# Nineteen Day Feast

*Exported from [Holy-Writings.com](https://www.holy-writings.com/) on 2026-06-18 — 1 clipping.*

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: John Walbridge, Nineteen Day Feast, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> Nineteen Day Feast
> 
> John Walbridge
> published in Sacred Acts, Sacred Space, Sacred Time: Bahá'í Studies volume 1
> 
> Oxford: George Ronald, 1996
> 
> The nineteen day feast (diyafat-i-navazdah-ruzih) is the monthly Bahá'í
> community meeting for worship, administrative business and fellowship. The
> feast is held every nineteen days in each Bahá'í community, usually on the
> first day of each Bahá'í month.
> 
> The origins of the feast
> 
> The root meaning of `feast', diyafat, in Arabic is hospitality, particularly
> the giving of food to a guest. From this comes its meaning of banquet or
> feast. It is thus sometimes associated in `Abdu'l-Bahá's writings with `table'
> -- the Lord's supper of Jesus, which Qur'an 5:112-15 portrays as a banquet
> table sent down from heaven from which the disciples were fed. Hospitality in
> the form of food given to guests has been admired as a virtue throughout
> history. Tales of the generous man who unwittingly entertains a divine guest
> are common in mythology. The stories in the book of Genesis of Abraham and Lot
> entertaining angels are typical. Hospitality as a virtue was especially
> admired in the Semitic world of the Middle East where the hospitality due to
> the stranger served to lessen the evils of desert lawlessness. `Abdu'l-Bahá
> relates one of the tales of Bedouin hospitality in Secret of Divine
> Civilization.1
> 
> Both Christianity and Islam also emphasize the duty of the believer to feed
> the poor. The Qur'an stresses the responsibility of those with means to
> provide for the poor and makes the feeding of a specified number of poor
> people the expiation for certain offences. In the Gospel of Matthew Jesus
> describes how He will come on the Day of Judgement and condemn those who did
> not feed or succour those less fortunate, for in failing to do so, they had
> left Christ Himself hungry, thirsty, sick and unclothed.2 This passage has
> inspired centuries of Christian charitable work.
> 
> In many religions the sharing of food or a meal is a religious rite. The most
> important example is the Christian eucharist or holy communion, the `Lord's
> Supper'. This is the ritualized reenactment of the last meal that Jesus shared
> with His disciples.
> 
> The Bahá'í feast originates in the writings of the Bab and Bahá'u'lláh. It
> appears first in the Arabic Bayan as a command to entertain nineteen people
> every nineteen days, even if one is only able to give them water. Bahá'u'lláh
> confirms the commandment in His Kitab-i-Aqdas, explaining that its purpose is
> to `bind hearts together' with material means,3 although in Questions and
> Answers He states that the feast is not obligatory.4 In these passages the
> Feast is a personal observance, in which the believer displays hospitality by
> receiving and feeding guests. There is no indication that it is an
> administrative or community institution.
> 
> Banquets and shared meals were an important part of the activities that
> surrounded the person of `Abdu'l-Bahá, at home and during His travels. The
> meals in `Abdu'l-Bahá's house served to unite the Bahá'í pilgrims who came
> from different countries and cultures. Often the visitors themselves hosted
> banquets. Early Bahá'ís often mention these shared meals in accounts of their
> pilgrimages.
> 
> However, during `Abdu'l-Bahá's ministry the feast also came to have a
> technical meaning as a monthly Bahá'í community meeting. This seems initially
> to have been a wholly social occasion -- certainly Middle Eastern Bahá'ís of
> the nineteenth century interpreted it this way -- although it soon began to be
> formalized as a religious institution. Illustrative of this phase were the
> `Nineteen Day Teas' for Bahá'í women, begun in Chicago in 1901 and soon
> observed in other cities. After 1905 a more formal feast, combining a meal and
> devotions, came into practice in America, largely through the efforts of
> Isabella Brittingham. The Bahá'ís at first precisely copied a feast hosted by
> `Abdu'l-Bahá in `Akka in 1905. On the basis of the passage in the
> Kitab-i-Aqdas, the Bahá'ís understood the feast as a way of unifying the
> Bahá'í community. In America it supplemented the weekly worship meetings that
> most communities held. Not surprisingly, the American Bahá'ís associated the
> feast with the Lord's supper, an analogy that `Abdu'l-Bahá Himself made.
> 
> These developments were certainly guided and encouraged by `Abdu'l-Bahá. His
> writings on the subject stress the importance of the feast and its role in
> increasing the unity of Bahá'í communities. He made clear that the feast was
> to be a devotional occasion, with prayers and readings in addition to the
> meal. `Abdu'l-Bahá wrote that the Bahá'í feast carried on the ancient
> religious obligation to display hospitality and to be generous with food. The
> aspect of the feast most stressed in the writings of `Abdu'l-Bahá was the
> creation of an atmosphere of spirituality, unity and prayer.
> 
> The modern administrative feast
> 
> The modern form of the feast arose during the ministry of Shoghi Effendi and
> parallels the rise of the modern local spiritual assembly. Shoghi Effendi
> seems to have turned his attention to the nineteen day feast in the early
> 1930s. To the two-fold feast of the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá, he added a third
> element, a community business meeting included `in direct response to the
> growing needs of the Bahá'í community in this formative period of the Bahá'í
> Era for better training in the principles and practice of Bahá'í
> administration'.5
> 
> In a statement prepared by the National Spiritual Assembly of the United
> States and endorsed by Shoghi Effendi, the form of the modern nineteen day
> feast is clearly described. The feast is to consist of three parts: first,
> devotional, consisting of readings from the Bahá'í sacred writings; second, a
> general community meeting, at which the local spiritual assembly and the
> community can consult; and third, a social meeting, at which food is served.
> Only Bahá'ís are to be present. Bahá'ís usually call these the `devotional' or
> `spiritual', the `administrative' or `business', and the `social' or
> `material' portions of the feast. The feast is described as the `foundation of
> the new World Order'.6 Shoghi Effendi stressed the importance of the feast in
> Bahá'í community life, warning against both exaggerating and minimalizing the
> relative importance of the feast.7
> 
> The feast is held once during each Bahá'í month, preferably on the first day.
> In various places Shoghi Effendi allowed the feast to be held later in the
> Bahá'í month, the day before the first day of the Bahá'í month and during the
> Intercalary Days before the beginning of the month of fasting. The exact date,
> time and place for the feast are the responsibility of the local spiritual
> assembly.
> 
> Shoghi Effendi stated that the feast was intended only for the members of the
> Bahá'í community. Children of Bahá'ís, whether or not they are registered
> members of the community, are also allowed to attend. However, if a visitor
> who is not a Bahá'í happens to attend, he should be received hospitably. If he
> is well known to the community, he might be asked to leave the room during the
> community's business meeting. Otherwise, the business portion of the feast
> should be omitted. Feasts are also open to Bahá'ís from other communities and
> no believer in good standing may be excluded from a feast.
> 
> The modern feast is usually sponsored by the local spiritual assembly.
> Ideally, it is held in the haziratu'l-quds or Bahá'í centre but in smaller
> communities it usually rotates among the homes of the individual Bahá'ís. In
> large communities there are sometimes several district feasts, each of which
> is attended by representatives of the assembly. Communities with fewer than
> nine believers often have feasts, although this is not strictly necessary
> since there is no local spiritual assembly. Attendance at the feast is
> desirable but not obligatory. No sanctions may be taken against a believer who
> fails to attend feasts.
> 
> devotional portion
> 
> The role of the devotional programme at the nineteen day feast was first
> indicated by `Abdu'l-Bahá. Shoghi Effendi stated that the readings should be
> chosen mainly from the prayers and Tablets of Bahá'u'lláh and the Bab and to a
> lesser extent from the writings of `Abdu'l-Bahá. In a letter to the American
> Bahá'ís Shoghi Effendi asked that they not read his own writings in the
> devotional portion of the feast. In Iran, however, it was common for his
> prayers to be read as part of the devotional programme. Shoghi Effendi also
> permitted the use of selections from the scriptures of other religions
> although he recommended that Bahá'í readings should predominate. The
> Universal House of Justice has suggested a programme, based on Shoghi
> Effendi's statements, in which the feast opens with prayers and devotional
> readings from the writings of Bahá'u'lláh, the Bab and `Abdu'l-Bahá, followed
> by readings from other Tablets, the writings of Shoghi Effendi and the
> scriptures of other religions.8 Hymns, poems and chants based on the holy
> writings, as well as instrumental music may also be included.
> 
> administrative portion
> 
> It was Shoghi Effendi who first envisioned the feast as an administrative
> occasion. The programme of the administrative portion of the feast is well
> summarized as `general consultation on the affairs of the Cause, at which time
> the Local Spiritual Assembly reports its activities to the community, asks for
> suggestions and consultation, and also delivers messages received from the
> Guardian and the National Assembly'.9 The feast is thus the most important
> occasion for communication between Bahá'í administrative institutions and the
> believers. At the feast the believer is encouraged to offer his views,
> suggestions and criticisms fully and frankly. The only limitation on freedom
> of discussion is that it should not be of a nature to undermine the authority
> of the Bahá'í institutions or involve criticism of individuals.
> 
> social portion
> 
> The sharing of food is the original core of the feast and derives from the
> commands of the Bab and Bahá'u'lláh. `Abdu'l-Bahá particularly emphasizes the
> duty of hospitality incumbent on the host of the feast. This portion of the
> feast is intended as a social meeting of the believers.
> 
> Contemporary practice
> 
> The feast, as the only required routine community meeting, is usually one of
> the first Bahá'í activities established in a community. The regular holding of
> feasts is often viewed as a measure of the health of a Bahá'í community.
> Although the three-part format of the feast is observed everywhere in the
> Bahá'í world, there is considerable variation in the details of the programme
> among countries, communities and even individual hosts, a diversity encouraged
> by the Universal House of Justice. The style and length of devotions, the
> amount of time devoted to administrative matters, and the elaborateness of the
> food and entertainments of the social portion of the feast vary according to
> the cultural traditions of the area or the local Bahá'ís, the tastes of the
> host and the particular circumstances of the community.
> 
> Related practices and observances
> 
> Several other aspects of Bahá'í life may conveniently be discussed here in the
> light of Bahá'u'lláh's original injunction to display hospitality as a way of
> uniting hearts.
> 
> hospitality
> 
> The feast was originally a display of hospitality, as the writings of
> `Abdu'l-Bahá on the subject make clear, whose purpose was the furtherance of
> unity. Moreover, Islamic societies lay great stress on hospitality, and this
> was carried over into the Bahá'í community by Bahá'ís of Islamic background.
> Early Western Bahá'ís also were inspired by the example of the mutual
> hospitality of the early Christians of the New Testament. The exchange of
> hospitality has thus always been an important factor in knitting together
> diverse Bahá'í communities. `Abdu'l-Bahá emphasized the importance of
> hospitality as a way of reducing the distrust between different nations.10
> Bahá'ís often cite the example of `Abdu'l-Bahá's generous and unquestioning
> hospitality to friends and strangers alike. Bahá'ís are counselled by their
> administrative institutions not to allow others to take undue advantage of
> their hospitality and not to presume on the hospitality of other Bahá'ís.
> 
> shared food and meals
> 
> In practice, the sharing of food occupies a large place in Bahá'í community
> life. Bahá'í meetings -- whether for administration or for teaching, study or
> the observance of holy days -- usually involve food and drink. Often this is
> simply cakes and beverages but full meals are not uncommon. Like the nineteen
> day feast itself, such practices vary widely depending on the cultural
> background and personal tastes of the Bahá'ís.
> 
> sharing food as charity
> 
> In `Akka `Abdu'l-Bahá maintained extensive charities, amounting to a sort of
> private social welfare system. Much of this involved the distribution of food,
> a great part of which came from Bahá'í farms in Galilee and the Jordan Valley.
> He was knighted by the British government for His services in averting famine
> in the `Akka area during World War I. Since then, Bahá'ís, with their very
> limited resources, have rarely been able to emulate His example. However,
> since 1983 the Bahá'í community has begun to devote many more resources to
> community development. Although many of these local projects involve food,
> these usually take the form of agricultural development rather than food
> distribution.
> 
> Notes:
> 
> `Abdu'l-Bahá, Secret of Divine Civilization, pp. 46-51.
> 
> Matt.: 25:31-46.
> 
> (footnote missing - didn't scan properly)
> 
> (footnote missing - didn't scan properly)
> 
> From a letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual Assembly of the United States and Canada, 29 July 1935, in Compilation, vol. 1, no. 939, p. 433.
> 
> The Universal House of Justice, Compilation, vol. 1, p. 420.
> 
> Letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, to the National Spiritual Assembly of the United States and Canada, 2 October 1935, in Compilation, vol. 1, no. 940, p. 434.
> 
> From letter of the Universal House of Justice to the Hands of the Cause of God, 25 August 1965, in Lights,
> no. 818, p. 244.
> 
> Universal House of Justice, compiler, Bahá'í Meetings, the Nineteen Day Feast (Wilmette)
> 
> (footnote missing - didn't scan properly)
> 
> METADATA
> 
> Views25142 views since posted 1999; last edit 2025-07-19 02:34 UTC;
> 
> previous at archive.org.../walbridge_encyclopedia_feast;
> URLs changed in 2010, see archive.org.../bahai-library.org
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> Scanned 1999 by Jonah Winters; Formatted 2010-08-09 by Jonah Winters.
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> Shortlink: bahai-library.com/434
> Citation: ris/434
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> — *Nineteen Day Feast (Used by permission of the curator)*