# Baha'i History

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Moojan Momen, Baha'i History, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> Bahá'í History
> 
> Moojan Momen
> Peter Smith
> 
> 1993
> 
> Contents
> 
> I. Major Events in Bábí and Bahá'í History
> 
> 1. The Early Bábí Movement (1844-53)
> 
> 2. The Bábí Collapse and Revival (1853-66)
> 
> 3. The Emergence of the Bahá'í Faith (1866-92)
> 
> 4. The Ministry of `Abdu'l-Bahá (1892-1921)
> 
> 5. The Ministry of Shoghi Effendi (1922-57)
> 
> 6. The Universal House of Justice (1963-)
> 
> II. Themes in Bábí and Bahá'í History
> 
> 1. Leadership and internal opposition
> 
> 2. Legalism
> 
> 3. Gnosticism and Mysticism
> 
> 4. Sacrifice
> 
> 5. Millennarianism
> 
> 6. Social Reform
> 
> 7. Liberalism and Authoritarianism
> 
> 8. Universalism
> 
> Although much of the existing knowledge is provisional in nature and much research remains to
> be done, the main outlines of Bábí and Bahá'í history are generally clear. There is, however, no
> such thing as a single correct view of Bábí-Bahá'í history. The academic study of the Bahá'í Faith
> is in its infancy and some aspects of the historical account are still controversial. The following
> short article necessarily neglects aspects of this uncertainty and controversy.
> 
> I. MAJOR EVENTS IN BÁBÍ AND BAHA'I HISTORY
> 
> Although the Bábí movement is separate from the Bahá'í Faith and should be treated so, Bahá'ís
> regard the Bábí movement as inextricably bound up with the origins of their own Faith and thus
> consider the start of the Bábí movement in 1844 as the start of their own religion. This is not just
> a theological viewpoint grounded in the Bahá'í belief that the Báb, while an independent
> Manifestation of God (q.v.), was nevertheless the precursor and announcer of the coming of
> Bahá'u'lláh, it is also a historical fact that the vast majority of Bábís became Bahá'ís and thus the
> Bábí movement merged into the Bahá'í Faith. Thus, whilst the Bábí religion should be seen as an
> independent movement with its own distinctive ethos and values, its significance here is as a
> background to the Bahá'í religion which emerged from it.
> 
> 1. The Early Bábí Movement (1844-53)
> 
> The Bábí movement began in mid-nineteenth century Iran.
> 
> a. Shaykhism The Bábí movement had its origins in the Shaykhí movement, a heterodox school
> within the Twelver branch of Shí`í Islam (q.v.). Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsá'í (q.v.) had developed a
> series of philosophical and mystical views. These had led to his being condemned by other Shí`í
> `ulamá. Prior to his death in 1826, Shaykh Ahmad had appointed one of his pupils, Sayyid Kázim
> Rashtí (q.v.), as the leader of this group. Under the latter, the Shaykhí movement was subjected to
> even more criticism by other Shí`í `ulamá and gradually drew away from the main fold of Twelver
> Shí`ism.
> 
> From the viewpoint of Bábís and Bahá'ís, the most important aspect of Shaykhism was the
> teaching that many of the concepts within Shí`í Islam that were understood as literally true should
> in fact be understood metaphorically as spiritual truths. This applied in particular to Shí`í
> eschatology, the expected reemergence of the promised Hidden Imám. The Shaykhís taught that
> instead of a literal reemergence of a man who had gone into hiding one thousand years ago, the
> return of the Imam might be understood spiritually and metaphorically. Furthermore, in their
> lectures, the Shaykhí leaders are reported to have considered the return of the Imam to be
> imminent. There was also an emphasis on a living charismatic authority, a concept that was to
> prove of great importance in the transition to Babism.
> 
> b. The Early History of the Bábí Movement (1844-48) When Sayyid Kázim died in Karbalá, Iraq,
> in January 1844, he did not appoint a further leader to the Shaykhí movement. According to
> reports in Bahá'í histories, he ordered his disciples to disperse and seek out the one whom they
> were to follow. As a result of this, a group of young Shaykhí students came to Shiraz in 1844.
> Here they accepted the claims of Sayyid `Alí Muhammad, who took the title of the Báb (q.v.).
> The Báb called his earliest disciples the "Letters of the Living" (q.v.) and ordered them to disperse
> throughout Iran and Iraq and spread his teachings. This initial expansion followed the existing
> network of Shaykhí communities, but later came to include non-Shaykhís as well (see Smith and Momen, "Bábí Movement").
> 
> The exact nature of the early claims of the Báb was somewhat ambiguous, probably intentionally
> so. Some considered that he was just a representative of the Hidden Imam, but those of the
> `ulamá who had a chance to examine his writings could see that his claim was much more
> extensive in that he was claiming the same prerogatives as the prophet Muhammad. This led many
> of the `ulamá to oppose the new teachings. Thus as the movement spread throughout much of
> Iran and Iraq, there were confrontations between the `ulamá and the Bábís, some of which led to
> violence and persecution.
> 
> The Báb himself performed the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1844. It appears that it was his intention to
> proceed from Mecca to Karbalá where he had instructed his followers to gather. But the Letter of
> the Living who had gone to this region, Mullá `Alí Bastamí (q.v.), had been seized and put on trial
> in Baghdad in January 1845. Hearing of the reception accorded to his emissary, the Báb decided
> to return to Shiraz. He was, however, forced to leave that city after a year as a result of increasing
> opposition. He transferred to Isfahan, where he was protected for a time by the powerful
> governor of that city, Manúchihr Khán (q.v.). After the latter's death on 21 February 1847,
> however, the Báb was taken on the orders of the government to the fortress of Mákú in the far
> northwest of Iran. From this time on, the Báb was to remain a prisoner, being transferred to the
> fortress of Chihríq in April 1848.
> 
> c. The Bábí Upheavals 1848-53 The year 1848 marks an important turning point in the history of
> the Bábí movement. Four events during this year served to produce a marked change in the
> fortunes of the new religion. The first was the promulgation by the Báb of the Persian Bayán, the
> book of his laws; the second was the Báb's open declaration at his trial in Tabriz (July 1848) that
> he was the Hidden Imám, the promised Mahdí that the Shí`ís were awaiting; the third was the
> conference of Badasht (q.v.), in the summer of this year, at which a group of prominent Bábís
> gathered and proclaimed the independent nature of the Bábí religion. These successive events
> removed the veil of ambiguity from the claims of the Báb, making it clear that he claimed a station
> equal to the Prophet Muhammad and was thus abrogating the Islamic dispensation. This
> challenging proclamation led many of the `ulama to increase their denunciations and they called on
> the government to take action against the Bábís.
> 
> A fourth critical event occurred towards the end of 1848. It was during the disturbances that
> occurred after the death of Muhammad Sháh in September 1848 that some Bábís who were
> coming from Mashhad under the leadership of Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í (q.v.) were attacked in
> Mázandarán. Having killed some of their attackers, they took shelter in the shrine of
> ShaykhTabarsí (q.v.). For the first time, the government was asked to lend its support against the
> Bábís, and troops and cannon were sent to assist the local forces in an all-out attack on them. The
> resultant armed struggle at Shaykh Tabarsí (q.v.) was to last seven months. The Bábís, who were
> joined by Quddús (q.v.), a leading Letter of the Living, may have numbered some 600. Those who
> were not killed in the fighting eventually surrendered on the offer of an amnesty, upon which most
> of them were captured and later executed.
> 
> The Shaykh Tabarsí upheaval was followed by further armed conflict at Nayríz (q.v.) in the south
> (May-June 1850), at which the Bábís, numbering about a thousand and led by Vahíd (q.v.), were
> again tricked into surrendering and were then massacred. At the much more prolonged upheaval
> at Zanján (q.v.), on the road between Tehran and Tabriz (May 1850-January 1851), gradual
> attrition was responsible for the eventual defeat of some two thousand Bábís led by Hujjat (q.v.).
> 
> These violent incidents have created an impression of general Bábí militancy which may or may
> not be justified. Certainly, there were Bábís who adopted a militant attitude towards their
> opponents, but there were many others who did not. Whatever the case, after 1848, all Bábís
> were subject to a series of severe attacks. These included the public execution of some of the
> religion's prominent members in Tehran in February 1850 and the execution of the Báb in Tabriz
> in July 1850.
> 
> Following the execution of the Báb, the Bábís were leaderless and in disarray. A number of
> persons came forward to claim leadership. The Báb had written of "He Whom God shall make
> manifest" (q.v.), a messianic figure that would come after him. But none of the claimants were
> able to unite the Bábís under his leadership. Matters became much worse after a small group of
> Tehran Bábís made an attempt on the life of the Shah in 1852. The attempt was unsuccessful and
> the result was an intense persecution that claimed the lives of most of the remaining leading Bábís,
> including Táhirih (q.v.), the foremost female disciple of the Báb and one of the Letters of the
> Living. There was also a second upheaval at Nayríz (October-December 1853).
> 
> 2. The Bábí Collapse and Revival (1853-66)
> 
> The Bábí movement was crushed; its leading figures were mostly dead; the remnant of its
> followers were either driven underground or into exile. It appeared that nothing would remain of
> the movement. Crucial to the survival of the movement was the small band of Bábí refugees that
> now gathered in Baghdad (q.v.), which lay in the territory of the Ottoman Empire. Among these
> was Mírzá Husayn`Alí Núrí Bahá'u'lláh (q.v.). Another was Mírzá Yahyá Subh-i-Azal (q.v.),
> Bahá'u'lláh's half-brother, who claimed the leadership of the Bábí community on account of a
> letter of authority that had been sent to him by the Báb. But Azal proved ineffective as a leader
> and it was Bahá'u'lláh, over the course of a decade, who assumed the effective leadership and
> sought to raise the morale of and reorganize the Bábí community both in Baghdad and throughout
> Iran.
> 
> During the period of his exile in Baghdad, Bahá'u'lláh initiated a number of new directions for the
> Bábí movement. First, he began to write books in a plain style that was easily understood by
> ordinary Iranians. His works such as the Book of Certitude (q.v.) were able to make a direct
> appeal to literate Iranians (rather than the indirect appeal mediated through members of the
> `ulamá as had been the case with the Báb's writings). These were enthusiastically received by
> many Bábís and other Iranians. Second, he entered into dialogue with Iraqi Sunnís, including
> some of the `ulamá. Third, while the Shaykhís and early Bábís had been somewhat antagonistic to
> the more mystically-inclined Sufis, Bahá'u'lláh spent some time at a Sufi center in Sulaymániyyih
> (q.v.) and later through books such as the Seven Valleys (q.v.) and the Four Valleys (q.v.)
> expressed Bábí religious themes in Sufi terms.
> 
> The resurgence of the Bábí movement led to renewed fears on the part of the Iranian government.
> They asked the Ottoman government to take steps against Bahá'u'lláh. The result of this was an
> edict from the Ottoman authorities that Bahá'u'lláh should be brought to the capital, Istanbul. Just
> as he was leaving Baghdad, Bahá'u'lláh spent twelve days (22 April- 3 May 1863) at a place that
> Bahá'ís call the Garden of Ridván (q.v.), just outside Baghdad. Bahá'ís believe that during these
> twelve days, Bahá'u'lláh made a declaration of his station as a new Manifestation of God (q.v.) in
> succession to the Báb. The exact details of this declaration are not known and it was not at first
> widely circulated. Thus when Bahá'u'lláh arrived in Istanbul (q.v.) and four months later was sent
> on to Edirne (q.v., Adrianople) in European Turkey, he was still regarded as a leader of the Bábís
> both by the Bábís themselves and by the government.
> 
> 3. The Emergence of the Bahá'í Faith (1866-92)
> 
> It was while he was in Edirne that Bahá'u'lláh openly announced his claim to be "He Whom God
> shall make manifest," the messianic figure promised by the Báb. Bahá'u'lláh's claim was opposed
> by Azal. Bahá'u'lláh's claim to be "He Whom God shall make manifest" superseded Azal's position
> and the latter refused to accept this. As the split between the two became known in Edirne, it was
> to Bahá'u'lláh that the overwhelming majority of the Bábís turned. Bahá'u'lláh also sent emissaries
> to Iran with the same result. Most of the Bábí remnant became Bahá'ís, with only a small number
> coming to form a separate Azalí community.
> 
> Azal's opposition caused grave problems for Bahá'u'lláh. Eventually it was in part to lead to the
> further exile of Bahá'u'lláh to Akka (q.v.) in Syria. This occurred in 1868 at the instigation of the
> Ottoman authorities. At first Bahá'u'lláh was kept in strict confinement in the barracks, and later
> confined to a house in the city. Eventually Bahá'u'lláh was allowed to leave the city and take up
> residence outside the city walls. Major developments during this period include the instructions or
> encouragement given by Bahá'u'lláh for a number of his followers to take up residence in other
> countries, such as Egypt, Caucasia, Turkmenistan, and India, thus spreading the new religion; the
> resurgence of persecutions in Iran as the vigor of the new movement began to make itself felt; the
> initiation by Bahá'u'lláh of a series of letters to many of the leading rulers of the world,
> announcing his message to them; and the production by Bahá'u'lláh of a number of books in which
> he laid out the laws of his religion as well as the social principles which would act as the basis for
> the world peace which he advocated.
> 
> This period also saw a significant breakthrough in the appeal of the religion with the conversion of
> Jews and Zoroastrians in Iran (and also later Levantine Christians). This contrasted with the Bábí
> movement which was essentially confined to Shí`í Islam. Bahá'u'lláh had laid the groundwork for
> this breakthrough as early as the Baghdad period when he addressed a number of Biblical themes
> in his Book of Certitude and Jawáhiru'l-Asrár (q.v.). But it was, in particular, the work of Mírzá
> Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání (q.v.), relating the Bahá'í Faith to Jewish and Biblical prophecies and
> themes, that took this process further.
> 
> 4. The Ministry of `Abdu'l-Bahá (1892-1921)
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá was the successor of Bahá'u'lláh as leader of the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> a. Early Years of `Abdu'l-Bahá's ministry (1892-1911) In two important writings of Bahá'u'lláh,
> the Kitáb-i-Aqdas (q.v.) and the Book of the Covenant (q.v.), `Abdu'l-Bahá was designated by
> Bahá'u'lláh as the sole authorized interpreter of the writings of Bahá'u'lláh as well as the center of
> authority to whom all the Bahá'ís must turn after Bahá'u'lláh's death.
> 
> The most pressing problem for `Abdu'l-Bahá during the years immediately following the passing
> of Bahá'u'lláh in 1892 was the sustained opposition of his half-brother, Mírzá Muhammad `Alí
> (q.v.). The latter accused `Abdu'l-Bahá of claiming for himself a station equal to Bahá'u'lláh and
> was able to draw over to his side the majority of those Bahá'ís living in the Haifa-Akka area as
> well as Jamál Burújirdí, a leading Iranian Bahá'í, and Ibrahim Kheiralla (q.v.), the man who had
> taken the Bahá'í Faith to America. But the majority of the world Bahá'í community remained
> faithful to `Abdu'l-Bahá. Mírzá Muhammad-`Alí's activities culminated in a period of renewal of
> the strict incarceration of `Abdu'l-Bahá within the walls of Akka from 1901 to 1909. After this,
> Mírzá Muhammad-`Alí's influence waned.
> 
> Undoubtedly the most significant development for the future of the religion was the spread of the
> Bahá'í Faith to North America. The Bahá'í Faith was established in North America through the
> efforts of Ibrahim Kheiralla and then spread from there to Europe and Australia. Soon there was a
> flow of American and European pilgrims coming to Akka.
> 
> This Western expansion, though limited in scale, for the first time made the Bahá'í Faith genuinely
> international. It was no longer confined to a Muslim milieu (see "Expansion and Distribution").
> New formulations of the Bahá'í teachings in Western and Christian terms were developed,
> `Abdu'l-Bahá himself played a major role in this reformulation, as in Some Answered Questions
> (q.v.) in which he dealt with religious and philosophical themes and in his talks delivered during
> his Western tours (Paris Talks, Promulgation of Universal Peace), in which he dealt with social
> questions.
> 
> b. `Abdu'l-Bahá's journeys to the West and after (1911-21) Following his release from
> confinement in 1909, `Abdu'l-Bahá moved to Egypt. In 1911, he made a journey to France and
> Britain, followed the next year by a much more extensive sojourn in North America and several
> countries in Europe. These journeys did a great deal to establish the Bahá'í Faith in the West. Not
> only did it allow the Bahá'ís in those countries direct and personal contact with the charismatic
> figure of `Abdu'l-Bahá, but it introduced the religion to a wide range of people who would not
> otherwise have heard of it. `Abdu'l-Bahá's numerous public addresses to universities, churches,
> synagogues, mosques, and philanthropic societies had the effect of gaining for the religion a large
> number of new admirers and adherents. `Abdu'l-Bahá's talks were to form the basis of the
> standard presentation of the Bahá'í teachings, especially the social teachings, for many decades
> after.
> 
> Other events of importance during `Abdu'l-Bahá's ministry were: the transfer of the remains of the
> Báb from Iran to Akka and their entombment in a shrine built by `Abdu'l-Bahá on Mount Carmel;
> the writing by `Abdu'l-Bahá of the Tablets of the Divine Plan, which were to become the
> master-plan for the spread of the Bahá'í Faith; the first steps in the building up of the modern
> administrative institutions of the Bahá'í Faith in both the East and West (see "Administration,
> Bahá'í"); the measures taken by the Bahá'í community of Ashkhabad in Russian Turkestan to
> develop many aspects of Bahá'í community life, culminating in the erection of a
> Mashriqu'l-Adhkár (q.v.); the activities of Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpáygání (q.v.) in teaching the
> Bahá'í Faith at the University of al-Azhar, the foremost place of learning in the Islamic world; and
> the extensive international travels of a small number of Bahá'ís, which helped to create the feeling
> of a worldwide religion.
> 
> 5. The Ministry of Shoghi Effendi (1922-57)
> 
> Shoghi Effendi was the successor of `Abdu'l-Bahá as leader of the Bahá'í Faith.
> 
> a. The Development of the Bahá'í Administrative Order (1922-c.1937) The appointment of
> Shoghi Effendi as "Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith" was something of a surprise to the Bahá'í world.
> It became known only after `Abdu'l-Bahá's death on 28 November 1921 and the reading of his
> Will and Testament (q.v.) in January 1922.
> 
> Shoghi Effendi decided that his first priority would be to build up the Bahá'í administrative order.
> He concentrated for the first two decades of his ministry on this task: establishing the local
> assemblies; giving advice about their functioning; setting out the procedures for Bahá'í elections
> and consultation; creating the national assemblies and national conventions; ensuring their correct
> functioning; advising on the committee structures for these assemblies; and sorting out the proper
> relationships between these various bodies.
> 
> In addition, Shoghi Effendi initiated a major program for the development of the Bahá'í World
> Center (q.v.). He acquired buildings connected with Bahá'í history and planned the extension and
> beautification of the gardens around the buildings. Shoghi Effendi also made a major contribution
> to the development of Bahá'í literature in English, vastly increasing the range and quality of this by
> his books and translations.
> 
> During this period, the Bahá'í Faith experienced a number of reverses: the highly-developed Bahá'í
> community of Ashkhabad, following sustained persecution by the Soviet authorities in the 1920s
> and 1930s, was dispersed; the German Bahá'í community, which was the largest in Europe, was
> persecuted and its institutions disbanded by the Nazi authorities; there were further persecutions
> instituted by the Pahlavi government in Iran denying the Bahá'ís many basic human rights; the
> House of Bahá'u'lláh (q.v.) in Baghdad was seized by Shí`í Muslims and could not be regained
> despite the support of the League of Nations; and the courts in Egypt delivered a series of
> judgments against the Bahá'ís.
> 
> b. The Systematic Spread of the Bahá'í Faith (c.1937-63). Having substantially achieved his initial
> goal of setting up the Bahá'í administration, Shoghi Effendi then set this administration to work
> on a succession of plans for the expansion and consolidation of the Bahá'í Faith. Since it was the
> American Bahá'í community that had pioneered much of Shoghi Effendi's development of the
> Bahá'í administration, it was also this national community that received the first of the assigned
> national plans (see "Plans, Planning"): the first Seven Year Plan (1937-44), in which they were
> directed to establish the Bahá'í Faith in Latin America. By the late 1940s, almost every national
> Bahá'í community was engaged on a plan of expansion.
> 
> Then in 1953, Shoghi Effendi launched the first global plan, the Ten Year Crusade (q.v.). The
> twelve national spiritual assemblies then in existence were each given responsibilities in this plan
> that aimed to disperse the Bahá'í Faith over the whole world.
> 
> c. The Interregnum of the Hands of the Cause (1957-63) Shoghi Effendi passed away on 4
> November 1957, having appointed no-one to succeed him in the leadership of the Bahá'í Faith.
> The only group who appeared to have any basis of authority for leading the Bahá'í Faith were the
> Hands of the Cause (q.v.), who had been appointed by Shoghi Effendi as "the Chief Stewards of
> Bahá'u'lláh's embryonic World Commonwealth" (MBW 127). Thus this group of individuals took
> over the responsibility for taking the Ten Year Crusade initiated by Shoghi Effendi to its
> conclusion in 1963.
> 
> The Hands of the Cause held a series of Conclaves. At the second of these, in 1958, they decided
> to bring into being, at the end of the Ten Year Crusade, the Universal House of Justice, an
> institution ordained by Bahá'u'lláh and stated by `Abdu'l-Bahá to be under divine guidance. In this
> the Hands of the Cause were opposed by one of their number, Charles Mason Remey (q.v., see 8
> below).
> 
> 6. The Universal House of Justice (1963-)
> 
> With the election of the Universal House of Justice in 1963, the Bahá'í Faith moved into a new
> phase of its development in that the leadership of the religion changed from appointed individuals
> to an elected council. This transition is regarded as signaling the beginning of a new epoch in
> Bahá'í history (see "Ages and Cycles").
> 
> The Universal House of Justice decided to continue the pattern set by Shoghi Effendi in that the
> further progress and development of the religion was to occur within the framework of a series of
> international plans. This has led to an unprecedented growth of the religion, great internal changes
> and developments, the increasing involvement of the Bahá'í community in society, and a gradual
> emergence from obscurity in the public realm.
> 
> Unprecedented growth led to a decisive shift in the composition of the Bahá'í community
> internationally. Despite widespread geographical expansion, the Faith had hitherto remained
> predominantly Iranian in membership, with a small but significant minority of Westerners. From
> the 1960s onwards, the majority of Bahá'ís increasingly came to be drawn from the rural masses
> of the "Third World" (see "Distribution and Expansion"). Referred to by one authoritative source
> as the second most widespread religion in the world after Roman Catholicism (see Barrett 6), the
> Bahá'í Faith has come to assume some of the characteristics of a world religion: a remarkable
> transition from its origins 150 years ago as a "heterodox and seemingly negligible offshoot" (GPB
> xii) of an obscure grouping within Shí`í Islam.
> 
> TABLE: SPREAD OF THE BAHÁ'Í FAITH
> 
> Countries/
> Territories
> NSAs
> LSAs
> LOCALITIES
> ESTIMATED
> NUMBERS
> (in 1000s)
> 
> 1892:
> 15
> 
> 1921:
> 35
> 
> 1930:
> 40
> 9
> 104
> 744
> 
> 1940:
> 61
> 7
> 145
> 1,783
> 
> 1950:
> 100
> 9
> 609
> 2,313
> 
> 1954:
> 228
> 12
> 711
> 2,950
> 
> 1963:
> 259
> 56
> 3,379
> 11,092
> 200
> 
> 1968:
> 
> 81
> 5,902
> 30,863
> 1,000
> 
> 1973:
> 
> 113
> 17,037
> 69,541
> 2,250
> 
> 1978:
> 
> 125
> 18,392
> 82,986
> 2,500
> 
> 1983:
> 
> 135
> 25,014
> 112,776
> 3,500
> 
> 1987:
> 
> 148
> 19,273
> 116,707
> 4,500
> 
> NOTES: Sources: Most of this information is extracted from volumes of the Bahá'í World; The
> Seven Year Plan 49; and P. Smith and M. Momen, "The Bahá'í Faith 1957-1988: a survey of
> contemporary developments." Countries and territories: This statistic was quoted in Bahá'í
> publications up to 1973. But the basis for this statistic was very inclusive, including large islands,
> major territories and other entities which were not independent countries. Recent statistics refer to
> Bahá'ís residing on 166 independent countries and 48 dependent territories or overseas
> departments (Seven Year Plan, p. 41). LSAs and Localities: Up to 1944, the figures quoted for
> Iran gave only district assemblies and not LSAs. Statistics from the Congo were incomplete in
> 1963 and from Vietnam and Laos in 1978. The Indian NSA reorganized the basis of its local
> administrative districts in 1987, resulting in the loss of approximately 11,000 LSAs and 6,000
> localities.
> 
> II. THEMES IN BÁBÍ AND BAHÁ'Í HISTORY
> 
> One way of analyzing the history of the Bahá'í Faith is to look at a number of themes or motifs
> that run through it.
> 
> 1. Leadership and internal opposition
> 
> For much of its history to date, the Bábí and Bahá'í Faith has been under strong personal
> charismatic leadership. Much of the strength and cohesion of the movement has been the direct
> result of the personal loyalty of the individual Bábís and Bahá'ís to these successive leaders. This
> intense devotion and loyalty to the leader was the natural result of both their personalities and
> abilities and the fact that they were considered to be Manifestations of the Divinity, in the case of
> the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh, or had been clearly appointed to be under direct, infallible divine
> guidance, in the case of `Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi. This is an important point to note as it
> explains the overwhelming dominance of these central figures during their respective periods of
> leadership. It was not so much that these successive leaders imposed an authoritarian control over
> the religion as the fact that their charismatic authority at the center of the religion inhibited the
> development of other centers of authority and influence.
> 
> The charismatic authority of the leaders of the religion was maintained in a number of ways. The
> most important was probably personal contact. Undoubtedly, meeting with the Báb, Bahá'u'lláh,
> `Abdu'l-Bahá, and, to a lesser extent, Shoghi Effendi, was a major psychological and spiritual
> event in the lives of many of the followers of the religion, reinforcing and increasing the level of
> their commitment and faith. The fact that both the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh "revealed" their works at
> great speed and often in an Arabic style resembling the Qur'án was considered a major proof of
> their mission. This is because the Qur'án is itself considered an inimitable miracle by Muslims.
> (The literary quality of the works of `Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi was also of a high order.)
> 
> The charisma attaching to Bahá'u'lláh was, in large measure, passed on to `Abdu'l-Bahá. This was
> partly because of the great stature that `Abdu'l-Bahá had gained during his father's lifetime, being
> entrusted with much of the day-to-day affairs and correspondence. Another major factor was the
> doctrine of the Covenant (q.v.), meaning a covenant made between each leader and the Bahá'ís
> regarding the next source of leadership. Great stress was laid upon the doctrine of the Covenant
> in both the East and the West. The result was that it has been possible for a wide variety of
> opinions and beliefs to co-exist within the Bahá'í community as long as the ultimate loyalty of the
> individual Bahá'ís lay with the Center of the Covenant, `Abdu'l-Bahá and his successors.
> 
> Shoghi Effendi made a determined effort to downplay the role of personal charisma in the
> leadership of the Bahá'í Faith and to replace this with a charisma of office. In his dealing with
> individual Bahá'ís as well as with Bahá'í institutions, he always directed their attention away from
> himself as a person and towards the Bahá'í Administration (q.v.) and the institution of the
> Guardianship (q.v.). He discouraged photographs of himself from being circulated and forbade the
> celebration of any anniversaries connected with himself personally.
> 
> The Universal House of Justice continued this process of "institutionalizing" charisma. By dint of
> being stated in the Bahá'í scriptures to be divinely-guided, it continues to hold a high degree of
> charismatic authority but only at an institutional level; the individual members of the institution
> have little personal charisma and often act in ways to discourage the development of such.
> 
> a. Imprisonment, exile, and problems of communication Almost from the very beginning of the
> religion, its leaders have been either imprisoned or in exile or both. The Iranian Bahá'í community
> was also subjected to sporadic persecution and harassment making the receipt or dispatch of
> Bahá'í communications difficult. This has presented the religion with major problems in terms of
> communications between the leadership and the followers. Clearly for leadership to be effective,
> there must be a free flow of communication between the leader and the followers.
> 
> This problem was solved in essentially the same manner for the whole of what Shoghi Effendi has
> termed the Heroic Age of the Faith (the period from the Báb's declaration in 1844 to the passing
> of `Abdu'l-Bahá in 1921, see "Ages and Cycles"). Communications were maintained in two main
> ways. First, there was a constant flow of pilgrims making their way to where the leader was
> (Mákú and Chihríq in the time of the Báb; Baghdad, Edirne, and Akka in the time of Bahá'u'lláh;
> and Haifa, Akka and Egypt in the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá). On their way there they would take with
> them letters and messages from the believers in their area; on their return they would take back
> letters from the leader as well as their own personal experiences and reminiscences with which to
> inspire the believers at home as well as on the way home.
> 
> The second way in which communications were maintained was through the flow of letters carried
> by full-time couriers (Mírzá `Alí Sayyáh in the time of the Báb; Shaykh Salmán and Hájí Amín in
> the time of Bahá'u'lláh). These would travel through Iran collecting letters and gifts from the
> believers and then make their way to the leader. On their way back they would proceed to an
> intermediate staging post where a Bahá'í scribe was resident (Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní in
> Qumm or Qazvín in the time of the Báb; Zaynu'l-Muqarrabín in Mosul in the time of Bahá'u'lláh).
> He would make numerous copies of the leader's letters thus increasing the effectiveness of the
> communications with the believers.
> 
> Although the Western Bahá'ís used the postal services from the start, the Eastern Bahá'ís tended
> not to do so until after the First World War. The flow of pilgrims was just as important to the
> Western Bahá'ís as to the Eastern ones, as witnessed by the large number of accounts of
> pilgrimages published in the West during `Abdu'l-Bahá's ministry.
> 
> b. Internal Opposition Because of the importance to the Bahá'í Faith of central authority, the
> Bahá'í leadership has always treated internal dissension and opposition to the center of the religion
> as a serious matter. Indeed this has become enshrined in Bahá'í theory in the doctrine of the
> Covenant. Those Bahá'ís who have opposed the leadership are therefore called Covenant-breakers
> (q.v.).
> 
> The first episode of internal opposition to the central authority arose during the time of the Báb.
> A group of three Bábís, led by Mullá Javád Baraghání, traveled to Shiraz in 1845 but became
> jealous of the high position accorded to Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and started to cause dissension.
> Eventually they traveled to Kirmán where they joined up with the Báb's opponent, the Shaykhí
> leader, Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán (q.v.). The Báb refers to these three in much the same
> terms as the later Covenant-breakers are referred to in the Bahá'í writings (DB 159-62).
> 
> The sustained opposition of Azal to the leadership of Bahá'u'lláh, and of Mírzá Muhammad `Alí to
> `Abdu'l-Bahá, have been referred to above.
> 
> Shoghi Effendi faced opposition from a number of sources: Mírzá Muhammad `Alí's supporters
> caused a few problems immediately after the passing of `Abdu'l-Bahá; there was opposition to the
> erection of the Bahá'í administration in North America; and acts of disobedience caused the
> eventual expulsion of almost all of Shoghi Effendi's own family. This last was to have important
> consequences in that there remained no-one whom Shoghi Effendi could appoint to succeed him
> as Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith in accordance with the Will and Testament (q.v.) of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
> 
> After the passing of Shoghi Effendi, there was undoubtedly a leadership crisis in the Bahá'í Faith.
> With no appointed leader, the Hands of the Cause took over the role of guiding the affairs of the
> Bahá'í Faith at the world level. They were soon challenged in this by one of their number, Charles
> Mason Remey (q.v.). Remey claimed that since Shoghi Effendi had appointed him the chairman of
> the International Bahá'í Council (q.v.), a forerunner of the Universal House of Justice, and since
> the chairman of the Universal House of Justice was to be the Guardian, this constituted his
> implicit appointment as the next Guardian. This claim was rejected by the Hands of the Cause
> since Remey did not satisfy the other conditions laid down in the Will and Testament of
> `Abdu'l-Bahá, notably that the line of Guardians be lineal descendants of Bahá'u'lláh. Remey's
> support came from some Bahá'ís in the United States, France, Pakistan, and elsewhere but it was
> never an appreciable number and they were soon split into a number of feuding factions. There
> have been no major episodes of internal opposition since Remey.
> 
> 2. Legalism
> 
> Religious legalism may be defined as the concern with structuring society according to the
> provisions of a holy law. Among the religions of the world we can see this best exemplified in the
> orthodox forms of Islam and Judaism. Among some of the Bábís in the early period, there was a
> great emphasis on keeping to the Islamic holy law and indeed this was also stressed in the writings
> of the Báb during this period. Ironically, after the Báb issued his own laws with the promulgation
> of the Persian Bayán, the emphasis on legalism declined. This was probably partly because the
> Bayán could not be widely distributed and also because there was no confirmation in the Bayán of
> the Islamic practice of regarding the actions of the Prophet (the Sunna) as providing legal norms.
> Thus a large part of the legalistic superstructure was dismantled at a stroke. All that remained was
> a bare outline of prayers, fasting, pilgrimage, and some other ritual matters.
> 
> The role of legalism in the Bahá'í Faith can be subject to various interpretations. On one hand, a
> quite detailed set of laws regulating personal behavior and social relationships has developed, but
> on the other, Bahá'u'lláh gave no indication that the Bahá'ís were to establish any form of legal
> system similar to Islam. Indeed, he specifically discouraged the Bahá'ís from gaining the sort of
> book learning that went with the Islamic legal system. Furthermore, the following of Bahá'í laws
> and ethics was to be left largely to individual conscience rather than becoming a matter for
> communal regulation as occurs in Islam.
> 
> In his development of the Bahá'í administration, Shoghi Effendi stressed on several occasions that
> these institutions should not become legalistic bureaucracies and he discouraged the development
> of too much procedure and regulation. Similarly, the Universal House of Justice, though it is
> specifically empowered in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas to enact new supplementary legislation has, thus far,
> largely confined itself to statements of general moral principle rather than elaborating on the
> existing corpus of Bahá'í law.
> 
> Nevertheless, the Bahá'í Faith has a number of personal and social laws which it is expected that
> Bahá'ís will obey. Insofar as the frequent or flagrant breaches of some of the social laws by the
> members of the Bahá'í community are made the concern of the local spiritual assembly (q.v),
> legalism must remain an element in the Bahá'í community. (See "Law.")
> 
> 3. Gnosticism and Mysticism
> 
> Gnosticism is the belief that there exists a hidden salvatory knowledge. This theme was very
> strong in Shaykhism which had extensive roots in the esoteric tradition of Shí`í Islam. This was
> carried over into the Bábí movement. The Báb's writings were greatly concerned with revealing
> the esoteric meaning of the Qur'án. In doing so he made use of numerology and cabalistic analysis.
> Indeed, the concept of numerology became incorporated into the writings of the Báb at all levels,
> as well as into the communal structure. The number nineteen (equivalent to wáhid, unity) was
> everywhere, from the number of chapters in the books of the Báb to the groupings of Bábís into
> cells of nineteen each. The Báb also gave detailed instructions for the construction of talismans.
> 
> With the advent of the Bahá'í Faith, the gnostic element declined sharply. Indeed, it was insisted
> that this was the day in which all hidden meanings were to be revealed. Only a small
> numerological and talismanic residue remained with any degree of official sanction (for example,
> the use of the numbers nine and nineteen in many aspects of the Bahá'í community life and even
> religious architecture; and the use of "the Greatest Name", q.v., symbol on rings). A number of
> unofficial "popular" practices have, however, also persisted (for example, among Iranian Bahá'ís,
> the use of rock sugar left in the holy shrines with the intention of gaining spiritual potency for
> curing illness), although these are dying out to a large extent.
> 
> Conversely, as the gnostic elements decreased in the Bahá'í Faith, the mystical elements increased.
> Bahá'u'lláh himself wrote a number of works on mystical themes, including the Seven Valleys, the
> Four Valleys, and a number of his poems. This has meant that although up to the present
> mysticism has remained very much a minority interest in the Bahá'í community, there is a potential
> for further future development. There is, however, a pronounced emphasis in much of the Bahá'í
> community on spirituality (prayer, meditation, the centrality of the spiritual in the affairs of life,
> etc.).
> 
> 4. Sacrifice
> 
> The theme of self-sacrifice and the related theme of detachment from the material world is one
> that runs strongly in most of the major religions of the world. The ultimate expression of this is
> represented by the martyr who gives up life itself for the sake of his or her faith. This theme has
> also been very strong in the Bábí and Bahá'í religions. The Bábí period saw a great wave of
> persecution engulf the new religion. This persecution became paradoxically a source of strength
> and justification for the religion because of the way that Shí`í Islam has always represented the
> Shí`í Imáms as themselves being subjected to persecution and martyrdom. Even the opponents of
> the Bábís are reported to have been touched by this paradigmatic parallel.
> 
> The number of Bábís that became martyrs during this period is impossible to assess but it must
> have been at least four thousand. But it is not so much the numbers that are important for later
> generations of Bahá'ís as the way that some of these martyrdoms occurred. On numerous
> occasions the Bábís were offered their lives if they recanted but they refused. These sorts of
> scenes have been utilized as the Bahá'í Faith spread to the Christian West to draw parallels
> between the spirit of the Bábís and that of the early Christian martyrs. More frequently the parallel
> has been drawn between the life and martyrdom of the Báb and that of Christ.
> 
> a. The inheritance of the martyrs It was Shoghi Effendi, in particular, who put the devotion and
> sacrifice of the early Bábís forward as an example for the subsequent generations of Bahá'ís. He
> edited and translated The Dawn-Breakers (q.v., a history of the Bábí period) in order to put this
> before the Western Bahá'ís more sharply. He characterized the Western Bahá'ís as the spiritual
> descendants of "the Dawn-breakers" (ADJ 7).
> 
> Within the Bahá'í scriptures, the theme of sacrifice in terms of the ordinary life of the believer is
> linked to the concept that in order to progress spiritually we must become detached from this
> material world. This detachment does not primarily mean a physical detachment--austerity,
> monasticism, or asceticism--but rather a mental and emotional detachment. The theme of sacrifice
> is frequently evoked in various aspects of Bahá'í community life: giving to the Bahá'í funds,
> sacrificing one's ego in the course of consultation, etc.
> 
> The themes of sacrifice and martyrdom came back to the fore in the Bahá'í world with the
> eruption of persecutions in Iran following the revolution there in 1979. The effects of this
> persecution were directly felt far afield and vividly communicated to all Bahá'ís through the
> extensive Iranian diaspora. The entire Bahá'í world rallied to the defence of their Iranian
> co-religionists. The Universal House of Justice continued the pattern set by Shoghi Effendi in
> setting the sacrifice and devotion of the Iranian believers as an example to the rest of the Bahá'í
> world and stressing that the appropriate response to this tragedy was a redoubling of dedication
> and service to the religion.
> 
> b. The pattern of the Persecutions The persecutions of the Bábís and Bahá'ís, which have occurred
> principally in the Middle East, have followed a discernible pattern. During the early Bábí period
> (1844-48), the opposition was led by the `ulamá, who regarded the teachings of the new religion
> as a direct challenge to Islam. The government, at first, largely stood back from the debate
> between the Bábís and the `ulama. But at a later stage when the debate of words evolved into
> armed clashes, the government lost no time in backing the `ulamá and sending its troops against
> the Bábís. The response of the ordinary people in each place tended to depend on the response of
> the `ulamá, whose lead they were prepared to follow. The attitude of the Bábís themselves was
> somewhat variable. Under the threat of attack, they banded together to defend themselves. But
> others took a more aggressive attitude; for example, the group who attempted to assassinate the
> Shah in 1852.
> 
> After the holocaust that marked the end of the Bábí period, there was a change in the nature of
> the persecutions. The emerging Bahá'í community also faced a great deal of persecution but the
> grounds were no longer purely religious. Reasons for the persecutions included such factors as
> bolstering the personal prestige of a local figure, financial manipulations, and local political
> struggles. In these cases, a religious motivation was often spuriously invoked. For these purposes,
> the Bahá'ís, and specially the more prominent ones, were eminently suitable pawns, belonging as
> they did to a minority group that was not under the protection by any outside state or agency (as
> the Christian and other minorities were). The `ulamá were again the principle instigators of these
> persecutions but the state was now for the most part opposed to the civil disturbance caused by
> these episodes. Indeed, agitations against the Bahá'ís was not infrequently a means for the `ulamá
> and others to foment anti-government disturbances. As far as the people are concerned, there
> were many that had secret sympathy for the Bahá'ís, but it was still the case that the `ulamá were
> able to lead the crowd to perpetrate barbarous cruelties on occasions. The Bahá'ís themselves
> showed a marked change of attitude from the Bábís in that, on Bahá'u'lláh's instructions, they no
> longer made any attempt to defend themselves.
> 
> In the 1920s, a further change occurred, resulting principally from political changes in the Middle
> East. New secular nationalist governments came to power and the influence of the religious
> classes declined. Instead of physical violence inflicted upon individuals, the persecutions of the
> Bahá'ís became institutionalized. The main form of persecution now became the imposition of civil
> disabilities upon the Bahá'ís: limiting their abilities to obtain education, employment, and voting
> rights; refusal to recognize their marriages and births; prohibition of publication of their books;
> and closing down Bahá'í schools and other Bahá'í institutions. The main perpetrator of these
> persecutions was the state itself. Moreover persecutions of this nature began to occur in other
> countries of the Middle East: notably Iraq, Egypt, Turkey, etc., and also in the Soviet Union. The
> attitude of the Bahá'ís also underwent a change in that they now took a more active (although still
> non-violent) stance. Wherever possible, action was taken through the courts of the country
> concerned. Otherwise appeal was made to international opinion and even to international
> institutions such as the League of Nations and the United Nations.
> 
> In recent years, a new element has been added to the persecutions. With a rise in fundamentalism
> in many religious communities in the world, persecutions became once more motivated by
> religious factors. In Iran, where the religious authorities succeeded in taking over secular power,
> this religious persecution was reinforced by institutionalized persecution. In many of the Islamic
> countries, the secular authorities, fearing the power of the fundamentalist resurgence, have also
> taken action against the Bahá'ís as a way of shoring up their Islamic credentials (see "sacrifice").
> 
> 5. Millennarianism
> 
> There has been a strong millennarian theme running through Bahá'í history from its earliest roots
> in the Bábí period. Within a few months of his declaration in 1844, the message of the Báb had
> caused a great stir of millennarian expectation in Karbalá so noticeable that it was reported upon
> by the British Consul in Baghdad (BBR 83-90). The Báb's pronouncement in 1848 that he was
> indeed the Imám Mahdí further fueled this trend.
> 
> A further aspect of this was the concept of return (q.v., raj`a), which the Báb interpreted as a
> typological phenomenon: that there will appear persons who have the characteristics of the Imáms
> of the past and their opponents. This meant that such events as ShaykhTabarsí became seen in
> terms of a re-enactment of the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn at Karbalá.
> 
> The Báb set up his own millennarian expectation by prophesying the advent of a messianic figure,
> "He Whom God shall make manifest". Bábí millennarianism was, for Bahá'ís, fulfilled by
> Bahá'u'lláh. In the more fully developed Bahá'í view, Bahá'u'lláh is considered to be the fulfillment
> of the messianic expectation of all religions: the tenth avatar for Hindus, the return of Buddha for
> Buddhists, the Messiah for Jews, and the return of the Christ spirit for Christians and Muslims.
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh, in turn, set up a number of millennarian expectations. One aspect of these is certain
> statements in the Bahá'í writings referring to a future global catastrophe. Much more important is
> the promise of a more distant future "Golden Age" of universal peace and prosperity to be
> brought into being through the Bahá'í administrative order and the social teachings. Thus, the
> theme of millennarian expectation has in the Bahá'í Faith been transformed into the theme of
> social reformism. Another aspect which at present is of little concern to Bahá'ís because of its
> remoteness is Bahá'u'lláh's statement that there will be another Manifestation of God in not less
> than one thousand years.
> 
> 6. Social Reform
> 
> The transformation of the world envisaged in the millennarian theme is given practical expression
> in the form of the current of social reconstruction and reform running through the Bahá'í teachings
> and activities.
> 
> The Báb's writings themselves contain little in the way of a social reform program. But some of
> the Báb's actions, such as his appointment of a woman as one of his leading disciples, implicitly
> represented a new pattern of social order.
> 
> It was principally during the Akka period that we find the question of social reform coming to the
> fore in the writings of Bahá'u'lláh (see TB). As to actual social change consciously sponsored by
> the Bahá'í community, this dates largely from the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá. In the last few years of the
> nineteenth century, `Abdu'l-Bahá encouraged the Iranian Bahá'ís to set up schools and health
> facilities. These efforts were much assisted by a number of Americans who moved to Iran. In their
> own country, American Bahá'ís took an active role in the movement to advance the social
> situation of Afro-Americans.
> 
> During the early part of Shoghi Effendi's ministry, Bahá'í efforts in this direction diminished as
> most Bahá'í activity was directed into the building up of the administrative order. The
> administrative order itself was, however, to be a valuable foundation for later work in this area.
> 
> In recent years, under the aegis of the Universal House of Justice, social reformism has again
> assumed a prominent place with the introduction of numerous social and economic development
> programs throughout the Bahá'í world. This has been mainly in response to the large numbers of
> Third World villagers who have entered the religion in the last three decades. In these areas,
> development programs have been added to Bahá'í activities as soon as the Bahá'í community
> structure has been established and is functioning. Prominent among the social concerns of Bahá'ís
> throughout the years (and now reflected in the development programs instituted) have been the
> concern for education and literacy, and the advancement of women. More recently there has been
> an additional concern with agriculture, health, cultural development and the environment. An
> important element in this work has been the increasing links built up with international
> organizations such as the United Nations through the Bahá'í International Community (q.v.).
> 
> 7. Liberalism and Authoritarianism
> 
> Liberalism is the attitude that religion should be adapted so as to be compatible with the
> rationality of the modern world and the needs of society. The Bahá'í emphasis on religious
> rationality and social reform make it appear to be a highly liberal religion, but against this must be
> set the strong emphasis on authoritative leadership towards whom obedience is expected through
> the doctrine of the Covenant (an attitude that would tend to work against liberalism). This has
> resulted in a certain amount of tension between these two orientations in Bahá'í history, almost
> exclusively among the Bahá'í communities of the West. (The attitude of liberalism should not,
> however, be confused with a liberal morality; the Bahá'í Faith emphasizes a traditional morality for
> individuals.)
> 
> Any tendency towards institutional authoritarianism is to some extent neutralized by the
> encouragement of the independent investigation of religious reality. Dogmatic positions are
> generally not emphasized and there is a right to free speculative, intellectual thought. With regard
> to the administration of the Bahá'í Faith, however, although the Bahá'í institutions operate
> through processes that include consulting with the generality of the Bahá'ís, there is an
> expectation of loyalty and obedience to the decisions of the central figures and institutions (see
> "Human Rights.6").
> 
> 8. Universalism
> 
> Closely linked to liberalism in the Bahá'í Faith is the theme of universalism. This is linked to the
> belief that God's guidance and grace are available universally to all humankind. In the Bahá'í Faith
> this has led to two distinct religious attitudes: the conviction that all peoples will find their highest
> religious aspirations fulfilled in the Bahá'í Faith; and the belief that the Bahá'í Faith is an inclusive
> religious movement with little need for barriers between members and non-members.
> 
> This first attitude has been a consistent theme since the last century and has led to deliberate
> systematic efforts to extend the Bahá'í message as widely as possible throughout the world among
> every ethnic and linguistic grouping. It is, however, an exclusivist view in that it considers that its
> eventual aim is that all people become Bahá'ís.
> 
> The second attitude has been more variable, and in the West, a definite tension between inclusivist
> and exclusivist policies developed. This tension was linked to a wider tension between liberalism
> and authoritarianism. Thus, during the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá, there was a fairly loose, inclusivist
> interpretation of who was a Bahá'í (see "Community, Bahá'í.3"). Anyone who was sympathetic to
> the teachings was often counted as a Bahá'í, no matter if they were also members of another
> religion or held views which the majority of Bahá'ís would not subscribe to (including elements of
> the occult, socialism, etc). In the early years of his ministry, Shoghi Effendi introduced a large
> degree of order to this situation restricting membership to exclude those who retained
> membership of other religions and defining more closely the essential beliefs of the Bahá'ís. Thus
> in the course of introducing the requisite degree of order necessary to institute the Bahá'í
> administration, Shoghi Effendi moved the Bahá'í Faith somewhat away from universalism and
> liberalism. Moreover, it would probably be true to say that the type of person who came to
> administrative prominence during this period when Shoghi Effendi was concentrating on
> administrative matters tended towards authoritarianism and centralization. We find, for example,
> Shoghi Effendi writing on several occasions dissuading the American National Spiritual Assembly
> from enacting unduly restrictive legislation and over-centralization. In recent years, this tendency
> has begun to reverse itself with, for example, the automatic inclusion of Bahá'í children onto
> Bahá'í membership lists, the relaxation of the standard of Bahá'í knowledge required of new
> converts, and the devolution of decision-making about teaching plans from Haifa to the level of
> national assemblies and even, to a large extent, to local assemblies.
> 
> There is also a cultural aspect to Bahá'í universalism, in that worldwide the Bahá'ís represent a
> religious community of considerable ethnic and cultural diversity. Thus, in the first two decades of
> the present century, the American Bahá'í community emphasized the theme of the unity of East
> and West and set up close ties with their Iranian co-religionists. The Iranian Bahá'ís in turn drew
> great strength and comfort from the universality of the Faith as evidenced by the expansion of the
> Faith in the West as well as the presence among them of American Bahá'ís as travelers and
> residents.
> 
> This cultural universalism has again become much more marked in the Bahá'í community in recent
> years with the influx of large numbers from the "Third World". This has led to the emergence of
> new cultural styles and a marked ethnic diversification within the Bahá'í community. Whereas
> formerly the only foreign Bahá'ís commonly encountered in any given country were Iranians and
> Americans, the increasing diversity of the Bahá'í world is making itself felt in the numbers of
> "Third World" and other Bahá'ís traveling and residing outside their own countries thus
> strengthening the feeling of the universality of the Bahá'í teachings. It is also this universalism that
> stimulates the Bahá'í international activities at the level of the United Nations (see "Bahá'í
> International Community").
> 
> Bibliography
> 
> For general histories of the Bábí and Bahá'í Faith, see Shoghi Effendi, God Passes
> By; [`Abdu'l-Bahá], A Traveller's Narrative; Peter Smith, The Bábí and Bahá'í Religion, (which
> also contains an extensive bibliography); M. Momen, The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions; Mangol
> Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent, Syracuse, 1982; see also the series Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í
> History.
> 
> For the Bábí period: Nabíl Zarandí, The Dawn-Breakers; Hasan Balyuzi, The Báb; Abbas Amanat,
> Resurrection and Renewal; Mírzá Husayn Hamadání, The New History; D. McEoin, "From
> Shaykhism to Bábism," Ph.D. thesis. Peter Smith and Moojan Momen, "The Bábí movement: A
> resource mobilization perspective," in SBBR 3. For the ministry of Bahá'u'lláh: Hasan Balyuzi,
> Bahá'u'lláh, King of Glory; idem, Some Eminent Bahá'ís; A. Taherzadeh, The Revelation of
> Bahá'u'lláh; Hájí Mírzá Haydar-`Alí, Bihjatu's-Sudúr; partial translation Stories from the Delight
> of Hearts. For the ministry of `Abdu'l-Bahá: H.M. Balyuzi, `Abdu'l-Bahá; Lady Blomfield,
> Chosen Highway.
> 
> Contemporary developments and statistics: See the section "International Survey of Current
> Bahá'í Activities" and statistical information in successive volumes of Bahá'í World; P. Smith and
> M. Momen, "The Bahá'í Faith 1957-88; a survey of contemporary developments," Religion 1989,
> 19:63-91; Eunice Braun, From Strength to Strength; The Seven Year Plan; A. Hampson, "The
> Growth and Spread of the Bahá'í Faith," Ph.D. thesis.
> 
> A large number of biographies of prominent Bahá'ís have appeared in recent years which contain
> valuable information. In Persian, the most important printed sources on Bahá'í history are: Fádil
> Mázandarání, TáríkhZuhúru'l-Haqq, vols. 3, 8a and 8b; Mírzá Kázim Samandar,
> Tarikh-i-Samandar; `Abdu'l-Husayn Ávárih, Kawákibu'd-Durriyyih, 3 vols. in 2. Other works
> referred to in the text: D. Barrett (ed.), World Christian Encyclopaedia.
> 
> METADATA
> 
> Views39144 views since posted 1999; last edit 2024-07-08 05:29 UTC;
> 
> previous at archive.org.../momen_smith_encyclopedia_history;
> URLs changed in 2010, see archive.org.../bahai-library.org
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> Citation: ris/438
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