Community, Baha'i
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Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Will C. van den Hoonaard, Community, Baha'i, bahai-library.com.
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Community, Baha'i

Will C. van den Hoonaard

1993-12

Community, Bahá'í. Bahá'ís use the term
"community" in both a symbolic and concrete sense. The symbolic usage refers to
the general body of believers, locally, nationally or globally, as in the
"Bahá'í community of Swaziland, the "Bahá'í
International Community," and the "Community of the Most Great Name." This
article covers the concrete use of the term, with particular emphasis on the
local community. The individual entries on countries cover the historical
development, social features, and scholarly studies of respective national
Bahá'í communities.
1. Membership, Spiritual Foundations, and Purpose. A
Bahá'í community consists of children, youth and adults. Any
individual who accepts the revelation of Bahá'u'lláh may apply
for membership. Once the local or the national spiritual assembly, under whose
jurisdiction the Bahá'í resides, accepts the application the new
member is registered. No rituals govern entry into the Bahá'í
community.
Bahá'í communities are the collective, practical, everyday
expression of the Bahá'í Faith. In the Bahá'í view,
the spiritual and social arrangements of a Bahá'í community are
such that they can both transform society and the individual.
Bahá'ís see Bahá'í communities as testing-grounds
for the development of spiritual qualities. For example, the participation of
members from various backgrounds offers one the opportunity to assess his or
her own efforts in the elimination of prejudice and to practise tolerance,
compassion and fellowship, although some communities living with diversity may,
at first, undergo a "diminished intimacy in the social relationships"
(Hollinger, 1992: XXviii), leading to more formal relationships as a means of
dealing with social discomfort. Nevertheless, every community passes through
similar tests as a dimension of its growing pains (LoG: 491). In the
end, though, the "vigor, unity, and discipline of the Bahá'í
community" should stand in contrast to an ailing society (WoG:
79).
A Bahá'í community must strive for developing bonds of
affection among its members, relying on "those mighty forces of love and
strength and harmony" generated by the Bahá'í Faith (PBA:
16). The historical and social circumstances that a Bahá'í
community finds itself in often determines the degree to which such a goal can
be achieved. For example, it may quite common to find a community characterized
by a high level of commitment, but "rather minimal bonds of reciprocal
obligations" among its members when there is only little development of
communal devotional activity (Hollinger, 1992: xxix). It seems that in a small
community much attention must be given by all its members to such primary
activities as meetings of the spiritual assembly, Nineteen-Day Feasts, that
little consideration can be given to other matters (Hollinger, 1992: xxix).
With increasing size of the Bahá'í community activities tend to
multiply so that other facets are recognized and developed. Organized
Bahá'í activities are intended to foster harmony among the
believers and to promote the expansion and consolidation of the community. Ways
by which a spiritual assembly realizes these goals include the arrangement of
Nineteen-Day Feasts, Holy Day observances and other social and educational
activities in the community, the promotion of the well-being of youth and
children, and humanitarian endeavours, both inside and outside the
Bahá'í community. If one takes the percentage of members' making
financial contributions as an indicator of commitment, members of larger
communities tend to be less committed.
Bahá'í community life also allows for the development and
maturation of the Administrative Order (q.v.) foreshadowed by
Bahá'u'lláh. Elected Bahá'í institutions evolve when individual
members of the community cherish, nurture, love, assist, obey, and pray for
them (UHJ, Naw-Rúz 1974). Through time and experience, these
institutions will resemble more closely the "majestic institutions ordained by
Bahá'u'lláh in His Writings" (UHJ, 30 July 1972).
2. Organizational Dimensions. The area of jurisdiction of a local
Bahá'í community usually matches civil or municipal boundaries.
An exception to this may occur where a physical barrier such as a mountain
makes direct contact between different parts of a civic community unduly
difficult. A spiritual assembly is formed to administer the affairs of the
community whenever there are nine or more adult members (currently defined at
21 years of age). When there are only nine adults the assembly is formed by a
joint declaration of those nine believers. When there are more than nine
adults, all are eligible to vote and be voted for in the election of the
assembly, using a secret ballot, without campaigning, or electioneering.
Assemblies are formed annually on April 21, the first day of Ridván
(q.v.).
The Nineteen-Day Feast (q.v.) is the principal, regular meeting of a local
Bahá'í community and is "an arena of democracy at the very root
of society, where the Local Spiritual Assembly and the members of the community
meet on common ground" ("Stirring of the Spirit", 3). Organized by the
Spiritual Assembly every nineteen days and generally held on the first day of
each Bahá'í month the Feast (q.v.) is "intended to promote unity,
ensure progress, and foster joy" (ibid., 1). The Feast consists of three parts:
the devotional, the administrative and the social. In the administrative
portion, the believers can make suggestions to the spiritual assembly, and the
latter provides reports and other matters that require the involvement of
believers.
A local Bahá'í fund, supported by voluntary donations
accepted from Bahá'ís only, provides the material means by which
a community undertakes its various activities. An assembly may also appoint
committees, drawn from its own and/or the general community membership, to
assist in carrying out its various tasks.
3. Identity and Social Boundaries. Whenever sustained, on-going
interaction occurs, members develop an identity distinct from the wider
society. Taking a historical perspective, one notes that Bahá'í
communities are increasingly shaping the identity of individuals as
Bahá'ís. As a consequence, boundaries between the
Bahá'í community and the larger society are becoming more
pronounced.
In the western world, entry into the community was rather "soft" during
the first decades of the 20th century; individuals would regard themselves as
Bahá'ís through long-standing association, rather than through an
explicit declaration of belief. One could hardly expect to see the development
of a sharply contrasting Bahá'í identity (cf. Hollinger, 1992:
viii). The smallness of Bahá'í communities and fluctuating
memberships (30-50 members (Hollinger, 1992: xi)) also contributed initially to
a weak identity, immersed as they were in a sea of Christianity. It was not
uncommon for Bahá'ís during thie time to retain church
membership.
It stands to reason that early Bahá'í communities had few,
if any, boundary markers. Virtually anyone could attend a Bahá'í
meeting. Bahá'í community life was more a question of private
beliefs than a collective expression of such beliefs. The formative stage of
Bahá'í administration (since 1921) resulted in a strengthening of
Bahá'í identity in communities creating more definite social
boundaries. Such markers include Nineteen-Day Feasts, the Bahá'í
Fund, an explicit enrollment procedure, the shaping of spiritual assemblies as
the nucleus of authority and activity, and control over Bahá'í
publications. To some, even the use of specific terminology (e.g. "the Faith"
"fireside," "the Fund"), often derived from Bahá'í scripture, is
enough to mark the social boundaries of contemporary Bahá'í
communities. Moreover, the legal incorporation of Bahá'í
communities strengthened the social boundaries with legal statutes.
4. Resolving Conflict. Whenever people work together disagreements
may arise, and since unresolved tension will undermine harmony, every human
community must learn constructive ways of recognizing and resolving problems.
For Bahá'ís, there are several avenues to alleviating such
tensions. First, the parties should put the past behind them ("Living
the Life": 33) and look to the future. Second, since some difficult
problems may be due to the frailty of human nature (ibid.: 33), magnanimity and
generosity of spirit are called for. Third, individuals can put
themselves in the path of service to overcome vexing difficulties (ibid.: 36).
Fourth, consultation (q.v.) is used to resolve such conflict. In the
Bahá'í perspective, "[t]here are spiritual principles...by which
solutions can be found for every social problem" ("Promise of World Peace":
13). Therefore, the goal of Bahá'í consultation is to "seek to
identify the principles involved and then be guided by them." In addition to
resolving problems, consultation is applied to the decision-making process.
This consultative process is applicable at all levels of human interaction,
whether individual or collective.
If, in the Bahá'í community, a dispute between individuals
cannot be resolved, the concerned parties may ask the local spiritual assembly
for its assistance. In matters that directly affect the Bahá'í
community the spiritual assembly is duty-bound to intervene. Once an assembly
has reached any decision, individual members of the assembly or community
should not criticize or undermine it. However, any individual has the right "to
appeal from any Assembly decision which he [or she] conscientiously feels is
unjust or detrimental to the best interests of the community" ("Individual
Rights and Freedoms," 10). The appeal process involves asking the assembly to
reconsider its decision and may even result in appeals to the higher levels of
the administration: the national spiritual assembly, and finally the Universal
House of Justice whose decision is binding.
In the case of individual violation of Bahá'í standards
which disrupt community life, an individual may--after a process involving fair
and equitable hearings and confidentiality--be deprived by the National
Spiritual Assembly of his or her administrative rights. Under these
circumstances, the individual is not allowed to make financial contribution to
the Bahá'í community, nor to participate in the administrative
affairs of the Bahá'í community, such as the electoral process
and Nineteen-Day Feasts. Evidence of remorse is sufficient to restore
administrative rights.
In cases involving opposition or non-acceptance of Bahá'í
authority, only the Universal House of Justice can decide on whether or not to
declare someone a "Covenant-breaker" (q.v.). This decision is arrived at after
a thorough examination of all facts on hand. Covenant-breakers are expelled
from the Bahá'í community and are no longer considered
Bahá'ís.
5. Current Challenges of Bahá'í Community Life.
Challenges to the development of Bahá'í community life originate
from several sources. Foremost of these are (a) culture, (b) an inadequate
understanding by members of the purposes and principles that govern the
functioning of Bahá'í communities, (c) the increasingly wider
diversity of Bahá'í communities, and (d) their increasing size
and number.
(a) Culture. While affirming the spiritual basis of all human
cultures, some Bahá'í practices and social arrangements can run
counter to cultural and historical traditions. Backbiting, dishonesty, gender
inequalities and prejudice of all kinds are examples of those traditions that
are deeply-ingrained in many societies, but expressly forbidden by
Bahá'u'lláh. Bahá'ís must consciously struggle to
eradicate such "cultural disabilities" (UHJ to NSA Canada, 19 March 1975) from
their personal and community lives, while being patient with oneself and
others.
Cultural practices also determine attitudes about the role of the
individual within the collective framework. Some cultures attach great
importance to individual initiative while others stress the need for collective
action. As an example, some Bahá'í communities may regard the
primacy of the individual in taking action, while others see the collectivity
taking a more active part in defining community action. While it seems, in the
Bahá'í view, that it is "the individual...on whom...depends the
fate of the entire community" (LoG: 68), considerable weight is also
attached to "universal participation" and the authority of the spiritual
assembly in directing the course of community affairs.
Although the Bahá'í Writings indicate that consultation can
be a "panacea" for the solution of human problems, hierarchical or patriarchal
decision-making processes are still the cultural norm in many parts of the
world. The challenge for Bahá'ís, therefore, is to evolve new
cultural norms based on an increasingly more mature understanding of the
spiritual principles upon which they will build a truly united
community.
(b) Inadequate understanding of Bahá'í administrative
order. Arriving at an understanding of how the various parts of
Bahá'u'lláh's Administrative Order relate to each other, is
another challenge that faces individuals in their private and collective lives.
One notes, for example, how the degree of collaboration between the elected
institutions of the Bahá'í Faith and the "learned" can be
culturally conditioned. In areas of the world which have undergone a thorough
process of secularization, there might be a reluctance to consider the advice
of "learned," unjustly perceived as religious leaders in the traditional sense
of the word. By contrast, in areas which have continued to rely heavily on
clerical leaders, more weight may be accorded to individual
Bahá'ís, rather than the spiritual assembly.
It is clear from the Bahá'í Writings that
Bahá'u'lláh revealed a system of laws and institutions that
vested authority in democratically elected assemblies and made provision for
individuals to perform an educational and inspirational role without
establishing a clerical elite (Bahá'u'lláh, 51-52). What is
needed is the recognition of a mutuality of benefits and a spirit of
cooperation among both "arms" of organized Bahá'í life.
(c) Increasing diversity of Bahá'í communities.

Diversity affects a Bahá'í community in both external and
internal ways. When a Bahá'í community exhibits diversity
vis-a-vis the larger society, the community may meet opposition or
receive attention from authorities. Hollinger (1992: xxviii), for example,
indicates several instances where the Ku Klux Kan objected to
Bahá'í interracial meetings.
Variations also exist by virtue of historical, societal, or demographic
factors. Bahá'í communities will be at different evolutionary
stages. The rhythms of life in an African village, a small Pacific island, a
twentieth-century metropolis, or a North-American farming community differ one
from another. Bahá'í communities reflect the differences in those
environments. At one end, a rural culture may make it relatively simple for the
Bahá'ís to integrate their economic, educational and social
concerns with those of the Bahá'í community. At the other end,
the current expression of Bahá'í community life in an urban
setting may, in some cases, only consist of gathering for the Nineteen-Day
Feast and other Holy Day observances, and these communities may exhibit more
the characteristics of "`voluntary association' popular with the urban middle
class" (Hollinger, 1992: xi). Moreover, it is not uncommon for
Bahá'í community activities to reflect the rhythm or character of
the wider religious society. For example, some Western Bahá'í
communities emulate Christian denominational life, by holding Sunday meetings
(Hollinger, 1992: xii), and conceptualize Bahá'í communities very
much like a parish or church.
At this juncture, there are, as yet, no communities that claim to embody
all the desired elements of Bahá'í community structure and
dynamics. Some scholarly accounts suggest that only when Bahá'í
communities become increasingly aware of the disparity between the traditional
and Bahá'í approaches that communities can start to reflect the
Bahá'í ideals of community life. It is already clear, in the
Bahá'í experience, that a diverse population within a community
offers more challenges than a homogeneous one. But through such challenges,
diversity offers the best hope for community development, ensuring the dynamic
vitality and the continued maturation of the Bahá'í
community.
A special case of diversification of Bahá'í communities
relates to the recent influx of Iranian Bahá'ís (after 1979) into
Western Bahá'í communities, profoundly altering their social
makeup. The challenge facing these communities consists of integrating the two
distinctive approaches insofar as some Bahá'í administrative and
social practices are concerned, as well as the development of subcultures
within the community. As a consequence, communities regularly hold cultural and
language courses, deepenings, or workshops as a means of overcoming
differences.
(d) Increasing size and number of Bahá'í
Communities
However variable the size of Bahá'í communities around the
globe (from an average of 15 in North America to several thousands in the
so-called developing countries), communities are growing in size. As a result,
their activities have become more visible and specialized, extending into areas
of personal development and social and economic development projects. As
Hollinger notes (1992: xxxv), it is not yet clear what impact these activities
have on local communities, although they do results in fostering "greater
social cohesion in the Bahá'í population at an international
level."
As the number of Bahá'í communities increases, it is
necessary to develop systems of collaboration for issues where jurisdictions
overlap. For example, in parts of the world where the number of communities are
closely situated to each other, Bahá'ís have had to develop
collaboration in terms of relationships with the media, the maintainance of
children's classes serving several communities at once, and the fostering of
cordial relations with authorities.
6. Future Dimensions. There are an increasing number of instances
where the whole population in a civil area has accepted the
Bahá'í Faith. They must still function according to civil laws of
the land and may have to elect a secular village council as well as a
Bahá'í spiritual assembly. Under such circumstances, there might
be initial problems in aligning the Bahá'í approach to such
matters as elections for the assembly and the local village council.
As the pattern of Bahá'í community life becomes more
distinctive and reflective of the goal of "unity in diversity," it will
increase its involvement in many areas of societal life. Already there have
been instances where members of the community at large have approached the
local Bahá'ís for assistance in the resolution of disputes or for
the provision of social and humanitarian services.
The Bahá'í Writings attach great importance to the
institution of the Mashriqu'l-Adhkár, involving the
Bahá'í house of worship. The term which embraces a whole complex
of institutions. With the House of Worship at its centre, the
Mashriqu'l-Adhkár will include an orphanage, a university,
a hospital, and a hospice for travellers. It is envisaged that eventually each
community will have its own Mashriqu'l-Adhkár.
In general, Bahá'í communities are called upon to become
"renowned" for their demonstration of unity (UHJ, Nawruz 1974), their ability
to "diffuse within their own countries the spirit of love and social unity"
(UHJ, Ridvan 1986), their ability to adapt to change and to maintain a "unity
in diversity of actions" to allow for the participation of a wider range of
individuals (UHJ, Ridvan 1990), and their reflection of a pattern of life that
"will offer hope to the disillusioned members of society," (UHJ, Ridvan
1990).
7. Studies on Bahá'í Communities. There exists very
few scholarly examinations of Bahá'í community life. There is a
dearth of such studies on non-urban and non-Western Bahá'í
communities. Hollinger (1992) provides a state-of-the-art overview of this
scholarship. Particularly noteworthy are historical studies of Chicago
(Perry, 1986), Kenosha in Wisconsin (Dahl in Hollinger, 1992; Collins in Momen,
1982), Baltimore in Maryland (Clark in Hollinger, 1992), Sacramento in
California (Caton in Hollinger, 1992), and Saint John in New Brunswick (Canada)
(van den Hoonaard in Hollinger, 1992). Studies of more contemporary
Bahá'í communities include those of Houston in Texas (Archer,
1980), rural Southern United States (Kahn, 1977), and Malwa in India
(Garlington, 1975; Garrigues, 1975). Specific aspects of Bahá'í
community life, such as recruitment (Ebaugh and Vaughn, 1984; Wyman, 1985),
fund-raising activities (Warburg, 1993), socialization (Bartlett, 1984),
worldviews (van den Hoonaard, 1984), and interaction (Nerenberg, 1985) have
also been explored. There is a more recent trend to examine the Iranian
dimensions of Western Bahá'í communities, such as in Italy (e.g.
Saint-Blancat, 1989) and Los Angeles. Berger's study (1954) was a notably early
comparative study of the New York and Persian Bahá'í communities.
Non-scholarly works, such as Jewett's study (1984) of community life also
provide valuable insights.

Bibliography

Bahá'í Writings::

Letter of UHJ to NSA of Canada, 15 March 1975.

Promise of World Peace

"Individual Rights and Freedoms"

Bahá'í Community of Canada, "Signs of
Maturity/Development/

Evolution of Bahá'í Institutions," comp. June 1990.

Bahá'í Community of the United States, Developing
Distinctive Bahá'í Communities.

Lights of Guidance.

Living the Life.

PBA.

Letter of the Universal House of Justice to the NSA of Bolivia, 30 July 1972.

WoG.

Scholarly Works:

Archer, Mary E. (1980) "Global Community: Case Study of the
Houston Bahá'ís." Unpubl. M.A. Thesis. University of
Houston.
Bartlett, Jean Eleanor (1984) "Bahá'í World Faith: A Case
Study
in Adult Socialization." Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Riverside.
Berger, Peter (1954) "From Sect to Church: A Sociological Interpretation of the Bahá'í Movement." Unpubl. Ph.D.
Dissertation. New School for Social Research, New York.
Ebaugh, Helen Rose Fuchs, and Sharon Vaughn (1984) "Ideology and
recruitment in religious groups." Review of Religious Research. 26:
148-157.
Garlington, William (1975) "The Bahá'í Faith in Malwa: A
Study of
a Contemporary Religious Movement." Ph.D. Thesis. Australian National
University.
Garrigues, Steven L. (1975) "The Bahá'í Faith in Malwa:
Identity
and Change Among the Urban Bahá'ís of Central India." Ph.D.
Thesis. University of Lucknow.
Hollinger, Richard ed. (1992) Studies in Bábí and
Bahá'í Religions, V. 7: Community Histories. Los Angeles. Kalimat Press.
Jewett, M. Kathryn (1984) "Evolution of a Local Spiritual Assembly." Bahá'í News. February: 8-11.
Kahn, Sandra (1977) "Encounter of Two Myths: Bahá'í and
Christian
in Rural American South." Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation. U, of California at
Santa Barbara.
Momen, Moojan, ed. (1982) Studies in Bábí and
Bahá'í History. Los
Angeles. Kalimat Press.
Nerenberg, Arnie (1985) Love and Estrangement in the
Bahá'í Community. Los Angeles. Kalimat Press.
Perry, Mark (1986) "The Chicago Bahá'í Community,
1921-1939"
Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Sociology, U. of Chicago.
Saint-Blancat, Chantal (1989) "Nation et religion chez les
immigrés iraniens en Italie." Archives de Sciences sociales des
religion. (34): 27-37.
van den Hoonaard, Will. C. (1984) "World Views and the Shape of
Communities." World Order. 18 (3): 35-41.
---- (1993) Bahá'ís in Canada: A Social History:
1898-1948.
(forthcoming).
Warburg, Margit (1993) "Economic Rituals: The Structure and
Meaning of Donations in the Bahá'í Religion." Social
Compass, 40 (1): 25-31.
Wyman, June R. (1985) "Becoming a Bahá'í: Discourse and
Social
Networks in an American Religious Movement." Department of Anthropology,
Catholic University, Washington, D.C.

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