to Shíráz.42 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, a keen admirer of Vahíd and closely informed of the relevant events, further states: By reason of the ‘ulamá’s lack of experience and skill in administrative affairs, and the continual succession of their decisions, comment was rife; and their interference with the Báb cast a clamor throughout Iran, causing increased ardor in friends and the coming forward of the hesitating. For by reason of these occurrences men’s interest increased, and in all parts of Iran some [of God’s] servants inclined toward Him, until the matter acquired such importance that the late monarch, Muhammad Shah, delegated a certain Siyyid Yahyá of Dáráb, who was one of the best known ‘ulamá and Siyyids as well as the object of veneration and trust, giving him a horse and money for the journey so that he might 41 God Passes By, p. 11. 42 Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, pp. 87-88; translation in In the Land of Refuge, chapter 5. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 24 The Bábís of Nayriz proceed to Shíráz and personally investigate this matter.43 Nicolas has suggested that Vahíd was commissioned to make contact with the Báb and to inform the central authority, as exactly as possible, of the political consequences which would result from the reforms proposed by the Báb. These seemed likely to unsettle the heart of the country.44 Whatever the motives, it is clear that Muhammad Shah had implicit confidence in Vahíd’s impartiality, competence, and profound knowledge, and therefore delegated this task to the erudite cleric. Further, it was evident to the Shah, who tended to remain neutral on matters of a religious character, that because of Vahíd’s outstanding reputation among the ‘ulamá, his report and judgment would be acceptable to the other clergy and to the ruling class. The fact that Vahíd had come from a family whose loyalty to the throne remained unquestioned, must surely have influenced the Shah in selecting Vahíd as his trusted emissary. Nabíl reports that the Shah confidentially signaled through Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí his desire that Siyyid Yahyá should proceed to Shíráz and investigate the matter in person. “Tell him from us,” commanded the sovereign, “that inasmuch as we repose the utmost confidence in his integrity, and admire his moral and intellectual standards, and regard him as the most suitable among the divines of our realm, we expect him to proceed to Shíráz, to inquire thoroughly into the episode of the Siyyid-i Báb, and to inform us of the results of his investigations; We shall then know what measures it behooves us to take.”45 The Shah reportedly provided him with a horse, a sword and a travel allowance totaling one hundred tumáns for this important mission.46 It is very likely that Vahíd himself desired to make this journey and meet with the claimant of so august an office, the Báb.47 After all, some 43 A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 7-8. Slight modification of E.G. Browne’s translation. 44 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 387-388. 45 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172. 46 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53. 47Násikhu’t-Tawáríkh, vol. 3, pp. 337-338, Rawdatu’s-Safá, vol. 10, p. 311, and Núzdah-Nutq, p. 39, suggest Vahíd had attended the meeting between the Báb and The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 25 months earlier, Vahíd’s father, Siyyid Ja‘far, having heard about the Báb’s claims and being unable to meet with him in Shíráz, had gone in his search to Mecca where he was able to converse with the Báb. It is highly probable that upon his return, Siyyid Ja’far had acquainted his son with his observations and urged him to proceed to Shíráz for a meeting with the Báb. Nabíl notes: “In those days Siyyid Yahyá was residing in Tihrán in the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Master of Ceremonies to the Shah, as the honored guest of his Imperial Majesty.”48 However, since Vahíd was actually living with his brother, it seems more plausible that he was a frequent visitor of the house of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí (as opposed to living there). At least two historians have suggested that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí had become a Bábí at that time, possibly through seeing the correspondence and writings of the Báb that Mullá Husayn had brought with him from Shíráz.49 Given the close association and the friendship of Mírzá Lutf- ‘Alí with Vahíd, the latter must have become intrigued by the messianic claim. Therefore, it is possible that Vahíd’s departure for Shíráz was only partly influenced by the Shah’s command and was mostly due to his own desires, excited by his father and friends. In relation to this, Nabíl further writes, “Siyyid Yahyá had been himself desirous of obtaining first-hand knowledge of the claims of the Báb, but had been unable, owing to adverse circumstances, to undertake the journey to Fars. The message of Muhammad Shah decided him to carry out his long-cherished intention. Assuring his sovereign of his readiness to comply with his wish, he the governor, Husayn Khán, on 21 Ramadán 1261 A.H. (23 September 1845) where the merchant-prophet was rebuked and struck in the face, and on that occasion Vahíd had become deeply attracted to the purity of the Báb. However this information seems to contradict Vahíd’s own text (see Appendix 3) where he gives the date of his meeting with the Báb as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26 May 1846. Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 53, theorizes that Vahíd initiated his journey to Shíráz and learning of his intentions, the Sháh and the Prime Minister supported his objective. 48 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172. 49 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87, Hadrat Nuqtih Ula, p. 174 and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 8. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 26 The Bábís of Nayriz immediately set out for Shíráz.”50 Journey to Shíráz It is not clear whether it was at the instruction of the Shah or at the request of Vahíd that Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was to accompany him on this journey, but they set out together. As Vahíd was born and raised in Yazd, and his first wife and four children resided there, he decided to stop in that city on the way to his destination.51 Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí gives the following description of Vahíd’s arrival in Yazd: The Sultan of Iran, Muhammad Shah, sent him [Vahíd] to Shíráz to investigate the truth of this Cause and to report his findings in writing. He left Tihrán and on the way [to Shíráz] arrived at Yazd, carrying a sword and mounted on a horse, and was met by several of the high ranking local ecclesiastics who accompanied him to the Musallá Safdar-Khán.52 Excited by the news of his arrival, several thousand of the town’s inhabitants had gathered to hear him speak. ‘O people of Yazd!’, Vahíd cried out, ‘An illustrious Siyyid in Shíráz has declared himself to be the Promised Qá’im and I am charged to proceed there and meet with him. If in my judgment I find him to be an impostor, with this sword shall I deal with him; and if I judge him to be of the truthful, in his path I shall wage jihád.53 Whosoever wishes may join me in this journey.’ People spontaneously responded that they 50 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172. 51 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, p. 326, states “... where his wife and four sons were living.” However Vahíd had a daughter and three sons with his his Yazdí wife. His fourth son was living in Nayríz with his mother Sughrá, Vahíd’s second wife. 52 Though less common than an ordinary mosque, the musallá is a place of worship where the faithful gather on special occasions. 53 Holy War, as a means of spreading a religion, was later abrogated for Bahá’ís by Bahá’u’lláh during the Ridván festivities in 1863. At the time that Vahíd spoke, it was a common Islamic expectation that the Qá’im would launch a massive jihád to rid the earth of unbelievers. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 27 would abide with whatever Vahíd determined and signified their reliance in him by saying, ‘All of us in this assemblage, whether learned or illiterate, noble or commoner, rich or poor, consent for you to be our representative in this matter. Your decision is ours; and we will abide by your views and determination. Your knowledge and wisdom, as well as your piety, faith and discernment are well known to us and we hold your decision as our very own proof.”54 Mírzá Qábil, in his unpublished general history of the Bábí and Bahá’í Faiths, has noted: When the illustrious Vahíd arrived in the Dárau’l-‘Ibádih55 of Yazd, the divines and the nobles came to visit him and invited him to the mosque. The honored Vahíd came to the Masjid Rík and led a congregation numbering two thousands worshipers in offering their obligatory prayers. Afterward he announced, ‘On behalf of His Majesty the King, I am entrusted with a mighty mission and must proceed to Shíráz at this instant.’ With this, he came out from the mosque and mounted his waiting horse. Some of the ‘ulamá inquired into the nature of his charge that required such a hasty departure. He replied, ‘I am instructed to proceed at once to Shíráz and investigate the claim of the Siyyid Báb. If I find His claim to be unfounded, I will behead Him with this very sword.’ Then he left quickly.56 54 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 5. A summary appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 88-89. A slightly different translation appears in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp. 326-327. It should be noted that it is fairly unlikely that these precise words were spoken on that occasion. Attributing such quotations is a literary device used in traditional Iranian histories. For instance, Nabíl’s narrative (party translated as The Dawn-breakers) is filled with quotations attributed to the participants when it is unlikely that Nabíl would have known the exact words spoken by the actors. 55 Because of its many religious schools, Yazd was known during the Qájár time as Dárau’l-‘Ibádih [the land of the worshippers]; see, Yádigárháy Yazd, vol. 1, p. 12. 56 Táríkh ‘Umumí Amr, p. 51. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 28 The Bábís of Nayriz From these two accounts it is evident that Vahíd enjoyed widespread support in Yazd, to the point that his very arrival attracted the attention of many citizens, representing a substantial percentage of the population. This trust and popularity, as we shall see in the course of the subsequent events of 1850, served him well in launching a farreaching campaign in the promotion of the Bábí movement. Upon his arrival at Shíráz, he went directly to the mansion of Husayn Khán, bearing the royal edict and accompanied by Mírzá Lutf- ‘Alí. Husayn Khán, known as the Sáhib-Ikhtiyár, was the governorgeneral of the province of Fárs, and Vahíd took up his residence in the Governor’s home as his special guest. As an emissary of the Sháh, and a man of renowned reputation, he was shown considerable respect. Husayn Khán inquired as to the nature of his mission, and Vahíd acquainted him with what had transpired and the court’s interest in this affair. On hearing of Vahíd’s desire to visit the Báb in his residence, Husayn Khán replied, “What need is there for you to trouble yourself further by going to his abode? I will send my men to bring him to your presence.” “This person claims a great office,” replied Vahíd, “and as yet I have not ascertained the veracity and accuracy of this assertion. I have come in search of Truth. If indeed his assertions are of God, then it behooves the entire world to prostrate themselves at his threshold; otherwise I shall deal with him.”57 Upon further inquiry about the Báb, Vahíd was informed that a plot was under way to slay him. Though all but a handful of the new converts had left Shíráz, and those who had remained there lived in obscurity, nevertheless the ecclesiastics were deeply concerned that the Báb’s message was being spread widely and that their own position and influence was in jeopardy. Three of them, namely, Shaykh Muhammad- ‘Alí Mahallátí, Shaykh Husayn Zálim [the tyrant], the Názimu’sh- Shar‘yih, and Shaykh Mihdí Kájvarí had conspired to kill the Báb. They had prepared and issued a fatwá stating that because of his claims, it was warranted and indeed necessary for him to be eliminated. However, this 57 A.Q. Afnán, unpublished study on the history of the Bábís, vol. 2 (manuscript in private hands). The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 29 edict was not implemented, so they had to design other means to achieve their objective. In fact, it was known among the people that Shaykh Husayn had been asked, “What if, out of respect for his holy lineage, no executioner could be found to slay this Siyyid. Who then will perform this act?” To which he had replied, “I will do so with my own hand using my own penknife.”58 It was against this backdrop that Vahíd began his inquiry. A few days after his arrival, while passing through the bazaar, he met some of his old colleagues, including Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí Turshizí, surnamed ‘Azím, with whom he had been intimately associated while in Mashhad, and asked him whether he was satisfied with the Báb’s claim. “You should meet Him,” ‘Azím replied, “and seek independently to acquaint yourself with His Mission. As a friend, I would advise you to exercise the utmost consideration in your conversations with Him, lest you, too, in the end should be obliged to deplore any act of discourtesy towards Him.”59 Shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, Shaykh Hasan Zunúzí and Shaykh Sultán ‘Arab had also come from ‘Iraq to Shíráz seeking an audience with the Báb.60 Meeting the Báb Through ‘Azím’s intervention, Vahíd was able to attain the presence of the Báb in the house of his uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí.61 In a treatise quoted in Appendix 3, Vahíd gives the date of his meeting with the Báb as Jamádíyu’l-Avval 1262 A.H./27 April–26 May 1846. The following account gives us a glimpse of the manner in which the Báb’s followers visited him during those days: Because the governor-general had prohibited gatherings in 58 See A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 442, for details pertaining to the eventual dreadful fate of the enemies of the Báb. 59 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 172. 60 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 87. 61 The Báb, p. 90, suggests that this meeting was arranged by Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 30 The Bábís of Nayriz the presence of the Báb, His Holiness had arranged through His uncle, the martyred Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí, for a few of the trusted believers to meet nightly with Him at the latter’s residence. The Báb would come through a small door connecting the two houses.62 Every night we attained His presence and after having supper together, which according to Iranian custom was served some three or four hours into the night, He would retire to His own residence. Some of the friends used to spend the night at Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí’s, while others would return home if conditions permitted. It went thus until the illustrious Vahíd, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, upon him be the divine favors, arrived in Shíráz. He too met the Báb in the house of the martyred uncle63 in a similar manner.64 Nabíl’s report of the meetings between the Báb and the questioning cleric is very detailed though he does not identify the source of his information, nor is there any further documentary evidence to support some of the specifics offered by him. Nevertheless, since in broad terms his outline is in agreement with other accounts that we will examine later in this chapter, and in many ways is more specific than those, it would be useful to consider it next. Nabíl notes that Vahíd, in his attitude towards the Báb, practiced the etiquette which ‘Azím had counseled him to observe: For about two hours he directed the attention of the Báb to the most abstruse and bewildering themes in the metaphysical teachings of Islam, to the obscurest passages 62 The House of the Báb was in the Shamshírgarhá Street and is different from the residence mentioned in this passage which belonged to Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí, an uncle of the Báb’s mother and the father of Khadíjih Bagum, the Báb’s wife. This house was connected to the house of the Báb’s uncle, Hájí Siyyid ‘Ali, through a connecting tunnel. For details see, In the Land of Refuge, Appendix 1. 63 The second uncle of the Báb, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, was martyred with six other Bábís in Tihrán on 7 March 1850; see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458. 64 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 77-78. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 31 of the Qur’án, and to the mysterious traditions and prophecies of the imams of the Faith. The Báb at first listened to his learned references to the law and prophecies of Islam, noted all his questions, and began to give to each a brief but persuasive reply. The conciseness and lucidity of His answers excited the wonder and admiration of Siyyid Yahyá. He was overpowered by a sense of humiliation at his own presumptuousness and pride. His sense of superiority completely vanished. As he arose to depart, he addressed the Báb in these words: ‘Please God, I shall, in the course of my next audience with You, submit the rest of my questions and with them shall conclude my inquiry.’ As soon as he retired, he joined Azím, to whom he related the account of his interview. ‘I have in His presence,’ he told him, ‘expatiated unduly upon my own learning. He was able in a few words to answer my questions and to resolve my perplexities. I felt so abased before Him that I hurriedly begged leave to retire.’ ‘Azím reminded him of his counsel, and begged him not to forget this time the advice he had given him. In the course of his second interview, Siyyid Yahyá, to his amazement, discovered that all the questions which he had intended to submit to the Báb had vanished from his memory. He contented himself with matters that seemed irrelevant to the object of his enquiry. He soon found, to his still greater surprise that the Báb was answering, with the same lucidity and conciseness that had characterized His previous replies, those same questions which he had momentarily forgotten. ‘I seemed to have fallen fast asleep,’ he later observed. ‘His words, His answers to questions which I had forgotten to ask, reawakened me. A voice still kept whispering in my ear: ‘Might not this, after all, have been an accidental coincidence?’ I was too agitated to collect my thoughts. I again begged leave to retire.’ ‘Azím, whom I subsequently met, received me with cold indifference, and sternly remarked: ‘Would that schools The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 32 The Bábís of Nayriz had been utterly abolished, and that neither of us had entered one! Through our little-mindedness and conceit, we are withholding from ourselves the redeeming grace of God, and are causing pain to Him who is the Fountain thereof. Will you not this time beseech God to grant that you may be enabled to attain His presence with becoming humility and detachment, that perchance He may graciously relieve you from the oppression of uncertainty and doubt?’ I resolved that in my third interview with the Báb I would in my inmost heart request Him to reveal for me a commentary on the Surih of Kawthar.65 I determined not to breathe that request in His presence. Should he, unasked by me, reveal this commentary in a manner that would immediately distinguish it in my eyes from the prevailing standards current among the commentators on the Qur’án, I then would be convinced of the Divine character of His Mission, and would readily embrace His Cause. If not, I would refuse to acknowledge Him. As soon as I was ushered into His presence, a sense of fear, for which I could not account, suddenly seized me. My limbs quivered as I beheld His face. I, who on repeated occasions had been introduced into the presence of the Shah and had never discovered the slightest trace of timidity in myself, was now so awed and shaken that I could not remain standing on my feet. The Báb, beholding my plight, arose from His seat, advanced towards me, and, taking hold of my hand seated me beside Him. ‘Seek from Me,’ He said, ‘whatever is your heart’s desire. I will readily reveal it to you.’ I was speechless with wonder. Like a babe that can neither understand nor speak, I felt powerless to respond. He smiled as He gazed at me and said: ‘Were I to reveal for you the commentary on 65 Qur’án 108 reads: “Surih of Kawthar (Chapter of Abundance). In the name of God, most gracious, most merciful. To thee have we granted the Fount (of Abundance). Therefore, to thy Lord turn in Prayer and Sacrifice. For he who hateth thee – he will be cut off (from Future Hope).” The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 33 the Surih of Kawthar, would you acknowledge that My words are born of the Spirit of God? Would you recognize that My utterance can in no wise be associated with sorcery or magic?’ Tears flowed from my eyes as I heard Him speak these words. All I was able to utter was this verse of the Qur’án: ‘O our Lord, with ourselves have we dealt unjustly: if Thou forgive us not and have not pity on us, we shall surely be of those who perish.’66 It was still early in the afternoon when the Báb requested Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí to bring His pen-case and some paper. He then started to reveal His commentary on the Surih of Kawthar. How am I to describe this scene of inexpressible majesty? Verses streamed from His pen with a rapidity that was truly astounding67. The incredible swiftness of His writing, the soft and gentle murmur of His voice, and the stupendous force of His style, amazed and bewildered me. He continued in this manner until the approach of sunset. He did not pause until the entire commentary of the Surih was completed. He then laid down His pen and asked for tea. Soon after, He began to read it aloud in my presence. My heart leaped madly as I heard Him pour out, in accents of unutterable sweetness, those treasures enshrined 66 Qur’án 7:23. 67 The extreme rapidity with which both the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh composed verses is often offered by the Bábí and Bahá’í apologists as one of the signs of their divine origin and on a number of occasions both have commented on this theme. For example, among other places, the Báb mentions this fact in the Persian Bayán (translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176): “God had given Him such power and such fluency of expression that, if a scribe wrote with the most extreme rapidity during two days and two nights without interruption, He would reveal, out of this mine of eloquence, the equivalent of the Qur’án.” And also in the Persian Bayán (translation from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 176) we find: “Within five hours’ time He revealed two thousand verses, that is He spoke as fast as the scribe could write. One can judge thereby that, if He had been left free, how many of His works from the beginning of His Manifestation until today would have been spread abroad among men.” The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 34 The Bábís of Nayriz in that sublime commentary. I was so entranced by its beauty that three times over I was on the verge of fainting. He sought to revive my failing strength with a few drops of rose-water which He caused to be sprinkled on my face. This restored my vigor and enabled me to follow His reading to the end. When He had completed His recital, the Báb arose to depart. He entrusted me, as He left, to the care of His maternal uncle. ‘He is to be your guest,’ He told him, ‘until the time when he, in collaboration with Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím68, shall have finished transcribing this newly revealed commentary, and shall have verified the correctness of the transcribed copy.’ Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím and I devoted three days and three nights to this work. We would in turn read aloud to each other a portion of the commentary until the whole of it had been transcribed. We verified all the traditions in the text and found them to be entirely accurate. Such was the state of certitude to which I had attained that if all the powers of the earth were to be leagued against me they would be powerless to shake my confidence in the greatness of His Cause.69 Summing up Nabíl’s description of this conversion, Shoghi Effendi notes: “Broad-minded, highly imaginative, zealous by nature, intimately associated with the court, he, in the course of three interviews, was completely won over by the arguments and personality of the Báb.”70 Certainly the fact of writing a new commentary on a surih whose meaning is so obscure, should have deeply astonished Siyyid Yahyá, but it is reported that what surprised him even more was to find in this commentary the explanation that he himself had found in his meditation 68 In the Bábí literature, he is commonly referred to as Mírzá Ahmad Kátib [the scribe]. 69 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 173-176. 70 God Passes By, p. 12. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 35 on these three verses. Thus he found himself in agreement with the reformer in the interpretation that he had believed himself to be the only one to have reached and that he had not made known to anyone.71 In an account provided by Fádil Mázandarání, it is recorded that Vahíd described his visit to the Báb as follows: During my first audience, I found His Holiness [the Báb] to be a pious, spiritual Youth, but devoid of scholarly proclivities, and as such considered myself superior in knowledge. After the second meeting, I concluded that the Báb was my equal. And in the third interview, after He revealed the commentary on the Surih of Kawthar, I recognized my own spiritual poverty and Him as the possessor of all divine and innate knowledge.72 Mullá ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Qazvíní states that in the course of his first visit to the Báb, Vahíd asked for the demonstration of the secret of alchemy as a sign of his greatness.73 The Báb at first ignored his request. This grieved Vahíd and he thought that if indeed the Báb was the bearer of a true mission from God, he must therefore of necessity possess all knowledge, and as such, if he failed to produce evidence of alchemy, then his claim could under no circumstances be considered true. These thoughts were on his mind when, during the course of the second interview, another visitor, who had brought as gift some fresh grapes for the Báb, entered the room. At the Báb’s bidding, the grapes were placed on a tray and set in the middle of the room. The young claimant invited his guest to partake of the grapes, and after Vahíd had done so, the Báb instructed him to rub a grapevine against the copper tray where the 71 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 89. 72 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 465, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 43. 73 The Báb, p. 90 states: He [Vahíd] told Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbilá’í that if only the Báb would show forth a miracle, his lingering doubts would vanish, to which Hájí Siyyid Javád replied that to demand the performance of a miracle, when faced with the brilliance of the Sun of Truth, was tantamount to seeking light from a flickering candle. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 36 The Bábís of Nayriz grapes were placed. To Vahíd’s utter astonishment, upon being touched by the vines, the tray turned into purest gold. The Báb then remarked, “The purpose of God is not to turn copper into gold, but rather through the divine elixir and knowledge to turn the hearts of men to gold.”74 While the source of Nabíl’s description of Vahíd’s meeting with the Báb remains unknown, and therefore its accuracy is indeterminate, a reliable account of Vahíd’s conversion is given in the description of Mírzá Abu’l-Fadl Gulpáygání in Kashfu’l-Ghatá,75 based on his first-hand recollections of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í’s account: “Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was the eldest son of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí and was known for his knowledge and achievements. The late Muhammad Shah and Hájí Mírzá Aqasi, the Prime Minister, were especially disposed toward him. Once the call of the Manifestation of the Primal Point was raised and great multitudes among the learned, the merchants and the common men accepted Him, the late Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, hearing various accounts, decided to proceed to Shíráz and to attain His presence for the purpose of investigating the 74 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 466. 75 After the publication of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf by E.G. Browne, who believed it to be the long-lost narrative of Mírzá Jání Káshí, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, at ‘Abdu’l- Bahá’s behest, commenced a refutation known as the Kashfu’l-Ghatá [removal of veils]. He was particularly commissioned for the task, as he had seen the original of Mírzá Jání’s manuscript in Tihrán when he served as a secretary to Mánikjí Sáhib and assisted Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in gathering information for his narrative, published by Browne as Táríkh-i Jadíd. At an advanced age and in poor health, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl had penned the first 132 pages of this book when he passed away. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá then instructed the Hands of the Cause in Iran and Mírzá Na‘ím of Sidih to assist a cousin of Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, the renowned Siyyid Mihdí Gulpáyigání in ‘Ishqábád, to complete the text of the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, thereby proving that the Nuqtatu’l-Káf had been interpolated. However, the Kashfu’l-Ghatá, did not meet with ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s approval, presumably due to its harsh and frequently overzealous attack on Browne. Since Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl during the period 1293-99 A.H./1876-81 had been a close associate of Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í in Tihrán, these recollections represent important source material. For further details see, The Bahá’í Faith and E.G. Browne. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 37 matter on his own. Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the Prime Minister, learned about this decision and informed the monarch, who in turn, through Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, asked the Siyyid to exert himself in this regard and upon a satisfactory study, to inform the Royal Court of his determinations. “Once Áqá Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shíráz,” Hájí Siyyid Javád continued, “on several occasions he attained the presence of the Báb and asked of Him his questions, receiving full written and verbal replies. After each meeting, his humility and devotion increased, but as yet he had not attained certitude. It seemed as if he expected the disclosure of something specific, but because of his Host’s kindness that had penetrated deep into his heart and enveloped his whole being, he would not divulge his request. Finally, because of our close friendship, he asked if it was possible for me to petition a special favor on his behalf. In reply, I said: ‘Your case is like a person present at a magnificent banquet where every manner of delicious food and superb drink is to be found, yet he would satisfy himself with trifles. Indeed, I am unable to ask Him [such a request] on your behalf. Therefore, next time you attain His presence, you must ask your heart’s desire.’ “A few nights later,” Hájí Siyyid Javád told me, “when we were to attain the presence of His Holiness, Vahíd came bearing a treatise which he had penned on many complex and abstruse questions and asked that I present it to the Báb so that, should He so wish, it might be favored with a written reply. That night, after various discussions and after we had partaken of supper, the Báb left us to retire to His own House. As His servant, Mubárak, was leaving, I handed him the treatise of Siyyid Yahyá and asked him to present it to his Master. I emphasized that these were the questions of Siyyid Yahyá and not just anyone, and should be promptly presented to His Holiness.” The hájí’s intent with this comment was to prompt a quick reply. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 38 The Bábís of Nayriz Hájí Siyyid Javád continued: “It was early dawn when, as is customary, I rose and was preparing for my morning prayers, when Mubárak arrived bearing a treatise in the hand of the Báb revealed in reply to the questions of Vahíd. On seeing this, Vahíd was overcome with deep joy. He took the treatise and with the aid of a candle read some of its passages. A wonderful expression of delight enveloped him. Though he was always the very essence of seriousness and sobriety, he began to dance and circle round the room. I asked him, ‘What has overcome you that you show such rapture?’ ‘Siyyid Javád, it is nearly a week,’ he replied, ‘that I have been composing the questions I submitted unto Him. His Holiness was here with us this past evening until nearly midnight, and doubtless after leaving us had to rest for four or five hours too. However, behold this treatise, indeed this mighty book, which was revealed and penned in only a very short interval!’” “After that, in complete certitude, Vahíd returned to Burújird and Tihrán, and after proclaiming the new Faith to his father, Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far, known as Kashfí, and his acceptance, wrote a report of his efforts and investigations to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the Chamberlain, to present the same to Muhammad Shah. Shortly after that, the incident of the brief imprisonment of the Báb at the House of ‘Abdu’llah Khán occurred which resulted in the scattering of all His loved ones.” This is the substance of the arrival and acceptance of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí, known by the name of Vahíd, which on numerous occasions I myself heard from Hájí Siyyid Javád and have now committed to paper.76 Another description of Vahíd’s visit with some notable differences to the above quoted reports is provided by Mírzá Qábil in his Táríkh 76 Kashfu’l-Ghatá, pp. 78-81. Also quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 462-464, n.1, and with slight variations also in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 53-56. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 39 ‘Umúmí Amr. In this account, however, once more we are confronted with deficiencies in the chain of transmission of the information and are therefore unable to verify the accuracy of the account. As will be discussed later, the narratives of Qábil Ábádi’í are useful sources of information as his descriptions are based on the oral traditions of the Bábís and early Bahá’ís of Yazd and its vicinity, who were closely aware of the history, at least in its folk dimension. Qábil writes: When Vahíd arrived in Shíráz, he took up residence in a caravansary and rested for a while. Then he asked the innkeeper who knew the city well to come and show him the House of the Báb. Accompanied by him, Vahíd found the Blessed House and the innkeeper returned. The illustrious Vahíd knocked on the door and the maidservant inside inquired who it was. Before he could respond, the Báb commanded, “It is the honored Vahíd.77 Open the door and invite him within.” On hearing this exchange between the Báb and the maidservant, Vahíd was astonished as to how the Báb knew it was him at the door. He thought that perchance one of the Báb’s acquaintances had seen him arrive in the city and had informed Him of Vahíd’s visit. The maidservant opened the door and allowed him to go within. On seeing the Báb, he greeted Him and was welcomed. The Báb then came forward and warmly embraced him, kissing Vahíd on both cheeks, and they both sat to converse. The Báb inquired of the conditions of Yazd and Tihrán. After having two cups of tea, Vahíd commenced presenting his questions and raised certain complex and abstruse issues in diverse fields. For each of his inquiries, the Báb would provide a brief but sufficient response and He spoke with such manifest majesty and might that Vahíd was overwhelmed with wonder and astonishment. Mustering courage, Vahíd inquired of the nature of the Báb’s claim. In response, he was told, “I am the Most 77 The title Vahíd was given later by the Báb, perhaps in 1850 in his Kitáb Panj Shá’n. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 40 The Bábís of Nayriz Mighty Gate of God!” By this assertion, He meant that He was an intermediary for an exalted Personage that was as yet concealed behind a myriad veils of glory and power.78 In response, Vahíd asked, “The Author of such a stupendous claim must of necessity be the possessor of unrivaled knowledge and be able to present new Qur’án commentaries and reveal new verses. Therefore, I beg of You, as proof for Your august claim, to reveal a commentary on the Surih of Kawthar.” The Báb smiled and lifted His pen to write. Without the least hesitation or pause, as He was melodically murmuring the verses, He revealed a page filled with the most eloquent Arabic prose and gave the same to Vahíd saying, “Ponder these verses.” He then went inside the private quarters of the residence. For a while and with absolute astonishment and bewilderment, Vahíd considered those verses and discerned that they represented a wondrous exposition on the Surih of Kawthar. He recalled that the Immaculate Imam had said, “None will be able to produce a commentary on the Kawthar, except the promised Author of the Revelation.” He therefore concluded immediately that, in the light of this proof, the Báb must be the Promised One. He therefore prostrated himself over that very page of revealed verses. When the Báb returned to the room, Vahíd threw himself on His blessed feet and cried out in joy. He then rose and walked to the entrance of the room and as a lowly servant stood at attention with both hands folded reverently over his chest. The Báb showered him with many expressions of kindness and told him to be seated and continued to utter words that enthralled Vahíd with new vistas of understanding and delight. After the supper was served, the Báb retired to rest. Vahíd remained with his Master for several days and then 78 Inclusion of this type of interpretive assertions suggests the lesser quality of the source and its late nature. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 41 received instructions to travel throughout the land to propagate the new Message.79 The Bahá’í historian Siyyid Husayn Hamadání reports that, during this sojourn in Shíráz, Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím also met with Shaykh ‘Abid, who was a teacher of the Báb in his childhood. From him they heard an astonishing story that he noticed one day that his new pupil, the Báb, had been writing certain things, without ever having received instruction in writing. On a closer examination, he discovered them to be “a dissertation on the mystery and knowledge of the Divine Unity, written in the purest and most eloquent style, and so profound that the keenest intellect would fail to penetrate its whole meaning.” Upon relaying this account, Shaykh ‘Abid went on to produce the tracts. Both Siyyid Yahyá and Shaykh ‘Azím “declared that they contained nearly four thousand verses, which differed in no respect from what was revealed after the Declaration of His Mission.”80 According to Fádil Mázandarání, Nabíl Zarandí has written in the unpublished section of his narrative that the Báb revealed these sentiments: “The faith of any believer may be subject to badá’ [change] except the declarations of the faith made by Vahíd Akbar and Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, which remain impervious to badá’.”81 79 Táríkh ‘Umúmí Amr, p. 52-53. 80 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 264. 81 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 242-243. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 42 The Bábís of Nayriz Chapter 2 An Itinerant Teacher Those who leave their homes in the cause of God, and are then slain or die – on them will God bestow verily a goodly Provision: truly God is He Who bestows the best of Provisions. Qur’án 22:58 The three months of May to July 1846 that Vahíd spent in Shíráz were a time of relative tranquillity for the Báb, as both the governor-general and the clergy were anticipating a harsh pronouncement from Vahíd against the Báb. In this interval, they had ceased to plot and agitate against the prophet-merchant, expecting that upon the royal court’s receipt of Vahíd’s report, the order for the execution of the Báb would be issued and their desire would thereby be fulfilled. Regarding Vahíd’s role in the events, Nabíl states: As I [i.e. Vahíd] had, since my arrival at Shíráz, been living in the home of Husayn Khán, the governor of Fars, I felt that my prolonged absence from his house might excite his suspicion and inflame his anger. I therefore determined to take leave of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Karím and to regain the residence of the governor. On my arrival I found that Husayn Khán, who in the meantime had been searching for me, was eager to know whether I had fallen a victim to the Báb’s magic influence. ‘No one but God,’ I replied, ‘who alone can change the hearts of men, is able to captivate the heart of Siyyid Yahyá. Whoso can ensnare his heart is of God and His word unquestionably the voice of Truth.’ My answer silenced the governor. In his conversation with others, I subsequently learned he had The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 43 expressed the view that I too had fallen a hopeless victim to the charm of that Youth. He had even written to Muhammad Shah and complained that during my stay in Shíráz I had refused all manner of intercourse with the ‘ulamá of the city. ‘Though nominally my guest,’ he wrote to his sovereign, ‘he frequently absents himself for a number of consecutive days and nights from my house. That he has become a Bábí, that he has been heart and soul enslaved by the will of the Siyyid-i-Báb, I have ceased to entertain any doubt.’ Muhammad Shah himself, at one of the state functions in his capital, was reported to have addressed these words to Hájí Mírzá Áqásí: ‘We have been lately informed that Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí has become a Bábí. If this be true, it behooves us to cease belittling the cause of that Siyyid.’ Husayn Khán, on his part, received the following imperial command: ‘It is strictly forbidden to any one of our subjects to utter such words as would tend to detract from the exalted rank of Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí. He is of noble lineage, a man of great learning, of perfect and consummate virtue. He will under no circumstances incline his ear to any cause unless he believes it to be conducive to the advancement of the best interests of our realm and to the well-being of the Faith of Islam.’ Upon the receipt of this imperial injunction, Husayn Khán, unable to resist me openly, strove privately to undermine my authority. His face betrayed an implacable enmity and hate. He failed, however, in view of the marked favors bestowed upon me by the Shah, either to harm my person or to discredit my name.82 Related to Muhammad Shah’s reaction to the news of the conversion of Siyyid Yahyá, the French historian Gilbert has noted: 82 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 176-177. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 44 The Bábís of Nayriz Upon hearing the news of the Manifestation of the Báb, Muhammad Shah dispatched to Shíráz a trusted divine by the name of Dárábí to investigate the matter... However the Shah was deeply bewildered to hear that his special emissary, who was sent to reduce the Báb, had instead become one of His selfless devotees.83 Apparently by this time Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the influential Bábí friend of Vahíd, had departed for Tihrán, for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that among the people that Vahíd chose to inform about his conversion was Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí.84 Some time after these events, at the instigation of the Prime Minister, Hájí Mírzá Áqásí, the trusted Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí was dismissed from office and preferred self-exile in his native town, the ancient city of Salmás. This act proved providential, for later he was able to assist and serve the pilgrims who passed through that town on their way to visit the Báb at Chihríq. He would prepare lunch and dinner for the Báb on a daily basis and send it to the Fort and was always ready to render any service required of him. On one occasion, when the Báb was being escorted to Tabriz by the regiment of Sulaymán Khán Sháhsún, he arrived at the residence of Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí. The latter organized a splendid feast in honor of the Báb and looked after Sulaymán Khán and his men. Despite having many servants in his household, he insisted to wait upon the Báb himself and poured water for him to wash away the dust of the journey. In every manner possible, on that occasion and later on, he showed his fidelity to the Báb.85 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that immediately after Vahíd’s conversion, “although he was wise and prudent and was wont to have regard to the requirements of the time, he wrote without fear or care a detailed 83 M.T. Gilbert, Sur les sectes dans le Kurdistan, Journal Asiatique, 1873, 7th series, vol. 2, pp. 393-395. Quoted in ‘Aqáyd Ba‘zí az Dánishmandán, p. 39, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 38. 84 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8. Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí’s stay in Shíráz, if in fact he had ever come to Shíráz, must have been of very short duration as none of the eyewitness accounts mention him in that city. 85 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 23-24, n.1, (a summary). The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 45 account of his observations to Mírzá Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, in order that the latter might submit it to the notice of the late king, while he himself journeyed to all parts of Persia, and in every town and station summoned the people from the pulpit-tops in such wise that other learned doctors decided that he must be mad, accounting it a sure case of bewitchment.”86 Spreading the News of the Báb While in Shíráz, in fulfillment of his earlier promise, Vahíd wrote to the prominent ‘ulamá of Yazd. His letter opened with this verse where the story of Moses is invoked: From afar, I see a glow, O friends, A Burning Bush, I sense its warmth. Methinks, the flame flares openly, revealing His Divinity.87 From the beginning of his movement, for security considerations, the Báb had issued specific instructions that his identity was only to be gradually disclosed. In particular, during the early phase of his ministry the Letters of the Living were not permitted to mention his name as they proclaimed the message of his appearance throughout the realm. Therefore, at this time when Vahíd wrote to the clergy in Nayríz – including his own father-in-law, Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí – and shared with them the news of his conversion to the faith of the Promised Qá’im and forwarded some of the Báb’s compositions, he refrained from disclosing the identity of their author.88 However, he did inform the 86 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 8. 87 Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 6. On an earlier page, Málmírí indicates that in his letter, Vahíd stated that each of his three audiences with the Báb lasted one hour. 88 As an example, two pieces of such writings of the Báb in the hand of Vahíd have survived (copies shared by the Bahá’í World Centre with the present writer). Though of different style, both are in fact the same tablet which sets forth the Báb’s claim to the Qá’imiyyat. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 46 The Bábís of Nayriz Nayrízís that the Báb’s identity would soon be unveiled. Those proclamations proved sufficient for many in Nayríz to embrace the new religion as they fully trusted Vahíd and considered his recommendation binding. After a stay of some three months in Shíráz, which he mostly devoted to transcribing the writings of the Báb, Vahíd was subsequently commanded to journey to Burújird in the province of Luristán and there to acquaint his father, Siyyid Ja‘far, with the new message. The Báb urged Vahíd to exercise the utmost forbearance and consideration towards him. Though the reason for this mission is not known with precision, it can be conjectured that the Báb had hoped that the conversion of such an eminent figure as Siyyid Ja‘far would further entice Muhammad Sháh to heed his reforms and perhaps even to embrace the movement. Effect of Vahíd’s Departure Prior to Vahíd’s arrival, the clergy had hoped that through his fatwá, the path to a quick execution of the Báb would be smoothed. However, by his conversion and subsequent close association with the Báb, and using his influential connections in Tihrán, he had stayed the combined forces of the governor and the ‘ulamá. But now, with his departure from Shíráz, the temporary protection that his visit had brought was withdrawn. Once again, the clergy began to agitate against the Báb and as before directed their complains to the governor-general, urging him to seize and eliminate the reformer. In their appeal, they presented the possibility that Vahíd could soon convert the entire royal court to the new religion, and as such Islam would be lost forever in Iran, and both the clergy and the governor would be in disrepute. These appeals found ready sympathy in the ears of Husayn Khán, whose hostility was further fueled by the knowledge that, in total disregard of his command, sheltered and secure, the Báb was allowed to pursue the course of his activities and that he continued to enjoy the benefits of unrestrained fellowship with his family and kindred. Comte de Gobineau, a close observer of the situation in Iran and The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 47 the Bábís, has left the following insightful comment: Extremely irritated, discontented and worried, the Mullás of Fars, unable to foresee the heights that popular indignation against them might reach, were not the only ones to be perplexed. The authorities of the town and of the province understood only too well that the people, who were under their care but never very much under their control, were now quite independent of it. The men of Shíráz, superficial, mockers, noisome, quarrelsome, rebellious, insolent in the extreme, perfectly indifferent toward the Qájár dynasty, were never easy to govern and their administrators often passed wearisome days. What then would be the position of these administrators if the real chief of the city and of the country, the arbiter of their thoughts, their idol, were to be a young man who, undaunted, with no ties whatsoever, and no love of personal gain, made a pedestal of his independence and took advantage of it by impudently and publicly attacking every day all that which, until now, had been considered as strong and respected in the city? In truth, the court, the government and its policies had not as yet been the object of any of the violent denunciations of the Innovator, but, in view of the fact that he was so rigid in his habits, so unrelenting against intellectual dishonesty and the plundering practices of the clergy, it was unlikely that he would approve the same rapaciousness so flagrant in the public officials. One could well believe that the day when they would fall under his scrutiny, he would not fail to see and violently condemn their abuses, which could no longer be concealed.89 Further, the French diplomat, A.L.M. Nicolas, has written the following description: 89 Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, pp. 122-123. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 48 The Bábís of Nayriz By the aid of his agents and spies, Husayn Khán, the Názamu’d-Dawlih, succeeded in obtaining accurate information regarding the Báb’s movements and gauged the degree of following which He had aroused, and scrutinized the motives, the conduct, and the number of those who had embraced His Cause. However, the intensity of the situation soon increased considerably with the arrival of a letter from Hájí Mírzá Áqásí who, greatly dismayed at Vahíd’s conversion and annoyed with the continual uproar about the Báb’s Message, now instructed the governor to be done with the Reformer and have Him slain immediately and secretly.90 On receipt of this confidential communication, the governorgeneral summoned ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the chief constable of the city. “Proceed immediately,” he commanded him, “to the house of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí. Quietly and unobserved, scale the wall and ascend to the roof, and from there suddenly enter his home. Arrest the Siyyid Báb immediately, and conduct him to this place together with any of the visitors who may be present with him at that time. Confiscate whatever books and documents you are able to find in that house. As to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, it is my intention to impose upon him, the following day, the penalty for having failed to redeem his promise. I swear by the imperial diadem of Muhammad Shah that this very night I shall have the Siyyid Báb executed together with his wretched companions. Their ignominious death will quench the flame they have kindled, and will awaken every would-be follower of that creed to the danger that awaits every disturber of the peace of this realm. By this act I shall have extirpated a heresy the continuance of which constitutes the gravest menace to the interests of the State.”91 In his narrative, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán provides the text of a letter written on the same day by Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, a brother-inlaw of the Báb, which states that ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán proceeded to execute his task and together with his men, entered the Báb’s residence 90 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 235. 91 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 49 on the night of 21 Ramadan 1262 A.H./12 September 1846.92 This night was selected because of the sacredness associated with it and anticipation that the people would be preoccupied with religious duties, hence traffic on the streets would be minimal, which would in turn reduce the chances of any resistance by the Báb or a clash with his followers. He immediately arrested the Báb, collected whatever documents he could find, ordered Khadíjih Bagum and the Báb’s mother to remain in the residence, and conducted the Báb to the government house. The Báb, undaunted and self-possessed, was heard to repeat this verse of the Qur’án: “That with which they are threatened is for the morning. Is not the morning near?”93 No sooner had this party reached the marketplace than they discovered to their amazement, that the people of the city were fleeing in consternation, due to a sudden outbreak of cholera. ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán was struck with horror when he witnessed the long train of coffins being hurriedly transported through the streets, each followed by a procession of men and women loudly uttering shrieks of agony and pain. Upon inquiry, he learned that in the space of only a few hours, hundreds of people had already died, and that alarm and despair reigned in every house. The people were abandoning their homes, and in their plight were invoking the aid of the Almighty. Some Bábís considered this event as the first sign of divine chastisement for an unrepenting people. The Báb refers to this incident in the Dalá’il Sab‘ih [the Seven Proofs] in the following terms: Recall the first days of the Manifestation, how many people died of cholera! That was one of the wonders of the Manifestation yet no one understood it. During four years the scourge raged among the Shi‘i Muslims without anyone grasping its true significance.94 ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, terrified by this dreadful news, went quickly 92 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195, incorrectly gives this date as 23 September. 93 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 195. 94 Dalá’il Sab‘ih, p. 17. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 50 The Bábís of Nayriz to the mansion of Husayn Khán where he was told of the governor’s hasty departure from Shíráz, and of the ravages of the cholera which had devastated the governor’s home and afflicted the members of his household. As such, he decided to conduct the Báb to his own home and keep him in his custody, pending instructions from his master. As he was approaching his house, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán was struck by the sound of the weeping and wailing of the members of his own household. His two sons had been attacked by the deadly virus and were hovering on the brink of death. In his despair, he threw himself at the feet of the Báb and tearfully implored him to save his sons. He begged him to forgive his past transgressions and misdeeds and solemnly pledged his word that never again would he accept such a position. The Báb gave him a pomegranate and directed him to feed the same to his sons. This he said would save their lives. No sooner had ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán witnessed the signs of the recovery of his sons than he wrote a letter to the governor in which he acquainted him with the situation and begged him to cease his attacks on the Báb.95 On receiving this letter, “Husayn Khán released the Báb on condition of his quitting the city.”96 An Untiring Teacher Armed with the Báb’s command to travel the length and the breath of the realm and spread the new teachings, Vahíd left Shíráz in the closing days of Rajab 1262 A.H./25 June – 24-July 1846 for Burújird to visit his father, Siyyid Ja‘far. He arrived in that city on the opening days of Sha‘bán (late July), and according to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih Tabrízí, Vahíd spoke thus:97 95 In the Land of Refuge, chapter 4, (a summary). 96 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 11. 97 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 45-46, notes that Siyyid Ja‘far wrote of these happenings to Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih. However, the two did not overlap in time and it is unclear how Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih came upon such information. Furthermore, a close study of the text reveals that a segment contains many similarities with a treatise of Vahíd; see Appendix 3. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 51 O distinguished father! As instructed by the government, I went to investigate the claim of the newly appeared Person, known as the Báb, and those divines and the learned that have gathered around Him. The Sháh bestowed a sum toward the expense of such a journey as well as a horse and other gifts. Upon arrival at Shíráz and attaining His presence, I perceived Him to be a Youth aged twenty-five, with a brilliant and heavenly visage, much the same as has been mentioned in the traditions and holy texts about the promised Qá’im. He possesses extremely pleasing features, a well-proportioned face, and a small birthmark, exactly as anticipated in the traditions. Though He is a commoner [as opposed to ranking among the `ulamá] and has never studied, yet He reveals verses, commentaries, books, treatises, prayers, homilies and scientific expositions of such quality as has not been seen or heard of since the days of Adam. Our illustrious Ancestor, the Seal of the Prophets [i.e. Muhammad], though numbered among the learned and well-lettered men of Arabia, yet revealed the Qur’án, piece by piece, over the space of twenty-three years. Siyyid-i Báb, although He is Persian and is born to that language, nevertheless is able, should He so wish, to reveal [Arabic] texts equaling the Qur’án in matter of only a week. Similarly, the homilies and prayers that the Báb reveals are quite distinct from those previously revealed by the Imáms, and in many ways, more elegant and developed. His expressions and words are not like those gone before Him, and in some important ways the treatises and expositions of the Báb, as well as His other qualities, are different from those of all the `ulamá, both of past and present times: 1. His Holiness is a commoner and has never had schooling. 2. In the course of His elucidation on all topics, in the space The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 52 The Bábís of Nayriz of a few words, He discloses the essence of the truth. 3. His words and phrases are not similar to those of the divines and His expressions are original, innovative and unprecedented stemming from His innate knowledge and not the work of others. If He had indeed acquired His knowledge of others He would, of necessity, use their expressions, but this has never been observed. 4. When explaining a question, no matter how small the available paper, He will immediately provide a sufficient exposition on that piece of paper that will unravel the mystery. Other divines must however pen lengthy treatises in reply to similar questions. 5. His handwriting is the essence of beauty and elegance, despite the fact that He writes extremely fast.98 6. Of greatest importance is His bearing and conduct, which is the very essence of refinement. He sits on His heels, with arms extended beyond the hem of His ‘abá, placing the right hand over the left. 7. His eating and drinking habits are unique and extremely frugal. For lunch, He consumes three bites and for dinner seven bites. In total, His daily food equals that of two mouthfuls in a normal person. He drinks tea however with great delicacy. 8. His Holiness never considers the books and writings of others, though He frequently quotes from them through His innate knowledge. When writing, the pen never pauses or stops and He never forgets a matter. 9. The manner of His communion and worship is altogether peerless and recalls the lengthy prayer sessions of the Imams ‘Alí and Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín.99 98 As noted earlier, a requirement of fine penmanship in Persian and Arabic is to write slowly, and yet the Báb (and later Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá) repeatedly demonstrated his ability to write with extreme speed of rare quality of hand and unmatched eloquence of composition. 99 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, p. 128; a shorter version appears in Táríkh Zuhúru’l- The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 53 O kind father, such qualities, characteristics and signs cannot be found in ordinary men, and are limited to the Prophets and Chosen Ones of God. What has been seen in Him is beyond anything any man is capable of manifesting. One day when I was in His presence, I inquired, “May my life be a sacrifice unto You! I know not the science of the elixir, and I beseech You to please inform me of it.” He responded, “My cherished hope was for you to become celestial. The science of gold-making is for the earthbound.” “Were I to behold,” I said, “and then leave it behind, it would be better still.” He condescended to me and commanded me to arrange for the necessary materials. When I had them readied, he instructed, “Go into the garden in the courtyard and bring with you some of the vegetables.” I went into the garden and noticed that some beets were planted and, therefore, I gathered some of their leaves. The Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] instructed me to boil the leaves and I did. Then He said, place the copper into the furnace and melt it, which I also did. Afterwards He instructed, “Pour some of the water from the boiled leaves over the melted copper,” and when I did as bidden, the copper turned into gold. When I saw this, I threw myself at His feet and cried, “O Exalted One! The boiled leaves are bereft of such power to produce elixir, and only through Your might and sovereignty could such a miracle come to pass.”100 In the course of these discussions, Vahíd concluded that although his father was unwilling to repudiate the truth of the Báb’s revelation, he preferred to be left alone and be allowed to pursue his own way during the remaining days of his life.101 Therefore, after staying in Burújird for a Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 465-466, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 44-45. ‘Alí and Zaynu’l- ‘Ábidín were the first and the fourth Shi‘i Imáms, respectively. 100 Táríkh Hájí Mu‘ínu’s-Saltanih, pp. 88-91. 101 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 57, states that after Vahíd’s conversion, in a The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 54 The Bábís of Nayriz while, Vahíd proceeded to other cities of Luristán and with some caution spread the message. From there, he traveled to Isfahán, visiting his brothers Siyyid Síná, a teacher at the well-known Madrisih Kásihgarán102, and Siyyid ‘Isá, a textile merchant, and taught them his newfound faith. He then proceeded to Ardistán and taught his sister, and from there went to Yazd to visit his family and teach his brothers Siyyid ‘Alí, the prayer-reciter, Siyyid Hasan and a number of others. During this period, and especially in Yazd, Vahíd took care to speak about the Báb with the utmost wisdom and not to divulge too great a measure of his teachings.103 In accordance with the Báb’s instructions, he journeyed from Yazd to Tihrán and en route visited Hájí Mírzá Jání in Káshan, who inquired about his experiences in Shíráz. The guest’s description made a deep impression on the merchant-historian.104 Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on Tuesday, 1 Safar 1263 A.H./19 January 1847105, taught his brother Siyyid Isháq, and acquainted a number of divine and learned figures of that city with the Báb’s claim. Of those who in those days embraced the Bábí faith through Vahíd was Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí Astarábádí, the chief of the Ni‘matu’lláhiyyih Sufi Order in Northern and Western Iran.106 Upon his conversion, this influential mystic hastened to Kulain to meet the Báb. It is reported that in 1850 while he was planning to join Vahíd in Yazd, he gathering of the divines, one of them said to Siyyid Ja‘far, “It is reported that your son, Siyyid Yahyá, has lost his faculties.” “Yes, he has gone mad,” Kashfí responded in his son’s defense, “however, this madness is not of the loss of rational faculty but an inheritance from his illustrious ancestor, the Prophet [Muhammad].” 102 This school, presently a religious seminary, is located in the historic section of the city and its inception dates back to the Safavid era. Its founder was the Hakímu’l-Mulk, one of the divines and learned men of the period of Shah Sulaymán and Sháh Sultán Husayn Safavi. 103 For a reference to Vahíd in Yazd see the letter of Mullá Shaykh ‘Alí ‘Azím cited in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 167. 104 See Chapter 6. 105 Vahíd gives this date in a treatise; see Appendix 3. 106 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 225, states that previously Mullá Husayn Bushrú’í had spoken to Mírzá Qurbán-‘Alí, but it was Vahíd who confirmed his faith. It seems that Vahíd’s background in mysticism allowed him to convey the teachings of the Báb to various practicing Sufis. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 55 was caught in the Tihrán upheaval and numbered among the Seven Martyrs of that city.107 In the early days of 1847, heeding the call of the Báb for the entire company of the believers to “Hasten to the Land of Khá,” Vahíd went to Khurásán. However, cognizant that his presence in Mashhad might bring undue attention to Quddús and Mullá Husayn, he remained in Burújird and traveled extensively to other parts of the province of Khurásán. Nabíl comments: He had resolved to win the majority of the inhabitants of those regions to the Faith of the Báb, and had intended to proceed from thence to Fárs and there continue his labors. As soon as he had learned of Mullá Husayn’s departure for Mázandarán, he hastened to the capital and undertook the necessary preparations for his journey to the fort of Tabarsí. He was preparing to leave [in the early days of the fall of 1848], when Bahá’u’lláh arrived from Mázandarán and informed him of the impossibility of joining his brethren [because of the siege of the Fort by the Shah’s army and His own troubles in Ámul and elsewhere]. He was greatly saddened at this news, and his only consolation in those days was to visit Bahá’u’lláh frequently and to obtain the benefit of His wise and priceless counsels.108 During this period, he also met Bahá’u’lláh’s younger half-brother, Mírzá Yahyá Azal, who later penned the following description: “The virtue and perfection of His Excellency Áqá Siyyid Yahyá were beyond all limits and bounds... Most of the people of Persia admitted his virtue and perfection. I myself in the days of my youth met him several times at night in my own house and elsewhere, and witnessed the perfection of his virtues and endowments.”109 107 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 225-226. 108 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 399-400. For a story of Bahá’u’lláh involving Vahíd see Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 173. 109 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 56 The Bábís of Nayriz On hearing the news of the Báb’s captivity in the fortress of Máh- Ku, Vahíd wished to be nearby in Qazvín so that in the event of any instructions from the Báb he could be quickly informed and respond readily. Therefore he proceeded to Qazvín, visiting his sister and the Bábís of that city. In his narrative, Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní has recorded that Vahíd visited Qazvín a total of five times.110 From these visits we gain a glimpse into the manner in which Vahíd’s intellectual outlook changed and developed over time, and the influence of the Báb’s revelation on his 110 Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní wrote a detailed account of the history of the Bábí Dispensation in his own hand, which according to Shaykh Kázim Samandar (Táríkh Samandar, p. 446) was mostly destroyed, except for a small portion which the latter was able to include in his historical survey, Táríkh Samandar, pp. 447-498. For some unexplained reason, this section and the one narrating the history of the martyred Hájí Nasír Qazvíní were removed in subsequent printings of this book, but reference to them was kept in the book’s “Introduction.” Mullá Ja‘far’s history is in five sections and since this important document is not presently available in English (though both Qazvíní’s and Mullá Ja‘far’s accounts have been translated and annotated by the present writer), a brief outline follows of the section that appeared in the original printing of Táríkh Samandar. Chapter 1: an autobiography, including a childhood dream about Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í; arrival of Shaykh Ahmad, meeting with him and the story of a miracle attributed to him; travels of Shaykh Ahmad and his passing; meeting Siyyid Kázim in fulfillment of an earlier dream; a prophetic dream about meeting the anticipated Qá’im; prophetic signs related to the Qá’im’s appearance and recollections of Mullá Husayn of the Báb’s arrival at Siyyid Kázim’s class. Chapter 2: several dreams about the appearance of the Báb and events in Qazvín prior to the Báb’s announcement in 1844. Chapter 3: the passing of Siyyid Kázim and preparation of his students to search after the Promised One; discovery of the Báb by Mullá Husayn and mission of Mullá ‘Alí Bastámí to Karbalá; first arrival of the Báb’s writings to Qazvín; travels of Vahíd Dárábí and his utterances; Báb’s journey to Isfahán and his eventual exile to Máh-Ku; author’s meeting with the Báb and the offer of rescue rejected by the Báb; attempt on the life of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh and the resulting persecution of the Bábís; events in Qazvín. Chapter 4: life of Mullá Husayn and his travels; events of Fort Tabarsí; station of Quddús and his martyrdom; events in Qazvín during the siege of Fort Tabarsí. Chapter 5: On the arrival of the Báb’s writings in Qazvín and their effect on the believers. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 57 proclivities. Mullá Ja‘far Qazvíní notes: Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Vahíd journeyed to Qazvín five times. In his first visit111, he ascended the pulpit at Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l- Vahhab’s mosque112 and in the course of his sermon repudiated Shaykh Ahmad [Ahsá’í] and spoke in support of the mystics. In his second visit, he confirmed the sayings of both the Shaykhís and the mystics. During the third visit, he established the validity of the Shaykhí school and rejected the school of thought of Shaykh Muhyi’d-Dín Ibn ‘Arabí and Mullá Muhsin Fayd. On the fourth visit, at a gathering in the house of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Tabrízí113, he spoke of the signs of the appearance of the Promised Mihdí. In particular, on this occasion he spoke of the circumstances leading to the revelation of the commentary on the Surih of Kawthar by the Báb. In the course of Vahíd’s fifth visit, together with some other notables, including Mullá Qanbar and Hájí Mírzá Bazzáz, I attained his presence at the house of [Hájí Muhammad-Rahím] Tabrízí and asked him about his meetings with the Báb. Vahíd spoke openly of Him and in response to Mullá Abú’l-Husayn’s query, said: “After hearing the news of His Call, I journeyed to Shíráz and sat before the Truth [i.e. the Báb] and asked Him to adduce proofs and verses and [in response] He offered many expositions. I asked Him for an elucidation on the Surih of Kawthar, the shortest chapter in the Qur’án, and He inquired: ‘verbally or in writing?’ I begged, ‘In writing.’ He took up pen and paper and consequently gems of inestimable value appeared on those pages. He would reveal 111 The first visit was prior to the declaration of the Báb in Shíráz in May 1844. 112 Hájí Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab was among the great Shaykhí scholars and when Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í was in Qazvín, the latter would visit the same mosque for the performance of his prayers, offering sermons and conducting his classes. 113 A brother-in-law of Vahíd. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 58 The Bábís of Nayriz them with such rapidity that it is impossible to describe it. Without the least pause or hesitation, He penned in excess of two thousand verses on that occasion and handed the papers to me. In beholding them, I recognized that it was beyond mere human ability to write with such speed and facility, and at that moment I arrived at the shore of certitude. Thereupon, the Báb declared: ‘Henceforth, thou art Our helper and promoter.’ I said, ‘I do not own a sword.’ Thereupon, He gave me a sharp, exquisitely jeweled saber.” This fifth visit was when the Exalted Countenance [the Báb] was imprisoned in Máh-Ku and Vahíd went to visit Him, at which time there transpired what I have related.114 During this time, one of the affluent Bábís of Qazvín, a certain Hájí Asadu’lláh, had set up a sword-making shop in the basement of his home, supervised by Áqá Muhammad-Hádí. His aim was to produce a sufficient amount of weapons so that an uprising in support of the Báb could be organized.115 Many of the Bábís in that city were armed with sabers and kept a quantity of arms in reserve. Being very strong and robust, we are told that Vahíd would often join his co-religionists and practice with these swords by halving trees in single strokes.116 In this interval, as bidden by the Báb, Vahíd served as the focus of the Bábí communication network, sending messages and information to the Báb, receiving letters and instructions from him in return, and ensuring that they reached their intended destinations. Another important service he provided was relaying news between the Báb and his family in Shíráz. 114 Táríkh Samandar, pp. 475-476 first printing. Quoted also in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 469-470, and summarized in Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 47-48. 115 Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, p. 180, suggests these swords were intended for the fort of Shaykh Tabarsí. 116 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 373-374. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 59 Meeting the Báb in Máh-Kú Having stayed a while in Qazvín, however, Vahíd could no longer hold back his longing, and therefore he proceeded on foot to the mountainous citadel to behold once again his heart’s desire. This journey took place in the middle of winter and one can only imagine the joy and tranquility that such a visit brought to the heart and mind of Vahíd, and the excitement that stirred in the depths of his soul. Though we remain scantily informed of this arduous journey or of what transpired between Vahíd and the young prophet, we must note that it was the satisfaction engendered in this final visit that caused Vahíd to rededicate himself to the promotion of the faith and propelled him forward towards the next and final phase of his life. It was still at the height of winter when, through much ice and snow, he returned to Tihrán and was able to once more attend the presence of Bahá’u’lláh, who showered upon him much kindness and provided him with lodging. During this period, Bahá’u’lláh had devised a plan for the rescue of Tahirih in Qazvín. The following record is left by one of the Bábís of that city, Áqá Muhammad-Javád Farhádí. He briefly explains Tahirih’s rescue and Vahíd’s role in the affair: The daughter of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí [Vahíd’s father] was a wife of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím Amíní [of Tabríz]. For this reason Hájí Siyyid Yahyá came to Qazvín and established his residence in their house. Hájí Muhammad- Hasan, a brother of Hájí Muhammad-Rahím, argued with Siyyid Yahyá over a particular subject and the latter called him an infidel and transferred his residence to the home of Hájí Asadu’lláh, where he stayed for four months and gave sermons in the Masjid Sháh. Upon his return to Tihrán, the call of the Báb had been raised throughout the land and Muhammad Sháh sent him forth to Shíráz to investigate the matter. After his recognition [of the Báb], he went to Yazd. Afterwards he came [to Qazvín and came] to my office and spoke with Áqá The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 60 The Bábís of Nayriz Karbalá’í, my brother. Upon his departure he said to me, “Your brother will never accept [this faith] and as such I will no longer frequent your office. You are to come and visit me in my home.”... I accompanied him from Káshan to Yazd. The people of Ardakán came out to welcome Vahíd and in Shamábád they celebrated his arrival for a day and a night. Afterwards, the honored Vahíd proceeded to Ardakán and I went to Yazd. After some time Vahíd came to Yazd and from there went to Tihrán. On hearing the news of the passing of Hájí Asadu’lláh, he returned once more to Yazd. He gave a memorial service for the Hájí in the Masjid Rík, and then returned to Tihrán. During this sojourn he met the honored Áqá Hádí, and took him into the presence of the Ancient Beauty. Bahá’u’lláh instructed Áqá Hádí to come to Qazvín and to conduct the honored Tahirih to Tihrán.117 In the course of this stay in Tihrán, Vahíd was able to associate closely with a number of leading figures of the Bábí community, including Tahirih who had come and was staying at the house of Bahá’u’lláh in northern Tihrán. In those days a steady stream of visitors would come to visit her and, seated behind a curtain, she would converse with them. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá relates that one-day “the great Siyyid Yahyá, surnamed Vahíd, was present there [at the house of Bahá’u’lláh]. As he sat without, Tahirih listened to him from behind the veil. I was then a child, and was sitting on her lap. With eloquence and fervor, Vahíd was discoursing on the signs and verses that bore witness to the advent of the new Manifestation. She suddenly interrupted him and, raising her voice, vehemently declared: ‘O Yahyá! Let deeds, not words, testify to thy faith, if thou art a man of true learning. Cease idly repeating the traditions of the past, for the day of service, of steadfast action, is come. Now is the time to show forth the true signs of God, to rend asunder 117 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 468, n.1. See also Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 191, and Táríkh Samandar, pp. 362-366, translated in Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, pp. 175-178. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 61 the veils of idle fancy, to promote the Word of God, and to sacrifice ourselves in His path. Let deeds, not words, be our adorning!’”118 It is unfortunate that Vahíd’s response to this outburst has not been preserved. In the course of his various visits to Tihrán, Vahíd continued to cultivate the old friendships he had with high ranking officials and the royal court, and to plead the case of the Báb to all whom he met. In so doing, he enjoyed the total confidence of the Báb, as testified by his remark to Muhammad Sháh that whatever information the sovereign wished to know about him or to ascertain regarding his Cause, he might receive authoritatively and confidently from Vahíd: Since in this world God hath ordained two witnesses for every cause, mystics and clerics among the friends are many too.119 Call to thy presence those whom thou knowest, such as Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Kháliq and inquire of them the proofs of this Cause. They will present verses and writings and tell all that hath transpired ... These two, one before the Manifestation and the other after, have recognized Me and know of My Person and disposition, and as such authorized to speak on My behalf.120 Further Travels Not long thereafter, in the Spring of 1849, the news of the fall of Fort Tabarsí and the massacre of its defenders reached the Bábís in Tihrán and profoundly saddened and grieved the faithful. Long indeed had the entire Bábí community been praying for the deliverance of the incomparable Quddús, who because of the Báb’s confinement in the 118 Memorials of the Faith, p. 200. 119 Qur’án 2:282 enjoins that for every important matter two witnesses are required and the Báb is upholding this injunction. 120 The full text of the Báb’s communication to Muhammad Shah is in INBMC 64:103-150 and the quoted passage appears on page 123. The same passage is quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 37. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 62 The Bábís of Nayriz remote mountains of Adharbayján, had served as the de facto leader of the Bábí community during this entire period. Quddús, Mullá Husayn, eight other Letters of the Living and several hundred of the ablest Bábís had fallen as martyrs. In many ways, this event sealed the fate of the Báb’s religion and was the beginning of the end. One day an unkempt dervish, wild in appearance, arrived at the house of Bahá’u’lláh. This was Mullá ‘Alí ‘Adí-Guzal of Marághih, better known as Mullá ‘Alí Sayyáh. Some six decades later, on September 30, 1912, when ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was en route from Salt Lake City to San Francisco during the course of His historic journey to North America, he recalled that day when, as a young boy, he had sat next to Vahíd and observed what transpired. On hearing that Sayyáh was coming from the presence of the Báb, “Vahíd arose immediately and threw himself at the feet of Sayyáh, and with tears streaming down his face he rubbed his beard on Sayyáh’s feet saying, ‘He has come from the court of the Beloved.’ Although Vahíd was a renowned and illustrious person, still he was humble before the servants of the Threshold of God.”121 This incident must have made a deep impression on the observers. Mírzá Áqá Kalím, Bahá’u’lláh’s faithful brother, reported it to Nabíl in this manner: “It was the depth of winter when Sayyáh, returning from his pilgrimage, came to visit Bahá’u’lláh. Despite the cold and snow of a rigorous winter, he appeared attired in the garb of a dervish, poorly clad, barefoot, and disheveled. His heart was set afire with the flame that pilgrimage had kindled. No sooner had Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí, surnamed Vahíd, who was then a guest in the home of Bahá’u’lláh, been informed of the return of Sayyáh from the fort of Tabarsí, than he, oblivious of the pomp and circumstance to which a man of his position had been accustomed, rushed forward and flung himself at the feet of the pilgrim. Holding his legs, which 121 Mahmud’s Diary, p. 298. See also, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: The Centre of the Covenant of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 284-285 and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 39-40. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 49, n.1, states that the author was present in Haifa circa July 1921 when this story was related by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 63 had been covered with mud to the knees, in his arms, he kissed them devoutly. I was amazed that day at the many evidences of loving solicitude which Bahá’u’lláh evinced towards Vahíd. He showed him such favors as I had never seen Him extend to anyone. The manner of His conversation left no doubt in me that this same Vahíd would ere long distinguish himself by deeds no less remarkable than those which had immortalized the defenders of the fort of Tabarsí.”122 Sayyáh tarried a few days in that home. He was, however, unable to perceive, as did Vahíd, the nature of that power which lay latent in his Host. Though himself the recipient of the utmost favor from Bahá’u’lláh, he failed to apprehend the significance of the blessings that were being showered upon him. I have heard him recount his experiences, during his sojourn in Famagusta: “Bahá’u’lláh overwhelmed me with His kindness. As to Vahíd, notwithstanding the eminence of his position, he invariably gave me preference over himself whenever in the presence of his Host. On the day of my arrival from Mazindarán, he went so far as to kiss my feet. I was amazed at the reception accorded me in that home. Though immersed in an ocean of bounty, I failed, in those days, to appreciate the position then occupied by Bahá’u’lláh, nor was I able to suspect, however dimly, the nature of the Mission He was destined to perform.”123 122 As noted earlier, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had said that Sayyáh was on his way back from visiting the Báb, while The Dawn-Breakers, p. 432, has placed this visit after 23 January 1850, when Sayyáh had returned from pilgrimage to the fort of Tabarsí. However, there are compelling reasons to believe that by January 1850 Vahíd had already gone to Yazd (see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 107-108). The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 108-109, has argued that a more likely scenario is that Sayyáh had returned from Máh-Ku and was on his way to fort Tabarsí. This would place this meeting in December 1849, giving sufficient time for Vahíd to reach Yazd. 123 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 432-433. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 64 The Bábís of Nayriz When the news of Shaykh Tabarsí’s fall reached Tihrán, Vahíd realized that at long last the time for sacrifice had come. In late 1849, Vahíd decided to leave Tihrán in search of his own Karbalá, and he proceeded to Qazvín. “From there he left for Qum and Káshan, where he met his fellow-disciples and was able to stimulate their enthusiasm and reinforce their efforts.”124 Central Iran One of the Bábís who has left impressions of meeting Vahíd in those days is the martyred Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. “[T]hat illustrious personage [Vahíd] was instructed by His Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim the Word of Truth, and on the way to Yazd, I had the honor of meeting him.125 I observed in his august countenance the signs of a glory and 124 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465. 125 There is some confusion as to where this meeting took place. Browne’s edition of Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However, both manuscripts of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání in the possession of the present writer place the meeting in Yazd. But from the text of the Kitáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 65 power that I had not noticed during my earlier meetings with him, and I knew of a certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his departure from this world.126 I heard him say several times in the course of various conversations, ‘This is my last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more.’ Often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to the same thought. In one conversation he remarked, ‘God and His nearones are able to foretell coming events, and I swear by that beloved True One in Whose mighty grasp my soul lies that I know and could tell where and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the uplifting of the Word of Truth!’”127 Vahíd continued to Isfahán and then to Ardistán. Upon arrival at each of these cities he would immediately enter the central mosque and from the pulpit-top proclaim, with zeal and fearlessness, the fundamental teachings of the Báb. These efforts succeeded in winning a considerable number of able supporters to the reform cause. His sister resided in Ardistán and there he stayed for a while, and with the assistance of Zaynab Bagum and Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí Ardistání, was able to achieve great success. From Ardistán he proceeded to Ardakán in close proximity to his own city of Yazd.128 In that city, Hájí Mullá Báqir Ardakání, who ranked among the eminent ‘ulamá of that region, met Vahíd and through him was able to recognize the true character of the Báb’s mission. At Vahíd’s bidding, he continued with his former occupation, but from then on would occasionally include some of the expositions of the Báb in his sermons. Because of this, as well as the remarkable transformation that had overtaken him, in a few years it was known throughout the town that he had become a Bábí, and the other jurists and divines arose to though ambiguous, one could surmise that this meeting was en route to Yazd and may have taken place in Káshan. 126 The text states inqita‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood to express Vahíd’s desire for martyrdom. 127 Nuqtatu’l-Káf, p. 203. Quoted in The Dawn-Breakers, p. 465, n.1. 128 Vahíd’s sequence of travels after his departure from Bahá’u’lláh’s presence is given in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 66 The Bábís of Nayriz severely oppose him and to complain to Yazd. However, the governor of that city, Amírzádih, was the eight-year-old son of Kirmán’s governor-general, Khán Bábá Khán Sardár, and most ineffectual. As such, the clergy prepared a long petition, signed by many of their accomplices, and sent it directly to the Sardár in Kirmán. On seeing this missive, Khán Bábá Khán ordered Hájí Mullá Báqir arrested and brought forth to Kirmán in chains. Upon his arrival on 17 November 1853, he was conducted into the presence of the governor, where a number of other high-ranking officials were present as well. Hájí Mullá Báqir, a man of rare eloquence and wisdom, possessing a cheerful countenance and evident piety, spoke in such wise that the governor was enchanted with his utterance.129 Khán Bábá Khán was completely won over, and as a token of apology, ordered a large sum to be given to the Hájí in compensation and in the utmost comfort he was allowed to return home. After a short stay in Ardakán, Hájí Mullá Báqir proceeded to the ‘Atabát, where he busied himself for the next two years with studies, and subsequently with great ceremony was welcomed back in Yazd. From then on, he was the leading cleric of the city and years later, Vahíd’s son, Siyyid Ahmad, would work in his office. In order to protect the Bábí- Bahá’í community of that realm, he kept his faith to himself, but he would always strive to shelter and guard the believers.130 129 Vaqáyyih ‘Itifáqiyyih, no. 146, reprinted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p 480 (opposite). 130 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 481-482. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 67 Chapter 3 The Events of Yazd Men said to them: “A great army is gathering against you” and frightened them; but it only increased their faith. They said: “For us God sufficeth, and He is the best disposer of affairs.” Qur’án 3:173 Before proceeding to outline the story of Vahíd in Yazd, it is first necessary to briefly consider the historiography of this watershed event. It is something of an anomaly that unlike the subsequent Nayríz or other major Bábí incidents, no substantial primary source documents have thus far come to light for what occurred in Yazd in 1850. The only detailed description is the one offered by Nabíl Zarandí, and his sources remain unknown, though the present writer infers that Nabíl gained his information through personal contacts with Mullá Muhammad-Ridá Manshádí while both were resident in Baghdad. If indeed there are clues in Nabíl’s text that would enable us to determine his source of information, this must await the time when his original Persian text is made available to the researchers. What can be offered at this stage is a glimpse into Nabíl’s text through Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq as a proxy.131 As explained in the Foreword, there are reasons to believe that Mázandarání relied primarily on the original narrative of Nabíl and a close comparison between Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq and The Dawn-Breakers reveals that no significant details pertaining to the events of Yazd were left untranslated by Shoghi Effendi.132 Later Bahá’í published histories essentially echoed Nabíl’s outline of the events as given in The Dawn-Breakers and only rarely provided additional details. If there are personal memoirs or 131 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 400-407. 132 An exception to this is noted in a later paragraph in this chapter regarding a section of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 68 The Bábís of Nayriz eyewitness accounts of this incident among the Yazdí families, they remain unpublished. Early Qájár histories are generally silent or provide very little concrete information on the Bábí uprising in Yazd. Nicolas gives a brief summary.133 Province of Yazd The dating of this event is also problematic. Nabíl, and by extension, Fádil Mázandarání, suggests that Vahíd arrived in Yazd on 15 March 1850, and departed on 10 May.134 However, Balyuzi, and later Momen, have cast considerable doubt on the accuracy of these dates given by Nabíl and Momen has presented documentation that concludes, with near certainty, that the incidents of Yazd actually took place in January-February of 1850.135 Moreover, it should be noted that Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq has placed the commencement of Vahíd’s activities after the incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán and two months prior to the events of Zanján.136 John Piggot states that the events of Yazd took 133 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, pp. 388-390. 134 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466, and p. 474 and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400 and p. 407. 135 The Báb, p. 178, placed the events of Yazd in “the early weeks of 1850.” See also, The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-109. 136 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399. According to The Dawn-Breakers, p. 443, the incident of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán took place on 7 March 1850. The Bábí and The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 69 place in May 1850.137 Browne also states that Vahíd was in Yazd in May 1850, and in all likelihood, Browne relied on Muhammad Qazvíni, a trusted collaborator and the editor of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, for this information.138 With these important qualifications in mind, an outline the events of Yazd follows. According to Nabíl, when Vahíd arrived in Yazd, he was warmly welcomed by his brothers, who resided in Yazd and “expressed their joy at his arrival and were greatly encouraged by his presence among them. Being a man of renowned influence, Vahíd possessed, in addition to his house in Yazd, where his wife and four sons139 resided, a home in Dáráb, which was the abode of his ancestors, and another one in Nayríz, which was superbly furnished”140 and was occupied by his other wife and son. From his arrival, day and night, a stream of visitors frequented his house to greet him and pay their respects.141 Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. xxviii, gives the date of this event as 19 or 20 February 1850; see also The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 100-105. 137 Persia: Ancient and Modern, p. 104. 138 A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 255. 139 Vahíd’s children in Yazd consisted of a daughter and three sons; see Appendix 2 for details. 140 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466. 141 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 217, informs that Vahíd’s home was in the Sh‘ar- báf quarter and was still standing into the twentieth century; a picture appears on the title page. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 70 The Bábís of Nayriz Dating back to the years of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í’s stay in Yazd, 1806-1813, that city had become a Shaykhí stronghold, and many of its leading clerics identified their intellectual proclivities with that school of thought.142 Vahíd’s scholastic career, however had been completely outside of this Shi‘i innovation and had remained orthodox, and publicly he was not known to be supportive of Shaykhí doctrines. Nevertheless all of the learned men of town showed him great respect and consideration. Therefore, in order to re-establish his ties with the community, according to Nabíl, Vahíd organized a splendid feast at his house and invited all the leading ‘ulamá and notables of the city, as well as some from the nearby towns, to that joyous event. All readily attended and abundant sweets and food were in circulation.143 One of the Shaykhí ‘ulamá present on that occasion was Navváb Radaví144, who deeply, but surreptitiously, distrusted any non-Shaykhí mujtahid. From the time of Vahíd’s first visit to Yazd after his conversion in Shíráz, the Navváb outwardly pretended to be a companion of Vahíd and professed devotion to the Báb. He had even gone to such lengths as to name his son ‘Alí-Muhammad, after the Báb, and in private he constantly urged Vahíd to proclaim more vigorously the newly inaugurated movement. However, these were all deceptions, for he harbored profound resentment towards Vahíd and was waiting for an occasion to show his deep-rooted animosity.145 On the occasion of that feast, Navváb Radaví thought it propitious to commence rebellion and maliciously hinted at the extravagance of that reception. “The Sháh’s imperial banquet,” he remarked, “can scarcely hope to rival the sumptuous repast you have spread before us. I suspect that in addition to this national festival which 142 Sharh Ahvál, p. 27. 143 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 8. 144 Some sources give his name as Navváb Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Hay, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, vol. 6, p. 726, has clarified that these were two separate individuals though both known as Navváb. 145 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, chapter 8. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 71 today we are celebrating, you commemorate another one beside it.”146 Vahíd’s boldly retorted by reciting this verse of poetry: For the lover each moment is two feasts, but for the spider, a fly sufficeth. This answer provoked the laughter of those who were present. “All applauded, in view of the avarice and wickedness of the Navváb, the appropriateness of Vahíd’s remark. The Navváb, who had never encountered the ridicule of so large and distinguished a company, was stung by that answer, [and quickly left the house and took his complaint to the authorities]. The smoldering fire that he nourished in his heart against his opponent now blazed forth with added intensity, impelling him to satisfy his thirst for revenge.”147 On that occasion, Vahíd seized the opportunity to proclaim, initially indirectly and through allusions, then openly and without reserve, the principles of the new faith, and to demonstrate their validity. Through the letters and copies of the Báb’s treatises which over the years he had already sent them, the majority of those present were partially acquainted with the central doctrines of the cause, but were ignorant of its full implications: the termination of the Islamic Dispensation and Islamic jurisprudence, and the end of temporal power of the clergy. Certain individuals, either based on previous correspondence or upon hearing Vahíd, were irresistibly attracted and readily embraced the message of the Báb. The rest, according to Nabíl, unable to repudiate its claims and remaining totally silent, denounced it in their hearts and vowed to extinguish its light by every means in their power. “His eloquence and fearless exposition of the Truth inflamed their hostility and strengthened their determination to seek, without delay, the overthrow of his influence.”148 According to Mázandarání, that very day became the Judgment Day for all who heard the words of God and witnessed the polarization of the people and their separation into 146 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466. 147 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 466. 148 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 72 The Bábís of Nayriz camps of friends and foes.149 Years later, A.L.M. Nicolas received information on this festivity and subsequent events and wrote: “Carried away by his zeal and overflowing with the love of God, he was eager to reveal to Persia the glory and joy of the one eternal Truth. ‘To love and to conceal one’s secret is impossible,’ says the poet; so our Siyyid began to preach openly in the Mosques, in the streets, in the bazaars, on the public squares, in a word, wherever he could find listeners. Such enthusiasm yielded fruit and the conversions were numerous and sincere. The Mullás, deeply troubled, violently denounced the sacrilege to the governor of the city.”150 In this regard, Nabíl writes: To destroy Vahíd became the central object of their activity. They spread the news that, on the day of Naw-Rúz, in the midst of the assembled dignitaries of the city, Siyyid Yahyáy-i-Dárábí had had the temerity unveil the challenging features of the Faith of the Báb and had adduced proofs and evidences gleaned both from the Qur’án and the Hadíth. ‘Though his listeners,’ they urged, ‘ranked among the most illustrious of the mujtahids of the city, no one could be found in that assemblage to venture a protest against his vehement assertions of the claims of his creed. The silence kept by those who heard him has been responsible for the wave of enthusiasm which has swept over the city in his favour, and has brought no less than half of its inhabitants to his feet, while the remainder are being fast attracted.’151 Such reports spread quickly throughout Yazd and the neighboring regions. It is recorded that subsequently and courageously Vahíd raised the banner of the faith and spoke of its challenging features before an immense audience at the city’s renowned Masjid Sar Rík. The immediate effect of this proclamation, however, resulted in a massive uproar by the 149 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400. 150 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 390. 151 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 467-468. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 73 clerics.152 “It kindled on the one hand, the flame of bitter hatred, and, on the other, was instrumental in adding considerable numbers to those who had already identified themselves with that Faith.”153 From Taft, Ardakán and Manshád, as well as from the more distant towns and villages, rank upon rank of people, “eager to hear of the new Message flocked to the house of Vahíd. ‘What are we to do?’ they asked him. ‘In what manner do you advise us to show forth the sincerity of our faith and the intensity of our devotion?’ From morning till night, Vahíd was absorbed in resolving their perplexities and in directing their steps in the path of service.”154 Nabíl states that for forty days this feverish activity persisted on the part of Vahíd’s zealous supporters, and his house became the focal point for an innumerable host of devotees. The news of such activities were constantly shared with the nearby towns, particularly Ardakán and Manshád, and many among their inhabitants joined the ranks of Vahíd’s companions.155 Since the summer of 1844 when the Letters of the Living were instructed to disperse throughout the realm to teach the new reform, some had visited Yazd and spoke about the new teachings, though very few, if any, had actually enrolled as Bábís. On this occasion, however, many people from all walks of life readily gave their allegiance. Among those enrolled under Vahíd’s banner during this time were such eminent personalities as the following:156 • Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, surnamed Rada’r-Rúh by Bahá’u’lláh, and his three brothers who were later martyred in Manshád: Áqá Ghulam-Husayn; Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar; and Mullá Áqá Bábá’í.157 These were the sons of the renowned 152 Kawákibu’d-Durríyih, vol. 1, p. 202. 153 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 467. 154 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468. 155 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 400. 156 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 50-51 and Khátirát Málmírí, p. 23, n.1. 157 On the martyrdom of the brothers, see Sharh Shahadát Shuhadáy Manshád, translation in “The Martyrs of Manshád”. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 74 The Bábís of Nayriz cleric, Hájí Muhammad, the Mujtahid Manshádí, and each was learned in Islamic sciences in his own right, though Mullá Muhammad-Ridá had surpassed his brethren. On hearing that these brothers had joined Vahíd, the rest of the family followed suit, including their elderly father, who later endured much hardship in the path of the new religion. • Hájí Mullá Mihdí ‘Atrí [perfume-maker], the father of the martyred Varqá, together with his entire family.158 • Mírzá Muhammad-Ridá Tabíb Yazdí, a physician who years later was the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Lawh-i Tibb (Tablet to a Physician).159 • Shaykh ‘Alí Gumnám. • Sháttir Ridá Ardakání. • Mullá Hasan Musalay’í. • Hájí Mullá Husayn Baidkí Mahrízí. • Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí Mahrízí. • Siyyid Husayn Manshádí, son of Siyyid Ridá Manshádí. • Siyyid Muhammad-Báqir Mahrízí, renowned for his piety, learning and spiritual insights, who had won the widespread affinity of the people. Occasionally various miracles were attributed to him.160 He also brought with him his son, Siyyid Husayn, the carpet-weaver, and his brother, Hájí Siyyid Husayn, the prayer-reciter. • Mírzá Ja‘far Vajhí, known as Yazdí, a seminary student who later accompanied Bahá’u’lláh from Baghdad to ‘Akká. • Mullá ‘Alí-Naqí, the prayer-reciter. • Mírzá Muhammad, known as Mulk. • Muhammad-Zamán Násir, a merchant of note from Shíráz. 158 For biography see Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 39-45. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 726, notes that his son, Mírzá Husayn, visited Bahá’u’lláh in Baghdad and with him brought the first copy of the Hidden Words to Yazd and gave tidings of his near declaration and the counter-claim of Mírzá Yahyá Azal. 159 See Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 3, p. 359, and Khátirát Málmírí, pp. 58-59. 160 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 75 • ‘Alí-Akbar Hakkák [the engraver].161 • Hájí ‘Abdu’r-Rahím Shamá’í. • Áqá Muhammad-Sádiq Suf-Báf. • Mírzá Hasan Áqá Fádil. • Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a noted cleric of the Malámír quarter of Yazd, who accompanied Vahíd to Nayríz.162 • Hájí Abdu’l-Ghafur and his brother Muhammad-‘Alí.163 • Hájí Bábá Sáhib.164 • Bíbí Fatimih, known as Mahd-‘Ulyá. These and many others, through the teachings of Vahíd, his recital of the writings of the Báb and his exposition of the central doctrines of the new dispensation, were aided to make the transition from the Shi‘i to the Bábí belief and undertook to dedicate themselves to the new cause and, for the rest of their days, to stand fast and firm in their resolve. Toward the latter part of Muhammad Sháh’s reign, Yazd had fallen into revolt and Násiri’d-Dín Sháh had appointed Hájí Bízhan Khán Gurjí as its governor. However, Gurjí was ineffectual in the face of various upheavals and was soon replaced in 1265 A.H./1849 with Muhammad-Hasan Khán, titled Sardár Irvání, and known generally as Khán Bábá Khán.165 The latter, however, was loath to leave the capital because of his financial and political interests and thus he appointed one of his relatives, Áqá Khán Irvání, as his deputy.166 The success of Vahíd in converting multitudes and the commotion that ensued consequently provided Navváb Radaví with a pretext for enlisting the support of Áqá Khán, the deputy-governor of Yazd, who was young and inexperienced in the affairs of government, in his efforts against his adversary. Nabíl 161 For an account of his martyrdom on 15 July 1852, see Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 2, pp. 46-51, and cited sources. 162 He was the husband of the paternal aunt of Hájí Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí and the recipient of Bahá’u’lláh’s Surih-i Nush. 163 The father and uncle of Muhammad-Táhir Málmírí; see, Khátirát Málmírí, p. 18. 164 Khátirát Málmírí, p. 19, gives her name as Hájí Bíbí Sáhib. 165 For a short biography see The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 513-514. 166 Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, vol. 3, p. 101. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 76 The Bábís of Nayriz emphasizes that Navváb had succeeded in winning the support of the deputy-governor who “fell a victim to the intrigues and machinations of that evil plotter.”167 The Navváb succeeded “in inducing him to dispatch a force of armed men to besiege the house of Vahíd. While a regiment of the army was proceeding to that spot, a mob composed of the degraded elements of the city were, at the instigation of the Navváb, directing their steps towards that same place, determined by their threats and imprecations to”168 assault Vahíd and his companions. On their approach to his house, but some distance away, the irregulars and armed men were confronted by a large group of Vahíd’s followers who easily overpowered them, though, according to Nabíl, they refrained from causing any serious injuries. Defeated and powerless, the governor’s men retreated to his headquarters and this time he ordered reinforcements and dispatched a regiment of the army for the same purpose, who were, once again, strengthened by rowdy constituents of the town. On hearing the news that the second wave of attack was imminent, the companions of Vahíd added extra protective pillars to his house, fortified their defenses and prepared themselves for battle. In this regard, Nabíl notes: Though hemmed in by hostile forces on every side, Vahíd continued, from the window of the upper floor of his house, to animate the zeal of his supporters and to clarify whatever remained obscure in their minds. At the sight of a whole regiment, reinforced by an infuriated mob, preparing to attack them, they turned to Vahíd in their distress and begged him to direct their steps. ‘This very sword that lies before me,’ was his answer, as he remained seated beside the window, ‘was given me by the Qá’im Himself. God knows, had I been authorized by Him to wage holy warfare against this people, I would, alone and unaided, have annihilated their forces. I am, however, commanded to refrain from 167 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 468 168 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 469. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 77 such an act.’ ‘This very steed,’ he added, as his eyes fell upon the horse which his servant Hasan had saddled and brought to the front of his house, ‘the late Muhammad Sháh gave me, that with it I might undertake the mission with which he entrusted me, of conducting an impartial investigation into the nature of the Faith proclaimed by the Siyyid-i-Báb. He asked me to report personally to him the results of my inquiry, inasmuch as I was the only one among the ecclesiastical leaders of Tihrán in whom he could repose implicit confidence. I undertook that mission with the firm resolution of confuting the arguments of that Siyyid, of inducing Him to abandon His ideas and to acknowledge my leadership, and of conducting Him with me to Tihrán as a witness to the triumph I was to achieve. When I came into His presence, however, and heard His words, the opposite of that which I had imagined took place. In the course of my first audience with Him, I was utterly abashed and confounded; by the end of the second, I felt as helpless and ignorant as a child; the third found me as lowly as the dust beneath His feet. He had indeed ceased to be the contemptible Siyyid I had previously imagined. To me, He was the manifestation of God Himself, the living embodiment of the Divine Spirit. Ever since that day, I have yearned to lay down my life for His sake. I rejoice that the day I have longed to witness is fast approaching.’ Seeing the agitation that had seized his friends, he exhorted them to calm and patience, and to rest assured that the omnipotent Avenger would ere long inflict, with His own invisible hand, a crushing defeat upon the forces arrayed against His loved ones. No sooner had he uttered these words than the news arrived that Muhammad- ‘Abdu’lláh169, whom no one suspected of being still alive, 169 The Dawn-Breakers gives his name as Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh. However, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, has clarified that it should be Muhammad, son of ‘Abdu’lláh. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 78 The Bábís of Nayriz had suddenly emerged with a number of his comrades, who had likewise disappeared from sight, and, raising the cry of “Yá Sáhibu’z-Zamán!” had flung themselves upon their assailants and dispersed their forces. He displayed such courage that the whole detachment, abandoning their arms, had sought refuge, together with the [deputy-]governor, in the fort of Nárín.170 170 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 469-470. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 79 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 80 The Bábís of Nayriz The soldiers and the regulars were thus instructed to begin erecting barracks and reinforce the fortifications of the fort of Nárín.171 171 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes that Prince Dolgorukov briefly reported on Yazd troubles in the same 24 February 1850 dispatch in which he recorded the episode of the Seven Martyrs of Tihrán: A number of Bábís under the leadership of Siyyid Yahyá, who calls himself a disciple of the Báb, together with a crowd of the ruffians of Yazd, produced a serious disturbance in the town of Yazd. These Bábís assailed the residence of the Governor and killed 8 of the soldiers, wounding a further 26. The deputy governor has fled [the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 81 Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, formerly custodian of a caravansary, had a long and checkered history of revolt against the government. He had defied various governors, and led groups of town desperados in battles with military forces sent to subdue him, and was in hiding in those days.172 Some time earlier, he had joined in support of Hájí Muhammad Karím Khán, who had claimed leadership of the Shaykhí faction in Kirmán, and after a period of troubles had left that city in favor of Yazd. Upon his arrival, the deputy-governor executed one of his men in a show of force, but this rash and ill-conceived act produced the opposite effect and caused Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah to rebel and to gather a considerable number of the insurgent elements around him.173 town] and sent his resignation to the Government. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 108, notes, “Áqá Khán-i Irvání having tended his resignation, Khán Bábá Khán appointed his nephew, Shaykh Alí Khán, to be Deputy-Governor.” 172 Táríkh Naw, p. 343. 173 Keith Abott, the British Consul who as part of his tour of south Iran visited Yazd from 19 November 1849 to 7 December 1849, reports cited in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 106-107: The Political state of the Province at the time of my visit, may be described in a few words. The City had, only a few months before, recovered from a state of rebellion and confusion subsequent to the death of Mahomed Shah, when the recently appointed Governor, Aghá Khán, a man of firmness, but a very unpopular character found himself besieged by a portion of the Inhabitants, headed by some notorious Characters, and obliged, after attempting to defend his residence to retreat into the Citadel. There he and his attendants found themselves almost destitute of provisions, but with four pieces of Ordnance, they contrived for some days not only to hold out, but seriously to annoy the townspeople. Finally, however, driven by want to negotiate, it was agreed they should be allowed provisions and beasts of burden, to enable them to quit the place. As soon as these were produced and admitted within the Citadel, the Governor (as he related to me himself) closed the gate, and refused to abide by the Conditions. The Camels and Asses, which had been provided, were then slaughtered, and served the Garrison for food, but they discovered that the bread they had received from the townspeople had been poisoned. Keeping up a frequent fire on the town, the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 82 The Bábís of Nayriz This tumult continued for several days, until the merchants and the nobles of Yazd, seeing their business interests threatened by prolonged unrest, rose against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh declaring that he wished to ruin their economy and expose them to the wrath of the central authorities. Noting that his base of support was evaporating rapidly, Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men were forced to flee to Dihshír, where Áqá Khán sent a regiment in pursuit. Some of the insurgents were taken prisoner and some were killed, while Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and a small number fled secretly and went into hiding back in Yazd.174 A View of Yazd Having emerged from hiding that evening, Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh asked for an audience with Vahíd. Nabíl states that he assured Vahíd of his devotion in the new found cause, “and acquainted him with the plans he had conceived for rushing the fort Nárín and subjugating” Inhabitants, being without Artillery, could not return, terms of accommodation were a second time, agreed to, and some troops arriving to the succour of the Governor, he was presently enabled to quit his Stronghold and again appear in the town. Some of the rebels were secured but it was not until after my departure that the Chief Leader, by name Mahomed Abdoollah, was taken and slain. 174 Bahadur, p. 464. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 83 the governor and his men. Vahíd sensed that his visitor and his renegade comrades could only cause further intensification of troubles and that their profession of faith was simply a ploy to give their aggression against the authorities a cover of respectability under the guise of religious dissent. Therefore, Vahíd responded to him: “Although your intervention has to-day averted from this house the danger of an unforeseen calamity, yet you must recognize that until now our contest with these people was limited to an argument centering round the Revelation of the Sáhibu’z-Zamán. The Navváb, however, will henceforth be induced to instigate the people against us, and will contend that I have arisen to establish my undisputed sovereignty over the entire province and intend to extend it over the whole of Persia.”175 Vahíd, wishing to dissociate himself from Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his mutinous gang, advised him to leave the city immediately. “Not until our appointed time arrives,” he assured him, “will the enemy be able to inflict upon us the slightest injury.”176 The rebellious Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, however, was unwilling to abandon this opportunity and preferred to ignore the advice of Vahíd. Nabíl notes his departing words: “It would be cowardly of me to abandon my friends to the mercy of an irate and murderous adversary. What, then, would be the difference between me and those who forsook the Siyyidu’sh-Shuhadá177 on the day of Áshúrá178, and left him companionless on the field of Karbilá? A merciful God will, I trust, be indulgent towards me and will forgive my action.”179 Finding it unlikely that Vahíd would ally his forces with him, on the following day Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh commanded his men to proceed to the Nárín Fort. By surrounding the castle, they compelled the governor and his forces to retreat within its walls and to temporarily cease hostilities. Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh kept watch, ready to intercept whatever reinforcements might seek to reach the opponents. 175 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471. 176 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471. 177 “The Prince of Martyrs”, refers to Imám Husayn. 178 The tenth of Muharram, the day on which the Imam Husayn was martyred. 179 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 471. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 84 The Bábís of Nayriz With the departure of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, the house of Vahíd seemed without adequate defenses. Seeing this, a day later, Navváb moved quickly in raising a general revolt in which multitudes of the city’s inhabitants participated. “They were preparing to attack the house of Vahíd when he summoned Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím-i- Khú’í, better known as the Siyyid-i-Khál-Dár, who had participated for a few days in the defense of the fort of Tabarsí180 and whose dignity of bearing attracted widespread attention, and bade him mount his own steed and address publicly, through the streets and bazaars, an appeal on his behalf to the entire populace, urging them to embrace the Cause of the Sáhibu’z-Zamán.”181 Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím leaped upon the steed and, escorted by four of his companions, rode out through the market and called out, in a loud and resonant voice, the warning he had been commissioned to proclaim: O people of Yazd! Know one and all we disclaim any intention of waging holy warfare against you, nor do we intend a revolt against the Sháh or the nation. Our Cause is the religion of Sáhibu’z-Zamán, for Whose early appearance each of you prays fervently, and Who has been promised in all the past Scriptures, traditions and the Qur’án. This illustrious Siyyid [Vahíd], whom everyone recognizes as unrivaled in piety and to whose knowledge and high 180 A native of Adharbáyján, Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím had demonstrated considerable valor in the course of the events at Fort Tabarsí. When the Fort had fallen and Quddús and his companions were seized, each was subject to torments of the victorious gunmen and in the midst of these Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was told to spit on the countenance of Quddús. He appeared ready to do so, but as he approached Quddús, instead he turned and spat into the face of the military commander, ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán, who in a fit of rage unsheathed his saber to slay him while crying to his men to rend asunder this Bábí! However the Tabrizí gunners, unprepared to see one of their native sons killed, came to his aid and aimed their artillery at ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán’s men. Sensing trouble, the Prince Mihdí-Qulí Mírzá, quickly stepped forward and defused the situation. Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím was spared on that occasion. (Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 36, n.1, on authority of Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2.) 181 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 471-472. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 85 attainments both learned or unlettered testify, now, detached from all save God and not wishing to proclaim a jihad or cause bloodshed, has risen to guide you to the right path and true salvation. Why do you then believe the ungodly, and attack a descendant of the Prophet, and unsheathe your swords upon him and his companions? Be forewarned, however, that if you persist in besieging the house of this Siyyid and continue your attacks upon him, we shall be constrained, as a measure of self-defense, to resist and disperse you all. If you choose to reject this counsel and yield to the whisperings of the crafty Navváb, seven of our companions will repulse your forces and crush your hopes. Beware if you despise our plea. My lifted voice, I warn you, will prove sufficient to cause the very walls of your fort to tremble, and the strength of my arm will be capable of breaking down the resistance of its gates!182 Seeing the determination which Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azím and his four companions manifested, and hearing his stern call, the crowd quickly dispersed. When he saw that the inhabitants refused to fight against Vahíd and his companions, the Navváb induced them to direct their attack against Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh and his men, who had surrounded the Nárín Castle in Meybod district of Yazd and was engaged in sporadic battles with the governor’s battalion.183 With the arrival of the irregulars gathered by the Navváb, the first battle ensued between them and the forces of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’llah, and this 182 With slight modifications from The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472 and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 46-47. The version in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 403-404, has much embellishment and in absence of Nabíl’s original text it cannot be determined if the embellishments are additions of Mázandarání or were left out of the translation by Shoghi Effendi. 183 Some believe that the Nárín castles are descendants of ancient Persian fire- temples; some of the castles in Meybod are also called nareng castles (orange castles), possibly by folk etymology. Most of these castles are decaying and have not fared well over the years. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 86 The Bábís of Nayriz clash provided an opportunity for the deputy-governor to emerge from hiding and instruct his besieged regiment to join hands with the Navváb’s men in fighting the renegades. “Muhammad-‘Abdu’lláh was in midst of dispersing the untrained and unequipped mob that had rushed forth from the city against him, when he was suddenly assailed by the fire which the troops opened upon him by order of the governor.”184 In the process, a number of his comrades were wounded and a few killed. He himself sustained a bullet injury to his foot that caused him to cease hostilities and “his brother hurriedly got him away to a place of safety, and from thence carried him, at his request, to the house of Vahíd.”185 His men dispersed quickly into the countryside.186 The mob raised by the Navváb, and the governor’s armed men, spotted his retreat and followed him to that house, fully resolved to seize and slay him. Nabíl states: The clamor of the people that had massed around his house [and were constantly discharging their guns and otherwise preparing to rush within,] compelled Vahíd to order Mullá Muhammad-Ridáy-i-Manshádí, one of the most enlightened ‘ulamás of Manshád, who had discarded his turban and offered himself as his gatekeeper, to sally forth and, with the aid of six companions, whom he would choose, to scatter their forces. ‘Let each one of you raise his voice,’ he commanded them, ‘and repeat seven times the words ‘Alláh-u-Akbar,’ and on your seventh invocation spring forward at one and the same moment into the midst of your assailants.’ Mullá Muhammad-Ridá, whom Bahá’u’lláh had named Rada’r-Rúh, sprang to his feet and, with his 184 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 472. 185 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473. 186 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 727-728, notes that two of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh’s companions, that is, his brother, Karbalá’í Husayn, and Áqá ‘Alí Isfahání, were later confined with Bahá’u’lláh in the Siyah-Chál of Tihrán and converted on that occasion. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 87 companions, straightway proceeded to fulfil the instructions he had received. Those who accompanied him, though frail of form, [badly under-equipped] and inexperienced in the art of swordsmanship, were fired with a faith that made them the terror of their adversaries. Seven of the most redoubtable among the enemy perished that day.187 Years later Mullá Muhammad-Ridá related the details of these events to Nabíl in Baghdad, and noted that a score of other foes were injured and the crazed mob was dispersed while none of the seven Bábí defenders sustained any harm. He added: “No sooner had we routed the enemy and returned to the house of Vahíd, than we found Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh lying wounded before us. He was carried to our leader, and partook of the food with which the latter had been served. Afterwards he was borne to a hiding place, where he remained concealed until he recovered from his wound. Eventually he was seized and slain by the enemy.”188 In a dispatch from Tihrán, the British diplomat Justin Sheil reports to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign Office: I have the honor to inform Your Lordship that a serious outbreak lately took place at Yezd, which however the Governor of that city with the assistance of the priesthood succeeded in quelling. The exciters of the insurrection were the partisans of the new Sect called Babee, who assembled in such numbers as to force the Governor to take refuge in the citadel, to which they laid siege. The Moollas conscious that the progress of Babeeism is the decay of their own supremacy determined to rescue the Governor, and summoning the populace in the name of religion to attack this new Sect of infidels, the Babees were overthrown and forced to take 187 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473. 188 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473. It was the next deputy governor of Yazd, Shaykh ‘Alí Khán, who succeeded in defeating and killing of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 88 The Bábís of Nayriz flight to the adjoining province of Kerman. I have seen a letter from the Governor of Yezd to one of the his friends in Tehran in which he earnestly calls for assistance and represents the state of disorganization within his government in strong terms; he has since resigned his appointment, and quitted Yezd without even waiting for permission to retire.189 In these three nights and days of fighting, a total of thirty from the opposition camp were killed, as well as a score of the defenders who gave their life in the path of the Báb’s faith. Some of them were captured by the armed men and blown away from the mouth of cannons.190 Mázandarání reports that a total of twenty-two of Vahíd’s supporters were killed in the battle of Yazd.191 In this regard, the case of Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí Mihríjirdí, one of the affluent landlords of the city should be noted. After the situation had calmed down, one of the officials, Hájí Rasul Mihríjirdí, sent his men to arrest this important supporter of Vahíd. This remarkable man refused to recant his faith despite the confiscation of all his property and possessions. On several occasions he was so severely beaten that each time he became unconscious, and had to be revived for further punishment. Eventually, he was allowed to be taken away by his kinsmen and after six months he recovered to some degree. In time he 189 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 107, and a more complete version appears in The Báb, pp. 204-205. Since this report is dated 12 February 1850, it suggests with near certainty that Nabíl’s placement of this event in early May 1850 is incorrect. 190 Jahangír Mírzá, son of ‘Abbás Mírzá, the Náyibu’s-Saltanih, records the following summary in Táríkh Naw, p. 343: During these months [1850], Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí styled himself a Bábí in the region of Yazd and caused mischief. Upon the killing of Muhammad Dálánbar [an innkeeper], he was unable to remain there and took flight to Fárs. And from what has been heard, in one of the districts of Fárs, he caused mischief and a crowd on behalf of the governor of the district went forth and killed him and 300 of his disciples. 191 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 480. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 89 opened a modest store and passed away in Yazd at the age of 108.192 Vahíd’s Departure from Yazd Faced with such a stalemate and with his own young career at stake, the governor increased the number of his armed men considerably and had them surround Vahíd’s house. The Navváb also instigated the population to join the governor’s gunmen and to assault the believers – an appeal that some readily accepted. This frightened and disturbed some of the defenders, and on that night, Vahíd decided to ask his companions to disperse. He instructed them to exercise the utmost vigilance in securing a place of safety. Furthermore, he advised his wife to take two of their children193, Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin, to the home of her father and to leave behind the two older sons as well as all their possessions.194 According to Nabíl, Vahíd spoke the following words to his wife on that occasion: 192 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 482-483. 193 There is some confusion as to which children were left behind: The Dawn- Breakers, p. 474, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, state that Siyyid Ismá‘íl and Siyyid ‘Alí- Muhammad were dispatched with their mother. This must be an error as Siyyid Ismá‘íl was Vahíd’s son through his Nayrízí wife and living not in Yazd but in Nayríz. The other son was known as Siyyid Muhammad. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 52, n.1, states that Tubá and Siyyid Muhsin were sent with their mother. The Dawn- Breakers, p. 474, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 399 and p. 406, and Hadrat Báb, p. 507, suggest that Vahíd’s two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Mihdí, accompanied him. However, no record exists that Vahíd had a son named Siyyid Mihdí. Khátirát Málmírí, p. 23, states that Vahíd was accompanied by his wife and daughter along with Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and his 3 children (2 sons and one daughter). However, it is unlikely that Vahíd would have taken his wife and daughter on such a perilous journey and further, Túbá’s marriage certificate (Appendix 2) indicates that she was in Yazd, at least by the final days of the Nayríz battles. 194 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 473, reports that Vahíd instructed “his wife to remove ... all their belongings ... and to leave behind whatever was his personal property.” However, this appears to contradict the words of Vahíd quoted in the same paragraph. Also logistically, it seems nearly impossible to move furniture and household goods in the middle of night while surrounded by vigilant soldiers and irregulars. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 90 The Bábís of Nayriz This palatial residence, I have built with the sole intention that it should be eventually demolished in the path of the Cause, and the stately furnishings with which I have adorned it have been purchased in the hope that one day I shall be able to sacrifice them for the sake of my Beloved. Then will friend and foe alike realize that he who owned this house was endowed with so great and priceless a heritage that an earthly mansion, however sumptuously adorned and magnificently equipped, had no worth in his eyes; that it had sunk, in his estimation, to the state of a heap of bones to which only the dogs of the earth could feel attracted. Would that such compelling evidence of the spirit of renunciation were able to open the eyes of this perverse people, and to stir in them the desire to follow in the steps of him who showed that spirit!195 Nabíl further states that: “In the mid-watches of that same night, Vahíd arose and, collecting the writings of the Báb that were in his possession, as well as the copies of various treatises that he himself had composed, entrusted them to his servant Hasan, and ordered him to convey them [by way of an uncommon road] to a place outside the gate of the city where the road branches off to [the village of] Mihríz.196 He bade him to await his arrival, and warned him that, were he to disregard his instructions, he would never again be able to meet him.”197 Hasan mounted his horse and prepared to leave secretly in accordance with the instructions given him. However, after traveling only a short distance, the cries of the governor’s sentinels, who kept watch over Vahíd’s mansion, and other people who had joined them, alarmed him deeply. Fearing capture and seizure of the precious manuscripts in his possession, he decided to follow a different route 195 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 473-474, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 405. 196 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 405-406, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 49, suggest that a second person was to accompany Hasan. 197 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 91 from the one outlined by Vahíd. As he was passing through the streets, the gunmen recognized him, shot his horse, and captured him. On the same night, Vahíd decided to depart from Yazd. He left accompanied by his two sons, Siyyid Ahmad and Siyyid Muhammad, together with three of his companions who were all residents of Yazd and had asked permission to accompany him on his journey: Ghulám-Ridá Buzurg, a man of exceptional courage; Ghulám-Ridá Kuchik, who had distinguished himself in the art of marksmanship; and a third, identified only as “a learned believer”198. He chose the same route that he had advised Hasan to take. Arriving safely at the appointed spot, he was surprised to find that his servant was missing. Vahíd sensed immediately that he had disregarded his instructions and had been captured by the enemy. He deplored his fate, and was reminded of the action of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, who had similarly acted against his will and had in consequence suffered injury and misfortune.199 During the course of the next day’s events, Hasan was executed by being blown from the mouth of a cannon. It is reported that “when they would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he said: ‘Bind me, I pray you, with my face towards the gun that I may see it fired.’ The gunners and those who stood by looking on were all astonished at his composure and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must needs have great faith and fortitude.”200 An hour later, a certain Mírzá Hasan, who previously had been the Imám Jum‘ih of one of the quarters of Yazd and who was a man of renowned piety, had also been captured and subjected to the same fate on the charge of being a Bábí. 198 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 50. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 52, n.1, suggests that this third believer was a brother of Vahíd who joined them en route. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474, states that in addition to his two sons, two others accompanied Vahíd, both named Ghulám-Ridá. 199 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 474. 200 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 117, and Nayriz Mushkbíz, p. 50. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 92 The Bábís of Nayriz When Vahíd departed from Yazd, his opponents rose to fresh exertions. They rushed into his house and plundered his possessions. A.L.M. Nicolas has noted: “When [the governor] Áqá Khán had verified the disappearance of the rebel, he gave a sigh of relief. Besides, he felt that to pursue the fugitives would involve some peril and that, therefore, it would be infinitely more practical, more beneficial, more profitable and less dangerous to torture the Bábís, or those presumed to be Bábís – provided that they were wealthy – who had remained in the city. He sought out the most prosperous, ordered their execution, and confiscated their possessions, avenging thus his outraged religion, a matter perhaps of little concern to him, and filling his coffers, which pleased him immensely.”201 201 Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 391. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 93 Chapter 4 Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz And recite and teach what has been revealed to thee of the Book of thy Lord: none can change His Words, and none wilt thou find as a refuge other than Him. Qur’án 18:27 The night of his departure from Yazd, with great haste and much difficulty, Vahíd, according to Nabíl, covered a distance of 42 kilometers on foot, while his companions carried his sons part of the way. During the next day, they concealed themselves within a cave in a neighboring mountain.202 As soon as his brother, who resided in that vicinity and had a deep affection for him, was informed of his arrival, he secretly dispatched to him the necessary provisions. On the same day, a regiment of the governor’s cavalry, who had set out in pursuit of Vahíd, arrived at that village. They searched the house of his brother, where they suspected that he was concealed, and appropriated a large amount of his possessions. Unable to find Vahíd, they returned to Yazd. Meanwhile, Vahíd made his way through the mountains until he reached the district of Bávanát in the province of Fárs. This area had been particularly friendly toward Vahíd’s ancestors and most of its inhabitants counted themselves among his admirers. A large gathering was quickly organized in the central mosque and Vahíd spoke passionately about the appearance of the Báb and his reform-cause. Led by the well-known Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát, a large number of the inhabitants readily accepted the Báb’s message as a result of Vahíd’s urging and their unimpeachable trust in him and his 202 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 475. In order to travel such a distance during a dark evening, it is logical to infer that either Vahíd and his companions were using horses or they traveled the reported distance in course of several days. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 94 The Bábís of Nayriz family. Shiraz-Nayriz Region In the company of a number of the believers from that town, Vahíd then proceeded from Bávanát to Shíráz. Nabíl explains: All along his route, wherever he tarried, Vahíd’s first thought, as soon as he had dismounted, was to seek the neighboring masjid, wherein he would summon the people to hear him announce the tidings of the New Day. Utterly oblivious of the fatigues of his journey, he would promptly ascend the pulpit and fearlessly proclaim to his congregation the character of the Faith he had risen to champion. He would spend only one night in that place if he had succeeded in winning to the Cause souls upon whom he could rely to propagate it after his departure. Otherwise he would straightway resume his march and refuse further to associate with them. ‘Through whichever village I pass,’ he often remarked, ‘and fail to inhale from its inhabitants the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 95 fragrance of belief, its food and its drink are both distasteful to me.’”203 Vahíd stayed in Shíráz for only a short time, and then decided to direct his steps to Nayríz. En route, thinking that possibly the people of Fasá would welcome the new teachings, Vahíd took a detour there, but to his astonishment found its inhabitants refusing to respond to the movement he invited them to follow. Arriving at Rúníz, in the district of Fasá, Vahíd decided to stay for two days, in the course of which a large number in this village embraced the new faith. While there, Vahíd wrote to his father-in-law, Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, and informed him of his near arrival in Nayríz. As soon as the news of his approach reached Nayríz, the entire population of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, having known Vahíd for many years and greatly admiring his qualities, hastened to the village of Rúníz, a distance of some thirty-three kilometers, to meet him. People from other quarters likewise decided to join them. Altogether, a crowd in excess of three hundred had gathered for that welcome. Soon, Vahíd left Rúníz for the shrine of Pír-Murád, situated about a kilometer outside the village of Istahbánát204, in the country of his ancestors. There, he wrote to its leading ‘ulamá that he intended to tarry at that shrine for a day or two. He then proceeded to Istahbánát. Despite the interdiction pronounced by the ‘ulamá of that village against his entry, no less than twenty-three of them embraced the new faith and twenty-one of its inhabitants joined his procession to Nayríz. According to Mullá Muhammad Shafi‘, there was such excitement in the air as they made their way to Nayríz, many were dancing and even Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, the pious old man, was running along and cheering.205 203 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476. 204 Located 36 kilometers southwest of Nayríz. 205 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 109, has noted that Nabíl’s assertion that Vahíd’s journey from Yazd to Nayríz, with all the stops in between, took only 17 days, that is, from 10 May to 27 May 1850, is rather improbable. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 96 The Bábís of Nayriz The Governor It must be noted that fearing lest Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, the governor of Nayríz, should object to their welcoming Vahíd, the majority of Nayrízís had left stealthily at night. To understand the people’s apprehension and the general turbulent conditions under which Vahíd arrived on the scene, one must look further into the past and examine the history of the governor and the manner in which he assumed his office and some of his policies. Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was a son of Muhammad-Husayn Khán Ibn Mírzá Hisámu’d-Dín ‘Arab, of the Shaybání-Uzbak tribe of Fárs. In the later years of the reign of Karím Khán Zand (d. 1779), this tribe which by then had adopted strong Arab Bedouin influence, was exiled to Nayríz and its surrounding region, particularly the Qutriyih village which is situated some forty kilometers to the east of Nayríz. At that time, the governorship of Nayríz was in the hands of Hájí ‘Alí- Sultán, son of Akbar-Sultán Nayrízí. As a gesture of kindness and as means to win him over, for seven consecutive years, the Qájár monarch exempted Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán from paying taxes for the Nayríz region. This generosity enabled him to amass extravagant wealth, to such a degree that he often proudly jested: “Should God wish to reckon my wealth, it will take Him seven years.” But during an unusually severe rainy season, he lost his entire herd of cattle and sheep and his many farms and was thoroughly bankrupted.206 Muhammad-Husayn Khán took advantage of the situation to extend his sphere of influence to Nayríz, and was able to win over many of its inhabitants. He then transferred his residence there and took one of Hájí ‘Alí-Sultán’s daughters as a wife, thereby cementing his relationship with the ruling circle. Soon thereafter, a weakened governor relinquished power in favor of his new son-in-law, who moved quickly to consolidate his own position. During his governorship, as a result of heavy taxes that he levied against the people, Muhammad-Husayn Khán 206 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, ch. 6, (a summary). The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 97 gathered a considerable fortune. When he died in the early 1830s, he was survived by his three sons: Muhammad-Báqir Khán, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán and Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán.207 By both tribal and religious laws, the eldest of the brothers seemed destined to take office. However, the youngest brother, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had designs of his own, and through deceit and feuding with his brother, was able to win the government for himself. In order to consolidate his position, he ordered the assassination of Muhammad-Báqir Khán in his private residence. Having removed from the scene the main rival to the office, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín turned his attention to the children of his murdered brother and ordered them eliminated to ensure that no future rivalry could undermine his ambitions.208 He instructed that all five sons of Muhammad-Báqir Khán, namely, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, Mírzá Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Muhammad-Husayn Khán, Ismá‘íl Khán, and Akbar Khán, be locked in a room and every entrance sealed so they might starve and suffocate. However, one of his gardeners, who was privately loyal to the family of Muhammad-Báqir Khán, had pity on these children, and secretly managed to carve a small hole in the walls, through which he sent water and food to the captives, thus allowing them to survive. It is reported that this act was masterminded by a group of dissidents led by Mírzá ‘Alí Sardár and Mullá Hasan Lab-Shikarí, the latter known to the sons of Muhammad-Báqir Khán as “Barádar Buzurg” [the elder brother]. Some days later, thinking that the young men had perished, the governor ordered the entrance opened, and found them still alive. Considering this an omen, he allowed them to live, but only on the condition that they leave that district. They readily accepted it and situated themselves in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. Simultaneously with these events, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had increased taxes to an exorbitant level – a move that made him extremely unpopular with the citizens. Very shortly before Vahíd’s arrival, the news of the governor’s heinous effort to eliminate the children of 207 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 263, proposes existence of a fourth brother, Áqá Muhammad-Ridá Khán, but no collaborative evidence is known for this assertion. 208 It should be noted that the practice of eliminating the family of the rivals had earlier roots in Iranian and Ottoman history. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 98 The Bábís of Nayriz Muhammad-Báqir Khán became widely known. As a result of this and the general dissatisfaction with his taxation policies, widespread unrest and uproar ensued. Therefore, in addition to having a base of believers which he had cultivated since his own conversion, a home in Nayríz and familiarity with its people, another key reason that Vahíd decided to proceed in that direction was the knowledge that the atmosphere of Nayríz was so intensely charged with tension and turmoil. All that was needed was a spark and a massive social explosion was assured: Vahíd and the new Faith were that spark. On previous visits to Nayríz, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán had acted as a friend and admirer of Vahíd, and in many instances had publicly testified to his learning and piety. However, because of the adverse circumstances in the region, his own unstable condition and the news of troubles in Yazd, he decided that he could no longer afford to be known as an associate of Vahíd and, indeed, recognized in him a potential adversary of great might. Furthermore, he was cognizant that if he failed to deal with Vahíd effectively, the new governor-general for the province of Fárs would take steps to remove him from office. With this explosive situation at hand, a number of Nayrízís took advantage of the situation and rallied around the wretched children of Muhammad-Báqir Khán who had become the symbols of dissent and the foci of social unrest. One of these children was Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, the eldest son, who immediately proclaimed his allegiance to Vahíd and became one of his close companions.209 In fact, in order to further accentuate his differences with the governor, at a later date Vahíd accepted Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán as his son-in-law – a marriage that never took place.210 Before proceeding to examine the events of Nayríz through some early historical documents, let us pause to outline some general background on the history and geography of this city. 209 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 260, states that Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far went as far as Rúníz to welcome Vahíd. 210 See Appendix 2. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 99 Nayríz Though a relatively obscure township in the modern Iranian landscape, Nayríz has become well known to Bahá’ís because of the genesis of the Bábí movement in that region which subsequently gave rise to an important Bahá’í base. Nayríz is the name of a district in the province of Fárs, which commands a region of 132 by 108 kilometers. The surrounding region was known by various names and one particular district was Ma‘ádín (plural of Ma‘dan) and each Ma‘dan was a county of its own. In total there were twelve Ma‘dans, or counties.211 Within the heart of this district is situated the historic city of Nayríz, some 238 kilometers to the east of Shíráz, in the vicinity of Lake Bakhtigán, at an elevation of 1590 meters above sea level. For many centuries this strategically important town has enjoyed rural roads to such places of commerce as Shíráz, Fasá, Dáráb, Istahbánát and Sírján. On the north and east, Nayríz is flanked by a mountain range and therefore benefits from a cool climate. This city traces its history to the time of the Achaemenian Empire in the sixth century B.C.E. and the Sassáníán Dynasty in the third century Christian Era. Excavations made in the region have revealed that at the time of the Achaemenid Dynasty, Nayriz was a major producer of weapons due to manufacture of steel from iron ore brought from Parpa, 40 miles to the east. During that time it was one of a cluster of cities around Persepolis, which were organized in a supply network to provide the capital with produce. Since then, Nayríz has enjoyed a system of underground and aboveground aqueducts (qanát), known as Áb-i Zartusht (water of Zoroaster), which enabled it to irrigate many orchards and gardens, making its fruits and greens famous throughout the region.212 The local soil is particularly suitable for agriculture and the region’s warm climate 211 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 309, n.1. Other sources suggest that at one time there were 24 villages in this county. 212 The aqueducts were an engineering marvel. Starting as underground water systems, they run out above ground as aqueducts which get higher as the ground drops. The water ends in a vertical tower which continues underground into a pit, turning a water-wheel at the bottom. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 100 The Bábís of Nayriz made it ideal for many tribal factions to settle there.213 At one time Nayríz also possessed a heavy metals industry, and to this day remnants of that era are visible.214 Over time great many men of letters and accomplishment lived and worked in Nayríz.215 Nayriz and Surrounding Villages The decline of the city commenced with the Arab conquest of Iran in the latter part of the seventh century. Never being able to rescue herself from the clutches of fanaticism, Nayríz was to suffer over a long period of time at the hands of incompetent local tribal chieftains, whose allegiance was to their immediate tribe and ever-changing political landscape. Over centuries, this remarkable base of civilization was reduced to a shadow of its former self, with ruins and decay visible on all sides. 213 Mostofi, A., H. Nasr and A. Zaryab (eds), Historical Atlas of Iran, Tihrán University, 1971. 214 In pre-Islamic days, the present Bázár quarter was called Sahad-khánih in light of its steel industry, which manufactured most of the swords and armor for the empire. 215 For lists and biographical data see Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, pp. 1567-1572, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 31-38, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 201-203. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 101 In 1846, when the Bábí community of Nayríz was established, the city had a population of ten thousand216 and was divided into four quarters separated by orchards. Within each quarter, streets and alleys further subdivided the neighborhoods. The four quarters were: Áb-i Zartusht; Bázár; Chinár-Súkhtih (referred to in the ancient times as Chinár-Sháhí)217; and Sádát, otherwise known as Kuchih Bálá. Major B. Lovett of the Royal Engineers visited Nayríz in 1872 and described the town as follows: This town, which is situated about 12 miles east of the shores of the ‘Deria Numuk,’ [Daryá Namak, salt sea] is of considerable commercial importance. Its exports are chiefly almonds and figs, which are shipped in great quantities viá Bunder Abbas for Bombay. The population is said to be about 3500, and the revenue paid to the Government of Fárs about 12,000 tomans. It is a large town with many 216 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291. 217 Known among the people as the Bábí quarter, prior to the Islamic Revolution, it was named the Pahlavi quarter. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 102 The Bábís of Nayriz orchards, vineyards, [and] gardens interspersed between houses built of sun-dried bricks. It is divided into three parishes or ‘mahalehs’; that is to the south, termed the ‘Mahaleh Bala’, is well known to be peopled almost entirely by Babis, who, though they do not openly profess their faith in the teachings of Syed Ali Mahomed, the Bab, still practice the principles of communism he inculcated. It is certain, moreover, that the tolerance which was one of the chief percepts inculcated by the Bab is here observed, for not only was I invited to make use of public hammam [bath], if I required it, but quarters also were assigned to me in the ‘Madresseh.’218 The fact that Lovett reports three instead of four quarters for the city is perhaps due to Sádát and Bázár quarters often not having a clear demarcation between them. Nayríz also enjoyed such schools as: Madrisih Ghiyáthiyih, constructed in 1100 A.H./1688; and Madrisih Khán, raised in 1230 A.H./1814 by Muhammad-Husayn Khán, then governor of Nayríz. Prior to the Arab conquest, the people of Nayríz were Zoroastrian, and to this day remains of their large temples are present. One such temple, located in what later became known as the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, was converted in 362 A.H./972 into the largest of the city’s mosques, Masjid Jámi‘219 Kabír. This mosque was further expanded and repaired in 560-563 A.H./1164-67 and a 30 meter minaret was added, and an impressive dome over it was built during the Safavid era. It also enjoyed a well in its courtyard that provided water to the surrounding grounds and to the worshipers.220 The mosque itself is an 218 Major B. Lovett, ‘Survey on the Road from Shíráz to Bam’, p. 203; quoted in The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 151. 219 Jami‘ or Jam‘ih, means Friday. 220 For details see A. Godard, Le Masdjid-e djum’a Níríz, Athár-e Iran (i) 1936, pp. 163- 172. He reports this large Sassanid style mosque, with a large ayván, was standing in the 1930s. From his plans and photographs its clear that covered halls flanked the ayván on both sides. (Gratefully, the present writer acknowledges his debt to Sen McGlinn for this reference.) The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 103 interesting survival of an indigenous Iranian iván-type with simple bricks forming patterns on the upper section. This structure served as the Bábí stronghold during the uprising of the 1850s, when Vahíd gave sermons from a wooden pulpit known as Mihráb Imám Hasan.221 The Mihrab 221 Years later, this pulpit was burnt in an accident. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 104 The Bábís of Nayriz A smaller mosque is located in the Bázár quarter and is known as Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír.222 Other historic buildings in Nayríz include the Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh Qutb, commonly known as the Shrine of the Siyyid. Vahíd was buried beneath a wall of this building.223 For the Bábí and Bahá’ís, other places of particular importance include the house of Vahíd in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and the fort of Khájih which was burnt in 1850, though its main structure remained intact. Several hundred of the Bábí martyrs of 1850 were buried in a marked spot in front of this fort. The Bábí fortifications raised in the mountains of Nayríz in 1853 are a short distance from the city and the majority of them stand to the present day. It was in these mountains that many hundreds of Bábís were slaughtered, with some remains being buried while others were simply left exposed in the wild. 222 An important historical document inscribed on the wall of this mosque is discussed in chapter 7. 223 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 291, n.1, indicates that this Shrine is on a circle outside Saray Sarvary. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 105 Chapter 5 Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ – Part 1 And say not of those who are slain in the way of God: “They are dead.” Nay, they are living, though ye perceive it not. Qur’án 2:154 Introduction Among the fascinating eyewitness accounts of the Bábí revolution is a document written at Bahá’u’lláh’s behest by Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, outlining the events of Nayríz during the years 1850-53 – events which resulted in many-hundreds of the Báb’s followers yielding life and possessions in the path of their belief. Composition Date: Although the exact time that Bahá’u’lláh instructed Mullá Shafí‘ to write his recollections is not known, it seems likely that this may have occurred around 1880. At the very latest, this narrative must have been composed no later than 1887 when the famous historian-poet Nabíl Zarandí employed a copy – presumably given to him by Bahá’u’lláh – and incorporated the entire text, almost verbatim, in his history.224 The Original Manuscript: To compose his narrative, Nabíl Zarandí had gathered a number of early accounts, including Mullá Shafí‘’s history in the hand of its author, but it is not known what happened to this treasure-house of manuscripts after Nabíl’s suicide. Fortunately, it 224 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 580-581. In his edited translation of Nabíl’s history, Shoghi Effendi translated the first third of the narrative of Mullá Shafi‘ - sections pertaining to Nayríz-I. Shoghi Effendi included a brief outline of Nayríz-II as well; see The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 642-644. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 106 The Bábís of Nayriz appears that Mullá Shafí‘ had kept a second copy, which his son, Shaykh Muhammad-Hasan, later used as the basis of a history of his own on the Bábí and Bahá’í community of Nayríz. A grandson of Mullá Shafí‘, Mírzá Shafí‘ Rawhání-Nayrízí, states that the original manuscript of Mullá Shafí‘ was destroyed during the pogrom of Nayríz-III in March 1909.225 However, according to Rawhání, some time later Mírzá Muhammad-Sálih Khán Rafsinjání located another copy of this manuscript, but in his private communications with Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, Rawhání noted that after the publication of his Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, the Rafsinjání copy went astray. Fortunately, Tarázu’lláh Samandarí had seen to it that a copy was prepared for the private library of the Afnán family in Shiraz, which was serving as the nucleus of an archives associated with the House of the Báb in that city. When Hasan Balyuzi – a member of the Afnán family – commenced his research and writings on Bábí history, this copy was loaned to him by his cousin Abú’l-Qásim Afnán. In the summer of 1995, Abú’l-Qásim Afnán commissioned the present writer to prepare a readable copy of the original manuscript in Persian and also to produce an English translation for publication. Once the Persian transcription was prepared, Mr. Afnán included it in the second volume of his planned trilogy on the history of the Bábís, which remains unpublished to this date. The following is recorded on the margin of the opening page of this manuscript: This copy is in the hand of Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Mítháqí and the late Mírzá Ahmad, upon him rest the mercy of God. It was copied from the original of Áqá Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, upon him be God’s Grace. Apparently, the original text was sent to the Holy Land. Page numbers of the original manuscript are noted in the present translation by angel brackets, such as, . A few passages that were unreadable are marked with ellipses. 225 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 179, n.1 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 107 An Early Translation: An analysis of the Nayríz episode presented by the French historian A.L.M. Nicolas indicates that his chapter on Nayríz is mostly a translation of the account of Mullá Shafí‘, with some slight modifications. However, it is not known how the French diplomat came upon this narrative – perhaps given to him by his Bábí or Azalí contacts. Distinguishing Features: As the reader will note, the narrative of Mullá Shafí‘ is rich in detailed descriptions of events. Only a young boy at the time of the occurrences, the author later augmented his knowledge with the recollections of other survivors and, therefore, provides many particulars related to the organization of the believers, the identity of the defenders, tasks assigned to individuals during the upheavals, and many other details. Narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘ Nayrízí In accordance with the instruction of the Abiding One226 this has been written. After the proclamation of the Cause of His Holiness the Exalted One – may the spirit of all except His be a sacrifice unto Him – and the arrival of the honored Vahíd – upon him rest the Glory of God – in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm228 of Shiraz, and his acceptance [of the Báb’s Cause], he wrote a treatise for the people of Nayríz, testifying to the truth of the Cause of His Holiness and informing them of the nearness of His Manifestation. “Soon will the Dawn appear,” he declared, “and the Sun of Truth will shine forth and be made manifest over the horizon of the East.”229 226 Bahá’u’lláh 227 The Báb 228 Dáru’l-‘Ilm, lit. the City of Knowledge, is a traditional name for Shiraz since many important literary figures of Iran came from that city. 229 Vahíd Dárábí must have written this communication at a time when the Báb did not wish his name to be known among the generality of people. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 108 The Bábís of Nayriz [1. Vahíd’s Approach to Nayríz] Thereupon, the illustrious Vahíd proceeded to the Dáru’l-‘Ibadih of Yazd and proclaimed the Words of Truth230 to the inhabitants of that land, where some denied and a number embraced his Call. After the incident of Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh,231 he did not deem it wise to tarry any longer [in Yazd] and in the company of few others proceeded to Bávanát, in the vicinity of Shiraz, where a large number of its inhabitants, and a group of others, representing all segments of the population, including, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát, accepted [the new Faith]. In the company of some, he [Valid] proceeded towards Fasá where none among its nobles, wealthy or ‘ulamá recognized [the new Message]. Subsequently, they left for the village of Rúníz, in the surrounding neighborhood of Fasá, and there tarried for two days. [As soon as the news of his approach reached Nayríz,] the entire population of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, from the downtrodden to the upper class, and a few from the other neighborhoods, came to Rúníz to hear [Vahíd] and to attain unto his presence. Fearing Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who was from Nayríz232 and was its governor, many made their way at night. In their midst were: some one hundred of the seminary-students of the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter led by their chief, the late Hájí Shaykh ‘Abd[u’l]-‘Alí, the father-in-law of the illustrious Vahíd, whose ancestors for several generations had occupied the position of religious leader; the late Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn233, a divine of renowned achievements, learning, piety and detachment; the late Akhúnd Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih of that quarter; Mullá ‘Alí Kátib [the scribe]; another Mullá ‘Alí and his four brothers; and some 230 “Kalamát Haqq”, referring to the teachings of the Báb. 231 For details see Chapter 3. 232 His father was originally from the village of Qutriyih. 233 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 55, suggest he was eighty years old while Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 10 and p. 161, state he was seventy years old. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 109 others whose names I do not recall. In addition, a number of chieftains, elders and other citizens from every tribe joined in. And from the Bázár quarter, came: the late Mashhadí Mírzá Husayn234, entitled Qutb, whose details will be related in the course of the second episode235, together with his entire family and relations; the late Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim who was among the nobles and a maternal cousin236 of [Hájí] Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, [the governor]; the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, surnamed Ayyúb [Job]; and his son-in-law Mírzá Husayn. And from the Sádát quarter: the son of Mírzá Nawrá; Mírzá ‘Alí-Ridá, a son of Mírzá Husayn; Áqá, a son of Hájí ‘Alí; and a number of others. Some stealthily and some fearlessly, some at daytime while others in the night season came forth from Nayríz and attained the presence of that illustrious personage [Vahíd] at Rúníz, and one and all embraced his call and command. On hearing this news, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was perturbed and sent a messenger announcing that whoever journeyed from Nayríz and aligned himself with the Cause of that honored personage [Valid], would be persecuted, his house destroyed, his life put in peril and his wife taken from him. On seeing that the more he agitated, the fervor of people’s love for Vahíd grew fiercer and the more openly they defied his orders, he decided to escape from Nayríz and take residence in the village of Qutrih [Qutriyih], some eight farsangs237 distance from the city. The aforementioned Khán238 was originally from the village of Qutrih, owned much cattle and sheep and commanded a multitude of gunmen [in that vicinity]. The illustrious Vahíd also came forth from Rúníz and for a day or two stayed at the village of Istahbánát, at a shrine outside the village which was commonly known as Pír-Murád.239 The ‘ulamá of the village 234 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 476, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 408, note that he was the kad-khudá [chieftain] of the Bázár quarter. 235 Reference to the 1853 Bábí uprising. 236 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 393, has read him as a nephew. 237 Farsang is equivalent to six kilometers. 238 The author uses “the Khán” as shorthand for the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. 239 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.1, states that the Shrine of Pír-Murád is located one mile southwest of Istahbánát. That city had been an ancestral home of Vahíd The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 110 The Bábís of Nayriz had issued instructions that no one should render assistance to the Siyyid [i.e. Vahíd]; however a few of the believers from that town provided him with aid and comfort.240 [2. Vahíd’s Arrival at Nayríz] Leaving that village in company of some twenty companions, at three hours into the day, [Vahíd] arrived at the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter [of Nayríz] and before going home proceeded directly to Masjid Jami‘ [Kabír].241 Still wearing the same clothes he had worn on the journey, he ascended the pulpit and to either side of him stood one of his companions with a ready sword.242 After offering praise and glorification to His Holiness the Appointed One [the Báb], he shared the Words of Truth.243 From that quarter a crowd nearly one thousand strong, as well as a half to a third of the inhabitants of other neighborhoods had gathered on that occasion and all accepted his Call.244 and he enjoyed considerable support among its people. 240 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 53, n.2, states that in Istahbánát twenty-three people converted to the Bábí faith, of which twenty accompanied Vahíd on the subsequent journey. 241 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 478, and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 56-57, give the date of Vahíd’s arrival as 15 Rajab/27 May 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, suggests 5 Rajab, but most likely this is a copyist error. 242 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, mentions the presence of two armed bodyguards, but this is missing in The Dawn-Breakers. 243 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 57-58, explains that on the first day Vahíd told the congregation that he was bearer of a mighty message but as the assemblage was not large enough, he would speak of it on the following day. The second day he stated the same, but on the subsequent day, when the masjid was overflowing with people, he spoke of the appearance of the Báb. 244 Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 54, estimates the congregation at 2,500 people. However, given the size of the mosque, this estimate seems inflated, unless many stood in the courtyards or neighboring homes and streets. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 111 “The purpose of my visit,” that illustrious person [Vahíd] informed them, “was to share the Words of Truth with you, and my stay will no longer outwardly profit you. If I were to remain here, your governor, out of enmity towards you, will seek assistance from Shiraz, and bearing decisive force, guns and soldiers, will exert every effort to eliminate you. You will be killed, your possessions plundered and taken as spoil, your wives taken captive, your houses burnt, and your heads carried away from town to town. You will be deprived of food and water to the degree that you will be desperate even for the vegetation of the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 112 The Bábís of Nayriz wild and even that will be denied of you.”245 In response to these stern warnings, the crowd [as a mark of willingness for self-sacrifice] spontaneously placed burial garbs over their shoulders, unsheathed their swords and readied their guns. In addition to the men, the womenfolk, moved to hysteria, circled him, crying: “We are eager to sacrifice our homes, our possessions, our children, our honor and all in the path of Truth. Should they even slay everyone present, we will not let you leave us.”246 245 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 395, reports a different version of the same speech (Translation of the French Footnotes of the Dawn-Breakers, p. 54): He ascended the pulpit and cried out: ‘Am I not he whom you have always considered your shepherd and your guide? Have you not always depended on my teaching for the direction of your conscience in the path of salvation? Am I not he whose words of counsel you have always obeyed? What has happened that you should treat me as though I were your enemy and the enemy of your religion? What lawful deeds have I forbidden? What illicit action have I permitted? With what impiety can you charge me? Have I ever led you into error? And behold! That because I have told you the truth, because I have loyally sought to instruct you, I am oppressed and persecuted! My heart burns with love for you and you persecute me! Remember! Remember well, whosoever saddens me, saddens my ancestor Muhammad, the glorious Prophet, and whosoever helps me, helps Him also. In the name of all that is sacred to you let all those who love the Prophet follow me!’ 246 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 410, states: With his arrival at Nayríz, great signs of commotion became apparent. Some of the people remained perplexed and undecided while a large group rejected his call and rose in opposition and enmity. The governor of Nayríz, Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, grew apprehensive of Tihrán’s reaction and feared for his own rule. Therefore, he sent a message [to Vahíd] urging him to immediately quit the city, as further stay would be imprudent. ‘Since I have been traveling for some time,’ responded that honored personage, ‘and have remained far from my family and friends, now they would not consent to my departure. If the governor does not wish to arise in my support and succor, then, in consideration of our past association, at least he should desist from forcing me to leave the city and my home.’ On hearing this response, the governor was overtaken by rage and spite and with great fervor The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 113 They wailed and pleaded so much that Vahíd consented to stay for nearly ten days, and each day, from the pulpit he would share the Words of Truth, which caused the multitude to grow by the hour.247 Meanwhile, the aforementioned Khán had gathered a force of nearly a thousand gunmen from such diverse tribes as Turks and Tájiks, consisting of both cavalry and infantry. Once this news was shared with his holiness [Vahíd], he commissioned the same twenty believers who had accompanied him from Istahbánát, led by Áqá Shaykh Hádí, son of moved to provoke the people [of the Bázár quarter] against him, and urged hindrance and destruction of that honored person. His purpose was that through a great rebellion, the citizens would rush and force him from town. Alarmed by the situation, Vahíd went to the Masjid [Jami‘ Kabír] and ascended the pulpit. Before a vast multitude that had gathered, he spoke eloquently and forcefully of the wrongs that he had endured and the Truth that he so manifestly had brought for them. He evoked the moving example of Imam Husayn and the manner in which he was invited to Kufih and the treachery and enmity of the governor. The entire congregation was deeply stirred to tears over what had taken place and a large number rose from their seat to give him their allegiance. They assured him of their devotion and readiness to withstand any trial and to sacrifice life, possession and all in the path of the Beloved. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 204-205, provides essentially similar information, though it seems to be based on the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadaní. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, pp. 410-411, continues relating that it was then that the governor left Nayríz for Qutriyih to assemble an armed force for confrontation with Vahíd. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, reports that a series of minor scrimmages took place at that time. 247 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, informs that by the end of the first week, some four hundred people had converted to the Bábí movement. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 477, notes, “Although the Báb had revealed a general Tablet addressed specially to those who had newly embraced His Cause in Nayríz, yet its recipients remained ignorant of its significance and fundamental principles. It was given to Vahíd to enlighten them regarding its true purpose and set forth its distinguishing features.” In presenting the same information, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 409, states that these believers were converted at an earlier date and the Báb’s tablet was received sometime prior to these events. Therefore, this confirms that Nayríz was already enjoying a nascent Bábí community prior to 1850. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 114 The Bábís of Nayriz Karbalá’í248 Muhsin, to occupy a fort known as Khájíh in the vicinity of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter.249 The residents of the quarter also strengthened the gates, fortified the towers, and erected defensive walls. [3. Beginning of the Battles] In the middle of night250, the aforementioned Khán and his gunmen entered Nayríz and took position at the governor’s mansion in the Bázár quarter, a fortified stronghold with towers and turrets overlooking the other dwellings, and began to reinforce the walls. In addition, they occupied the house of Áqá Siyyid Abu-Tálib, the chieftain of the quarter, situated immediately outside the neighborhood’s gate. The ruthless gunmen, under the command of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán, who was married to the governor’s sister-in-law, took position there and began 248 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, gives “Shaykhí” as the title, but Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, refers to him as Karbalá’í. When Nabíl’s original text is made available, it should be checked to see if “Shaykhí” is an error of transcription introduced by him. 249 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 205, states that initially Vahíd and seven others took position in the fort. It should be noted that at that time the fort was about one kilometer southeast of Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and remained in the possession of the Bahá’í community until the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran. When they came under military pressure and other avenues were closed to them, the Bábís always retreated to a castle as a means of protection – they did so in Mázandarán, Yazd, Nayríz and Zanján. It is noteworthy that the Ismá‘íliyih sect, who starting in the eleventh century established themselves in strategically located castles constructed on the mountaintops. From such elevations they could monitor the coming and goings of the foes for great distances and when needed, emerge from the heights to attack them. The Bábís, on the other hand, generally miscalculated by taking positions in poorly situated forts (often not of their own choosing, but dictated upon them by circumstances). For instance, Shaykh Tabarsí was surrounded with thickly wooded jungles that afforded the enemy the advantage of hiding behind the trees. In both Nayríz and Zanjan, the forts were in close proximity of the population centers and on the same plane as the enemy’s forces allowing the latter to easily fire artillery shells into the Bábí fort. 250 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, gives the date of this event as 18 Rajab 1266 A.H./30 May 1850. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 115 firing [upon their adversaries] for the first time. The previously-mentioned Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, who had ascended the rooftop, was struck in the right foot during the course of the first volley by the wayward gunmen, and his was the first blood spilled on that land.251 When this news was brought to the illustrious Vahíd, he wrote him: “Rejoice that your Excellency was the first to be honored with this great blessing and exult in that your station has been exalted.” 251 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 481, notes he “was offering his prayer on the roof of his house” at the time. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57, suggests he was in the fort of Khájih when injured. Such minor differences between The Dawn-Breakers and Nayríz Mushkbíz may stem from the fact the former relied on the narrative of Mullá Muhammad Shafí‘, while Nayríz Mushkbíz gleaned its information from an account written by one of the sons of Shafí‘, namely, Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn. Since Shafí‘ was present in the events and his son was not, it seems reasonable to settle all such differences in favor of Shafí‘ and by extension, The Dawn-Breakers. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 116 The Bábís of Nayriz [4. The First Battle] Gradually there was agitation in God’s Army252, and that night, fearing the Khán, a few lukewarm believers broke ranks and joined his forces.253 In light of this occurrence, the illustrious Vahíd, together with several of his chief lieutenants, rode at the hour of dawn towards the fort of Khájih and encamped there. The aforementioned Khán and his older brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, and about one thousand of their Turk and Tájik men surrounded the Fort where that illustrious personage [Vahíd] and some seventy254 of his companions had taken position against them. That day a fierce battle occurred and those that fell as martyrs were: the late Táju’d-Dín, a farmer whose business was manufacturing woolen hats and who was renowned for his bravery and fearlessness; Zaynal, son of Iskandar, a farmer; and Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, who [initially] sustained injuries and after a few days passed away.255 After this event, having previously appealed to the authorities in 252 Jundu’llah (lit. the Army of God) is a Bábí term signifying the body of the believers. 253 The governor had ordered his men to bombard the Bábí homes and to cause as much damage as possible. Not satisfied with that, he issued warnings to all new converts that they and their families were in grave peril and moreover began to circulate misinformation about the severe casualties sustained by the Bábí forces. It seems that the combined effect of these efforts resulted in a few Bábís breaking ranks with Vahíd’s camp. 254 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 482, has elected to report this figure as 72 – the same number of faithful who stood with Imam Husayn at the plain of Karbalá. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, gives the figure as 70 which may suggest that Nabíl had reported the same figure as Mullá Shafí‘, but in translation of The Dawn-Breakers it was rounded to 72. Later Bahá’í histories (e.g. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 62, and Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 57) continued to echo the same figure as The Dawn-Breakers. 255 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 411, reports, Of the three men, the first two were emissaries of Vahíd to the governor, bearing an urgent communication imploring an end to hostilities as the defenders made no claim to the government and only sought to promote belief in the appearance of the Qá’im. However, on leaving the fort for the camp of the governor, both were captured and after much torture, unceremoniously killed, without ever being able to deliver their message. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 117 Shiraz and having received instructions to thoroughly eliminate Vahíd and his companions, the Khán sent one of Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih’s attendants as a messenger to Vahíd.256 On attaining the presence of that venerable personage [Vahíd], the courier conveyed the communication of the Khán: “Now that the situation has reached such a state, should you consider it prudent, it would be best for you to escape.” “My two sons and two companions are all the company I have with me,” replied Vahíd, “and if my departure will benefit you, I have no quarrel with doing so. However as you have cut off access to water for the People of Truth [i.e. the Bábís], if you immediately relinquish control [over the flow], then all would be well. Otherwise, be warned, that this very night I will see to it that water flows freely.” [In reply,] the Khán sent a second messenger, stating, “If you are the Prince of Martyrs, then I am no less than Shimr. I will not allow you or your companions a drop of water.”257 [5. The Second Battle] That very night [Vahíd] instructed two groups of seven men each – some of whom had reached the age of maturity and some who had not, and 256 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 412, states, During that time, the new governor-general of Fárs, Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, an uncle of Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was proceeding for his post from Tihrán and Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín informed him of the details through Mírzá Fadlu’lláh Khán, the Nasíru’l-Mulk, who served as the deputy governor-general. Fírúz Mírzá advised that it was best to deal with Vahíd wisely and calmly. However, Mírzá Zaynu’l- ‘Ábidín Khán ordered the fort completely surrounded and blockaded water supplies to the besieged. 257 A reference to the events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Husayn in Karbalá on 10 October 680 AD; see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28-33. Refusing water to the defenders was the way that Imam Husayn was treated at Karbalá. Therefore by telling and emphasizing this aspect of events, Mullá Shafí‘ is evoking a parallel between the two incidents. This parallel and its symbolism is further accentuated by equating Vahíd with Imam Husayn and the governor with Shimr, the Imam’s chief adversary. Bábí and early Bahá’í histories generally attempted to portray the events as a return or reenactment of early Islamic happenings. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 118 The Bábís of Nayriz none of their names do I recall now – to attack from either side the enemy’s camp and to surprise them. In the course of the ensuing bitter battle, water was presently made available once again, the enemy sustained a decisive defeat and was dislodged from their camp. ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, was killed258 and his sons captured, and the believers triumphantly brought back the tents, the furniture and other items from the enemy’s camp. The Khán and the remainder of his men retreated once more to the village of Qutrih and for the second time he petitioned the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, requesting artillery and infantry reinforcement. [6. The Organization of the Bábís] The illustrious personage [Vahíd], for his part, gave orders that the Fort’s 258 He was slain by his nephew, Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, who had joined Vahíd; for details on this nephew’s planned marriage to the daughter of Vahíd see, Appendix 2. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 119 turrets be strengthened, that a water-well259 be dug within its enclosure, and that the tents they had carried away from the enemy’s camp be pitched outside its gates. That day he also appointed Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad as the gatekeeper; the late Shaykh Yúsuf as the custodian of the funds; Karbalá’í Muhammad, son of Shamsu’d-Dín, as the commander-in-charge of the gardens adjoining the fort and its barricades; Mírzá Ahmad, the uncle of ‘Alí Sardar (whose details will be given in the second episode), was appointed the officer in charge of the mill-tower known by the name of Chinár, situated in the vicinity of the fort; and Shaykha260 was appointed the executioner. A paternal cousin of the Khán and one of the believers, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad- Ja‘far, had composed a jang-namih261 for this occasion and Vahíd appointed Akhúnd Mullá Fadlu’lláh as the reciter of this poem. Mashhadí Taqí Baqqál [grocer] was named the jail-keeper; the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, was made the registrar, whose duty was to secure a written testimony from those wishing to join the God’s Army of their willingness to forfeit life, property and family [in the path of God] and joining the fort was conditioned upon signing such a statement. The overall command was entrusted to Áqá Ghulam-Ridá Yazdí, who had accompanied Vahíd from Yazd. He [i.e. Vahíd] barred many brave and able persons from joining [the defenders in] the fort and instead assigned each to a specific duty in town: one was placed in command of the [forces on the] roof of Masjid Jami‘ [Kabír] which reckoned among the strongholds of the Chinár- Súkhtih quarter; and another was appointed the gatekeeper of [an area where] nearly five hundred people lived. None were permitted entrance [to the fort of Khájíh] despite their willingness to sacrifice life, except the original seventy who had accompanied [Vahíd] during the first night, which included some inhabitants of Istahnabat, the Bázár quarter and some of his own 259 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 413, have read the original as water-cistern. 260 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 483, gives his name as Shaykh-i-Shivih-Kash; Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, gives Shivih-Kash. 261 A metrical description of the events, typically of great wars. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 120 The Bábís of Nayriz relatives. Through the intercession of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far [Yazdí]262, who ranked among the ‘ulamá, and the late Shaykh ‘Abd-‘Alí, Vahíd’s father-in-law, and after much imploring and supplication on their part, several more were admitted into the fort.263 The influence of his holiness [Vahíd] was unrivaled among the general population and particularly the believers. One by one each of the non-believers who had committed a transgression since [Vahíd’s] arrival was captured and every day he would order the execution of two or three of them, which a certain Shaykhá would carry out through decapitation.264 Of the power and authority of his holiness the following example should suffice: One of the non-believers had brought an exquisite rifle as a present to his holiness [Vahíd]. The latter took the gun and surveyed it and then turned to his treasurer, the late Shaykh Yúsuf, saying, “Take this rifle,” but before he could finish the sentence, the owner, Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh, thinking that Vahíd had ordered something else [perhaps his execution], had a convulsion and instantly dropped dead. 262 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, reports, Vahíd was soon joined by a group of distinguished citizens of Nayríz, led by Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí, a well-known divine of Bazár quarter with great influence among the authorities and owner of the choicest properties in that region. Upon entering the fort, the entire membership of this group expressed their devotion to Vahíd and took their place among the defenders. Their arrival greatly cheered Vahíd and encouraged him in this struggle. At his bidding, Siyyid Ja‘far returned to the Masjid Jum‘ih and continued to deliver sermons deepening the knowledge of the friends on the details of the new Dispensation, strengthening their fortitude and propagating the new Message with the aim of winning new converts. He was particularly suitable for this duty as he was a man of great influence in the community, and possessed profound knowledge and eloquent speech. After completing this mission, he returned to the fort and was at a later time captured as one of the prisoners. 263 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 414, notes that by that time 400 believers stood with Vahíd either in the fort or in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter. Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 63, places this number at 600 men. 264 This comment needs to be understood in the context of the justice system in the mid nineteenth century Iran where local chieftains had complete judicial authority. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 121 They tied his body to the back of a mule and brought him to the city to his home so that the customary burial rituals, including washing and shrouding of the body, could be carried out. However his neighbor, a certain affluent Siyyid Mutlab, on hearing what had transpired and seeing this scene, also had a seizure and died instantly as well.265 [7. Governor’s Appeal to Shiraz] Eventually, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán prepared [yet another] lengthy appeal to the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih requesting cannons, cavalry and soldiers, and enclosed a sum of five thousand tumans as a gift, and entrusted this letter to one of his most intimate attendants, Mullá Báqir, known for his eloquence of speech, powers of persuasion, and his intrepidity and bravery, and instructed him to deliver it in person to the Prince and to acquaint him with the details of occurrences.266 Mullá Báqir took a route unfrequented by travelers. Meanwhile, Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Bávanát, had obtained leave from his holiness [Vahíd] and was on his way to Bávanát, and after a day’s journey reached a place called Dahú- Dashtak267 village where various tribes roamed the country and their sheep grazed the land.268 He dismounted near the pitched tents to 265 This paragraph is missing in The Dawn-Breakers and except for the first sentence and a half it is also missing in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2. What is described in this paragraph is a common motif in Islamic literature, as a way of showing an extreme degree of respect; see, for example, many examples in Al-Ghazali’s On Death where holy people are so full of the fear and veneration of God that they think of it and suddenly drop dead from awe. See also Rudolf Otto’s explanation of “holy dread” as a response to the “numinous” the awe inspiring qualities of the holy. 266 Mullá Báqir was one of the close associates of the governor and resided in the Sádát quarter of Nayríz. His descendants have adopted the surname Shahídí [martyred] and some still reside in Nayríz. This Mullá Báqir is not to be confused with Mullá Báqir, the Imam-Jum‘ih, who together with his children were among the believers and companions of Vahíd. 267 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 484, has read the village name as, Hudashtak. 268 According to Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 1045, the main tribes of the region are Ghaz-fayuj and Ghurbatiha. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 122 The Bábís of Nayriz refresh and have some food when he saw a strapping horse tethered to the ropes, and, knowing that the natives could not afford such a horse, inquired as to its owner. Being informed that it belonged to one of the attendants of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán Nayrízí, he paused a bit and then sprinted to his feet, approached the horse and mounted it. Mullá Báqir was unaware of these occurrences and was sitting in a tent engaged in conversation with its owner. Unsheathing his sword, the Shaykh [Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl] sternly spoke these words to the owner of the tent with whom Mullá Báqir was still conversing: “Arrest this man, who has fled from the sword of the Commander of the Cause, whom I serve and one of Whose companions I am.” Affrighted by the words and the manner of the Siyyid [Ismá‘íl], the villagers gathered and immediately bound Mullá Báqir’s arms and delivered the rope with which they had tied him to him [Hájí Siyyid Ismá‘íl], who compelled his captive to follow him with occasional whippings. At a distance of two farsangs from Nayríz, he reached the village of Rastáq and delivered his captive into the hands of its headsman whose name was Hájí Akbar269, telling him that this man had escaped from Vahíd’s camp, and urged him to conduct Mullá Báqir into the presence of Vahíd, which was done instantly. [When brought before Vahíd,] the latter inquired as to the purpose of his journey and the nature of his mission, to which Mullá Báqir gave a frank and detailed reply. His holiness confronted him and instructed him to repudiate his deeds and to accept the truth of the new Manifestation, to which [Mullá Báqir] responded negatively. [Vahíd] therefore immediately ordered his execution, which was carried out by decapitation.270 269 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, gives his name as Hájí ‘Alí-Akbar. 270 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, states that Vahíd was willing to forgive Mullá Báqir, but nevertheless his companions killed the messenger. The version in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 415, is consistent with the narrative of Mullá Shafí‘. Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 61, presumably based on the narrative of Shaykh Muhammad-Husayn, offers the theory, “Vahíd instructed his companions to leave him alone as the divine Avenger would deal with him justly. The Bábís thus let him leave and immediately after his departure, he was captured by the governor’s men in that vicinity and on the assumption that he had traitorously dealt with the governor and had joined Vahíd and was now leaving on a mission on behalf of the latter, killed him The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 123 The news of this event greatly increased the enmity of the Khán who dispatched several of his men, loaded with gifts and carrying a detailed written entreaty to the Prince. He also addressed several appeals to the leading ‘ulamá, the siyyids and other dignitaries [of Shiraz]. The Prince readily instructed the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk271, and the commanders of the Hamadání and Silakhurí regiments, together with a force of cavalry and artillery to set out at once [for Nayríz].272 He, moreover, instructed men from the districts of Nayríz, including four parishes of Istahbánát, and the villages of Iraj, Panj-Ma‘dan, Qutrih [Qutriyih], Bashnih, instantly.” 271 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, gives his name as ‘Abdu’lláh Khán and Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, gives it as Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí. Later Bahá’í histories, such as, The Báb, p. 240, n. 19, give Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He was a son of Shukru’lláh Khán Núrí and a nephew of Mírzá Áqá Khán Núrí, the Prime Minister. The following is recorded in Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 977, Hájí Mihr-‘Alí Khán was born in 1232 A.H. [1816] in Shiraz and from youth until his passing was always appointed to prominent posts. For a while he was a colonel in the Shírází regiment and then became governor of the Kuh-Giluiyih and Bihbahán region [in 1851], where he managed to establish order and after a few years was named commander of the armed forces in Fárs [leading the Iranian forces in the Anglo-Persian War of 1856-57], in charge of the treasury of the province. He died in 1287 A.H. [1870] in Tihrán. 272 The governor-general further provided three field cannons and artillery officers led by general Mustafa-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlu, the I‘timadu’s-Saltanih. Kawakibu’d- Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 206, reports the other commander was Muhammad-‘Alí Khán Dúnbagí, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán Yúzí. The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, pp. 109-10, reports, “The British Agent in Shiraz, Mírzá Mahmúd, referred to the commencement of the upheaval in his report for the period 24 May to 5 June 1850: Syed Yahyáh, a disciple of Báb, who was some time ago in Istahbanat, has, it is said, assembled 1500 men, and proceeded to Nereez where Zeynool Abedeen Khán wishes to seize him. Outside the Town he has erected a Fort, and is engaged in skirmishes. According to what is reported the Khán has had 80 men killed. When this news reached Shiraz, the Nuseer-ool Mulk ordered a Regiment of Sirbaz [soldiers] with two Guns to proceed to Nereez for the purpose of seizing Syed Yahyáh.’ In the same report, Mírzá Mahmúd records: ‘On the 3rd June Mehr Ally Khán by order of the Nuseer-ool Mulk, with one Regiment and two Guns proceeded to Nereez to seize Syed Yahyáh.” The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 124 The Bábís of Nayriz Dih-Chah, Mushkan, and Rastáq (which is one of villages of Nayríz), in addition to the members of the desert tribe of Vaysbagluyih273 and nonbelievers of Nayríz, to join [Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán’s] army. [8. The Third Battle] In the space of a single day, an innumerable host suddenly securely surrounded the fort [of Khájíh], and began to dig trenches around it and to construct barricades.274 On the same day, they opened fire with all their cannons and guns. A cannon-shell struck a horse, while another penetrated the turret above the gate. At that time, one of the men of God’s Army, uttering the name of the Lord, fatally shot the officer in charge of the artillery, as a result of which the cannons and guns were immediately silenced, and the assailants took cover within the trenches. That night his holiness [Vahíd] left them alone. The second night, however, Vahíd appointed Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí the leader of two groups of seven men each, consisting mostly of men of advanced age – one being a ninety-year old shoemaker – and the rest being young lads who had not reached the age of maturity. They were ordered to launch a nocturnal surprise attack. As instructed, simultaneously raising the cry of “Alláh-u-Akbar” they attacked the enemy’s strongholds from both sides first with their guns and then with unsheathed swords. The entire opposing camp also began to fire their guns and cannons in such wise that the darkness of the night turned bright as a day. For nearly eight hours the Army of God was engaged in battle with the men of Satan.275 A large contingent from the host of Truth came to the aid of their companions, of which some sixty fell as martyrs and a large number were injured. Though I do not recall all the names, some 273 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 485, has read the tribe’s name as, Visbaklariyyih, which may well be a more accurate reading. 274 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 416, places the number of soldiers and irregulars at 5,000 strong. 275 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 72, reports by that time Vahíd’s support in the fort stood at 1,000 men strong. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 125 thirty of the [martyrs] come to mind: a certain Ghulám-Ridá Yazdí276 and his brother; ‘Alí, son of Karbalá’í Khayru’lláh; Khájih Husayn Qannád, son of Khájíh Ghaní; Asghar, son of [Mullá] Mihdí, whose occupation was tile making; Karbalá’í ‘Abdu’l-Karím; Husayn, son of Mashhadí Muhammad; Zaynal277, son of Mashhadí Báqir Sabbágh; Mullá Ja‘far Mudhahhib; ‘Abdu’lláh, son of [Mullá] Músá; Muhammad, [son of] Mashhadí Rajab [Haddád]; Karbalá’í Hasan, [son of] Karbalá’í Shamsu’d-Dín Malikí-Duz [sandal-maker]; Karbalá’í Mírzá Muhammad Zári‘ [farmer]; Karbalá’í Báqir Kaffásh [shoemaker]; Mírzá Ahmad, [son of] Mírzá Husayn Kashí-Sáz [tilemaker]; Akhúnd Mullá Hasan, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh; Mihdí278 Hájí Muhammad; Abú-Tálib, son of Mírzá Ahmad Nukhúd-Biríz; Akbar, [son of] ‘Ashur279; Taqí Yazdí; Mullá ‘Alí, [son of] Mullá Ja‘far; Karbalá’í Mírzá Husayn Mu’adhdhan Madrisih; Husayn Khán, [son of] Sharíf; Karbalá’í Qurbán; Khájih Kázim, son of Khájih ‘Alí; Áqá ‘Alí; Áqá, son of Hájí ‘Alí, one of the region’s noblemen; and Mírzá Nawrá, son of Mírzá Mu‘iná, one of the region’s wealthy notables. Except for Mashhadí Ismá‘íl Malikí-Dúz, who suffered five wounds from cannon shrapnel and is presently living under the shadow of the Cause, and a certain Mullá Muhammad, I do not recall the names of those who sustained injuries. A number of these men were later martyred in Tihrán – an event that will be described later in this narrative. Despite the fact that many fell as martyrs, a decisive defeat was delivered to the opposing army. In truth the reason for the enemy’s defeat was the exulting cheers of the [Bábí] womenfolk who had rushed to the rooftops of the city and raising cries of exhilaration, encouraged their men to fire and to fight on, to the point that it utterly demoralized 276 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 417, states his name was Kuchak [small] and he had accompanied Vahíd from Yazd. 277 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, have read him as Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. 278 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, refer to him as Mashhadí, which may be a more accurate reading. 279 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 487, and Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, give his name as, Akbar, son of Muhammad-‘Ashur. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 126 The Bábís of Nayriz the opponents and assured their complete defeat, and the Army of God returned triumphant and victorious. [9. The Deceit] After their complete failure, the opposing camp recognized that no earthly power or force could subdue or compel to submission the men of the fort, so they devised a scheme to achieve their objective through the standard of peace after they had gained the confidence of the People of Truth [i.e. Bábís].280 For several days they remained quiet, after which they sent a messenger to the illustrious Vahíd stating: “Hitherto, we were ignorant of your true purpose and have behaved most contemptuously and indecently towards your honored person. Now there is no mistake that you are a descendant of the Messenger of God, our example and a son of our religious exemplar, our master and a son of our guide, and we are now remorseful and repentant of our previous conduct. We will obey 280 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 403, states: “Although the losses were almost even this time, the imperial troops were nonetheless frightened; things were dragging on and might moreover end in the general confusion of the Mussulmans, so they resolved to resort to deceit.” Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, notes that at this time the opposing forces were augmented with fresh Silakhurí soldiers led by Valí Khán Silakhurí. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 488, states, As was the case with the army of Prince Mihdi-Qulí Mírzá, who [in Mázandarán] had miserably failed to subdue his opponents fairly in the field, treachery and fraud proved eventually the sole weapons with which a cowardly people could conquer an invincible enemy. By the devices to which Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and his staff eventually resorted, they betrayed their powerlessness, despite the vast resources at their disposal and the moral support which the governor of Fárs and the inhabitants of the whole province had extended to them, to vanquish what to outward appearance seemed but a handful of untrained and contemptible people. In their hearts, they were convinced that behind the walls of that fort were clustered a band of volunteers which no force at their command could face and defeat. By raising the cry of peace, they sought, through such base cunning, to beguile those pure and noble hearts. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 127 your command and follow your guidance if we can be certain of the truth of your cause and the validity of your claim. Therefore, should you consider it prudent, with a few of your companions, come forth at your earliest for us to meet one another. Since that honored person fears not the presence of soldiers and guns, and the companions do not wish to leave the fort, then you must come forth and assure us [of the character of your belief]. Then, our men, cavalry and the entire camp will submit unto your command and in whatever direction you wish we will proceed and with whomsoever you command we will wage battle in your favor.”281 They affixed their seal on the Qur’án, made promises, and sent the Holy Book to his holiness [Vahíd], who on receiving it uttered: “‘I am of God, and unto Him I return.’ The promise of our Lord is now fulfilled.”282 With these words he rose from his seat and announced, “Now is the time for departure for the camp,” and, accompanied by five attendants, among whom were Mullá ‘Alí Mudhahhib283 and the treacherous Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid (whose details will be narrated in the course of the second event), set out for the enemy’s camp.284 He left behind everyone else, whether commander or fighter, and adjured them to continue to discharge their duties, and ordered them to suspend all manner of hostilities until further notice was received from him.285 He bade his companions farewell and departed. 281 The version given in The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 488-489, is considerably lengthier. Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 207-208, gives a summary of a letter from Mustafa- Qulí Khán to Vahíd. 282 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 208-209, notes an elaborate speech by Vahíd at the moment of his departure from the fort. 283 It is reported that he was one of the finest artists in the region, whose paintings were greatly admired by all. His son, Mullá Muhammad-Hasan, excelled in the same field and was one of the defenders in the fort. He survived the ordeal and served the Bábí and Bahá’í communities with distinction for many years. His own son, Mullá ‘Alí, named after his gifted grandfather, served the Bahá’í faith through the arts as well. 284 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 209, reports that Vahíd left with only one companion. 285 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 79, n.1, reports, The companions were, however, greatly perturbed by the turn of The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 128 The Bábís of Nayriz Some distance from the camp, the commander, soldiers, cavalry, and the Khán accompanied by the Shuja‘u’l-Mulk came out to welcome him, and with utmost respect and honor, ceremoniously conducted him to the camp and then to a furnished tent where he was housed. He seated himself upon a chair, while the rest of the company stood before him as he motioned the commander, the Khán and the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk to be seated.286 For three days it went on thus and the people were eager to hear his utterances and obey his wishes.287 Though outwardly they paid him events and deeply concerned for what lay ahead for Vahíd. His words, intimating that the final chapter of his eventful and glorious life was about to unfold, had profoundly touched his followers and many sobbed, as they feared that they would never see their master in this world. Though they heard him recognize that the governor’s offer was an elaborate trap for his elimination, yet they felt powerless to change his mind. On departing the fort, when Vahíd had taken some four-hundred steps towards the enemy’s camp and had reached a large maple tree under which he often pitched his tent and which stands to this day, he paused and once again addressed his companions who had all gathered on the walls and outside of the fort to see him go forth. With warm words of consolation, he tried to ease their pain and uplift their spirit. Once more he bade them farewell and warned them not to fall victim to any attempt of trickery or treachery. His final words were a verse of the Qur’án which he always uttered at the moment of making important decisions. 286 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 490, states, The words in which he addressed them were such that even a stonehearted man could not fail to feel their power. Bahá’u’lláh immortalized that noble appeal, in the ‘Suriy-Sabr,’ and revealed the full measure of its significance. ‘I am come to you,’ Vahíd declared, ‘armed with the testimony with which my Lord has entrusted me. Am I not a descendant of the Prophet of God? Wherefore should you have risen to slay me? For what reason have you pronounced my death-sentence, and refused to recognize the undoubted rights with which my lineage has invested me?’ The majesty of his bearing, combined with his penetrating eloquence, confounded his hearers. 287 Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, pp. 209-210, reports that after the first day Vahíd was placed in confinement in his tent. His companion escaped and urged the defenders at the fort to attack. During the ensuing battle the army sustained great losses when The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 129 respect, yet secretly they plotted to cause him harm and trouble. In their [private] consultations they recognized that, were they to inflict upon him the least injury while his companions remained in the fort, they would be exposing themselves to a peril still greater than the one they had already been compelled to face. They also knew that until that illustrious person [Vahíd] issued orders, the defenders would not vacate their position.288 Therefore, they decided to compose a message in the hand of Vahíd addressed to his companions still in the fort, announcing, “A complete peace had been effected, and anyone seeking my good pleasure should leave the fort and its barracks, towers and ramparts behind and return home.”289 And as is reported, they asked his holiness to prepare Mustafa-Qulí Khán came to Vahíd and implored him to order the cessation of hostilities. Vahíd signaled his men to desist from fighting and to return to their positions in the fort. 288 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 490-491, states: They trembled at the fury and vengeance of their women no less than at the bravery and skill of their men. They realized that all the resources of the army had been powerless to subdue a handful of immature lads and decrepit old men. Nothing short of a bold and well-conceived stratagem could ensure their ultimate victory. The fear that filled their hearts was to a great extent inspired by the words of Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, who, with unrelaxing determination, sought to maintain undiminished the hatred with which he had inflamed their souls. Vahíd’s repeated exhortations had aroused his apprehensions lest he should succeed, by the magic of his words, in inducing them to transfer their allegiance to so eloquent an opponent. 289 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp 62-63, states that after passage of three days, the companions in the fort grew weary and thought possibly Vahíd had been slain or otherwise neutralized. As such, they decided to launch an attack that would serve in part as a rescue mission, should he still be alive. Their attack, however, was not well organized and failed in its purpose. Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán complained to Vahíd about this act of aggression, to which Vahíd replied that naturally his comrades had grown concerned over his prolonged absence and had decided to intervene. Seeing the restlessness of the defenders assembled in the fort and the increased tension, the governor and his officers quickly agreed to a mutual disarmament and requested Vahíd to address, in his own hand, a message to his companions who were still within the fort, to inform them that an amicable settlement of their differences had The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 130 The Bábís of Nayriz such a message, to which he consented. However, confidentially he wrote a second letter to the effect that the first missive was at the request of camp’s commanders and was [part of] an elaborate scheme and warned them not to fall victim to the evil designs of the enemy, and further instructed them to send forth several of the ablest and best skilled men in the middle of the night to ambush the camp. He entrusted this private letter to Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid – upon him be what befits his kind – who numbered among his companions and had accompanied him to the camp, instructing him to deliver it to the defenders and the men of Truth. That wretched man [Hájí Siyyid ‘Abid] treacherously showed that letter to the Khán who was thrilled at the betrayal and sought to induce his further cooperation with the promise of a property in the village of Ray. The first letter was given to this messenger for delivery to the fort whose occupants were eager to receive direction from their master. Further, that messenger, Siyyid ‘Abid290, informed them orally that peace had been firmly established. Though extremely bewildered, the companions had no choice but to be resigned to the wishes of Vahíd, as they considered his command the final authority. Obediently, in the middle of the night, they left the fort and its barracks, some discarding their arms, and entered the city. [10. Martyrdom of Vahíd and Massacre of the Bábís] Anticipating all along that the [fort’s] militia would immediately obey the instructions of his holiness, [the governor] had dispatched a large number of his soldiers [on a mission] to intercept their path [into town]. He was confident and the infidels eager. The wronged-ones [Bábís] were soon encompassed by a multitude of armed assailants who were continually reinforced from the army’s camp, while only God was on the side of the defenders. The cry of “Allah-u-Akbar” rose from every tongue and with the aid of swords, rifles, rocks and pieces of wood, they been effected, and to urge them to either join him at the camp or return home. 290 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 83, n.1, explains that during Nayríz-II he was kidnapped by the Bábís who as a measure of revenge killed him after much torture. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 131 rushed the infidels like ferocious lions and delivered a decisive defeat, sending some to hell, while also sustaining a number of martyrs or injured on their own side. The rest [of the Bábís], notwithstanding considerable losses, succeeded in gaining shelter at the Masjid Jámi‘, which had strong walls and fortifications.291 Meanwhile several of the Khán’s gunmen, led by Mullá Hasan, [son of] Mullá ‘Alí-Muhammad, who was most brutal, succeeded in reaching and concealing themselves in one of the minarets of that Masjid before the arrival of the Army of God and from there opened fire on the believers. A certain brave man of Truth [Bábí] by the name of Mullá Husayn scaled the minaret and with his rifle shot Mullá Hasan, and hurled him to the ground. The latter was carried away and later, when the Khán gained control of the situation, was able to receive medical help through the governor’s doctor, resulting in his recovery, and allowing him to live on to cause the believers many injuries and atrocities [during Nayríz-II]. In short, the men of God were compelled to hide in whatever place of safety, such as orchards, homes or other places they could muster.292 In the camp, too, they began to act disrespectfully towards the honored personage [Vahíd]. When they decided to slay him, the commander293 of the cavalry force rudely stated, “While you have taken a solemn oath not to harm this Siyyid, I have made no such promise as I am charged by the government to severely punish those deemed guilty.” Of course this had all along been their secret design. He immediately called upon all whose kinsmen had perished to exact revenge and to execute the death-sentence pronounced against Vahíd. The first to 291 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 86, n.1, reports that 400 Bábís were massacred on that day. 292 The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions 1844-1944, p. 112, notes that on 25 June 1850 Justin Sheil reported the end of the Nayríz episode to Lord Palmerston of the Foreign Office: His [the Báb’s] followers in Fárs have received a severe check. Syed Yaheeha who fled from Yezd to that province with a large force of Babees has been defeated and captured having however previously twice repulsed the Shah’s troops. 293 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, gives his name as ‘Abbás-Qulí Khán. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 132 The Bábís of Nayriz present himself was Mullá Ridá, son of Mashhadí Muhammad, whose brother Mullá Báqir, had been executed on the orders of his holiness. Mullá Rida snatched the turban from the head of Vahíd and wound it around his neck. The next was a certain Safar, whose brother Sha‘ban had perished in the course of events. The third was Áqá Ján294, whose father, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the elder brother of the Khán, had suffered the same fate. Then they committed such unnumbered indignities as no pen dare describe nor any tongue recount, until at last they martyred him in the most inhumane manner.295 “The wrath of God be upon the oppressor.”296 A rope was tied to his blessed feet 297 and the 294 Siyyid Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb, p. 406, has also read him as Áqá Ján, but The Dawn- Breakers, p. 494, has him as Áqá Khán. 295 Not surprisingly, there is a fair amount of disagreement over the date of Vahíd’s assassination. The Dawn-Breakers, p. 499, notes: “The day of Vahíd’s martyrdom was the eighteenth of the month of Sha‘bán, in the year 1266 A.H. Ten days later, the Báb was shot in Tabríz.” This date corresponds to 29 June 1850. Táríkh Zuhúru’l- Haqq, vol. 2, p. 422, states that Vahíd was kept alive for one day after the massacre of the Bábís. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 428, gives the same date for Vahíd’s slaying as The Dawn-Breakers. Táríkh Shuhadáy Yazd, p. 7, gives Sunday, 26 Sha‘bán [7 July] as the date of Vahíd’s martyrdom, and Muhammad Qazvíní in his article, “Vafiyat A‘yán”, (Yadgár journal, Year 3, No 10, section discussing the life of Vahíd’s brother Siyyid Rayhánu’lláh, p. 32), gives 28 Sha‘ban [9 July] as the date of his martyrdom. Browne (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 45, n.1) states that Vahíd’s assassination occurred on the same day as the Báb’s martyrdom and attributes this information to a “reliable tradition.” The same author (A Traveler’s Narrative, p. 253) gives the date as 28 Sha‘bán 1266 A.H. (9 July 1850). Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 411 clarifies that Browne’s informant was Mírzá Yahyá Azal who in giving the date of this event as 28 Sha‘bán indicates that it was “one day after the martyrdom of the Lord.” Kawakibu’d-Durriyih, vol. 1, p. 573, gives 26 Sha‘bán and states 400 of his disciples were killed on the same occasion. Echoing Nabíl’s translation, Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 75, suggests 18 Sha‘bán as the day that Vahid was slain. 296 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 494, states: The indignities that were heaped upon him reminded those who witnessed that awful spectacle of the tragic end of the Imam Husayn, whose body was abandoned to the mercy of an infuriated enemy, and upon which a multitude of horsemen pitilessly trampled. 297 Page 19 was left blank in the original manuscript. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 133 other end bound to a horse, and in company of a large mob of rogue and despicable spectators they dragged him to the city and threw his remains in front of the gate of Masjid Nazar-Biykí in the Bázár quarter. The infidels gathered in multitudes, shouting exultation while rank upon rank beat his sacred remains with rocks and sticks.298 [Throughout this spectacle,] the women of the Sádát quarter were stirred to the highest pitch of excitement.299 298 The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 494-495, states: [The women of the Sádát quarter] pressed from every side around the corpse, and, to the accompaniment of drums and cymbals, gave free vent to their feelings of unrestrained fanaticism. They danced merrily around it, scornful of the words which Vahíd, in the midst of his agony, had spoken, words which the Imam Husayn, in a former age and in similar circumstances, had uttered: ‘Thou knowest, O my Beloved, that I have abandoned the world for Thy sake, and have placed my trust in Thee alone. I am impatient to hasten to Thee, for the beauty of Thy countenance has been unveiled to my eyes. Thou dost witness the evil designs which my wicked persecutor has cherished against me. Nay, never will I submit to his wishes or pledge my allegiance to him.’ Thus was brought to an end a noble and heroic life. Such an eventful and brilliant career, distinguished by such vast learning, such dauntless courage, and so rare a spirit of self-sacrifice, surely required for crown a death as glorious as that which completed his martyrdom. 299 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, chapter 7, reports (in summary): With Vahid’s decapitated body remaining motionless in the streets, a ravaging turmoil was taking place all around him. Men and women of the Bázár quarter were shouting out exultation, and, taking the severed head, they tore off the skin, stuffed the skin with straw and sent it as a trophy and a sign of victory, along with the heads of other Bábí martyrs, to a feasting Prince in Shiraz. The bloodthirsty crowd tied a rope to Vahíd’s feet and tied the other end to a horse compelled to roam the streets and alleys. Once the horse dragging behind it the remains of Vahíd reached the Masjid Nazar-Baykí, the wild mob, having no sense of shame or decency, set upon it once again, and while hundreds cheered on, infuriated and crazed men and women beat the remains with sticks and rocks, and cursed it all they could and did not refrain from any manner of mistreatment. Unsatisfied with that, some attempted to tear it apart limb by limb, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 134 The Bábís of Nayriz but by then so many stones had accumulated upon it that it was inaccessible, so they ceased and moved on to the house of Vahíd to plunder all his possessions. Next day, once the crowd had gone on to murder other Bábís, a few, out of respect for Vahíd’s lineage, gathered his corpse and buried it unceremoniously and unwrapped at a location known as Buq‘ih Siyyid (Shrine of the Siyyid), which had served as the Shrine of Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín ‘Abdu’lláh, known as the Siyyid. The body was buried beneath the eastern wall. For many centuries this particular Shrine, situated in the heart of the Bázár quarter, in front of the Marví caravansary, had been a site of visitation for the Muslims and enjoyed deep respect in the eyes of the inhabitants. Since then it has also been the site of pilgrimage for Bahá’ís and some years ago was repaired by one of the descendants of Siyyid Jaláli’d-Dín. It is reported that upon hearing the news of the decapitation of Vahíd, a kind-hearted woman of that quarter, known as Bí-Bí Khánum, the mother of Áqá Mírzá Sádiq Khaza’í, who was among the affluent persons of the region, instructed her servant to locate and retrieve Vahíd’s severed head. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 71, n.1] The servant searched the fields where Vahíd was martyred and found the severed head, with the skin having been removed, (as it had been filled with straw and sent to Shiraz), and brought it to her. That very night she placed it in a special case and hid it from all eyes. A few days later, after most of the commotion had subsided to some degree, she removed the head, washed it from all dust and debris, wrapped it in a silk cloth and buried it next to Vahíd’s body, beneath the wall of Buq‘ih Siyyid, where it has remained to this day. [Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 199-200.] The case that for a few days contained the severed head remains to this day with the family of that woman as an article endowed with special potency and an object of remembrance of the venerated Vahíd. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 135 [11. Aftermath and Captives] It was then that the company of believers took to flight and sought shelter in the [surrounding] mountains and wilderness and some concealed themselves in various homes. The soldiers, the cavalry and the foot-men were commissioned to capture the believers and seize their property. Suddenly, about three or four thousand of the assailants, perhaps a little fewer or more, commenced this villainous task.300 Wherever the male believers were located, they were seized, chained and 300 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 495, gives this figure as “no less than five thousand.” The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 136 The Bábís of Nayriz conducted away. Their women were captured as well and taken from place to place.301 The entire [Chinár-Súkhtih] neighborhood fell into the 301 Mírzá Abú-Tálib Shahmírzádí has recorded the following in his unpublished eyewitness account: In the year eighty [1280 A.H./1863], I saw a man from ‘Iraq, (in the ancient geography of Iran, the regions of Hamadán, Káshán and Sultán-Ábád, to the border of Isfahán, were called ‘Iraq ‘Ajam). This man lived in the utmost poverty and misery in a small room in Madrisih Qadariyyih. He always appeared deeply despondent and desolate and would utter, “May God have mercy on me and may He accept the repentance of my misdeeds for I was young and foolish!” Once I asked him, “What act did you commit in your youth that you are so remorseful now and are always sorrowful?” He then told me of his days in Nayríz. He said, “Immediately prior to the commencement of the battles, my father died and though very young, I inherited his position in the military and was appointed one of the commanders in the regiments fighting the Bábís. I wielded considerable authority. When the commanders realized that they would never be victorious in the battlefield, they invoked the Qur’án and swore on it that if the Bábís were to emerge from the fort they would remain unmolested. The honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá [Vahíd] came to our camp and in his tent even the commanders stood behind him in performing their prayers. They said to him, ‘You are a descendent of the Prophet and both yourself and your father rank among the most illustrious figures of this age. Our humble supplication is that you forgive our transgressions.’ He responded, ‘May God forgive you, but I know that you will not honor your promise.’ ‘We have taken solemn oath on the Qur’án,’ they said. He responded, ‘Nevertheless you will slay us all and now you are waiting for the warrant of our death-sentence to arrive from Shiraz.’ He would say things such as this. Soon, we saw that several mounted men came from Shiraz bearing a fatwa from the ‘ulamá stating, ‘Kill all the men and leave none standing. Seize the women and bring them to Shiraz.’ When this fatwa was received, they removed the carpets in the tent and placed a large bowl in the middle of the room and cut his head in the vessel. Then they went out and martyred his companions, while the rest [of the Bábís] were seized and together with women and children sent to Shiraz. May God’s curse be upon the ones that ordered the murder of that illustrious personage – the ones that showed no shame before the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 137 hands of the nonbelievers who confiscated all properties, destroyed all homes to the point that even the lumber from the rooftops was taken away and the fort of Khájih was burned to the ground.302 Of the captive believers, whoever was wealthy or owned properties was thrown into prison, and the less fortunate were bound and sent to Shiraz in the company of soldiers and gunmen. Soon the camp was disassembled and moved from Nayríz.303 In Nayríz, the Khán entrusted the captives to the hand of his myrmidons, who would parade them through the streets and the bazaars of Nayríz while beating them with sticks as they went, and compelled each to withstand all manner of ghastly mistreatment. Such tortures included, crucifixion with four nails, insertion of sticks under [prisoners’] nails, tying barbed wires around the skull, branding with hot irons, depriving the victims of bread and water and forbidding the people from offering the captives any aid or food, and incisions made in the noses of such esteemed personages [Bábís] through which a rope was driven. In such a wretched and piteous state each of these illustrious souls was dragged through the streets. Among [the captives] was the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí who [previously] numbered as one of the ‘ulamá.304 But now his turban was burnt and himself taken from door to door [as he was forced to beg] for money. In the depth of winter, the late Hájí Muhammad-Taqi305, Prophet of God!” 302 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 423, states: They wrote a report of their triumph and sent it forthwith to Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the governor-general of Fárs. In this communication, the date of arrival of the captives to Shiraz was fixed. They skinned the severed head of Vahíd and filled it with straw. The other martyrs were also decapitated. 303 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 130, notes that 5,000 soldiers and irregulars continued for a month to ransack Chinár-Súkhtih quarter and hunt and kill the Bábís. 304 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states, So great was the respect they owed him that Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán gave him precedence over himself and treated him with extreme deference and courtesy. 305 The Dawn-Breakers, p. 498, states: Another victim of their tyranny was Hájí Muhammad-Taqí, who had The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 138 The Bábís of Nayriz surnamed Ayyub, was thrown into a pond and lashed bitterly. Each day, the honored Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, the esteemed Hájí Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-‘Alí, together with the illustrious Ayyúb and the venerable Áqá Siyyid Husayn, all of whom ranked among the nobles, the affluent and the ‘ulamá, were doomed to sit while people were ordered to spit on their faces and beards in return for a pound of corn or millet for daily consumption. Only those who possessed a trace of decency or shame would endure hunger rather than perpetrate such an abominable act. The aforementioned Áqá Siyyid Abú-Tálib, the chieftain of the quarter, who was among the affluent and wealthy citizens and was wellknown to all and even to the royal monarch, was bound in chains and sent in secret by the governor to [the village of] Ma‘dan, in the vicinity of Nayríz. The authorities in Fárs inquired of him, but the Khán replied that he was killed, as he did not wish to see this man perish [in the hands of the central authorities]. Eventually the seditious and evil-minded Hájí Mírzá Nasru’llah, the soothsayer, who in former days had ordered His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] – may all spirits be a sacrifice unto Him – to kiss the hand of Shaykh Abú-Turáb306 before the assemblage of the ‘ulamá, now insisted that Siyyid Abu-Talib was an infidel and the very source of all the troubles, and secured a fatwa ordering his death, which was carried out through poisoning in Ma‘dan. enjoyed, in days past, such a reputation for honesty and justice that his opinion was invariably regarded by the judges of the court as the determining word in their judgment. 306 He was the Imam Jum‘ih of Isfahán. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 139 Chapter 6 Excerpts from The Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf Based on the Narrative of Hájí Mírzá Jání And if ye are slain, or die, in the way of God, forgiveness and mercy from God are far better than all they could amass. And if ye die, or are slain, Lo! It is unto God that ye are brought together. Qur’án 3:157-8 Introduction Among the earliest historical descriptions of the events associated with the life of Vahíd Dárábí, and of the episodes of Yazd and Nayríz which led to his martyrdom and that of his companions, is the one provided by the Bábí merchant-historian, Hájí Mírzá Jání, in the Kítáb Nuqtatu’l-Káf. Much has been written on the question of the authorship of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf and it is beyond the scope of the present study to enter into that debate.307 Hájí Mírzá Jání embraced the Bábí faith through Mullá 307 It is known that Hájí Mírzá Jání had penned a short history of the Bábí movement until the time of his own martyrdom. For a more detailed discussion of the merits of this history see, Kashfu’l-Ghatá; E. G. Browne and the Bahá’í Faith, pp. 62-88; Resurrection and Renewal, pp. 423-424; and Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History, pp. 134-152. In 1910, Prof. E. G. Browne published a narrative titled Kítáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Káf that he claimed was the long lost narrative of Mírzá Jání, and he also included two long introductions, one in Persian and another in English. Later it became known that Muhammad Qazvíni had penned the Persian Introductions and extensively “edited” the historical narrative (see Ahang Rabbani, “‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Meeting with Two Prominent Iranians”). Subsequent to this publication, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá issued instructions for Mírzá Na‘ím of Sadih and the Hands of the Cause in Tihrán to search and locate the original of Mírzá Jání’s history. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had hoped that thereby it could be established beyond question that the published Nuqtatu’l-Kaf had been extensively tampered with and interpolated by the Azalís, particularly The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 140 The Bábís of Nayriz Husayn’s visit to Káshan and later when the guardsmen were escorting the Báb to the prison-fortress of Máh-Ku, Hájí Mírzá Jání had been greatly honored and thrilled to receive him in his own home in Káshan. A devout and zealous believer, he eventually fell victim to the pogrom of the summer of 1852. Nuqtatu’l-Káf contains two sections that are purported to be Mírzá Jání’s recollections of meeting Vahíd, and the present translator has no reason to believe that these passages were penned by anyone other than Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshan. In fact, from the nature of the details disclosed it is quite evident that only he could have written these descriptions, and if other passages of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf have indeed been subject to interpolation by foreign hands, these two sections reveal no such corruption. The first section is from the top of page 120 to line 11 of page 122 of the printed text, while the second part begins on line 7 of page 223 and concludes on the top line of the page 230. It should be noted that both of these sections appear in the narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání, who must have had access to a manuscript of Hájí Mírzá Jání because he quoted from it - a fact also confirmed by his intimate associate, Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, in Kashfu’l-Ghatá. However, a close comparison of the two narratives indicates that Hamadání considerably embellished the text, and in fact one section that he attributed to Hájí Mírzá Jání does not appear in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf at all. I should be clear that this, however, does not necessarily mean that the Hamadání’s text was not Mírzá Jání’s original, as it is quite certain Muhammad Qazvíní. This effort, however, remained unsuccessful. Iraj Ayman has brought to my attention that the original of Mírzá Jání’s text was a small book of about 80 pages in possession of a well-known non-Bahá’í in Tihrán. Because of the owner’s deep regards for Fádil Mázandarání, he allowed the latter to read the text, but not to make a copy. To the present day, this valuable text remains in the possession of the same family. (Private communication, September 1997.) Recent research in Princeton University’s Archives (presumably among Jalal Azal’s papers) has confirmed the early dating of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf (see, William McCants and Kavian Milani, “The History and Provenance of an Early Manuscript of the Nuqtat al-Kaf dated 1268 (1851-52)”). When this manuscript is made available to researchers, it may change some of inferences in this chapter. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 141 that not all of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf is Jání’s so at this time is hard to establish in the absence of an original, which secondary text edited the original. Since this book as a whole remains untranslated, it seemed prudent to include a translation of these two sections in order to complete the sources. To the extent possible, the present translation has been modeled after E.G. Browne’s rendering of Hamadání’s narrative to facilitate the comparison of the two texts. The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 120-122 Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was in Yazd when His Holiness [i.e. the Báb] instructed him to proceed to Tihrán, and it was during this journey that I had the honor of meeting him.308 This was at a time when snow had covered the earth and the air was bitterly cold, beyond all description. Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility as though the snow of the plains were a satin bed for him. I inquired of him what had been the means of his conversion and how he had come to believe in His Holiness, and he answered: After the report of the claim of that illustrious One had been noised abroad, men would ask of me, “What say you of Him [i.e. the Báb]?” to which I was forced to reply, “Presently, I am silent about His Cause, but once I have beheld Him, and ascertained somewhat more about Him, then I shall be able to impart to you that which I have understood.” After a while I set out for Shíráz. In my first interview with His Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of divines, in a somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous questions. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being still covered with a veil of egotism, his words found no favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to feel disappointed that I had troubled myself to no purpose. However, His Holiness smiled much upon me and treated me very graciously. On 308 This meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of 1847 as Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 142 The Bábís of Nayriz returning to my lodging, I said to some of His disciples who were deeply versed in knowledge, “You are more learned and far wiser than this Personage; for what reason do you acknowledge the truth of His claim?” “If you will but be patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you too will understand.” I had decided to return to my home when my illustrious companions prevented me, saying, “You too will be fully convinced.” I inquired on what grounds they based their belief. They replied, “Experience has taught us that anyone to whom His Holiness shows affection, is in the end invariably persuaded, even though initially he be filled with antagonism; while, on the other hand, anyone on whom His Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even though at first he may incline to believe.” To be brief, one night His Holiness summoned me, and very graciously said, “What dost thou desire of Me?” I replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand, and henceforth I shall bow to Thy command.” “Write down your questions,” said He, “that I may answer them in writing.” I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen, and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question that you have in your heart is this, and this is its answer.” [When I had considered these answers,] I was bewildered with excitement and then took place that about which you have heard. Indeed, I yielded so entirely to the mighty influence He exerts, that, at a mere hint on His part I am thrilled to undertake a journey in this cold winter weather. Consider the fact that [prior to meeting Him,] I was not a man without rank and standing, or knowledge and The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 143 achievements. I swear by the One Exalted Lord, I would be ashamed even to make mention of the learning and merits of many other divines of my time. My father, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Dárábí, known to all as Kashfí, was well acquainted with all the sciences and philosophies, renowned throughout the land of Iran and known to every possessor of knowledge and virtue. I have served him [and studied with him], and he did declare that I was second only [in learning] to him. In fact, I had my own pulpit and classes, and many students and disciples both in my own town and in other regions, and was known and admired by the court of the Shah and his household. Yet I am bewildered as to how the love of this Shírází Youth [i.e. the Báb] has penetrated my being so that I have set aside all material considerations, and I have so willingly placed upon my neck the yoke of servitude and obedience unto Him, that at a mere hint on His part, I travel so in this bitter winter in the utmost joy and happiness. My only hope is that He will, of His grace and favor, accept me as the servant of His servants, and that I may be permitted to shed even a drop of my blood in the furtherance of His cause.’ In truth, that scion of the wilderness of sincerity and devotion exerted himself until he fell a sacrifice to the love of the King of the lovers. Whomsoever is informed of his acts in Yazd and Nayríz, will assuredly grasp the truth of the claims of that Lord of the realm of adoration, and were this ephemeral soul to describe them, the result would be a boundless book. In short, I asked of him: “O peerless one of the age! What did thine illustrious father say regarding the Truth proclaimed by that Essence of Reality [the Báb]?” “He is silent and ambiguous,” he replied, and went on to say, “I swear by the One true God, that should my father, with his dignity of bearing and exalted station, deny the Manifestation of the All-Glorious, most certainly, I shall slay him with my own hands in the path of the divine Beloved, and this even though The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 144 The Bábís of Nayriz the eye of creation hath rarely seen a father such as him or a son such as I.” At any rate, shortly thereafter, that unique pearl of the ocean of knowledge, in accordance with His instructions, proceeded to Tihrán. The Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pages 223-230 The events associated with Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd and Nayríz occurred after the episode of the slaying of the Seven Martyrs [of Tihrán]309, but to describe that event would make this narrative much too long. However, in brief, that illustrious personage was instructed by His Holiness [the Báb] to proclaim the Word of Truth, and on the way to Yazd, I had the honor of meeting him.310 I observed in his august countenance the signs of a glory and power that I had not noticed during my earlier meetings with him, and I knew of a certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his departure from the world.311 I heard him say several times in the course of various conversations, ‘This is my last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to the same thought. In one conversation he remarked, ‘God and His near-ones are able to foretell coming events, and I swear by my Beloved, the True One, in the grasp of Whose hand lies my soul, that I know and could tell where and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the proclamation of the Word of Truth!’ Sanctified be God! I know not what wonder this be, that such an illustrious man of learning, achievement and piety, could thus foretell his own death and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm, hasten to the abode 309 See The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 445-458. The martyrdom of these seven Bábís took place on 7 March 1850. 310 There is considerable confusion among sources as to where this meeting took place; see, Chapters 2 and 9. 311 The text simply says inqitá‘ [detachment], however, in the context it is understood to express Mírzá Jani’s understanding of Vahíd’s desire for departure from the world. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 145 of sacrifice. Indeed, Whoso hath recognized Thee, what else should he do with life, Of what worth possessions, children and wife? In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá set out for Yazd. Upon arrival, in the utmost wisdom he would speak of the Cause of Truth in various gatherings and gradually began to openly proclaim the truth and convert a great multitude. At length, the governor [of Yazd] was informed of what was taking place and, fearing for himself, he sent a body of men to arrest Siyyid Yahyá and his companions. A trifling collision occurred between the two parties, and thereupon the governor prepared [for battle], and in response, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired [with a number of his followers and friends] into the citadel of Yazd. Soon the citadel was surrounded and the matter came to actual warfare, in the course of which some thirty or more of the governor’s men were killed, while seven of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers were also slain, and the rest were besieged for some time, till his followers manifested their lack of faith and dispersed. Siyyid Yahyá too escaped from the citadel and together with another left for Shiraz and thereafter proceeded to Nayríz. Meanwhile the governor [of Yazd] soon overcame [Siyyid Yahyá’s] followers. Several of them tasted the sweetness of martyrdom, while from the rest, after they had suffered divers torments, fines of money were exacted. Among the martyrs was one named Hasan, from Yazd, who had for years waited in attendance upon Siyyid Yahyá, and had displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion. When Siyyid Yahyá had decided to leave the citadel, he said, “If one of you could manage to lead out my horse, that would be good.” Hasan had responded, “With your permission, I will lead out the horse.” “They will capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid Yahyá. “In the path of your affection,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to bear. I have no ambition beyond it.” So Siyyid Yahyá allowed him to go, and [the soldiers] took the youth captive outside the citadel and brought him before the governor, who ordered him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. When they would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 146 The Bábís of Nayriz pleaded, “Bind me, with my face towards the gun.” And when they inquired of the reason behind this request, he said, “That I may see it fired.” all the people were astonished at his steadfastness and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must needs have great faith and fortitude. In short, the illustrious Siyyid Yahyá arrived at Shiraz where, due to his many visits, he was well known, and there he also proclaimed the Cause of Truth [i.e. the Bábí faith]. It was then that Áqá Siyyid ‘Abdu’l- ‘Azím Marághi’í returned from a visit to the Báb bearing a very large Haykal [i.e. talisman] and a Tablet for Siyyid Yahyá. After becoming exceedingly renowned in that town, he proceeded for Nayríz. Now when Siyyid Yahyá had come to Nayríz, which was the abode of his family and where he had many friends, he declared the Cause of Truth, resulting in some becoming believers, others deniers and yet others remaining undecided. The governor of that district, though he had formerly professed the most devoted attachment and humility before him, no sooner perceived a deterioration in his government and its passing out of his hands, that, being accountable to the monarch and generally fearing that his world would fall into turmoil, he sent word to Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider it expedient that you continue any longer in this province and you should depart to some other place.” To this Siyyid Yahyá, made reply, “What leads you to order me thus to quit my own abode? I do not expect you to arise to champion my cause, but why insult me thus? It is, therefore, most evident that all those expressions of devotion that you afforded me in past days were solely in order to secure worldly influence, and now that you are convinced otherwise, you have turned your back on the Truth, express enmity, and fear not God, nor have you shame before His apostle.” When that accursed-one [i.e. the governor] heard such truthful declarations, he was filled with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a tumult, inciting such men among every class and kind as were most wicked and mischievous to make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid Yahyá, who, perceiving the strength and resolve of the enemies and the fewness of his friends, repaired to the mosque, and ascended the pulpit formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather. After speaking a homily The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 147 in the utmost eloquence and of rare composition, and having given praise and salutation to the Almighty Lord, His illustrious Prophet, and the Holy Family, he said: O people! I am a descendant of the Prophet of God and I stand amongst you wronged. I suffer in the clutches of tyrants and beseech you to assist me. No harm have I done beyond speaking words of truth, and today my situation is even as that of my illustrious forefather, the martyred Imam Husayn. Whosoever hears the plea of this oppressed one and does not arise to his aid, has forfeited the intercessions of my illustrious Ancestor. He spoke to this effect and some wept bitterly and a few gave him their allegiance, saying, “O son of the Prophet of God! May our fathers and mothers be a sacrifice for thy pure spirit! We will abide by whatsoever thou doest command and offer possessions, family and life in the path of thy devotion.” Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque and alighted in a ruined castle in the vicinity, those friends who bore him company being not more than seventeen in number. On hearing of his quitting the city, his enemies in a great multitude came forth and surrounded the castle in the hope of capturing them all. Then Siyyid Yahyá commanded seven of his men to go out and defend him against hostilities, and gave them instructions as to the ordering of the battle, adding that whoever should rush from a certain direction would drink of the cup of martyrdom through a wound in the breast, and whosoever out of his love and own free-will wished to be the first among the martyrs should now announce it. Then a young man with a heart yearning to behold the Countenance of the Beloved, sprang to his feet announcing, “My master! I desire to be the pioneer of this muchwronged band.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and breathed a prayer for him. Then the defenders uttered a prayer and sallied swiftly forth, attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere long scattered them like helpless flies, slaying a number of them. That The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 148 The Bábís of Nayriz youth, as he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom and faithfulness. But the rest of the friends of Truth returned victorious to the castle, having learned the meaning of “verily we belong to God, and unto Him do we return.” At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz Mírzá came to assume the government of Shiraz. On being informed of what had taken place, he sent an army to Nayríz. A considerable force surrounded the castle, determined to kill all the harried defenders. Several encounters took place that resulted in sound defeats for the army and the capture of goodly spoils by the companions of Siyyid Yahyá. And all this while the companions observed the many prodigies which Siyyid Yahyá wrought, and grew stronger in their devotion, faith, and love for him. Siyyid Yahyá repeatedly reminded his companions of the approaching time for his and their martyrdom, emphasizing the ephemeral nature of this world and the glory and exaltation of the world beyond. After the forces of the enemy had failed to prevail over them in these battles, and despairing of the final issue, they resorted to the treachery which is so characteristic of them, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá expressing curiosity about his mission, making excuses for their past deeds, declaring themselves to be desirous of inquiring into the matter, and begging for instruction. They further pledged, with oaths sealed on the Qur’án, that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they would accept whatever terms he might propose. So Siyyid Yahyá prepared to go forth, but his followers surrounded him, saying, “Our master, we are fearful about your going out, for this host is more faithless than the men of Kufa313. No reliance can be placed on their oaths and promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied, “By God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, as well as my illustrious Ancestor314 knew the faithlessness of the men of Kufa. But what else am 312 The text states Prince Farhád Mírzá, which is an obvious error. 313 The people of Kufa, by their promises of support, induced the Imam Husayn to take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. See An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28-33. 314 A reference to Imam Husayn, from whom Vahíd was descended. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 149 I to do with what they have written, as it is incumbent on me to go and complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do we return.” And his followers wept bitterly. So Siyyid Yahyá came to the enemy camp, and at first they treated him with all respect and deference, such respect as Ma‘mún ibn al-Rashíd observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí ibn Musá-Ridá315, upon Him be peace, while inwardly bent on His death. In short, they spent that night in conversing on various topics, and agreed to postpone all discussion of terms till the morrow. But when morning was come, the sun of sedition appeared over the horizon of calamity, and the Cherubim316 in the Concourse on High, bewildered by what had transpired, uttered, “Ah, a thousand times alas! The morn of the family of the Prophet has turned dark, and the night of the evil-doers is brightened.” As Siyyid Yahyá wished to go forth from his tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It is not permitted.” No sooner had tidings of this reached the faithful followers than, unable to restrain themselves, like brilliant flames rising above the firetemple of love, they emerged from their castle, and with unsheathed sabers hurled themselves upon the infidels. The senior officers, seeing this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, grabbing the garment of his compassion, saying, “O master! Was it not agreed between us last night that for peace’s sake we would abide by your wishes?” “Aye,” said he, “but how do explain your conduct this morning?” “It was done without our knowledge,” answered they, “that some of our men, who have lost kinsmen in the warfare, offered you this insult without our sanction. You, who are merciful and generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”, he replied, “would you have me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men of yours, bidding them evacuate the castle and return to their own 315 The Eighth Imam, ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818 AD); see, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 41-42. 316 A traditional hierarchy of angels, known as the celestial hierarchy, ranked from lowest to highest into the following nine orders: angels, archangels, principalities, powers, virtues, dominions, thrones, cherubim, and seraphim. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 150 The Bábís of Nayriz homes, that the minds of our soldiers and the people may be reassured in you and we will then arrange matters.” Siyyid Yahyá accepting this, wrote, “O my companions! You should gather up your own gear, leaving the spoils you have won, and return to your own homes.” And the companions obeyed his behest. But the following day their foes attacked their houses, captured some, carried off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them as prisoners to the camp. There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, and in the path of the Truth, out of sincerity and devotion, had closed his eyes to all earthly concerns. And when word was brought that the executioner was on his way from the city charged with decapitating that illustrious personage [i.e. Siyyid Yahyá] and his Yazdí companion, the master said, “It is thee, not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay me will arrive tomorrow.” When the morrow was come, after he had completed the Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is now come.” About an hour after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out Siyyid Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner administered to the youth the draught of martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle and will not lift my hand to slay His offspring,” neither would he consent to do their bidding. Then one whose two brothers were consigned to hell on the orders of the Siyyid, and therefore cherished a deep resentment, said, “I will kill him.” And he loosed the shawl wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast it round his neck, and drew it tight. And other evildoers beat his holy body with sticks and stones, dragging it hither and thither over the plain, till his soul soared falcon-like from the cage of body to the branches of paradise. Then the executioner severed his glorious head from his body, skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and sent it, with other heads, along with the captives and accompanied by minstrels and musicians to Shiraz. And the people came out from the town in large numbers and each commented according to his own understanding. Some of the captives were martyred, while others were imprisoned for a while and The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 151 then released at a later time. The night before, when the raid had been made on the houses of the Siyyid’s companions, twelve of them had escaped. These, however, were subsequently captured in the neighborhood of Isfahán and brought to Shiraz, where they suffered martyrdom. Sanctified be God, above the cruelty of the oppressors and the cry of the meekly! I take refuge in His holiness as He sends down His calamity and His wrath upon the people. Yet they observe all these conflicts and are not awakened; consider their own life worthy but others as insignificant. They call crazed such glorious figures as are indeed the finest among the people of Islam and the like of whom, in nobility and learning, are scarce to be found. And they consider their own mind, which is consumed with base thoughts and desires, as the standard for reason. It is a thing to marvel at, that ere the believers in this sublime Faith had embraced the new doctrine, all men readily admitted their virtue, sincerity, and integrity. To wit, Siyyid Yahyá ranked unquestionably among the most eminent divines of Islam. Whenever he entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met and honored by all the divines and nobles of the district. But upon embracing this Cause, he was subjected to such bitter sufferings and was martyred, his holy head stuffed with straw as though it had been the head of a Turkman or Baluch, and borne from town to town. Not one of the Muslims asked, “What has this illustrious Siyyid wrought, other than to spread the teachings of the descendants of Muhammad?” May God, as a mercy upon those who attained His presence, guide the meek and lowly, and rigorously punish the guilty. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 152 The Bábís of Nayriz Chapter 7 Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím But those who are slain in the way of God, He will never let their deeds be lost. Qur’án 47:4 Introduction Another account of Nayríz-I and subsequent events was written by a citizen of that city in 1270 A.H. [1853] and inscribed on the inner wall of the Masjid Jámi‘ Saghír317 (The Smaller Friday Mosque) of the same town. In the colophon of this important historical document, the author introduces himself as Siyyid Ibráhím, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn Nayrízí, and the present writer knows no other biographical information about him. Muhammad-‘Ali Faydí reports that Shu‘lih318 in the introduction of his poetry collection, known as Khusraw va Shírín, has noted, “... Eventually the government provided support to the local forces and, as is written on the wall of the Masjid Jami‘ Saghír by the hand of the late Siyyid Taqí Khúshnivís Nayrízí and is reflected with some minor differences and errors in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh, Siyyid Yahyá was slain...”319 This particular mosque was located in the Bázár quarter of Nayríz and had always been in the possession of non-Bábís. The fact that such a history was preserved on its walls indicates the deep impression that this event made on the consciousness of the people of Nayríz. Although written in a seemingly neutral language, this document does not fail to 317 This mosque is not to be confused with a larger mosque by the same name in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter that served as a Bábí stronghold. 318 Shu‘lih [the flame] was the sobriquet of Mírzá Muhammad-Ja‘far Khán, a nephew of the governor of Nayríz. 319 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 91-92. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 153 convey the depth of admiration and respect for the Bábís that the incidents of Nayríz had evoked in the heart of the writer. Clearly the writer, who resided in the quarter whose inhabitants had battled the Bábís and had been himself an observer, or perhaps even a participant in the events, had developed such admiration towards the besieged party that he took the not inconsiderable risk of penning this sympathetic narrative in a public place.320 For many years this singularly important narrative remained unnoticed and protected under a cover of dust and dirt and only in 1940 did it come to light, when an archaeologist examining historic buildings discovered its existence. The dust and debris was carefully removed from this inscription until finally the actual text became fully visible. This archaeologist, who according to Rawhání was friendly towards the Bahá’ís, provided the Spiritual Assembly of that city with a copy of the inscription.321 The full text is reproduced in Nayríz Mushkbíz and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár322, and while some minor differences exist between them, both sources have been utilized in this translation.323 In terms of style, this document was composed in the customary 320 The Báb, p. 182, notes about Siyyid Ibráhím: Although he had to write with circumspection to avoid being denounced, he composed his narrative in such a way that one can, without difficulty, read more of it between the lines. His account bears out the fact that Vahíd was given solemn assurances, that he was received with great esteem and reverence, that those who had pledged their word broke their pledges, that the quarter of Chinár- Súkhtih, which was then a stronghold of the Bábís of Nayríz, and the quarter of Bazar were sacked, that houses were demolished, huge sums of money extorted, and Nayríz was reduced to a state of desolation. 321 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 306, n.1. The same source indicates that the Bahá’í community was unaware of the existence of this document as no Bahá’í was permitted entrance into this mosque, situated in a quarter that was historically antagonistic towards the Bábís and Bahá’ís. 322 Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 92-102; and Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 306-318. 323 Abú’l-Qásim Afnán has brought to the notice of the present writer that Dr. Iraj Afshar has published a picture of the original text in one of his books, however I was unable to locate this source. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 154 The Bábís of Nayriz Qájár mode, which included a generous use of abstruse language, excessive ambiguities and many laudatory titles. To the degree possible, these have been retained in the translation to ensure authenticity and a taste of this style of composition. Narrative of Siyyid Ibráhím He is God, the Exalted. Of the events of this transient and seditious world and of the occurrences of this unfaithful plane, one that came to pass at the end of the heavenly reign of Muhammad Shah, the sovereign Qájár king and the light of God in His dominion, and at the beginning of the reign of the pivot of the world, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh, was the appearance of certain beliefs and utterances by Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad, the Báb, in the year 1263 A.H., in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm324 of Shiraz. This led to uprising and sedition among the people in the civilized nation of Iran, particularly in Zanján, the province of Mázandarán, and even in ‘Iraq and Fárs in the year 1266 A.H. [1849-50]. An effulgence of that blazing and insurgent fire reached the hearts of some inhabitants of this realm and in the whirlwind of events, it destroyed the foundations of many lives and washed away many others in the water of annihilation. An evidence of but one of the flames of that fire is Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, who numbered among those enamored [of the Báb] and desirous of freedom, who for sundry reasons was associated with the people of this region over a period of some years, and had ties of friendship and camaraderie with many citizens. As such he was able to plant the seeds of revolt in many hearts. The above-mentioned Siyyid, having come upon this path [i.e. the Bábí faith] in the Dáru’l-‘Ilm of Shíráz, had gone to the Daru’l-‘Ibád [i.e. Yazd] and had lit the fire of Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’lláh’s sedition. A district in that city that admired him had come to follow him. 324 Lit. the City of Knowledge, a title of Shíráz. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 155 Consequently, by order of the governor of that region, the possessions and the families in that district perished. After this incident, and being taken with fright, the Siyyid escaped to Bávanát, on the border of this region. He selected this location as he had many enthralled followers, predisposed and ready for his Faith. Wherever he went, he spoke of his beliefs and wrote many treatises until he arrived at the Shrine of Khájih Ahmad Ansárí325. His honor Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, out of consideration for the monarch and the well-being of his people, did not consider it prudent for the Siyyid to enter [into Nayríz], and forbade him from doing so. The Siyyid therefore moved to the village of Istahbánát where he tarried for a while, and many joined him in his belief. From thence he proceeded to the town of Fasá, where [its governor] Áqá Mírzá Muhammad, a confidant of the monarch, discerned the Siyyid as a [potential] cause of commotion, and with gentleness dislodged him from that town. Therefore, once more he set out for the village of Istahbánát where he paused for a few days. From that base, he was able to rally a number in his support and, united in his cause, immediately decided to proceed thence towards Nayríz. Upon arrival he went directly to the Masjid Jami‘ Kabír, in the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, where his followers had gathered from all corners, preparing for battle. The congregation numbered nine hundred men armed with guns and swords as he ascended the pulpit with his ready saber. He spoke to the assembled people and prepared them for combat, and in that quarter raised the standard of revolt. At the time of the arrival of the Siyyid and the conversion and alliance of people, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, mentioned earlier, had gone to the Qurtiyih district. When he was apprised of the situation, he rose in defense and gathered fifteen hundred of the tribal men of Ma‘ádin and other regions and arrived at his home [in Nayríz], which was a fortified stronghold. For four days before the fighting commenced, many of the nobles and respected inhabitants of this town and the divines of Istahbánát exerted much time and effort to counsel them, but it was to no avail and 325 A shrine for one of the companions of Prophet Muhammad, located seven kilometers to the west of Nayríz. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 156 The Bábís of Nayriz their hearts remained unmoved. Therefore the matter came to battle and resulted in the separation of the Chinár [Súkhtih] quarter. Many took refuge with the governor and thereby outwardly protected themselves from this inconvenience. As the state of the people came to this, at nighttime, the above-named Siyyid together with one hundred and eighty or perhaps two hundred of his followers managed to reach the fort of Khájih and establish his stronghold therein. On the morrow, when the Khán was apprised of this escape, being confident in the number of his men and their support, he sent about five hundred gunmen and cavalry to the vicinity of the fort. From the fort, the Siyyid sent out his gunmen who killed all the governor’s soldiers. His efforts proving vain once more, the Khán sent forth more of his men, who were reduced as well. When the state of affairs reached this point and the matter of revolt had come to such a pitch, the honored Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán himself, and his older327 brother, ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, who had ruled this town for fourteen years328, along with all their relatives and men, arrived with utmost confidence and surrounded the fort. They pitched their tents on the eastern side of the fort, where they passed the first night. On the following eve, a great host from the fort suddenly attacked them and killed or injured forty of the relatives and gunmen of the Khán, while many of the rest took to flight. The following night saw many more fall victims to the same fate, that is, many were killed or taken hostage and the rest escaped. None were left unmolested. The honored ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, older brother of the aforementioned Khán, whose qualities were previously described and who ruled the region, was slashed into pieces and slain. Together with a few of his servants, the Khán took refuge at his home, which he had built strong and greatly protected. He passed the day there and once the dark night fell, he had 326 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “revolt” as “proof of God,” which most likely is a misreading. 327 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, has read “older” as “martyred.” 328 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 310, n. 1, informs that ‘Alí-Asghar Khán was the governor of the surrounding districts. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 157 ridden with great haste to the fort at the village of Qutriyih. In this manner, the Siyyid and his followers established their rule, and through the control of the fort were able to live unhindered. After shedding so much blood, he instructed his executioner, a certain Shaykh, to behead twelve more men.329 Untold fright and utmost trepidation overcame the hearts of the men, to the point that they renounced their worldly goods, their wives and children. The descendants of the Prophet, who were the cornerstones of the community and the upholders of virtue, for fear of their lives fled to the village of Bábak, where for fifty days the noblemen of that town were able to enjoy their company and profit from their accomplishments. Many were frightened and agitated to such an extent that they collapsed and passed away. When the illustrious governor of Fárs, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was appraised of these events and was told that this revolt had passed all bounds, he appointed Mihr-‘Alí Khán, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, and Mustafa- Qulí Khán Qarihguzlu as commanders of cavalry and soldiers, and together with some other officials, instructed them to hasten to the fort and rectify the matter. The regiments came and camped across the fort. The Khán also joined them from his safe hiding place, armed with the necessary guns, powder and cannons.330 Confident in his forces and his own strength, the Siyyid decided on a nighttime surprise attack, and arranged that from one side his men from the town, and from another direction, his men in the vicinity of the fort, would attack the camp and destroy it thoroughly. This they proceeded to do with much bravery and courage. Like the moth circling the flame, they attacked the hellish fire of the cannons and sacrificed all they had. At the conclusion of this first night attack, forty warriors from the fort were found to have lost their lives. In the course of the second night, some others also gave their lives in the encounter. 329 No collaborative evidence is known for this assertion. It should be noted that it is common for Muslim historians of the Qajar era (and later periods) to make unsubstantiated, and often false, accusations against the Bábís, including murder and other aggressions. 330 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 312, n. 1, indicates that the governor was in hiding at this village of Qutriyih for these 50 days. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 158 The Bábís of Nayriz Since the killing by the opposing sides lasted for some time and the battle raged unabated, the army camp planed a plot of deception and perfidy. In short, they offered gifts331 and supplications to the chosen disciples of the Siyyid and presented declarations of submissiveness to the Siyyid himself, which contained promises of allegiance, trust and devotion to his cause. They wrote him, “We are all deeply devoted to you and consider obedience to you our greatest privilege. Should you decide to emerge from the fort and enter our camp, then rest assured that we would consider the dust beneath your feet as the kohl of our eyes.” With such sweet words and colorful expressions, conveyed through letters or messengers, they induced and robbed the Siyyid of his deductive powers and rational thoughts.332 Straightway he mounted his horse and, accompanied by a few chosen disciples, arrived at their camp where he was greeted by all the soldiers, to the sound of the military band playing and the generals welcoming him warmly. With utmost majesty, he was received in a special tent and was seated with resplendent glory. From every direction they offered him compliments and congratulatory expressions. However, when the time came for him to leave, by a myriad obstinate and roguish means, the Yúz-Báshí [the captain] detained the Siyyid saying “Orders have just been received from the honored Navváb to detain you and your commanders, and this renders your departure impossible.” Guards were therefore placed around his tent. The soldiers then seized the fort and its defenses and killed all his companions. In four days time, in accordance with the instructions of the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, the executioner arrived at the camp of Mustafa-Qulí Khán and conveyed the order that Siyyid Yahyá was to be delivered to the honored Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán as a ransom for the blood of his brother and some other fallen men. So, by order of the Prince, the Siyyid was delivered into the hand of the Khán and a receipt 331 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 313, n. 1, states that it was Siyyid ‘Abid who traitorously bartered his allegiance in promise of favors and properties. 332 It appears that in order to appease orthodoxy, the writer has made no mention that, on the back of a Qur’án, the opposing camp penned a promise that Siyyid Yahyá would not be harmed, and sent this sealed assurance to the fort. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 159 obtained. When this occurred, all the soldiers, those that had lost kinsmen and some others, attacked him with sticks, stones, bayonets and guns and killed him forthwith. The next day, they buried his remains under the southern333 wall of the Shrine of Siyyid Jalálu’d-Dín ‘Abdu’llláh, known as the Siyyid, in the Bázár quarter. This astonishing and bewildering event took place in the month of Rajab of the year 1266 A.H.334 After the capture of the Siyyid and his followers, colonel ‘Alí Khán335 arrived at the camp, leading a regiment of Sílákhúrí soldiers. Upon arrival, he proceeded directly to the Chinár-Súkhtih quarter, and accompanied by the sound of music, his soldiers plundered that whole district. They remained in that quarter for twenty days or perhaps a month, and ransacked the whole neighborhood and stole whatever treasures were hidden beneath the earth or within the walls. No one recalls such pillage having occurred ever before! Had they plundered any other major city, they could not have amassed such great wealth and possessions! Some of the streets and neighborhoods associated with the Bázár quarter were also pillaged.336 Beyond this, by the decree of the exalted Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih, five thousand tumáns were obtained from the citizens and given to the Khán and whatever land, orchards, aqueducts, homes and possessions were owned by the residents of the Bázár were confiscated with extreme brutality and excruciating tortures. Indeed, in this regard, what transpired in Bázár quarter did not come to pass in the [Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter. Verily, such intense fear and fright overcame this region that no tongue can recount one thousandth fraction of its black incidents. What oceans of blood were spilled and how many bodies were scattered to dust in the wilderness! 333 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 315, n. 1, states that Vahíd was buried under the northeastern wall. 334 13 May - 11 June 1850. 335 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 2, p. 418, gives his name as Valí Khán. 336 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 316, n. 1, indicates that some of the affluent Bábís, such as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Yazdí and Hájí Muhammad-Taqí were residents of Bázár quarter. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 160 The Bábís of Nayriz During these conflicts close to one thousand lives were lost on both sides.337 The account of the ensuing massive pillage remains beyond any imagination, conception or description. Whichever of the men of the [Chinár-Súkhtih] quarter were not killed, had to take flight to other regions and towns. This is but a brief account of the events of Nayríz, of Siyyid Yahyá and the followers of His Holiness the Báb. “Such is the bounty of God, which He bestows on whom He will; and God is the Lord of the highest bounty.”338 After these happenings day by day the sufferings inflicted on the followers of this sect increased in intensity, and by way of retaliation and 337 Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, p. 311, informs that the Nayríz upheaval was for a period of one month and three days. Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, p. 292, states that this event lasted four months. 338 Qur’án 62:4. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 161 revenge, the Khán carried out to the fullest extent the decree of the government. Gradually, after three years from the inception of this event, renewed animosity emerged which led to another strange and wondrous event. That is, five days after the Naw-Rúz of 1269 A.H.339, when Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán was in the public bath one hour after sunrise, Karbalá’í Muhammad with his three sons and Qásim, the brick layer, who had hidden themselves in that place, emerged and attacked his naked body, grabbing his head and shoulders and stabbing him with knives and razors. They cut off his arms that were as strong as any man’s. Even though about fifty of his kinsmen were present in that bath, as the Almighty God would have it, not one of them came to his aid. The Khán, wounded with some sixty cuts on his chest and body, was brought from the bath alive. Late that night, however, he left this plane of suffering. Indeed he was a worthy, wise and distinguished man. He ruled with prudence and was a knowledgeable statesman. There are many signs of his generosity and goodwill evident in this town, including many buildings. His servants put his slayers to death in that very place. Written in the year 1270 A.H. [1853] by the least of the servants, [Siyyid] Ibrahim Nayrízi, son of Áqá Siyyid Husayn. 339 26 March 1853. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 162 The Bábís of Nayriz Chapter 8 Narratives of the Qájár Historians They are the ones that say, of their brethren slain, while they themselves sit at ease: “If only they had listened to us, they would not have been slain.” Say: “Avert death from your own selves, if ye speak the truth.” Qur’án 3:168 Introduction Continuing the earlier traditions of Iranian historiography, the historians of the Qájár era were essentially chroniclers. They described year by year, either briefly or in great detail, the activities of the monarch, gave dramatic, though at times unreliable, accounts of battles and traced the intricacies of court intrigue. Their philosophy was fairly simple. Victories in war, prosperity, security, and order were attributed to the will of God and the wisdom of sovereign – His shadow on earth – while defeat, famine, enemy invasion, and natural disasters were blamed on evil fortune or some magical force. The historians of the Qájár period commanded a readable and often eloquent style, because for them historical writing was considered a branch of literature. If the story read well, was instructive, and, most important of all, pleased the King, the author could be justly proud of his efforts – particularly since most of these histories were commissioned by the royal court. The idea of identifying source materials, or of making reference to military and diplomatic dispatches and eyewitness accounts to substantiate historical details, was completely unknown to most of them. Where a personal account or experience is shared, it is accidental and designed to further advance the writer’s agenda. As a rule, the Qájár historian used to depend on imitating, often word for word, earlier writers, when they dealt with periods before their own. The only original part of their writings was that in which they dealt The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 163 with their own age. Very few among them tried to criticize, analyze, or compare. Fewer still had the courage to give their own opinion in their writing, mostly because of their continued employment depended on pleasing their patrons. Since they often utilized the form of annals for their histories, the facts that formed the material of their books are particularly disjointed and lack unity and continuity. The best known of these are the two official chronicles of the mid-nineteenth century, the Násiku’t-Taváríkh and the Raudatu’s-Safá Násirí, which both pay considerable attention to the rise of the Bábí religion. Both of these accounts discuss the Bábí uprising in Nayríz. In addition, the Fársnámih Násirí has devoted several pages to this event and that text will be considered in this section as well. 1. Extract from the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh by Mírzá Taqí Mustawfí, the Lisánu’l-Mulk [the Tongue of the Kingdom], often known by his poetical nom de plume of Sipihr. As the book’s title implies, this ambitious history was intended to supersede all preceding works of a similar style. It consists of a series of large volumes, each of which deals with a particular period in the Islamic history. The last volume is entirely devoted the Qájár dynasty and is divided into three parts: (1) the origin and the rise of the Qájárs and the reigns of Áqá Muhammad and Fath-‘Alí Sháh; (2) the reign of Muhammad Sháh; and (3) the reign of Násiri’d-Dín Shah up to the time of the composition of this history in 1267 A.H./1850. A further supplement was published separately extending the narrative to the year 1273 A.H./1856. In general the wealth of information on the Bábí movement in parts 2 and 3 of volume 3 makes this book one of the important sources for the study of this religion. In addition to his firsthand knowledge of events, Siphir, unlike other Qájár historians, seems to have had access to a wide variety of military dispatches, field reports and other military intelligence that enabled him to provide very detailed descriptions of battles (including troop movements, dates of battles, appointments of officials and officers, and so on) between the Bábís and the government The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 164 The Bábís of Nayriz forces, particularly for the fort Tabarsí incident.340 However, despite its useful data, deep-rooted bias and cynicism grossly mar this history, which is loaded with exaggeration and accusations to discredit the movement and please the authorities. For this reason, most of Bahá’í authors have ignored this valuable chronicle, their position perhaps best informed by the following expression by Bahá’u’lláh: Each year, Hájí Muhammad-Karím Khán Kirmání wrote a book of refutation, as did other ignorant people known as possessors of knowledge. The author of Násikhu’t-Taváríkh hath written of the Exalted One [i.e. the Báb] that which no infidel dared to pen. We beseech God to enable His servants to consider with justice and fairness that which hath been revealed and sent down by God.341 The following is a translation of a section of the Násikhu’t- Taváríkh, vol. 3, pages 121-124, which deals with Nayríz-I events:342 The Description of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí’s insurrection in Nayríz and his propagation of the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí- Muhammad, the Báb. Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was a son of Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Dárábí, titled Kashfí. Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far ranked foremost among the ‘ulamá and his interests lay outside the philosophy of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í and the doctrines of [Mullá] Sadru’d-Dín Shírází. In Qur’ánic interpretation and esoteric exposition of the hadith, he differed from other 340 Later Iranian historians all seem to have copied Siphir and ignored Raudatu’s-Safá. It should be noted that Sipihr’s account was rewritten by the I‘tidádu’s-Saltanih, a literary Qájár Prince, and was published under the title of Fitnih Báb. It has all the same information without Siphir’s pompous style, along with additional details. 341 Iqtidárát, p. 16. 342 See A Traveler’s Narrative, pp. 173-188, for an outline of all the Bábí related entries in the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 165 contemporary jurists and often was heard to say, “On a certain journey, I was with Khidr and discovered seventy inner meanings of the Qur’án.” His contemporaries did not take issue with such utterances, as he possessed unrivaled learning, perfect piety and many goodly qualities. The other learned men considered his books and treatises most authoritative. However, his son, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, was unequipped in the field of learning, but ambitious in securing an exalted position and wealth. After living with his father, he left for Tihrán and spent some days in association with the governmental authorities, proving however unsuccessful in his goal. Therefore, he hastened to Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb and became one of his disciples, and once more returned to Tihrán where he remained ineffectual. Fearing that his affiliation would be discovered, he left that city for Yazd. In the latter place, as noted previously, he unveiled his intentions and began to summon people [to the new Cause]. For a while, he fought with Áqá Khán, the deputy-governor, but this sedition and rebellion too proved fruitless. Therefore he left Fárs, and first arrived at Fasá where he invited the people to the religion of the Báb. This event took place at a time when the Prince Bahrám Mírzá had been dismissed as the governor-general of Fárs and was residing in Tihrán, and his brother, Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was appointed in his place but had not yet arrived. In consequence, the affairs of the province were left in the capable hands of the vizier, Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the Násiru’l-Mulk, to whom the nobles of Fasá wrote, complaining that Áqá Siyyid Yahyá was untiring in deceiving people [i.e. in converting them to the Bábí faith]. Therefore, the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote him, “A man such as you should not engage in such activities. Leave these thoughts behind and come forth into our presence, so that we may spend some days together in joy and felicity.” “Such accusations The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 166 The Bábís of Nayriz [against me] are nothing but exaggeration and lies,” Áqá Siyyid Yahyá wrote in response, “Why do you heed such slanders and write to a friend such as me in this manner? Soon I will leave this place and journey to you.” Receiving this assurance, the Násiru’l-Mulk was satisfied. After a while, though, news was received from Fasá that, “five hundred devotees have circled round Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and soon a mighty upheaval may occur.” On hearing this intelligence, the Násiru’l-Mulk wrote once more and sent an emissary, but when he arrived, together with his disciples, Siyyid Yahyá had already left Fasá in haste for Nayríz and was half way to his destination. In such wise, the messenger was not able to deliver his charge and returned forthwith. It so happened that during this time the people of Nayríz had risen against the governor of that land, Zaynu’l- ‘Ábidín Khán, and considered the arrival of Siyyid Yahyá a great omen. Some of the people became enamored of his beliefs [in the Báb] and bowed their heads in obedience to him. Some others, in order to force Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán from office, also placed their trust in the newcomer. In short, Siyyid Yahyá and three hundred of his disciples took position in one of the decayed castles of Nayríz and began to strengthen its walls and turrets. The people of Nayríz also rose in his support. When he discerned the nature of the situation, Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán gathered two thousand Nayrízis on his own side and wrote an account of the occurrences to the Násiru’l-Mulk. The latter wrote Siyyid Yahyá, “Before this fire that you have kindled, for sundry reasons grows and consumes the world, it is best for you to reduce its fury and hasten to me.” When the directive of the Násiru’l-Mulk was received by him, he replied, “At this time a crowd has gathered around me determined to rebel against the government. It is conceivable that should I leave them and proceed thither, they may injure me on the way. If you are The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 167 able, send a force to rescue me from this trouble and conduct me unmolested to Shiraz.” With this message, he sent back the emissary. That very night Siyyid Yahyá prepared for battle, and when darkness had enveloped the land, his disciples, crying their battle cry, surprised Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán and rushed the city putting to the sword both men and women. The older brother of the governor, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán343, together with a number of his relations and some other nobles of the city were slain. The three sons of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán were seized and brought back to the fort. With great difficulty, Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán escaped from that battle and withdrew twelve farsangs. From there he prepared some gifts, which, together with a report of the occurrences, he sent to the Násiru’l-Mulk. Meanwhile, after this victory, the people of Nayríz came in unison to Siyyid Yahyá and embraced his beliefs. The properties and possessions of ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán and Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán were taken as battle spoil by his disciples. By such means, Siyyid Yahyá gained much strength and arrayed a force in excess of two thousand ready men. At that time, proceeding from the Capital to Fárs, Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, was four days journey from Shiraz when he learned of the situation. The Prince wrote a command and entrusted the same to a messenger to deliver it in haste to Shiraz. Therein it was written that, with the consent of the Násiru’l-Mulk, Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí, the Díván-Baykí of Fárs, who was titled the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, together with General Mustafá-Qulí Khán, should lead two regiments of men, one a new formation and the other an existing battalion, and proceed to reduce Siyyid Yahyá. Upon receipt of this command, the Násiru’l-Mulk sent forth Mihr-‘Alí Khán with one hundred men and wrote to Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán to assemble as many men from the 343 Other sources have given his name as ‘Alí-Asghar Khán. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 168 The Bábís of Nayriz region and the mountain [tribes] as he could, and to join Mihr-‘Alí Khán. He further sent Mustafa-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlú with soldiers, two cannons, and artillery forces in the same direction. These three forces came together en route and proceeded towards Nayríz. One day, Siyyid Yahyá was by a tent that had previously been taken in battle and was now pitched by the castle, and his men stood in front of him with their ready swords and listened most attentively to his sermon. Siyyid Yahyá said to them, “Never fear guns and cannons, nor dread any army. Because if I so will it, the cannons will not fire and the enemy’s bullets will return and strike the very shooter.” He was saying such things when the dust of the enemy’s army was discerned over the horizon and Mihr-’Alí Khán, Mustafa-Qulí Khán and his artillery forces arrived. From a distance they fired their cannon and it struck the pillar of the tent, while the mounted men standing on the other side allowed the tent to collapse over Siyyid Yahyá. It then became obvious that cannonballs did not follow the commands of Siyyid Yahyá. Upon their arrival, the army decided not to wage battle and instead engaged in raising breastworks. Discerning the cannonballs to have a will of their own, Siyyid Yahyá went within the castle and ordered the walls and turrets fortified. For five days, the two armies contemplated their next move. During these days, Mustafa- Qulí Khán greatly exerted himself so that this unrest and rebellion might be subdued peacefully, but he was unsuccessful. On the sixth night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote certain words on scraps of paper and asked his men to wear these amulets around their necks and said to them, “These prayers will protect you from all harm on the ground and in the air.”344 Thereupon three hundred of his men emerged for a 344 It was common for the Bábí men to wear talismans in the form of a five-pointed star as protective prayers. The women wore circular talismans. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 169 surprise attack, some with unsheathed swords and some carrying wooden maces, and crying loudly they attacked the enemy’s camp. The battle lasted from the middle of the night to dawn-tide. They came so close within the trenches that Mustafa-Qulí Khán was struck severely by the clubs. In that battle one hundred and fifty of [the Bábís] were killed. In the morning they carried their dead with them to the fort, realizing that the scraps of paper would not protect against cannonballs and bullets. With all this bravery, they had killed only four soldiers and injured five more. In short, Siyyid Yahyá gave instructions for the dead to be buried that very night behind the wall of the fort, so that the enemy would not know the number of the fallen. However, one by one or two by two, the people of Nayríz, recognizing the spurious nature of Siyyid Yahyá’s claim, began to leave him and return home. After three days, once more his disciples launched a surprise attack and advanced on the army. However, Mihr- ‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán fought bravely and ordered the cannons and guns to rain fire upon them. Soon the attackers were unable to endure and retreated to the fort. When Prince Fírúz Mírzá arrived in Shíráz, he instructed Valí Khán Sílakhúrí to lead the regiment under his command to reinforce the army in Nayríz. However, before their arrival, recognizing the gravity of the situation and the depletion of his men, Siyyid Yahyá commenced peace negotiations. Mustafá-Qulá Khán welcomed these efforts and provided further incentives. Pleased with his offers, Siyyid Yahyá dispersed his few remaining companions, and with ease of mind proceeded towards Mustafá-Qulí Khán. The latter welcomed him at his camp and even once stood behind him in prayer. Then he said unto the Siyyid, “Since you own a residence in Nayríz, it is best for you to spend the night in your own dwelling in peace so that people would recognize the cessation of hostilities and this trouble be The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 170 The Bábís of Nayriz subdued.” Siyyid Yahyá found this suggestion agreeable, and that night in company of an attendant proceeded towards his own residence. On the way, though, ‘Alí-‘Askar Khán’s sons and some others who had been released from the fort, attacked him and killed him with knives and swords. After his death, Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafa-Qulí Khán, seized Siyyid Yahyá’s two sons and thirty other companions, and in chains and fetters brought them to Shiraz. In consideration of their holy lineage, the Nusratu’d- Dawlih spared [Vahíd’s] sons, but dealt with the companions as they deserved and cleansed the world of their presence. 2. Outline of the Raudatu’s-Safá Násirí, vol. 10, by Ridá-Qulí Khán Hidáyat. The final volume of this series, penned by the talented historian known commonly as Lali-Báshí, contains essentially the same information as the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh. For this reason, instead of a full translation of the section dealing with Nayríz insurrection, we present an outline of its content (vol. 10, pages 456-458): - The uprising of Nayríz took place when the governorgeneral of Fárs, Bahrám Mírzá, was summoned to Tihrán and Fírúz Mírzá was appointed in his place, though he had not arrived. - Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí was deeply learned, but his son, Siyyid Yahyá was unlettered and ambitious. - After Yazd, he went to Nayríz and converted some to the Babi Movement. - His arrival coincided with a general uprising in Nayríz where the inhabitants had forced their governor, Zaynu’l- ‘Ábidín Khán, son of Muhammad-Husayn Khán, to quit the city. - Siyyid Yahyá took advantage of the ongoing rebellion, and ordered the elimination of the governor’s brother, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 171 ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, and some others among his kinsmen, which was carried out immediately. - At a distance of four days from Shiraz, Fírúz Mírzá ordered Mustafá-Qulí Khán to lead two regiments of Hamadání soldiers against the Nayrízís and these were augmented by Mihr-‘Alí Khán and his men. - On the first night of their arrival, Siyyid Yahyá’s men attacked them, but suffered many casualties and prisoners taken. - Siyyid Yahyá requested aid from the surrounding villages and several more sorties took place, but eventually the besiegers were reduced. - Siyyid Yahyá and some of his men were captured and brought to Shiraz where they were executed. - Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán regained his post but was murdered some time later in a public bath. - Mihr-‘Alí Khán and Mustafá-Qulí Khán were rewarded by the governor-general and given other important assignments. The same source (page 560) gives a very brief account of Nayríz- II, which reads, “During this period the remnant of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers in Nayríz rose in opposition. Several of them were anticipating an opportunity and found the governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán, alone in the public path and because of the past conflicts, injured him fatally. These assailants were captured and punished. Then a large number of them went into the mountains and planned revolt. By order of the governor of Fárs, Mírzá Muhammad-Na‘ím Núrí, the son of Muhammad-Zakí Khán, led a large army against them and reduced the insurgents. Most of the rebels were brought to Shiraz and were punished accordingly.” The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 172 The Bábís of Nayriz 3. Outline of Táríkh Burújird by Ghulám-Ridá Mawlaná.345 The account of Siyyid Yahyá is based for the most part on the Raudatu’s-Safá, though it provides a few additional pieces of information, (Táríkh Burújird, vol. 2, pp. 306-313). The following is an outline: - Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí was the eldest of Siyyid Ja‘far’s sons, but the least educated. - Quotes Tara‘iq (vol. 3, p. 456), where (allegedly) Siyyid Ja‘far had predicted the trouble-filled future of his son. - Siyyid Yahyá was born in 1226 A.H. [1811] and killed at the age of 40 in 1267 A.H. [1850] in Nayríz. - Because of constant bickering with his father, Siyyid Yahyá left for Tihrán where he heard about the Báb’s claim and on meeting Him converted in order to advance his own ambitions. - He returned to Tihrán in order to teach the Báb’s doctrines. - He went to Yazd, Burújird, Shiraz and Fasá, where (at the last location), two thousand were converted to his movement, and he trained them in the art of war. - Fírúz Mírzá charged the Násiru’l-Mulk, Valí Khán, Mihr- ‘Alí Khán and Mustafá [-Qulí] Khán to battle him. - After a series of sorties, Siyyid Yahyá and 354 of his companions were killed and the troubles ended. - Thirty more of the Bábís and Vahíd’s two sons were sent to Shíráz, where the Bábís were killed and the sons sent home. - This occurred in 1267 A.H. [= Nov 1850 - Oct 1851]. 4. Extracts from Fársnámih Násirí by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Fasá’í: One of the most useful sources for the history, people, culture, 345 The present writer is grateful to Prof. Sholeh Quinn for sharing a copy of this reference. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 173 geography and architecture of the province of Fars, the well-regarded Fársnámih Násirí contains almost nothing about the Bábí movement, even though it had its origin in Shíráz and many of its early events took place in that region.346 Despite this glaring omission, a brief outline of the first episode of Nayríz is presented in Fársnámih (vol. 1, pages 792- 794) and because of its overall importance, a translation is recorded below:347 The Naw-Rúz celebration fell on the evening of 6 Jamádu’l- Avval of the year 1266 A.H.348 At the beginning of that year, the Prince Bahrám Mírzá, the Mu’azzu’d-Dawlih, proceeded from Shiraz to Tihrán and the governorship of Fárs was conferred upon the Prince Fírúz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d- Dawlih. In the early part of Muharram of that year [1266 A.H.] , Siyyid Yahyá, son of the celebrated renowned scholar, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Dárábí, known as Istahbánátí, would invite people to embrace the newly invented religion in the name of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb. Due to his having a father [as famed] as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far, he was welcomed with great honor at each locality he arrived at. At the end of the previous year, he had come from Yazd to 346 The only reference to the Báb is on pages 784-785 where the author notes: That year [1262 A.H./1846], the disturbance of the Bábís took place. They considered themselves followers of the merchant Mírzá ‘Alí- Muhammad, son of the shopkeeper Mírzá Ridá Shírází. As the chronicles and journals are full of descriptions of this occurrence, we have avoided it in the Fársnámih. May the Almighty God grant strength and power to the Faith of Islam and the Muslim Monarch and humiliate and reject the heretics and mischief-makers! 347 It should be noted that the present rendering has benefited from an earlier translation of the first section of the Fársnámih dealing with the history of that province and published by Heribert Busse: History of Persia under Qájár Rule; 1972, Columbia University Press. 348 20 March 1850. 349 Muharram 1266 A.H. corresponded to 17 November to 16 December 1849. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 174 The Bábís of Nayriz Fasá, ostensibly to preach, teach, and expatiate on the ordinances pertaining to forbidden and lawful aspects of the religion of the Lord of the World of Being, the illustrious Seal of the Prophets, Muhammad ibn ‘Abdu’llah, but actually to spread the religion of Mírzá ‘Alí-Muhammad Báb. The governor of Fasa, Áqá Mírzá Muhammad, welcomed him with honors and assigned him suitable lodging. He tried in various ways to win sympathy [for his beliefs], and spent the nights in discussion350 and the days preaching, and eventually a number accepted his teachings. Then he propagated his teachings openly. When Áqá Mírzá Muhammad was informed of the latter’s faith, he summoned him and said, “The inhabitants of this district are firm in their profession of the true Religion of Islam and are immovable in their faith. Should they gain knowledge of your profession, it might happen that they would stain their hands with your blood. The best thing you can do is to leave this town and proceed to another place.” And he sent a report of this occurrence to Shiraz. Because the Prince Mu’azz’d-Dawlih had left Shiraz and the Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih had not yet arrived, the responsibility lay with Mírzá Fadlu’lláh, the Násiru’l-Mulk, and Áqá Mírzá Muhammad was given no clear reply. At his wit’s end, he sent Siyyid Yahyá a large sum of money as a gift351 and ordered a group of people to proceed in the middle of the night to the latter’s house and to threaten him with death. At the end of Safar of the year 1266 A.H.352, Siyyid Yayhá went from Fasá to Istahbánát. The inhabitants of this town, too, were not willing to have anything to do with him, and since he did not know what to do, he chose as his abode 350 Original “musahirát” implies keeping night vigils. 351 The original “Niyáz” suggests a gift given to mystic orders. 352 Last day of Safar corresponded with 17 January 1850. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 175 the town of Nayríz, where the evildoers353 had risen in rebellion against their governor, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. Siyyid Yahyá won over the evildoers as his friends, and made his intentions public without reserve. All the evildoers, about five hundred in number, accepted his teachings. He abrogated the injunctions of the Islamic religion, and his reputation increased every day. Then he chose a ruined fortress outside Nayríz as his abode and repaired its defense works. He moved to that fortress and decided to wage a religious war [jang madhhabí] with Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín. Every day his followers brought the people of the bazaar forcibly before him, and he would demand a sum of money before releasing them. After some time, anyone who had been brought before him and was not willing to enter into a covenant with him354, had either to pay a large sum of money as a ransom or to prepare to be executed. This procedure was applied to several people. One day a man was brought before him; when he crossed the courtyard and saw Siyyid Yahyá, he fell down and died on the spot When Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán saw things going on in this manner, he gathered an army and prepared for battle with Siyyid Yahyá. Siyyid Yahyá’s men, however, anticipated the attack and at midnight, sword in hand, threw themselves upon Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s host and killed close to 150 people, sparing neither men nor women. Among those killed was ‘Alí-Asghar Khán, the eldest brother of Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán. His body was brought to the fortress and thrown into a water conduit.355 Three of the governor’s 353 Busse in History of Persia under Qájár Rule has pointed out that the original term, “Ashrár”, refers to different kinds of opponents of the Qájár rule, without distinguishing their political aims. 354 Meaning, had not become a Bábí. 355 Since the fort was old, there might have been dry, abandoned conduits that lay open. Otherwise, it is not likely that corpses were placed near running water, as it The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 176 The Bábís of Nayriz sons were taken prisoner and brought to the fortress in chains. Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín, with great effort, mounted an unsaddled horse and hastened to the village of Qatru, nine farsangs east of Nayríz, and informed Nasiru’l-Mulk in writing of the occurrence. Upon this victory, the inhabitants of Nayríz and the surrounding villages had no choice but to join Siyyid Yahyá and accept his teachings. The houses of Hájí Zaynu’l- ‘Ábidín Khán and ‘Ali-Asghar Khán and their followers were plundered and the booty was distributed among the companions of Siyyid Yahyá. The inhabitants were so afraid of the Bábís that they delivered everything they were asked for without delay. The people [i.e. Bábís] were firmly convinced that they would subdue Fárs and even beyond within a short space of time and that they would destroy the religion and the state. The power of the Bábí community was increasing every day; the unflinching warriors numbered more than three thousand men. The honored Prince Nusratu’d-Dawlih was informed of this before his arrival at Shiraz. Four stations from Shiraz, he wrote to Násiru’l-Mulk saying that Mihr-‘Alí Khán Núrí, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk, commander of the Shírází horsemen, was to march with great haste, together with General Mustafá-Qulí Khán Garaguzlú, the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih, and two detachments of Qaraguzlú soldiers, and to attack Siyyid Yahyá. Accordingly, the Násiru’l-Mulk supervised the preparations of these troops and made them march off with two pieces of artillery. Upon his arrival at the village of Qatru, Hájí Zaynu’l- ‘Abibín Khán summoned the aldermen of the mountains and the districts around Nayríz, and about two thousand men came to his support. Near Rustáq, three farsangs from Nayríz, he joined the troops of the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk and the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih; together they marched to Nayríz and would severely contaminate the downstream flow. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 177 encamped opposite the fortress of Siyyid Yahyá. Five days elapsed without any fighting. On the sixth night, Siyyid Yahyá wrote a few words on scraps of paper and fixed them to the belts of his men and said: “This scrap of paper will protect you from the fire of muskets and guns.” Then he selected three hundred of them for a night attack on the I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s camp. He gave each of them a scimitar, and at midnight they came out of the fortress, hurried to the camp with great clamor, and invaded the breastworks without fear. They killed several people and caused I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk much trouble. They fought in the camp until sunrise. The spears and muskets of the soldiers killed several Bábís. The rest of them returned to the fortress. Then it became known that one hundred and fifty of the Bábís and three hundred men of the camp had been killed during the night. The Bábís realized that the paper scraps were of no use, and their faith dwindled; groups of five or ten people deserted from Siyyid Yahyá’s camp, at first in secret, then quite openly, and his army was diminished. Three days after this event, Siyyid Yahyá made new preparations and selected three hundred men for another night attack, and they assaulted the camp making a lot of noise. The people of the camp leveled their guns at them, and cannon and musket fire killed about fifty Bábís. However, the rest of them invaded the breastworks with great bravery, and about one hundred men of the camp were killed. The I‘timádu’s-Saltinih and Shujá‘u’l-Mulk fought back courageously and threw the Bábís out of the camp. During the battle another group of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers deserted him and went its way. When he saw that his army was diminishing, he began peace negotiations. After the exchange of messengers and letters, Siyyid Yahyá, five days later, came out of the fortress with twelve of his adherents, entered the camp with all honors, and was put in The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 178 The Bábís of Nayriz I‘timádu’s-Saltinih’s tent. After spending one night with honors, he and his adherents were arrested and killed the next day by the heirs of ‘Alí-Asghar Khán; two of Siyyid Yahyá’s sons and thirty of his followers were put in fetters and sent to Shiraz. The thirty followers were executed and the two sons of Siyyid Yahyá, who were not yet grown up, were sent to Burújird and surrendered to their learned grandfather, Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far. 5. Outline of Fatsafih Níkú by Hájí Mírzá Hasan Níkú Burújirdí, vol. 3, pages 119-120: - Together with Lutf-‘Alí, the chamberlain, Vahíd was commissioned to investigate the Báb and was given a horse and 100 tumáns; - He met the Báb at the house of His uncle through the intervention of Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í; - In response to his questions, Tafsír Kawthar was revealed; - A series of travels was undertaken until eventually he joined forces with Muhammad [ibn] ‘Abdu’lláh. 6. Outline of Vápasín Junbish Qurún Vustá’í dar Dúrán Fiúdálí [The Last Medival [social] Movement in the Feudal Period] by Muhammad-Ridá Fisháhí: Though a relatively recent study, pages 126- 128 offers innovative analysis of the undercurrents of social dissatisfaction of Nayrízís which led to the Bábí rebellion. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 179 Qájár Records Pertaining to Nayríz-II 7. Notice of Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán’s Assassination The following notice was posted in Rúznámah Waqáyi’í Ittifáqiyya356, no. 117, Thursday, 19 Rajab 1269 A.H./28 April 1853: News of Fárs: According to the reports in the Fárs newspapers, on 15 Jamádíu’th-Thání357, Hájí Zaynu’l-‘Ábidín Khán Nayrízí had gone to the public bath where several malefactors had beforehand taken position and at an opportune moment had rushed and murdered him. After he had entered the bathhouse, they had emerged from hiding and caused him injuries on the left side and as apparently no one was with him, people heard the commotion and informed his attendants who came quickly and dealt with the four assassins accordingly.358 8. Outline of Haqayiqu’l-Akhbar Násirí on Nayríz-II Some of the underlying causes for the second Nayríz uprising are noted in this source, which are not mentioned elsewhere:359 - The Prince Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, was appointed governor-general of Fárs in 1269 A.H.360 - Though a competent governor, he was hamstrung by the Prime Minister who was the brother-in-law of Mírzá Na‘ím Núrí. 356 Journal of Current Events, first established on 7 February 1851, by Mírzá Taqí Khán Amír-Kabír, the Prime Minister, as a weekly organ of national news. For further information, consult E.G. Browne, The Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, pp. 98-99. 357 26 March 1853 358 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, p. 90, n. 1. 359 Quoted in Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 27, n. 1. 360 October 1852 to October 1853. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 180 The Bábís of Nayriz - The governor was unable to prevent the injustices and oppressions of Mírzá Na‘ím in the administration of Nayríz, the intrigues of Mihr-‘Alí Khán and the wretched and impoverished Bábís in Nayríz and Dáráb. - Tahmásb Mírzá remained unresponsive to the complaints of the Bábís of Nayríz. - Frustrated with the status quo, the remnant of the Bábís emerged from hiding and rose in opposition against the deputy governor. - Mírzá Na‘ím misrepresented the situation to the governor-general, who sent him to Nayríz in company of an army and two cannons. - Mírzá Na‘ím arrived during the last ten days of Muharram361. - The battle started on 1 Safar362. - A large number of the Bábís were massacred and the remaining were brought to Shiraz as prisoners of war. - The Prince interrogated the Bábís, killed the insurrectionists and sent the remaining number to Tihrán. 9. Nayríz-II uprising in the Government Newspaper The following is recorded in the Rúznámah Waqáyi’i Ittifáqiyya, no. 148, Thursday, 29 Sifr 1270 A.H./1 December 1853: News of Fárs - According to the newspapers of that region, once again, Bábís have insurrected and about five or six hundred of them gathered with their wives in a mountain near Nayríz, constructed a large number of fortifications and caused mischief and trouble. The illustrious Prince, Tahmásb Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, the governorgeneral of Fárs, together with the honored Mírzá Na‘ím, the 361 23 October – 2 November 1853. 362 3 November 1853. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 181 Lashkar-Nivís363, and the governor of Nayríz, and General Luft-‘Alí Khán, in the company of a Qashqá’í regiment and another regiment maintained in Fárs and several heavy artillery pieces and cavalry, were sent to reduce the insurgents. A fierce battle took place between this misguided band and the all-powerful regiments at the end of Muharram and beginning of Safr364. Our forces were eventually victorious and captured two or three of their fortifications in the mountain, killing in battle about one hundred of their number and raising their heads upon spears. The rest were captured along with their wives and children and sent to Shiraz. Praise be to God that because of the unceasing divine confirmations surrounding the person of the monarch, the said group [i.e. the Bábís] were thoroughly routed and not one among them remained, as all were either killed or captured. Also according to these reports, the mountain where the battles took place was extremely difficult to pass, and only after intense battle was the army able to secure it. Several soldiers and royal attendants were injured in these events.365 10. Muntazam Násirí Fádil Mázandarání quotes the following passage from this source, “About five or six hundred of the Bábís gathered in Nayríz and raised fortifications in the nearby mountains. The Prince Mu’ayyadu’d-Dawlih, the governor of Fárs, instructed Mírzá Na‘ím Lashkar-Nivís, governor of Nayríz and General Lutf-‘Alí Khán to proceed with a division of Qashqá’í and other soldiers and several cannons to reduce and eliminate them. After a fierce battle, their fortifications were conquered and some one hundred of them slaughtered by swords, while the remaining 363 Chief registrar or the secretary of an army 364 3 November 1853. 365 Quoted in Nayríz Mushkbíz, pp. 118-119. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 182 The Bábís of Nayriz number were captured as prisoners.”366 366 Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 4, p. 39, n.1. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 183 Chapter 9 Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání And their Lord hath accepted of them, and answered them: “Never will I suffer to be lost the work of any of you, be he male or female: ye are members, one of another; those who have left their homes, or been driven out therefrom, or suffered harm in My cause, or fought or been slain, verily, I will bolt out from them their inequities, and admit them into gardens with rivers flowing beneath; a reward from the presence of God, and from His presence is the best of rewards. Qur’án 3:195 Introduction A Bábí and Bahá’í of many years, Siyyid Husayn Hamadání had held civil service posts in the government, and had once been a member of the Sháh’s retinue when the monarch visited Europe in 1873. Some time later, Mírzá Husayn was imprisoned because of his religious affiliations and afterwards accepted a position in the Tihrán office of Manekjí Sábih, who had come to Iran seeking royal exemption on payment of religious taxes (jaz’iyh) for the Zoroastrian community – an effort that took him to Baghdad and led to a meeting with Bahá’u’lláh, probably in 1861. In addition to Siyyid Husayn, Manekjí employed the celebrated Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl as a secretary and according to the latter, Manekjí was an avid book collector and always encouraged and persuaded talented people to write and compose for him. Being fascinated with the rise of the Bahá’í faith and its relation to the Bábí religion, Manekjí commissioned Siyyid Husayn to prepare a detailed history of the Bábí movement. In consultation with Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl and with his encouragement, Siyyid Husayn readily undertook this charge and produced a remarkably moving account which relied substantially on the narrative of Mírzá Jání The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 184 The Bábís of Nayriz and the Násikhu’t-Taváríkh.367 However, after the completion of this task, it was not known what became of Mírzá Husayn’s original manuscript. Manekjí, despite of his weak grasp of the Persian language, had the habit of editing such texts and it is evident that he attempted to “improve” Siyyid Husayn’s composition. This revised text did survive and should be labeled as “Manekjí’s text.” A copy of this was acquired by the London Museum and was later labeled “Codex L” by Prof. E.G. Browne. Also, the renowned Bahá’í scholar-teacher, Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní, surnamed Nabíl Akbar, decided to further edit Manekjí’s text and produced was is presently known as Táríkh Badí‘ Bayání. This later text is more than 90% the same history prepared by Siyyid Husayn. It is the view of the present writer that Browne acquired a copy of this text, which he labeled “Codex C” for the Cambridge manuscripts, and mistakenly thought it was the original of Siyyid Husayn.368 Despite its limitations, Browne’s translation of Siyyid Husayn’s revised narrative, published under the title of Táríkh-i Jadíd, remains one of the most important and moving accounts of the rise and struggles of the Bábí community. Fortunately, after the passage of these years, Susan Maneck was able to locate the original text of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative, which includes some of Manekjí’s interpolations, and I am grateful to her for kindly sharing a copy with me. In her cover letter she states, “... Although Manekjí’s library had been reported as destroyed by white ants (his grandson told me this) I in fact found that at least part of it was housed in the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute in Bombay. There were cards written in Persian identifying each manuscript. Besides photocopying each Bahá’í manuscript I copied those notes. Unfortunately I could not locate them as I was getting ready to mail you this manuscript. They will 367 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. xxxii, gives the date of this composition as 1297-8 A.H. (1880). 368 For instance, in Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 131, n.1, Browne concludes that this section had been a subsequent addition to the original text, which seems a reasonable inference. However, Browne identifies Nabíl as Mírzá Muhammad Zarandí and refers to the translation of A Traveler’s Narrative for details concerning him. As noted earlier, the evidence suggests that by Nabíl is meant Mullá Muhammad Qá’iní. Concerning Nabíl Akbar see Eminent Bahá’ís in the time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 112-115, and Memorials of the Faithful, pp. 1-5. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 185 turn up eventually and I will send you the entire list. The notes identified the texts, the authors, the types and quality of calligraphy and the calligrapher. Hamadání was listed as the calligrapher and the author.” This aged text stands at a total of 261 densely written pages and will be referred to as “Hamadání’s manuscript.” It is the earliest text of Hamadání’s Tarikh-i Jadid known to the present writer. In addition to the newly found manuscript of Siyyid Husayn’s text, I am in possession of a later revision scribed by a certain Hájí Muhammad-Sádiq, son of the martyred Muhammad-‘Alí, who completed his copying on 10 Ramadán 1317 A.H.369. This text is in 327 pages and will be referred as “Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript.” Hamadání’s manuscript accords very closely to Browne’s Codex L, but there are some notable differences. For instance, on page 120, n.1, of Táríkh-i Jadíd, Browne notes that both his manuscripts refer to Prince Farhád Mírzá. However, both manuscripts in my possession have Prince Fírúz Mírzá (Hamadání, p. 81, line 18; and Muhammad-Sádiq, p 166, line 8). Another example is in the next line, where Browne refers to Mihr-‘Alí Khán, but the manuscripts in my possession name him as Muhammad- ‘Alí Khán, and leave out his title, the Shujá‘u’l-Mulk. There are many other minor differences that are beyond our present purposes to describe and hopefully will be documented in a separate study. Yet a third version of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative pertaining to Vahíd and the Nayríz struggles appears in the Lam‘átu’l-Anvár.370 It is apparent that Rawhání was not familiar with the complicated history of Siyyid Husayn’s narrative and in error thought that it was penned by Hájí Mírzá Jání, whom he thought a Bahá’í.371 For the most part, the text used by Rawhání follows Muhammad-Sádiq’s manuscript, but towards the end begins to diverge completely and also shows a number of other corruption. Therefore, it was decided not to use this version and to limit the study to the original of Siyyid Husayn and the revised Muhammad- Sádiq’s. It should be noted that Muhammad-Sádiq’s version is utilized primarily to illustrate how such texts change through transcriptions and 369 12 January 1900. 370 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, pp. 319-336. 371 Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 1, p. 319. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 186 The Bábís of Nayriz revisions. To facilitate a comparison of the present translation with Táríkh-i Jadíd, to the extent possible, Browne’s actual words have been used, though they been modified as demanded by the two cited manuscripts. Notations: [] comments added to enhance clarity {} appears only in Hamadání Manuscript <> appears only in Muhammad-Sádiq Manuscript Narrative of Siyyid Husayn Hamadání {Yet more bewildering than the Mazandaran episode is that which befell Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí}372, son of the late Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí. He was eminent amongst mujtahids373 and the learned, [divinely] gifted with supernatural faculties and high spiritual attainments, notable for his sanctity, and unrivalled in discourse and revelation, austerity of life and piety. When he heard the tidings of the Manifestation, he went to Shiraz expressly to inquire into the matter. There he met with a certain eminent and illustrious mujtahid truly learned in divine knowledge and wise in the wisdom of the Eternal, one whose being is an ever-stirring sea harboring pearls and jewels of understanding. But men know him not by this name [of Babi], for the All-Wise hath till now kept him under the shadow of His protection for the edification and perfection of His servants, the guidance of such as wander in the valley of search into the straight path of recognition, and the deliverance from darkness of such as seek after truth.374 With this illustrious personage and several other learned and pious believers did this thirsty pilgrim in the path of inquiry [i.e. Vahíd] meet on his arrival at Shiraz. He was eager to obtain forthwith an 372 373 Those certified to issue rulings on matters of Islamic religious laws. 374 Presumably a reference Áqá Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 187 interview with the Bab, the object of his search, but permission was for sundry reasons deferred, and [Siyyid Yahyá] spent this interval in examining some of the revealed verses. {Finding in them no ground for objection or denial,}375 he said in confidence to the illustrious divine and exalted Siyyid already referred to [i.e. Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í], “These luminous words bear witness to the truth of this claim, and leave no room for doubt; yet were it permitted to me to behold some miracle or sign beyond this, I should gain a fuller measure of certitude and assurance.” To this the illustrious Siyyid answered, “For such as have, like us, beheld a thousand marvels stranger than the fabled cleaving of the moon, to demand a miracle or sign from that Perfect Truth would be as though we should seek light from a candle in the full blaze of the radiant sun: In presence of the sun’s effulgence bright Should we from lamp or candle seek for light, ‘T would surely be an act as vain as rude, A proof of folly and ingratitude. The sun, in sooth, requires no further sign Than the slant sun-beam’s long-protracted line.376” 376 This quotation is from the Mathnaví. (E.G.B.) The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 188 The Bábís of Nayriz beyond what I sought, {for,} with all my learning and scholarship, I spent nine whole days in writing one single page of questions containing not more than twelve lines. Most wonderful, therefore, does it seem to me that over two thousand exalted verses and illustrations of such exceeding eloquence and beauty of style should be revealed and written down during five {or six} hours of the latter part of the night, which is the time for His Holiness’s repose.” When, therefore, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá had well considered that treatise, and the solutions therein offered of the hard questions which he had propounded, his doubts were completely removed; and, after a sojourn of some little while, during which the honor of an interview was accorded to him , he received permission to depart, and set out for Yazd. The late Hájí Mírzá Jání writes:377 Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, at the behest of His Exalted Holiness [i.e. the Báb], came from Yazd to Tihrán, and it was during this journey that I had the honor of meeting him.378 This was at a time when snow had covered the earth and the air was bitterly cold, and snow and rain threatened travelers with destruction and rendered movement almost impossible. Nevertheless I beheld in him such tranquility and contentment as knew no limit. I inquired of him what had been the means of his conversion and how he had come to believe, and he answered as follows: ‘ After the report of the Manifestation had been spread abroad, 377 The first two paragraphs of the section that follows are similar to the Nuqtatu’l- Káf, pages 120-122, quoted in Chapter 6. However, one will note a number of additional details in the present section. 378 As noted earlier, this meeting in Kashan must have occurred in the opening days of 1847 as Vahíd arrived in Tihrán on 17 January of that year; see, Appendix 3. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 189 men would ask of me, “What say you of Him [i.e. the Báb]?” to which I was forced to reply, “Not having seen Him, what can I say? Once I have beheld Him, and ascertained somewhat more about Him, then I shall be able to impart to you that which I have understood.” Later I set out for Shiraz to inquire into the matter and ascertain its truth. After staying in Shiraz for some time, I was granted the honor of attaining His presence. In the first interview with His Holiness, I spoke, after the manner of divines, in a somewhat arrogant fashion, asking numerous questions, and conducting myself haughtily, as men of learning are wont to do. His Holiness answered me, but, my eyes being still covered with a veil of egotism and self-centeredness, His words found no favor in my sight. Indeed, I began to be somewhat sorry that I had troubled myself to no purpose, and fruitlessly undertaken so long and tedious a journey. However, His Holiness smiled much upon me, and treated me very graciously. On returning to my lodging, I said confidentially to some of His disciples, who were profoundly versed in knowledge and entrusted with the divine treasures, “You are more learned and far wiser than this Youth; for what reason do you acknowledge the truth of His claim and admit the cogency of His proofs?” “If you will but be patient,” answered they, “for a little while, you too will confess and yield allegiance.” Deeply disappointed, I wished to return to my home, and was actually intending to commence the journey, when my companions prevented me, saying, “You too will be fully convinced and become a believer. “ I inquired on what grounds they based their belief. They replied, “Experience has taught us that anyone whom His Holiness The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 190 The Bábís of Nayriz receives graciously, and to whom He shows affection, is in the end invariably persuaded, even though he be filled with antagonism and aversion; while, on the other hand, anyone on whom His Holiness looks not favorably turns aside, even though at first he may incline to believe.” ‘To be brief, I delayed my departure [from Shiraz] during which time I observed certain events that increased my desire to discover the truth and, in fact, brought about a limited degree of assurance. However, one night His Holiness summoned me, [and, after receiving me,] very graciously, said, “What dost thou then desire of Me? I replied, “I am a man of learning, and learning is my daily bread. I have in mind several questions, and shouldst thou grant me a sufficient answer, I shall know that the Point of Divine Knowledge is in Thy hand.” “Write down your questions,” said He, “that I may answer them in writing.” Now I had in mind three questions. Two of these I wrote down and handed to His Holiness, Who at once took a pen, and, without reflection or hesitation, wrote, as fast as pen could travel, answers of surpassing merit. Then he took another sheet of paper and wrote, “The third question which you have in heart is this, and this is its answer.” When I had considered these full and sufficient answers, and the reply given to the question which I had in my heart and which I regarded as more weighty and important than the other two, but deemed unanswerable, and observing a number of other details , I became certain that in truth the expected Proof and the fashioner of the worlds seen and unseen, was none other than Him. Indeed, I submitted so entirely to the power of attraction and influence which He possesses that, oblivious of any danger and peril that might await me, at a mere hint on His part I was proud and glad to undertake a journey in this cold winter weather, my only hope being that He would, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 191 of His grace and favor, accept me as the servant of His servants, and that I might be permitted to shed even a drop of my blood in the furtherance of His cause.’ When, after the lapse of some time, I again had the honor of meeting Áqá Siyyid Yahyá in Yazd379, I observed in his august countenance signs of a glory and power which I had not noticed during my first interview with him in the capital [i.e. Tihrán], nor at other encounters, and I knew of a certainty that these signs portended the near approach of his departure from the world. In subsequent meetings I heard him say several times in the course of conversation, ‘This is my last journey, and hereafter you will see me no more;’ and often, explicitly or by implication, he gave utterance to the same thought. Sometimes when we were together, and the conversation took an appropriate turn, he would remark, ‘The near-ones to God are able to foretell coming events, and I swear by that beloved True One in the grasp of Whose power my soul lies that I know and could tell where and how I shall be slain, and who it is that shall slay me. And how glorious and blessed a thing it is that my blood should be shed for the uplifting of the Word of Truth!’ Sanctified be God! I know not what these personages thus perceived that they surrendered the realm of self to divine attraction. And what marvel has He wrought, that such illustrious men of learning, achievement and piety, can foretell their own deaths and be informed of the slayer and the killing place, and yet, with utmost joy and enthusiasm, hasten to the abode of sacrifice. It is as though they were detached from this world and all that is therein, and indeed had grown weary and disgusted with all earthly things.380 379 Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 115, indicates that this meeting took place in Tihrán. However, both manuscripts in my possession have the meeting in Yazd. 380 The above two paragraphs closely correlate with the Nuqtatu’l-Káf, pp. 223-230; see Chapter 6. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 192 The Bábís of Nayriz In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, after he had believed and made submission, took leave [of the Báb], and set out from Shiraz for Yazd. For a time at the beginning of his mission he expounded the Báb’s doctrines only in gatherings of such as were prepared and fit to hear them. But afterwards, according to the purport of the verse- “Prudence and love can ne’er walk hand in hand,” and the verse ‘Love and fair fame must wage eternal war; O lover, halt not at the loved one’s door!” he began openly to proclaim the truth, and converted a great multitude , beside leading many who had not reached the stage of conviction and the haven of assurance to profess devotion and sympathy. At length, through the exertions of certain meddlesome and mischievous people, the governor of Yazd was informed of what was taking place. He, fearing for himself, sent a body of men to arrest Siyyid Yahyá . A trifling collision occurred between the two parties and thereupon the governor prepared to effect his capture by force of arms, and prepared for battle. Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired with a number of his followers and friends into the citadel of Yazd, while the myrmidons of the governor surrounded it and commenced hostilities. At length the matter came to actual warfare, in the course of which some thirty or more of the governor’s men and the rogues and vagabonds of the city who had joined them were killed, while seven of Áqá Siyyid Yahyá’s followers were also slain, and the rest were besieged for some time, till some, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 193 unwilling to endure further disaster or withstand trial, dispersed. Siyyid Yahyá thereupon determined to set out for Shiraz, and said one night, “If one of you could manage to lead out my horse, so that I might diffuse this untoward situation, and convey myself to some other place, it were not amiss.” One Hasan by name, who bad been for some time in attendance on Siyyid Yahyá, and had displayed in his service the utmost faithfulness and devotion, having witnessed on the part of his august master many a display of miraculous and supernatural faculties, made answer, saying, “With your permission, I will lead out the horse.” “They will capture and slay you,” replied Siyyid Yahyá. “In the path of servitude to you,” rejoined Hasan, “that is easy to bear. I have no ambition beyond it. “ So Siyyid Yahyá allowed him to go, and, even as he had announced, they took the youth captive outside the citadel and brought him before the governor, who ordered him to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. When they would have bound him with his back towards the gun, he begged the gunners, “Bind me, I pray you, with my face towards the gun, that I may see it fired.” The gunners, and those who stood by looking on, were astonished at his composure and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must needs have great faith and fortitude. Siyyid Yahyá, however, succeeded in effecting his departure from the citadel with one other, and set out for Shiraz , whence he proceeded to Nayríz. After his withdrawal the governor soon overcame his followers. Several of them were taken captive and put to death, while from the rest, after they had suffered divers torments, fines of money were exacted. Now when Siyyid Yahyá was come to Nayríz, which was the abode of his family and many friends, , he caused many to believe, while others denied, and many remained The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 194 The Bábís of Nayriz hesitant and undecided. The governor of that district, , though he had formerly professed the most devoted attachment to him, no sooner perceived a struggle was imminent and that the government would pass out of his hands, than he sent word to Siyyid Yahyá saying, “I do not consider it expedient that you should continue any longer in this province. It is best that you should depart with all speed to some other place.” To this Siyyid Yahyá made reply, “I have returned hither, after a prolonged absence, to learn how matters fare, and to see my wife and family, neither do I wish to interfere with anyone. What makes you order me to quit my house, instead of affording me protection and observing towards me the friendship and respect which are my due? Do you not fear God, and have you no shame before His apostle?” So when the governor, , saw that Siyyid Yahyá heeded not his words and answered him sharply, he was filled with obstinate spite, and strove to raise a popular tumult, inciting such men of every class and kind as were most wicked and mischievous to make a disturbance and drive out Siyyid Yahyá, who, perceiving this, repaired to the mosque, and, after performing his devotions, ascended the pulpit formerly occupied by his illustrious grandfather, and spoke as follows: O good Muslims! Am I not he whose opinions and prescriptions ye were wont to follow in all religious questions? In your hour of need and trial, as well as in all matters of doctrine and practice, did ye not use to prefer my word to that of any other? Was not my belief, and the judgment which my studies had led me to form, the criterion of all your actions? What has come to you that you meet me now with opposition and enmity? What forbidden thing have I sanctioned, or what lawful thing have I forbidden, that you thus without reason charge me with The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 195 heresy and error? I stand here amongst you wronged and oppressed for no other cause than that I have, for your awakening and enlightenment, spoken true words and held faithful discourse, and that I have, out of sympathy for you and desire for your welfare, made known to you the path of guidance. This being so, let each who slights or supports me know of a certainty that, howsoever he acts in my regard, he acts so in regard to my illustrious Ancestor. When he had spoken words to this effect, some were sorry, and some wept bitterly, saying, “We still continue in our former allegiance and devotion to you, and all that you say we hold true and right.” Then Siyyid Yahyá came forth from the mosque, left the city, and alighted in a ruined castle hard by, those friends who bore him company being not more than seventeen in number. But even after he had left the city his malicious and mischievous persecutors ceased not from their evil designs, for they followed him with a great multitude, scouring the country in all directions until they discovered his retreat. Thereupon they laid siege to the castle and opened hostilities. Then Siyyid Yahyá commanded seven of his men to go out and drive them away, and gave them full instructions as to the ordering of battle, adding that whoever should occupy a certain position would be slain by a wound in the breast, and that such as went in a certain direction would return unhurt. One amongst those present, a young lad of Yazd, good of heart and comely of countenance, arose and said, “I pray you suffer me to be the pioneer of this much-wronged band and to precede my comrades in martyrdom.” And Siyyid Yahyá kissed him on the cheek, and breathed a prayer for him. Then the defenders of the castle sallied swiftly forth, and attacked that godless host of hypocrites, and ere long scattered them and put them to flight. But the Yazdí lad, even as his master had foretold, and he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom, escaped from the bonds of earth’s deceits, and gained the everlasting world and life eternal. The rest returned victorious, having learned the meaning of “verily we belong to God, and unto Him do we return.” At the very time when these events were in progress, Prince Firuz The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 196 The Bábís of Nayriz Mírzá, the Nusratu’d-Dawlih, came to assume the government of Shiraz, and was informed of what had taken place. He at once collected a considerable force, which he dispatched under the command of Muhammad-‘Alí Khán Díván-Begi, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán of Núr, and General Mustafá-Qulí Khán Qaraguzlú, to subdue and take captive the insurgents. When this force reached the castle, the number of Siyyid Yahyá’s followers had increased to at least seventy. Several encounters took place between the two forces, and on each occasion the Bábís routed and dispersed their opponents and obtained possession of abundant spoils. Meanwhile the devotion, faith, and love of Siyyid Yahyá’s companions were much increased by the many prodigies which he wrought, so that each was fully prepared to lay down his life. Siyyid Yahyá had repeatedly described to his companions the circumstances of his approaching end, and all had, for the good pleasure of the Beloved, washed their hands of life, and, quit of earthly ties, awaited martyrdom. Those who had come to take them, being unable, notwithstanding all their efforts, to prevail by force of arms, and despairing of the final issue, had recourse to treachery, and wrote to Siyyid Yahyá expressing perplexity as to his mission, making excuses for past deeds, declaring themselves eager to inquire into the matter, and begging for instruction. They further pledged, with oaths sworn on the Word of God [the Qur’án], that if he would be good enough to come out to them, they would obey whatever terms he might propose. So Siyyid Yahyá, out of respect for the Qur’án, prepared to go forth. But his followers surrounded him on every side, saying, “We are fearful and anxious about your exit, for this host is more faithless than the men of Kufa.381 No reliance can be placed on their oaths, neither ought you to believe their promises.” To this Siyyid Yahyá replied, “By God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery, and I know it as well as my saintly Ancestor382 knew the perfidy of the men of Kufa. But how can I resist their wiles, these being in accord with the divinely-appointed destiny? Because of what they have written and 381 The people of Kufa by their promises of support induced the Imam Husayn to take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need. (E.G.B.) 382 A reference to Imam Husayn from Whom Vahíd descended. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 197 pledged themselves on the Qur’án to perform, it is incumbent on me to go and complete the proof. You abide here till you receive my written instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his companions, saying, “Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do we return.” And his followers wept bitterly. So Siyyid Yahyá came to the warring camp, and there alighted. At first they treated him with all respect and deference, such respect as Má’mún ar-Rashid observed towards the holy Imam ‘Alí383, upon Him be a thousand blessings and salutations, while inwardly bent on His death. And they agreed to postpone all discussion of terms till the morrow, and spent that night conversing on various topics. But when morning was come, and Siyyid Yahyá would have gone forth from his tent, the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It is not permitted for you to go out.” So he remained a prisoner in the tent. No sooner had tidings of this reached Siyyid Yahyá’s faithful followers than, unable to restrain themselves, they emerged from their castle, hurled themselves upon the center of the army, and, in the space of one hour, threw the whole camp into confusion. The senior officers, seeing this, hastened into Siyyid Yahyá’s presence, saying, “Was it not agreed between us last night that there should be peace and concord?” “Aye,” said he, “but your scheming last night and your conduct this morning provoked this reprisal.” “It was done without our knowledge,” answered they, “and without our sanction. Some of our men, who have lost kinsmen and relatives in this warfare, offered you this insult ignorantly and without our knowledge. You, who are merciful and generous, must overlook their fault.” “What”, said he, “would you have me do?” “Write”, said they, “to these men of yours, bidding them evacuate the castle and return to their own homes, that the minds of our soldiers may be reassured; and we will then arrange matters as you may determine, and act agreeably on your suggestions.” Siyyid Yahyá had no resource but to write to his followers, “Come what may, you must submit to the divinely ordained decree; meanwhile there is no recourse but that you should gather up your own gear, leaving the spoils you have won exactly as they are, and return to your homes. 383 The eighth Imam. ‘Alí ar-Ridá (765-818). The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 198 The Bábís of Nayriz Let us wait and see what God wills, and what’s behind the veil of predestination.” So these poor companions, being constrained to obey his behest, departed to their homes. But no sooner did they arrive there than their foes attacked their houses, carried off their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them in chains, bound hand and foot, to the camp. There was with Siyyid Yahyá a certain believer of Yazd who had served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, suffering much for his sake, and attaining the exalted station of servitude by renouncing all earthly possessions. And when word was brought that the executioner was on his way from the city charged with the killing of that illustrious Siyyid [Yahyá], this man began to make great lamentation. But his master said, “It is you, not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay me will arrive tomorrow.” When the morrow came, about an hour after the time of the Morning Prayer, he said again, “He who is to slay me is now come.” Shortly after this, a party of farrashes arrived and led out Siyyid Yahyá and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner, just as Siyyid Yahyá had foretold, proffered to the youth the draught of martyrdom; but, when his glance fell on Siyyid Yahyá, he said, “I am ashamed before the face of God’s Apostle and will never lift my hand to slay His offspring,” neither would he, for all their importunity, consent to do their bidding. Then one who had lost two brothers in the earlier part of the war and therefore cherished a deep resentment, said, “I will kill him.” And he loosed the shawl wherewith Siyyid Yahyá was girt, cast it round his neck, and drew it tight. And others beat his holy body with sticks and stones, dragging it hither and thither over the plain, till his soul soared falcon-like to the branches of paradise . Then they severed his head from his body, skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and sent it, with other heads, along with the captives to Shiraz. And they sent an announcement of their victory and triumph to Prince [Firuz Mírzá], and fixed a day for their entry into Shiraz. And when on the appointed day they drew near, the city was decorated, and the people were busy enjoying themselves and making merry, most of them having come out from the town to meet the The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 199 victorious troops and gaze on the captives.384 The late Hájí Mírzá Jání writes:385 One Kuchak ‘Alí Beg, the head-man and chief of the Basirí386 tribe of Shiraz, related what follows: ‘After they had slain Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, they came to take camels from our people, intending to set the captives on their bare backs. I was distressed at this, but could not resist the governor’s order. I therefore rode away from my tribe at night and came to Shiraz that at least I might not be amongst my people and have to endure the insolence of the soldiers. When I was come within half a farsang of Shiraz, I lay down to sleep for a while to rid myself of weariness. When I again mounted, I saw that the people of Shiraz had come out in large numbers with minstrels and musicians, and were sitting about in groups at every corner and cross-road, feasting and making merry with wanton women. On every side I noted with wonder drunken brawls, wine bibbing, the savor of roasted meats, and the strains of guitars and lutes. Thus wondering I entered the city. ‘After a while, unable to endure the suspense, I determined to go out and see what was taking place. As I came forth from the city-gate, I heard an old man asking another, “What has happened today that the people have thus left their houses and gone out of the town as though to see some great sight, and why do they thus make merry?” The other, a youth, replied, “You must surely be a stranger 384 The portion detailing Vahíd’s activities in Yazd and Nayriz closely correlates with the section in the Nuqtatu’l-Káf; see Chapter 6. 385 This entire section is not in the published Nuqtatu’l-Káf. At least two possibilities exist: (1) Hamadání was using a text of Hájí Mírzá Jání’s narrative that differed from Browne’s edition of the Nuqtatu’l-Káf by at least this one section; or (2) he simply added this material and attributed it to Mírzá Jání, much like other writers who attribute their writings or poems to earlier recognized figures. 386 The Basirí is one the Khamsa (Arab) nomad tribes of Fárs and Laristán. See Lord Curson, Persia, vol. 2, p. 114. (E.G.B.) The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 200 The Bábís of Nayriz not to know about the heretic who renounced our faith and creed of Islam and rebelled against His Majesty the Shah, and how a great force of troops was sent against him. Well, they have taken and slain him, and made captive his family, companions {and followers} whom they will bring into the city today.” “By which gate,” asked the old man, “will they enter?” “By the Sa‘dí gate,” answered the other. {‘He was a wise old man,’ continued Kuchak ‘Alí Beg, ‘and had seen the world and read its history!387 As soon as I had heard what passed between him and the youth, it at once recalled to me the story of Sahl ibn Sa‘íd, how he questioned the man of Damascus, and how just such a dialogue ensued, the latter saying, “They will enter Damascus by the gate of Sa‘at.”388 I was much struck by the coincidence, and my wonder increased.} When I had gone further, I saw such feasting and rejoicing as I had never before witnessed. Most of the men were engaged in making merry and toying with their wanton women. After a little while I saw the camels approaching, whereon there 387 The narrator means, I suppose, to imply that the old man, struck by the resemblance between the episodes of Nayríz and Karbala, intentionally asked this question to bring out this resemblance more clearly. (E.G.B.) 388 In illustration of this narrative, I subjoin the translation of a passage occurring in a manuscript collection of ta‘ziyas belonging to the University Library of Cambridge (Add. 423, f. 63b): “It is related on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbás that Sahl-i Sa‘idí related as follows: ‘I had gone on business to Damascus. One day I arrived at a village in the neighborhood of Damascus. I found that orders had been issued for the village to be decorated, and that the people were flocking out as though to see some sight, with rejoicing and beatings of drams and kettledrums. I said to myself, ‘Surely these people must have some festival not common to other men.’ I asked one what was toward. He replied, ‘O Shaykh, art thou then an Arab of the desert?’ I answered, ‘I am Sahl-i Sa’idi, and one of the companions of our Holy Prophet.’ The man heaved a sigh and began to weep and make lamentation, saying, ‘It is wonderful that the heavens do not rain down blood at this calamity.’ Then said I, ‘Speak more clearly.’ Then quoth he, ‘The people of Damascus are rejoicing and making merry over the blessed head of Imam Husayn which they of Iraq have sent to Yazid.’ I said, ‘From which gate of the city will they bring forth that head?’ He answered, ‘From the Gate of Sa‘at.’...” (E.G.B.) The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 201 were set some forty or fifty women. Many of the soldiers bore on their spears the severed heads of the men they had slain. And till this time the towns-folk had been busy with their merrymaking, but no sooner did their eyes fall on the severed heads borne aloft on spears and the captives set on barebacked camels than they burst unrestrainedly into tears. ‘Thus they brought the captives into the bazaars, which had been decorated and adorned, and though it was no great distance from the bazaars to the citadel, yet such was the throng of spectators who purposely retarded the passage of the captives that it was after mid-day when they reached the governor’s palace. The Prince was holding a pleasure-party in the summer-house called Kuláh Farangí389 and the garden adjoining it, he sitting on a chair, and the nobles and magnates of the city standing. On one side was drawn a curtain, behind which the women of the Prince’s household were ensconced. And the captives all bound to one chain were led in this sad plight into the garden and brought before the Prince. Then Muhammad- ‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other officers recounted their exploits and their glorious victory, with various versions and many embellishments, to the Prince, who on his part kept inquiring the names, rank, and family of the captives, and throwing in an occasional, “Who is this?” and “Which is that?” And all the captives were women, with the exception of one child four or five years of age who was with them. And that {sickly} child was in truth a partaker of the sufferings of these unfortunate women. ‘Now when the conversation had been extended for a long while, suddenly a very tall woman who was amongst the captives cried out, “O son of Marjina390, hast thou no 389 Lit. “The European’s hat”, is the name of a summerhouse of the Fars’ governor, which E.G. Browne states he visited in the spring of 1888; see, A Year Amongst the Persians, p. 317. 390 Shimar ibn Jawshan, one of the murderers of Imam Husayn. See Sir Lewis Pelly, The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 202 The Bábís of Nayriz fear of God nor shame before my Ancestor391 that thou thus lookest on his offspring before all these strange men?”392‘ Here Kuchak ‘Alí Beg added an oath before continuing, ‘The woman’s words produced such an effect on the hearts of those who were present, moving them to tears, that had the sight-seers and townsfolk been there and witnessed what took place there would assuredly have been a disturbance and revolt. The Prince first ordered the woman killed, but afterwards, seeing the mood of the bystanders greatly changed, he grew apprehensive, and ordered the captives dismissed.” The night before, when the raid had been made on the houses of the {captives}393 [at Nayríz] {and they had been taken prisoner}, twelve people had succeeded in effecting their escape. These, however, were subsequently captured in the neighborhood of Isfahan and brought to Shiraz, {where they suffered martyrdom.} But in spite of all this, [as it would seem two years later,] they again waged protracted mountain warfare with the believers [of Nayríz], who, because of the cruelties and exactions to which they were subjected, were for a long while hiding in the mountains with their wives and children. Their persecutors, having captured and killed the men, seized, together with their children, at least thirty-five of the women, or according to another reckoning some forty of them, they placed the women and children in the midst of a cave, heaped up in the cave a vast quantity of firewood, poured kerosene, and set fire to it. One of those who took part in this deed related what follows: “Two or three days later, we ascended that Miracle Play of Hasan and Husayn, vol. 2, p. 258, and Tabari’s Annales, series ii, vol. i, p. 377, 1. 6. (E.G.B.) 391 The Prophet Muhammad, or his cousin and son-in-law ‘Alí b. Abi Talib, from whom the woman, as belonging to a family of Siyyids, claimed descent. (E.G.B.) 392 i.e. men beyond the circle of those whose nearness of kinship to a woman entitles them to look on her unveiled. (E.G.B.) 393 The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 203 mountain and removed the door from the cave. We saw that the fire had sunk down into the ashes; but all those women with their children were seated, each in some corner, clasping their little ones to their bosoms, and sitting round in a circle, just as they were [when we left them]. Some, as though in despair or in mourning, had suffered their heads to sink down to their knees in grief and all retained the postures they had assumed. I was filled with amazement, thinking that the fire had not burned them. Full of apprehension and awe I entered. Then I saw that all were burned and charred to a cinder, yet had they never made a movement, which would cause the crumbling away of the bodies. As soon as I touched them with my hand, however, they crumbled away to ashes. And all of us, when we had seen this, repented of what we had done. ” But at that time the Bábís were subject to so rigorous a persecution, and matters went so hard with them, that none dared so much as utter their name, or allude to them in any way, or inquire concerning them. The full narrative of these events, therefore, would greatly exceed what is here recorded, but that which is set forth is all that could be ascertained. And these details were for the most part related by persons who were not believers, though candid and truthful after their own fashion. {“Excellence is that whereunto foes testify.”} Even this brief summary, however, will suffice for the appraisal of unprejudiced persons. The truth of the matter is, indeed, sufficiently The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 204 The Bábís of Nayriz indicated by a tradition of Jabir, who, speaking of the promised Proof, says, “He shall manifest the perfection of Moses, the splendor of Jesus, and the patience of Job. His chosen ones shall be abased in His day. Their heads shall be offered as presents even as the heads of Turks and Daylamites. They shall be slain and burnt. Fear shall seize them; dismay and alarm shall strike terror into their hearts. The earth shall be dyed with their blood. Their womenfolk shall bewail and lament. These indeed are my friends!”394 Glory be to God, {His Prophets, and the sacred religion}! a thousand years before this Manifestation the signs and tokens whereby its saints might be distinguished were thus explicitly declared by the imams of our holy religion for the information of this misguided people and their deliverance from error. The fulfillment of this announcement is now clearly seen; yet still the majority of mankind, thus blinded by willful prejudice, refuse to recognize this, and pay no heed to the accomplishment of the prophecy handed down by tradition from the Imams of old, the blessings of God be upon Them all. Yet have they clearly seen and heard how the heads of these true believers were sent as presents from land to land, how they were slain and burned, how their wives and children and those of their households were led captive from city to city, and how, just as the Imams foretold, the earth was dyed with their blood. Still do many, accounting as sound reason their own erring and wilful judgments, stigmatize as misguided or deranged men such as these, who were in truth kings in the spiritual world, gracious proofs of the Point of Unity {exemplars of “I was a Hidden Treasure. I wished to be made known, and thus I called creation into being in order that I might be known,”395 to whom, moreover, such words as “These indeed are my friends” were addressed}. And the greatest marvel is that before those who believed in this sublime and holy faith had embraced the new doctrine all men readily admitted their virtue, learning, sincerity, integrity, wisdom, and piety, and granted them their being incontestably superior to their contemporaries in austerity of life, godliness, intelligence, and 394 Translation by Shoghi Effendi as it appears in the Kitab Iqan, p. 245. 395 Translation from the Kitáb-i Aqdas, n.23. The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani The Bábís of Nayriz 205 good works. Thus Siyyid Yahyá, for example, was admittedly one of the most eminent divines of Islam, being remarkable not only for his singular holiness of life, but for his rare insight and miraculous faculties. Whenever he entered any town within the lands of Islam he was met by all the divines, nobles, and great men of the district, and was brought into the city with every mark of deference and respect. It was considered an honor to serve him, and at whatever house he alighted the owner thereof would glory over his fellows. In short, all men regarded his society as a privilege, and converse with him as a legitimate cause for pride. But when he had, after most careful and diligent enquiry, recognized the Lord of the world, and, actuated only by a desire to please God, set himself to save from error those who still wandered in the wilderness , and to guide them {to the shores of certitude and fulfillment and} into the haven of peace then, because bat-like they hated the light of Truth and effulgence of understanding, they acted according to their evil nature and their ancient custom, and, in return for his charity and kindness towards them, stirred up strife and blood-shed, persecuted and afflicted him, stuffed his holy head with straw as though it had been the head of a Turkman, Baluch, or Deylami, and bore it from town to town. Then, just as the holy Imams had foretold, they grievously afflicted and slew his friends and followers, cruelly burned their bodies with fire, and sent their heads as a show and a gift from land to land, as though to say, “This is the meaning of ‘Love’s portion is affliction,’ and this the way of such as are permitted to draw near to the courts of God! {‘The guest whose place is highest in this banquet They ply most often with the wine of woe.”‘} Thus they acted as they had done of yore in the time of God’s Apostle, dealing with these sorely afflicted people as they dealt with the Prince of Martyrs [Imam Husayn], upon Him be a thousand blessings and salutations, and His followers on the plain of Karbala, and as they had dealt with the Holy Spirit of God [Jesus] and His disciples. But the cruelty, hardness of heart, and unbelief which they had displayed towards The Bábís of Nayriz: History and Documents, Witnesses to Bábí and Bahá’í History, vol. 2 © 2006 Ahang Rabbani 206 The Bábís of Nayriz Moses and the other Prophets of bygone time appeared in this Manifestation with redoubled intensity, revealing to all discerning persons the infidelity which permeated every recess of these men’s beings. For just as in every previous age they slandered the Prophets and saints, accounting it a work of merit to slay them, burn them, saw them asunder, and crucify them in blind obedience to their priests’ commands; just as they reviled, cursed, and rejected them, and convened assemblies to devise means for the shedding of their blood; just as they set in order proofs for the justification of their own assertions and actions, and arguments for the falsity of the claims advanced by those who announced themselves to be God’s messengers; just as they accounted their miracles naught but magic or slight-of-hand, and their revelations mere tales and “fables of the ancients396,” so in this Manifestation did they say and do more than ever they had said or done, in days gone by.