# The Baha'i Faith in Kansas 1897-1947

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Duane L. Herrmann, The Baha'i Faith in Kansas 1897-1947, Kalimat Press, 1992, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> THE BAHA'I FAITH IN KANSAS, 1897-1947
> 
> by Duane L. Herrmann
> 
> NOTE: This is the author's pre-publication draft; see
> bahai-library.com/herrmann_community_histories_kansas
> 
> The following is the text of a chapter originally appearing in Community Histories: Studies in the
> Bábí and Bahá’í Religions, Volume 6, edited by Richard Hollinger, published by Kalimát Press in
> 1992. Since that time I have not ceased my research. In the process I have discovered much new
> information. I am posting the text here with Auxiliary notes containing some of that new
> information. The auxiliary notes will be proceeded by an X in the text and will occur wherever they
> may be useful.
> This chapter was the initial in-depth publication to fill a void in Bahá’í history. The existence of
> the Chicago and Kenosha Bahá’í communities was well known. Between those two, though, was
> the Bahá’í community of Enterprise, Kansas. Before there were any Bahá’í in sub-Saharan Africa,
> before there were any Bahá’ís in Europe or South America, or any other places in North America,
> except Chicago, there were Bahá’ís in Kansas. As a native Kansan of five generations, the lack of
> knowledge about that concerned me. So I have endeavored to fill the void. Subsequent publication
> of, "Letters from a Nineteenth Century Kansas Bahá'í," World Order, Winter 1996-97; Early
> Bahá'ís of Enterprise, Buffalo Press, 1997; "Turbulent Kansas," World Order, Fall 1999; and By
> Thy Strengthening Grace: a history of the first one hundred years of the Bahá'í Faith in Topeka,
> Kansas, 1906-2006, Buffalo Press, 2006, continue that attempt.
> 
> I.   1897, Beginnings in Kansas, Enterprise
> 
> "About the year 1900 Abraham Keihrella (sic) an Egyptian came to Enterprise, Kansas. Mrs.
> Rose Hilty was residing there at the time. Mr. Kheihrella brought his wife and son from Chicago to
> Enterprise for a vacation. While there he gave the Bahá’í Message including ordinances and
> instructions. And healed some people while there. He also organized a group of 40 members in
> Enterprise before leaving."1. This is the report of an interview, in 1934, between two members of
> the recently established Topeka Bahá’í Fellowship and Mrs. Rose Hilty, the first member of the
> Bahá’í Faith to live in Topeka. Her recollections are all that was known of the beginnings of the
> Kansas Bahá’í community for the next fifty years.
> The city of Enterprise was the first site in Kansas of the first organized activities to promote the
> Bahá’í teachings. At the end of the nineteenth century Enterprise was a bustling town on the edge
> of the Great Plains. Located on the Smokey Hill River it was a milling and industrial center in east
> central Kansas. The river provided abundant power for the technology of the times.
> Evidence of the prosperity of the city is indicated by reports that the C. Hoffman & Sons mills,
> "shipped 1,200 (rail) carloads of grain flour and millstuffs" during 1883.2. For building new houses
> in town the Badger Lumber company shipped in 863 carloads of lumber and to heat them the coal
> dealer purchased sixty carloads of coal. In 1885 the newspaper, delighting in the prosperity of the
> town, reported that "the J.B. Ehrsam Machine Company has secured contracts worth nearly $75,000
> in a single week."3. Later, the Enterprise Creamery and Ehrsam Mills were awarded first prizes for
> exhibits at the Columbian Exposition of 1893.
> The city of Enterprise grew from a settlement founded in 1868 by Christian Hoffmann, Jacob
> Ehrsam and Michael Senn. All were native Swiss who came for a new start in the U.S. Hoffman
> had owned and operated a mill in Switzerland and it was natural that he would do the same in the
> new country. He enlisted the help of Ehrsam to build the mill and forge its required machinery.
> Hoffman's newly widowed sister-in-law, Barbara Hilty came to the town site and, with her brother,
> Michael Senn, opened the first store in the area.X-1. Ehrsam married Barbara Hilty in 1870 and three
> years later the town was platted around the store and mill. The Hoffman-Ehrsam-Senn family
> dominated the town well into the twentieth century.
> Josephine Hilty, daughter of Barbara Ehrsam by her first husband, went to Chicago to complete
> her musical training. In Chicago she learned of a spiritual teacher and shared the discovery with her
> mother. Mrs. Ehrsam was searching for more meaning in her life and invited this teacher to spend
> some time in her home and share his teachings. His name was Ibrahim Kheiralla, a Syrian of
> Christian background.
> He was not the first or last to whom Barbara Ehrsam turned for knowledge, but it was the visit of
> Kheiralla that caused the greatest stir in the community. It even eclipsed her public expulsion from
> the local Methodist church by the minister, her husband's brother. News of Kheiralla's teachings
> quickly spread beyond the neighborhood of Enterprise and Abilene (the next closest town) to
> Topeka, the capital city, and beyond to Lawrence, one hundred miles from Enterprise. Articles in
> these newspapers, in 1897, may have been the first publicity of the Bahá’í community in America.X-
> 2.
> 
> Kheiralla arrived in Enterprise in early July 1897. By the fifteenth of the month articles were in
> newspapers across the state. One headline announced: "THE BIBLE IS NOT THE TRUTH," and
> another: "TEACHES STRANGE THINGS, An Arabian Springs an Entirely New Religion on the
> People of Enterprise." The articles commented on Kheiralla's "healing," the odd ideas presented in
> his classes, and the secrecy he imposed on his students. These newspaper accounts formed the basis
> of public opinion toward the teachings Kheiralla presented and an examination of them is necessary
> to understanding the resulting public reaction.
> The chronological order of these newspaper articles is difficult to determine. Several articles
> were reprinted nearly word for word from one newspaper to another. Some of the newspapers were
> printed only weekly, others were dailies. In at least one case an article was reprinted in a daily
> paper before the date of the original weekly paper from which it was taken. It may be that the
> weeklies were distributed earlier in the week than the date given, just as some periodicals are dated
> a week or month before they are placed on the newsstands.
> Two basic articles, printed in at least six newspapers in five cities announced Kheiralla's arrival
> in Kansas. The articles with the earliest date, that of Wednesday, 14 July 1897, appeared
> simultaneously in two Topeka newspapers. One gave credit to the Abilene Chronicle, the other
> gave it a dateline of "Enterprise." The weekly newspapers in Enterprise and Abilene, credited with
> the article, carried a date of two days later, but they were the same articles.
> Some reason for the wide distribution of the news articles can be found in the headline given in a
> Topeka newspaper. The Topeka Daily Capital ran one article on the top of page three with the
> headline: HOFFMAN'S NEW RELIGION. The subheading explains the assumption of identity and
> indicates that he was well known in state politics. "The people found out what ails Agricultural
> College Regent." In an agricultural state the regents of the agricultural college are noteworthy
> individuals who make decisions which influence the future of the state through the education of
> future farmers.
> The "Hoffman" referred to in the headline is more clearly specified in the other Topeka paper as
> "C.B. Hoffman," the son of Barbara Ehrsam's brother-in-law, Christian Hoffman, owner of the
> Hoffman mills of Enterprise. C.B. had great political ambitions and became a major politician of
> the state in his time. He eventually ran for Governor and narrowly lost. His actions were news
> across state.
> The article explains:
> "Considerable interest and a little excitement prevails in Enterprise these days over the peculiar
> religious teaching of one "Dr." Ibraham (sic) G. Kheiralla an Arabian, who claims not only to teach
> the only true religion but to posses remarkable powers as a healer of all ills that flesh is heir to.
> "Dr. Kheiralla has written a book in which he sets forth his peculiar religious ideas, which are to
> a considerable extent fanatical. By some it is called Neo-Platonism, but others pronounced a
> combination of Arabic mysticism, German rationalism, mesmerism, etc. He believes in the
> individuality of God, that the Creator is not the universe or the universe the Creator. The resultant
> is a modified form of Pantheism.
> "He has two systems of teaching, giving public lectures on Sunday evening and private lessons in
> which he teaches the mysteries of the religion, on Wednesday evenings. There must be no
> interruption, no queries and arguments. Last night a number of Abilene people heard the lecture.
> "An inner circle, or class formed to take the advanced course in the Kheiralla religion, already
> has several members, including it is said C.V. Topping, Ed Hafner, etc. Miss Josie Hilty, who knew
> the "Doctor" in Chicago and though whose influence he was induced to visit Enterprise, is said to
> have embraced the doctrine he teaches. Just what this is no one is able to find out without
> acceptance thereof.
> "The alleged performance of one or two remarkable cures, due to gifts resulting from his
> religious views, has added somewhat to Dr. Kheiralla's power. One of the Ehrsam boys had the
> colic or something of the kind and was cured by the laying on of the "Doctor's" hands, one being
> placed back of his head and the other on his abdomen. Another case, that of a little girl named
> Hilty, who has been blind from birth, is reported in which he has so far benefitted her that she can
> now distinguish light from darkness and note the difference in colors.
> "Dr. Kheiralla claims to be able to cure everything and is credited with a host of remarkable cures
> of all kinds of chronic diseases, including consumption, kidney troubles, fevers, etc., by hypnotic or
> mesmeric influences, aided by medicines whose secret powers are known to him only."4.
> This article appeared in the Abilene Weekly Chronicle dated Friday, 16 July 1987. It was identical
> with the article in the Topeka paper with an addition of a promise of, "further inquiry into the
> teachings of the Arabian are to be made for the CHRONICLE and, if successful, the result will be
> printed in due time."5.
> The reference to Josephine Hilty is significant. If she had in fact "embraced the doctrine," then
> Josephine Hilty would be the first native Kansan to embrace the Bahá’í teachings and her presence
> explains Kheiralla's otherwise uncharacteristic trip to Kansas. Josephine Hilty is listed in
> Kheiralla's "Supplication Book of Students in Miscellaneous State"s as being the first Bahá’í
> resident of St. Louis.
> Dated the next day, Saturday, 17 July 1897, the Enterprise weekly paper published an article
> headed: THE BIBLE IS NOT THE TRUTH. Some of the information is more specific, but the tone
> of it is more impartial. This difference in tone can be explained by the rivalry between the two
> towns were the different newspapers were located. Enterprise and Abilene are both in the center of
> Dickinson, County, just ten miles apart. When the county was being organized as a political unit
> there was a fierce rivalry between them as to which would be the county seat. That distinction
> would guarantee prominence and prosperity. Enterprise lost. The rivalry persisted.
> The article in the Enterprise paper, dealing as it did with activities of the prominent families,
> would not have been as sharp to criticize.
> "Dr. I.G. Kheiralla, Chicago, who is spending his vacation with the family of J.B. Ehrsam, is
> teaching the people of Enterprise the religion of his order. Dr. Kheiralla was sent by his Order from
> the Orient to this country to teach "the truth" and has a large following in Chicago where he has
> resided since coming to this country from Egypt. He teaches the Oneness and Singleness of God;
> also whence we came, why we are here and where we are going. He gives to his private pupils the
> key to the sealed books of the Bible which he uses to verify his teachings. He believes the truth is
> in the Bible but that the Bible is not the truth.
> "One of the strict rules of his order is that no teacher is allowed to accept any remuneration (sic),
> directly or indirectly, for teaching the truth; neither is any one allowed to teach unless a most
> thorough investigation has been made and every statement which they make can be proved.
> "On Sunday evenings there will be public talks given in the parlors of the Ehrsam residence, to
> which all are invited. The private classes which have been held twice, meet Tuesday and Friday
> afternoons and evenings. There are twenty-seven people taking the private teachings and another
> class will be formed later. A great interest is manifested by those who have begun the teachings of
> this religion of which so little is said, for the name of the order is only revealed to those who have
> taken all the teachings."6.
> This description of the classes, in both manner and content, is an accurate description of the
> method Kheiralla was known to use in Chicago at this time. He did not tell anyone the "name of the
> order," i.e. the Bahá’í Faith. Only at the very end of the last session of the class would he divulge,
> with the utmost of expectation, the Greatest Name: Baha'u'llah. Until then he didn't think the
> students were prepared. Sometimes he wouldn't even do it then, but would hold a special meeting
> for the momentous event. He also held total control over the students this way. Even during the
> series of classes he did not allow discussion or questions of his teachings. It was this need for
> control that was his fatal flaw.
> Interestingly, this article, with added comments at the beginning and end, was reprinted the next
> week in the Abilene weekly. The article closed with a disclaimer saying, "Nobody, however, will
> take much stock in a religion which cannot stand the open light of day and Kheiralla's "religion" is
> perhaps as great a fake as his alleged miraculous cures."7. This barb, of course, refers to Kheiralla's
> insistence on secrecy.
> A short quip, continuing the superior attitude of Abilene, appeared in the Abilene Weekly
> Reflector dated 15 July 1897. "It is reported that C.B. Hoffman is practicing under an Arabian
> doctor in the art of curing by laying on of hands. Chris will probably add this new department to
> the State Agricultural college when he masters it more thoroughly."8.
> The next day the Abilene Daily Reflector printed a similar barb, but with a dateline of the
> Lawrence Journal: "It is reported from Enterprise, Kansas, that C.B. Hoffman, the man who has
> been playing hammer and eggs with the Agricultural College, is a member of a new religious sect
> organized out there by a gentleman by the name of Ibrahim Kheiralla, late of Arabia. The religion
> is said to be a conglomeration of mysticism, rationalism, and mesmerism. With wheels of that kind
> is his head it is no wonder Hoffman wants to grind things up."9.
> Hoffman's prominence in state politics, and his advocacy of radical changes at the Agricultural
> College (now Kansas State University) located just thirty miles from his hometown, guaranteed
> attention across the state for his activities. But his involvement with the Bahá’í Faith is only
> evidenced from the "reports" of the newspapers. Hoffman's name does not appear on any surviving
> lists from Kheiralla's classes in Enterprise. If Hoffman did attend some of the classes, it is likely
> that he dropped out after the adverse publicity. That attention did not fit into his political ambitions.
> With the newspaper articles it is sufficient to say that the arrival of the Faith of Bahá'u'lláh did
> not go unnoticed in the heartland of America. Plans were undertaken to share the news with an
> even wider audience. There is a list of people from other Kansas towns; two, Admire and Beloit,
> were nearly 100 miles away. No results are known from that effort.
> In spite of the skepticism of Abilene, it appears that Kheiralla's family was reasonably accepted
> by the people of Enterprise. A few weeks after the initial commotion the following notice appeared
> in the Enterprise paper as if it was nothing unusual. "Ed Hafner, Emmett Hoffman and George
> Kheiralla are with a camping party on Lyons creek, near Woodbine, and will fight chiggers and
> misquitoes (sic) for a week."10. This was an ordinary report of an ordinary event in the life of the
> town. George was Kheiralla's teenage son.
> The presence of the Kheiralla's in Enterprise had become so routine that the next week the
> Enterprise paper duly noted, "Dr. Kheiralla has a large class taking lectures in the new religion and
> the meetings are reported to be very interesting."11. They were now just another part of the summer.
> C.B. Hoffman was not the only person to drop out of the class. A newspaper reported twenty-
> seven attending the class, but only twenty-two are on the membership list Kheiralla kept. Of that
> group only eight are marked as having been given the Greatest Name. The names of these Bahá’ís
> are: Mrs. Addie Harding, Mrs. Elizabeth Frey, Mrs. Barbara Ehrsam, Mrs. E. Rychener, Miss Julie
> Ehrsam, Miss (Mrs.) Rose Hilty, E. Ehrsam and C.B. Harding.12. At least one other person, J.J.
> Abramson, received the Greatest Name but was not marked in the book.
> Many who attended the class, like Josephine Hilty, were related in some way to the Hoffman-
> Ehrsam-Senn family or were other members of the upper levels of Enterprise society. Barbara
> Ehrsam, after the death of her sister, Elizabeth Hoffman, was the reigning matron of the city. Her
> niece, Catherine Hoffman, wife of C.B., was the most socially prominent. One observer, in 1919,
> reflected on the role they played in the life of the city and the long term impact of their actions.
> "These rich people naturally would feel that they were superior to the average people in Enterprise,
> and that the town was too small for them. Thus they would be led to seek new friends of an equal
> social status and new amusements in the larger cities as they travelled. Whatever the explanation
> may be, these idiosyncrasies were bound to destroy any influence for good which these leaders
> might have had among the average, church people of the town, and served to deepen the wide
> chasm between the church and non-church groups in the town."13. This chasm did not bode well for
> the permanent establishment of a Bahá’í community in Enterprise.
> At the end of Kheiralla's class, after he gave the new believers the Greatest Name, he would
> provide them with a form letter indicating their belief, which they would sign, and this would be
> sent to 'Abdu'l-Bahá. Often this created a chain of correspondence between 'Abdu'l-Bahá and the
> new Bahá’í. This did not happen in Enterprise. Kheiralla sent the letters in a bundle but they never
> reached 'Abdu'l-Bahá. No personal contact was established and the believers remained dependent
> on Khairalla.
> Two letters survive from Barbara Ehrsam to Kheiralla after he left Enterprise. It was nearly two
> years after he left when she wrote (she had received no schooling in the English language and little
> in her native German, so the letters reflect the knowledge she simply acquired in daily life). "This
> is the first time I atemted to write to you although I wished to have done so many times since I had
> the teachings wich makes a bond of unity between us," she wrote on 3 May 1899. "I have been
> verry ill for nearly twoo years but have now gained much strength the last 3 weeks that I have hopes
> of becoming well again."14.
> She continued, "We are a little band of believers here but have no one to instruct us." She goes
> on to ask if Getsingers can stop on they way back from Akka to California but the request came too
> late. Then she asks, "What became of Mr. Chase? He used to write to one of the believers here but
> no one has heard lately."15.
> The believer she referred to was John J. Abramson, a distant relative. He was a son of a cousin of
> Barbara Ehrsam's husband and had come, in 1888, "to live with the family after a few years in
> Palestine with a missionary. Although a boy of 15, he spoke German, English and Arabic fluently
> and added much energy to the family life in Enterprise."16. From Enterprise he went to college in
> Cedar Rapids, Iowa and returned to Enterprise to work for Ehrsam's machine factory. By 1902 he
> was a stockholder and on the Board of Directors. He later married Josephine Hilty and they moved
> to California. Thornton Chase was unable to go to Enterprise, but he had given Abramson
> instructions, in a letter dated April 1898, on how to complete the class.17. He also responded to his
> queries about the Greatest Name.
> In October of 1898 Elizabeth Rychener, a member of the class the summer before, was still
> looking for someone to give her the Greatest Name.18. By May of 1899 Barbara Ehrsam had
> received it from her daughter, Josephine (now) Kimmel.19. Seven other Enterprise students are
> listed on a September 1899 list as having received the Greatest Name. Despite these numbers and
> this evidence of continued activity and interest after the departure of Kheiralla, it was not sustained.
> The turmoil after the defection of Kheiralla, in March 1900, would have created even further
> confusion and disillusionment.
> Barbara Ehrsam had written to Kheiralla's secretary asking about a book which had not yet been
> published in 1897. She greatly desires a copy of it, something to study from, there was so little
> available in 1899. She concludes with a gentle reminder, "You promised in the letter to my
> daughter to send her, also Mrs. Hilty in Enterprise a copie of Mrs Gezingers letter and perhaps some
> of the Drs but we have not seen anithing of the kind yett and it is nearly 5 weeks ago." 20.
> The reply of Maud Lampson, Kheiralla's secretary, has not been found, but some of its contents
> can be concluded from a second letter Barbara Ehrsam sent latter in 1899. She repeated her
> questions about the availability of Kheiralla's book, even offering to pay in advance. Evidently
> Lampson had suggested that Rose Hilty come to Chicago. Barbara explained that that was not
> possible. "It is now impossible for Mrs. Hilty to come to Chicago, for she had to have a very
> difficult operation performed."21. That avenue of contact was futile. And Barbara herself could not
> travel the distance alone.
> In closing, Barbara provides our only glimpse of what may be described as "Bahá’í community
> life" in Enterprise, Kansas in 1899. "We live close and see one another every day. We talk much
> about the blessed truth and long to hear and know more abouth "Oh God give me Knowledge faith
> and love" is the desier of my hearth at all times. Hoping to hear from you soon I remain yours for
> the truth. Mrs. J.B. Ehrsam."22. No reply remains extant.
> The only evidence of her subsequent interest in the Bahá’í Cause is a contribution from her to
> Bahai Temple Unity eighteen years later, in 1917. This could have been stimulated by the return of
> her daughter-in-law, Rose Hilty, from Topeka where she and her family had lived for ten years.
> There may be subsequent contributions, but evidence of them has not been found.
> Evidence has been found that two of the women of the 1897 class, Elizabeth Frey and Rose Hilty,
> continued an involvement in the Bahá’í Faith for the rest of their lives. Others may have, but the
> evidence has not come to light. To these names, must be added one more, that of Mrs. Mary M.F.
> Miller. She appears on Kheiralla's 1987 list with a residence of Kansas City, Kansas. She moved to
> Enterprise in 1903 and remained involved for the rest of her life.
> Mrs. Miller and her husband had lived in Enterprise some twenty-three years before and prior to
> that had lived in Lyona, not far away. In both places the Millers were instrumental in establishing
> the local Methodist church. Her husband was the minister. Nevertheless Mrs. Miller felt attracted
> to the Bahá’í teachings, maintained contact and supported efforts of the larger Bahá’í community to
> organize and build a house of worship.
> In addition to her financial contribution to Bahai Temple Unity, she signed, with Rose Hilty, a
> petition to 'Abdu'l-Bahá in 1905. They were the only Kansas Bahá’ís to do so. The response was
> printed a a booklet with the names, listed in front, of all 422 Bahá’ís who signed the petition. In the
> answer 'Abdu'l-Bahá encouraged the Bahá’ís to spiritualize their lives, be united, teach the Faith and
> promote the unity of mankind; the same basis tasks Bahá’ís are engaged in today.23. It is likely
> Miller subscribed to Star of the West. The issue dated 28 April 1911 carried the following notice:
> "Word came to us announcing the death of Mrs. Mary M. f. Miller, Enterprise, Kansas after a stroke
> of paralysis."24.
> The other resident of Enterprise who maintained her support of the Faith the rest of her life was
> Mrs. Elizabeth Frey. Her husband, James Frey, was the Postmaster of the city for a time. She, with
> Mrs. Miller, was one of the few Bahá’ís of 1897 not to be related to the Hoffman-Ehrsam-Senn
> family. Her daughter wrote of one event she and her mother attended. "In May, 1912, attracted by
> the presence of 'Abdu'l-Bahá, mother and I went to Chicago to see Him. Here we partook but for a
> moment of the great privilege of meeting the Mystery of God. We also saw him place the
> cornerstone of the Bahá’í Temple."25.
> In The Dawning Place, a list is given of the names of people and cities represented at the
> cornerstone ceremony. Mrs. Frey is not mentioned, but her daughter, Elsbeth Renwanz, is. No city
> is listed by her name. Shortly after the trip a contribution is recorded from her from Enterprise in
> the Bahai Temple Unity ledger book, dated 10 June 1912. Renwanz had not been a member of the
> 1897 class because she was a girl of ten at the time. Not only did Mrs. Frey teach her daughter but
> she attempted to teach the Faith in town. This effort was remembered by Helen Erickson, a long-
> time resident of Enterprise. She remembered religious meetings being held, when she was a child,
> at the home of Mrs. Frey.26.
> Mrs. Renwanz described her mother as one of, "the only two of this group (the 1897 class) who
> accepted Baha'u'llah as the Manifestation and to remain faithful until the end."27. The other one
> would have been Rose Hilty. Mrs Hilty attended Kheiralla's class with her husband, but only she
> received the Greatest Name and entered the Bahá’í community. They moved to Topeka about 1905
> or 06, but did not sell their farms on the edge of Enterprise. Except for a brief return from 1917 to
> 1920, the rest of her life was spent in Topeka.
> After the death of Mrs Frey, the departure of her daughter and the death of Mrs. Miller, it can be
> concluded that the Bahá’í community in Enterprise ceased to exist. Considering the social distance
> between the Bahá’ís and the rest of society, and minimal outside support, it is not surprising that the
> community was not sustained beyond the initial period of interest.
> 
> II.   BEGINNINGS IN TOPEKA, 1906 - 1931
> 
> Mrs. Rose Hilty and her family moved from Enterprise to Topeka about 1906. She was the first
> Bahá’í documented to live in the capital city of Kansas and the Bahá’í community there has been
> continuous since her arrival. There is evidence that two individuals who lived in Topeka in the
> 1890's, Josephine Clark and Henrietta Clark Wagner, were Bahá’ís every early in the days of the
> American Bahá’í Community, but how early has not yet been determined. It is known that
> Kheiralla stopped in Topeka for a short time after he left Enterprise in 1897 and there may have
> been some contact between them then, but it has not been verified.[28]
> The reminiscences of Rose Hilty indicate that she, "helped to organize a group of about 12 or 14
> people in the year 1912." And, "during the years from 1918 to 1925 study classes were held..." But
> admitting that, "in time the interest lagged and only 2 or 3 loyal believers succeeded in keeping the
> group alive. They were Mrs. Hilty, her daughter Lovelia and Miss Bertha Hyde who later married
> Prof Kirkpatrick of Washburn College and later went to live in Michigan."29.
> From the experience in Enterprise it is doubtful that Rose Hilty initiated many activities on her
> own. She, most likely, supported the work of Bertha Hyde, the second Bahá’í to live in Topeka.
> Bertha Hyde had come to Topeka in 1908 to keep house for her widowed brother, Dr. Arthur Hyde,
> and his young son. She had attended Holyoke and taught school in the east. She eventually
> returned to teaching and taught science in Central Park Elementary.
> Miss Hyde had been taught the Faith by her sister Mrs. Mabel Paine of Urbana, Illinois. Mrs
> Paine recalled hearing of the Bahá’í teachings in 1912 and attended the Bahá’í-oriented classes on
> the Bible and "The Art of Living" given by Albert Vail, a Unitarian minister in Urbana. Mabel
> accepted the Bahá’í Revelation in 1915 and it is likely that her sister did shortly after.30.
> As remained the custom, when Bertha Hyde accepted Baha'u'llah, she wrote of her acceptance
> direct to 'Abdu'l-Bahá. In His answer, He promised "a spiritual victory." 31.
> During those early years it is known that several Bahá’í teachers visited Topeka. They included
> Charles Mason Remey, Mary Hanford Ford, Ida Finch, George Latimer, Albert Vail, Mabel Paine
> and a Mr. Powell. A list with the names was recorded but details of their activities have yet to be
> found. That Bertha Hyde was "active" is not in doubt. She signed a petition that requested 'Abdu'l-
> Bahá's return to the United States. It was sent around the country and signed by over 1130
> American Bahá’ís. The only city in Kansas with a signature was Topeka, listing Bertha Hyde.
> None of the other Bahá’ís in Kansas signed it. Rose Hilty was back in Enterprise at the time. But
> on the list appeared the names: "Elizabeth Rennwanz," with the Bahá’ís of Grand Rapids, Michigan
> and "Josephine F. Clark" and "Henrietta C. Wagner," both of Akron, Ohio.[32] The latter two
> appeared on the 1905 petition but not near the signatures of the two Kansas Bahá’ís.
> The reply of 'Abdu'l-Bahá said, "the magnetic power which draw me to those shores is the union
> and harmony of the friends, their behavior and conduct in accordance with the teachings of God and
> the firmness of all in the Covenant and Testament."33. The teaching trip He was currently planning
> was to India; it was not fulfilled
> In May of 1919 a "Second Bahá’í Teaching Convention of the Central States" was held in
> Wilmette. Its aim was to stimulate teaching along the lines laid down by 'Abdu'l-Bahá in the
> Tablets of the Divine Plan. These served as the basis for consultation and planning. The report of
> Albert Vail included news "of the new and joyous groups started this winter in Keokuk, Kansas
> City, Topeka and Omaha."34. To this teaching convention 'Abdu'l-Bahá addressed a special tablet
> wherein He compares teaching to gardening.
> This report indicated progress and it is likely this was the time the class was started that Rose
> Hilty recalled, "During the years from 1918 to 1925 study classes were held under the leadership of
> Mrs. Bertha Hyde Kirkpatrick. Meetings were held at the home of Mrs. Hilty and at times also at
> the Universal Truth Center, 504 West 10th street. Members of this class during this time were -
> Mrs. Rose Hilty, Miss Lovelia Hilty, Miss Bertha Hyde, Mr. and Mrs. L.M. Kraege, H.R.
> Whittlesey, Miss Susan Whittelsey, Mrs. Margaret Williams, Mrs. Etta Trump, Mrs. Nellie Amos,
> Mrs. Etta Gilmore, Miss Anna Boyd, Miss Jennie Boyd."35.
> Also that year a tablet was received in Kansas from 'Abdu'l-Bahá to an individual. It was
> translated by Shoghi Effendi on 25 July 1919 and sent to Ruth Klos in Atchison. Her name, as
> found in the Atchison city directory of the period, was Ruth Klostermeier and she was a high school
> student.[36] It appears that she had confessed to 'Abdu'l-Bahá her unworthiness. His reply should
> be of comfort to many: "Thou hast written that "I am not worthy." Who is worthier than thee?
> Hadst thou not been worthy, thou wouldst not have turned to God and wouldst not have wished to
> enter the Kingdom. Thy worthiness has guided thee until this blessing and bounty have
> encompassed thee."37. This is the only tablet known to have been received by an individual Kansas
> Bahá’í from 'Abdu'l-Bahá.
> In Topeka, lack of understanding of the independence and purpose of the Bahá’í Revelation
> hindered the community from growing and developing. Few attended the Feast and Holy Day
> observances. Even though fourteen people are listed for the Bahá’í class, there was not enough
> interest or commitment to form a Spiritual Assembly. Even with similar problems, the Urbana,
> Illinois Assembly was formed in 1920. Mabel Paine came to help her sister, but they could not do
> much.38.
> There is one major event that occurred in this time. 'Abdu'l-Bahá had sent Jenab-i-Fadil to
> America to travel to as many Bahá’í communities as possible. His mission was to strengthen ties
> among the Bahá’ís, educate them more fully in the teachings and proclaim the message of
> Baha'u'llah to the public. His tour was such a success that it was later extolled, "The story of his
> teaching tour when recorded in detail will form a unique chapter in the Bahá’í history of this
> country."39.
> Jenab-i-Fadil arrived in Topeka, from Lincoln, Nebraska, on the evening of 18 December 1920
> and left on the 21st. Surprisingly the home where Jenab-i-Fadil stayed was not that of a Bahá’í.
> The Hostess was supportive of the Bahá’í Cause and helped make arrangements for the visit, but
> never formally joined the community, an example of the loosely defined membership in those days.
> She was Mrs. Matt Weightman, wife of a Kansas Legislator and cousin of George Latimer,
> frequently elected member of the Bahai Temple Unity and, later, the National Spiritual Assembly.
> Ministers of two prominent churches located near the Weightman home attended a reception
> there the evening of Jenab-i-Fadil's arrival; Rev. Klup of First Methodist and Rev. Rayhill of
> Central Congregational. The latter had agreed to let Jenab-i-Fadil speak at his church. There was
> even an announcement of it in that evening newspaper's church section, "CONGREGATIONAL -
> Central, Evening Sermon, "The Religion and Reality of Jesus Christ." by Janeble Fazel
> Masandhrani(sic)."40. Those plans were hastily altered after the reception.
> Rose Hilty returned to Topeka in time for the visit of Jenab-i-Fadil. Her daughter, Lovelia, had
> remained in Topeka supporting herself by giving violin lessons. She was blind and had been since a
> small child. She is the one referred to in the 1897 newspaper article as having been partially cured
> of blindness by Kheiralla. She considered herself a Bahá’í and with her mother helped prepare for
> Jenab-i-Fadil's visit.41.
> Several of the meetings were advertised and a sizable article appeared in each of the two major
> papers. Both refer similarly to the facts of his life and the purpose of the trip. One article clearly
> states that he is a Bahá’í, the other, in a likely effort to reassure the readers, emphasizes the Bahá’í
> affirmation of Christianity. Other than that the wording of the two articles is virtually identical.
> One of Jenab-i-Fadil's talks was given at the Metaphysical Library. A comment heard there
> afterward concluded, "I have always felt that too many missionaries are sent to the Orient, but am
> delighted to realize that now missionaries are coming from the Orient to give us knowledge and
> wisdom."42. The President of that organization, also a member of the Bahá’í class, announced to all
> that the "Library contains a full set of Bahai literature and a good deal for sale; that anyone can
> borrow or buy or come there and read their books."43.
> The report of Bertha Hyde to the teaching committee who organized the trip summarized it well.
> "The meetings I think were well attended when one considers that they were held just a week before
> Christmas. (Sunday, the 19th, three meetings were held; in the morning at the Metaphysical Library
> on the `Master Key to Self-Mastery'; in the afternoon at the Orpheum Theater on `The Teachings of
> all Religions are Identical'; and in the evening again at the Orpheum on `The Religion and Reality
> of Jesus Christ'.) ...Mr. Vail talked personally with a number and left a list with me whom I shall
> consult with the idea of starting our meetings again. That, I am sure, is very important, and we want
> prayers for our success. The Monday meetings were at the Elks Club on 'The Ideals of the New
> Age', and at 8 pm in the Library of Washburn College on 'Modern Education in Persia'."44.
> The talk at Washburn College could have been scheduled through Bertha Hyde's brother, who
> was head of the History Department at the time. His life, and that of his sister, became entwined
> with that of the other member of the history faculty, Dr. John E. Kirkpatrick. Kirkpatrick was an
> advocate of transferring a greater degree of democracy and power to the students and faculty. He
> was dismissed by the President of the college for these ideas and the manner in which he
> propounded them.45. Arthur Hyde resigned in objection to the decision of the President and he and
> his sister left the city. The lives of the three remained interconnected and ten years later Bertha and
> John Kirkpatrick returned to Topeka for one final episode.
> With the departure of Bertha Hyde in mid-1922 the Topeka Bahá’í community lost its most
> committed, knowledgeable and stalwart member. Remaining behind as foundations of the
> community were Rose Hilty and her daughter and Mr & Mrs Louis Kraege. Rose Hilty did not
> have much experience in an active Bahá’í community and Kraege's were involved heavily with
> other interests. He, in addition to his job as Secretary of the Independent Telephone Company, was
> the president of the Universal Truth Center which gave him a great deal of satisfaction. One other
> possibly pivotal Bahá’í was Margaret Williams, the Librarian of the Metaphysical Library. The
> Library was held in her home, as was the Universal Truth Center.46. These disparate interests did
> not lead to any unified Bahá’í community development.
> Nothing else has been recovered about Bahá’í activities in Topeka in the latter 1920's except for a
> report Corinne True presented on the teaching work of Albert Vail at the 18th annual National
> Bahá’í Convention in 1926. He had continued to return to Topeka and other cities. The need for
> follow-up teaching and consolidation is emphasized; that is not surprising.
> After leaving Topeka Arthur and Bertha Hyde kept in touch with John Kirkpatrick. In 1924 John
> and Bertha were married. The only point of difference between them was religion. John
> Kirkpatrick had been familiar with the Bahá’í Faith through Berth's activities in Topeka, but now he
> decided to seriously investigate this new religion. The virulent and distorted information
> Kirkpatrick received from Neale Alter, a missionary colleague in Syria, turned him against the
> Revelation for the rest of his life and divided the family.47 Despite this he could not leave the Faith
> alone.
> In 1930 Kirkpatrick was dying. He and Bertha returned to Topeka to be near his family and their
> doctor. Although confined to bed his mind and spirit remained alert. He came to realize that the
> most potent force for reform was not aggressive confrontation but compassionate understanding.
> He and Bertha began to add to their reading and discussion a collection of scriptures her sister was
> gathering and eventually published as The Divine Art of Living. Through this experience he began
> to understand that his opposition to the Faith was unfounded.
> One day, his wife later recounted, "he signified his desire for pencil and paper. Slowly his
> weakened hand, unable to hold the pencil without aid, form the almost illegible words, `one thing
> only, to be a good...' then for a moment there seemed a great influx of strength and spirit as with
> firm hand he completed the sentence with the word - BAHAI in large clear letters. ...those were my
> husbands last words."48. Dr. John Ebenezer Kirkpatrick, an ordained minister of the Congregational
> Church, died in Topeka on 31 January 1931, a newborn Bahá’í.
> Bertha Hyde Kirkpatrick returned to her home in Olivet, Michigan. There she helped organize
> Louhelen Bahá’í School, for years she was the Secretary of the School Committee. She became a
> contributor, then Editor, of Star of the West and served as an editor for several volumes of The
> Bahá’í World.
> 
> III.   Resurrection - Topeka, 1933
> Beginning with the Tablets of the Divine Plan the Bahá’ís of the United States had been
> attempting to systematize their teaching efforts to initiate a steady pattern of growth and
> development. By the end of the 1920's the system of travel teachers who would return frequently to
> a city over a short period of time for intensive teaching had appeared effective. An initial teacher
> would come through a city and arouse interest. If successful, a resident teacher would return over
> an extended period of time, or even live in the town for a few weeks.
> This plan was initiated in Topeka. A resident later recounted,
> "In about late August 1933 a man came to visit our goat diary as we were the only ones in town
> that had an "A" rating. My husband, Paul Brown, had made a nice goat barn, room for cooling and
> bottling milk in connection with the milking shed, etc...
> "This man looked things over and asked a few questions, in answer to which he made the
> following proposition; his wife Orcella Rexford, would be in town for several days giving lectures
> on health and if we could furnish them goat milk for the time they were here, she would give us free
> tickets and reference books she had for sale. As we had plenty of goat milk we agreed"
> "Orcella's lectures were very interesting and very dramatic... After a few nights of lectures
> Orcella announced that on Sunday she would give a lecture on religion. Well, being faithful
> members of the Seabrook Congregational Church, we did not go to that lecture. Then the next night
> when we went again to her lectures, everyone was telling how shocking her Sunday lecture was.
> She even said Christ had returned."49.
> May Brown and her husband attended the next lecture and recognized that here was something
> worth investigating. They, along with 26 other people, indicated they were interested in starting a
> class to study the Bahá’í Message. Ruth Moffett of Chicago became their resident teacher. "She
> held a series of meetings at the Herron Studio 625 Kansas Ave. Three meetings a day were held
> there until November Fifth, covering a period of 15 days. Forty-six lectures in all were given
> covering prayer services, conference and luncheons. At the end of these series twenty-six people
> made declaration of their intention to go on with the study of the Bahá’í Movement."50.
> Ruth Moffett returned later in the month. "On Nov. 24, 1933 a meeting was held at the home of
> Mr. and Mrs. L.M. Kraege at which time Mrs. Ruth Moffett came to Topeka from Kansas City to
> assist in organizing the Bahá’í Fellowship Group."51. She brought her own BOOK OF LIFE for the
> new believers to sign. She stayed two days and left with the promise to return in the spring.
> By the next February the community could boast a library which included Dawnbreakers, Bahá’í
> Administration and Bahá’í Scriptures, the first two being new publications. That month a
> delegation from the study class visited Rose Hilty, now an invalid, to obtain information about the
> very early days of the Bahá’í Movement in Kansas. Shortly after that the Bahá’í library was greatly
> expanded by the donation of the books and magazines Rose Hilty had kept over the years, these
> included a complete set of Star of the West beginning with its first year as Bahá’í News.
> That April 21st, at Riḍván, the community elected a local Spiritual Assembly. A letter of
> notification of the election and officers was sent to the Chicago Spiritual Assembly, not the
> National Spiritual Assembly "at Chicago." The Chicago Assembly returned a congratulatory note,
> but news of this new Assembly never reached the National Assembly so its election was not
> recognized. During the next year the major activities of the Topeka Bahá’í community were the
> weekly study class and the Feasts. A "Thank you" was being prepared for Rose Hilty and her
> interview when the new Bahá’ís learned of her funeral. They intended that instead.
> Few traveling teachers are recorded as having come to Topeka during the year 1934-35. Mamie
> Seto was one and her visit was long remembered. The other was Ali Kuli Khan with some
> members of his family. Some press coverage has been found of his visit. Two nearly identical
> articles appeared in both major newspapers heralding him as an internationally known scholar,
> writer, translator and "prominent exponent of the Revelation of Baha'u'llah."52. He gave two
> lectures on the 10th of February. Oddly, in the seat of the state government, no mention was made
> of his years of diplomatic service.
> In preparation for the Riḍván election of 1935 the National Teaching Committee sent a
> representative to Topeka to ensure that the Assembly was properly formed and recognized. Dr.
> Morris was in town from April 9-11. One of her tasks was to have members of the "Bahá’í
> Fellowship Group" sign declaration cards to establish a definite membership list. May Brown
> recalled that, "we all became Bahá’ís again."53. Twenty-one people indicated acceptance of
> Baha'u'llah and His teachings. From this base the Assembly was elected. The names of its
> members were, Mr. Paul Brown, Mrs. Irena Stevens, Mrs Mae Minor, Mrs Irma Coburn, Mr. Louis
> Kraege, Miss Ruth Stevens, Mrs. Amos, Miss Tegart, Mrs. Mae Stone.54.
> Despite these precautions of the National Assembly, the new Assembly did not have an easy
> time. The instructions of the Guardian regarding how a Bahá’í Assembly should function did not
> matter. This dissension ripped the infant Assembly apart. The National Assembly was not aware of
> the gravity of the situation until after a delegate had been assigned for Topeka for the 1936 National
> Convention. Early that April the Recording Secretary sent a letter to the National Assembly asking
> questions regarding the immanent Riḍván election. Some of these were: Should non-participating
> Bahá’ís have the same voice as those who have been involved all along? Should Bahá’ís
> antagonistic to the Bahá’í community have the same rights as those who were working together?
> What should be done when someone wants to withdraw from the community? Who is the teacher
> for this area, and how do we get her to come here?55. The questions alone indicate serious
> differences of understanding among the Bahá’ís of Topeka.
> The Secretary admitted the letter was long overdue, but thought the dust would settle in time and
> they would all understand what had happened. But after a year they did not. Dr. Morris had gotten
> them ready for last year's election when Ruth Moffett had returned to help with the procedure at
> Riḍván. The Secretary related that at the last moment before the election Ruth Moffett had accepted
> four people into the community who had not been part of the study group and had no commitment
> or understanding of the Faith.
> One of these four new people was elected to the Assembly, then its Treasurer, resigned by the
> June after the election, gradually quit attending Assembly meetings and eventually refused to
> associate with the other Bahá’ís at all. By the time she removed her presence, the rest of the
> community had been demoralized by her attitude and behavior. "After the hurricane was over," the
> Secretary resumed, "six or seven of the original workers shook off the debris and quietly began to
> hold steady - and build... Now for a number of months, since August - we've been regaining our
> former peace and harmony and have made nice progress."56. But they did not understand why Ruth
> Moffett enrolled people who had not studied, why events proceeded the way they did or what to do
> with the individuals who no longer wanted anything to do with the Bahá’í community.
> Early April was too late for the National Assembly to do anything before that year's Riḍván
> election. Horace Holly, the Secretary of the National Assembly, explained that all communities
> would face tests as they grew, that individuals could not be kicked off the membership list for non-
> attendance or disinterest, but if the Assembly wanted to verify membership status it could, in
> preparation for the annual election, gently express that intention and request each member on the
> rolls to indicate their preference of membership or not.57.
> This advice was taken, for the election was held at Riḍván and a new membership list appeared
> minus several names. The exchange of correspondence did serve notice that the Topeka Bahá’í
> community needed help and, while she was available to travel in this country, Emogene Hoagg,
> being eminently qualified for the task, was asked to straighten out the mess in Topeka. She had
> been a Bahá’í for thirty-six years (since 1899), had studied directly under Mirza Abd'l-Fadl, the
> foremost Bahá’í scholar to date, had managed the International Bahá’í Bureau from 1928-35 at the
> request of the Guardian, carried out other tasks for him and assisted in translating Bahá’í Writings
> into Italian, German, French and Spanish. She was not the typical itinerant travel teacher.58.
> In June of 1936 she made a one day visit to Topeka and got a glimpse of the situation. Because
> of previous commitments she could not do anything that summer but in September wrote the
> Topeka Assembly and asked it to consult on the way she could be of most help. There was no
> reply. On October 7th she arrived in town and was dismayed to learn that, not only had the
> Assembly not met (since spring), but the entire Bahá’í community could not function. She
> remained in Topeka for an extended period of time. After four weeks she reported to the National
> Assembly that the circumstances, "would be ludicrous, if not so tragic. Just like children
> quarreling."59. None of the Bahá’ís she reported, except Paul and May Brown, had any
> understanding of the Revelation nor had given up their earlier interests which ran counter to the
> Bahá’í teachings. All felt the fault was with the others and the atmosphere was so impossible she
> felt the only solution was to dissolve the Assembly and try to start over. Nothing could be
> accomplished under the present circumstances. Not only were the Bahá’ís themselves demoralized,
> uninformed and confused, but the name of the Faith itself was in disrepute in the city at large.
> The Chairman of the Teaching Committee, through whom she corresponded, was reluctant to
> endorse dissolving the Assembly. With twenty-one names on the rolls, it seemed she ought to be
> able to find nine who could carry on the Assembly. The complications in Topeka were similar to
> others that had arisen in other cities after a similar series of alternating teachers. She finally
> succeeded in gathering eleven of the Bahá’ís together to consult on the situation. That was no mean
> feat in itself, for attendance at her classes had dwindled from a high of eight, to two. The group
> agreed on a course of action and at the next Feast the community voted on a letter to the National
> Assembly.
> The letter summarized events in Topeka since 1933. The feelings of those who assembled were
> expressed that, "we were prematurely organized."60. The consensus of the remnants of the Bahá’í
> community was that the Assembly should be dissolved. This initiated a flurry of correspondence
> between the Topeka Bahá’ís, the National Assembly, Emogene Hoagg and the Chairman of the
> National Teaching Committee. Eventually, by the end of January 1937 a decision was made and a
> letter sent to Topeka. It stated, "...while the National Assembly is most reluctant to see any local
> Assembly dissolved, nevertheless, it was decided that the Cause will best be served by recognizing
> the dissolution of the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Topeka."61. An updated membership list
> was requested.
> Two lists were sent in rapid succession, one before the letter was received and one after. The first
> contained eight names, the second, eleven. After receipt of the second the Topeka Bahá’ís were
> advised to re-elect the Assembly at Riḍván. They refused. On April 21 an annual meeting was call
> and fourteen Bahá’ís showed up. Before action could be taken to elect the Assembly an election of
> officers to a six month term for the study group was carried out. They didn't want any more to do
> with an "Assembly" for a while. Six months later officers were elected for an identical period to
> end the next April. In January of 1938 the membership list held eleven names and by Riḍván two
> earlier members asked to be reinstated. At Riḍván a representative of the recently created Regional
> Teaching Committee for Kansas and Missouri was present. The Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís
> of Topeka was restored and it never again had such problems.
> 
> IV.    A NEW COMMUNITY, 1938 - 1947
> 
> The years 1938-40 were calm ones for the Topeka Bahá’ís. The study classes were held each
> week and a record kept of the date, topic and hostess. Feasts were held regularly and maybe only
> one a year missed due to bad weather in winter. Lists were kept also of the dates of the Feasts, the
> "topic" (ie. Splendor, Glory, Beauty, Grandeur, etc.) and the hostess. The Assembly held a meeting
> each Gregorian month and studied a topic also. Lists were kept of each activity and carefully
> preserved in the infant Archives. All these events were scheduled in advance for the entire year and
> calendars given out at the annual meeting. At that meeting the Historian summarized the events of
> the year and read it, as well as that year's lists, to the assembled members.62. It was a very steady,
> uneventful time.
> In this time one former member of the 1933 study group asked to be reinstated to membership
> and two new believers joined the community. All three were unaffected by the upheavals of 1935-
> 36 and became strong members of the community. The son of one of the new members recalled the
> study classes his mother attended. He was too young to go to school so he played under the dinning
> table which the ladies sat around and would often fall asleep there and nap.63. It was a pleasant time
> for the Bahá’í community.
> It did not last. In July 1940 a letter was received from the National Assembly to all local
> Assemblies regarding a recent message from the Guardian. It was time to clarify boundaries and
> membership of local Bahá’í communities. All members of local Assembly would henceforth live
> within the bounds of that Assembly which were to correspond to the city limits. In many areas of
> the country the decision created entirely new communities and Assemblies in suburban towns. In
> Topeka the decision caused five members of the Assembly to be isolated believers scattered outside
> the city limits around Shawnee County in North Topeka, Seabrook, and Wakarusa. The second
> result of this change was that delegates to the National Convention would be elected by all Bahá’ís
> in a district, not by each Assembly.
> At Riḍván 1941 the Bahá’ís residing within the city limits of Topeka elected their Assembly
> without the Shawnee County Bahá’ís. That summer one Assembly member married and moved to
> Chicago, two long time members who had weathered the storms of the 1930's resigned. This
> brought the number of community members down to nine. In December one of the nine died. The
> Assembly was lost and the community immediately reverted to group status. No election was held
> the next April.
> After Riḍván 1942, great changes occurred. During the year there were six new enrollments: one
> a youth (a nephew of the Bahá’í who had moved to Chicago), three were spouses of Bahá’ís (two
> lived in the county) and an entirely new couple. It looked as if the Assembly would be restored.
> But that December two of the older Bahá’ís died and there would not be nine adult members to
> reform the Assembly. To insure the restoration of the Assembly in 1943 the family of Art and Cora
> Schulte, in North Topeka, moved inside the city limits. It was a sacrifice but the Assembly was
> assured.
> In the next few years the Topeka Bahá’í Community grew in another surprising way. The city
> annexed the Seabrook neighborhood and the Bahá’í family who lived there, May and Paul Brown,
> were once again part of the Topeka Bahá’í community. They were immediately elected to the
> Assembly. Most of the community now consisted of stable families. Many of the children became
> Bahá’ís, married and several spouses joined also. Topeka had become a good place to be a Bahá’í.
> With local problems settled the Bahá’ís in Topeka began to be more integrated into regional and
> national Bahá’í activities. Not only did several attend the national convention each year but some
> also served on the regional teaching committee. Many regularly attended area conferences. A
> "Center" had been rented in downtown Topeka for several years, where most local activities were
> held, and this became the site of the first Kansas District Conventions. From 1944 to 1953 a
> Topeka Bahá’í was elected the Kansas delegate to the National Bahá’í Convention.
> Gradually there began to be Bahá’ís in other towns and cities across the state. In 1935 a couple
> had moved to Wichita from Topeka to be the first Bahá’í residents there. A family moved from
> Topeka to nearby Burlingame in 1943. A Bahá’í with no connections to Topeka lived in the
> northeast corner of the state, in Elwood, that same year. In 1945 a Topeka Bahá’í married and
> moved to Fort Leavenworth. Kinsley, in Western Kansas, received its first Bahá’í resident in 1948.
> Teaching activities in the city also picked up. Just before Riḍván 1945 the community held its
> largest proclamation effort to date. A "Race and World Unity" meeting was held 18 April that year
> at the Kansas Hotel. Over thirty-five members of the black and white races attended, only about
> half were Bahá’ís. It was a remarkable event for the time and place.
> The next year the Regional Teaching Committee sponsored the largest Bahá’í gathering of the
> first half of the 20th century in Kansas. Because of its historic nature it remained a highlight for
> those Topeka Bahá’ís who attended. Forty Bahá’ís, plus several youth and half a dozen children,
> attended from Kansas, Missouri and Nebraska. The Topeka Bahá’ís were delighted and impressed
> to see so many fellow believers in their hometown. Several who attended were family members of
> early Bahá’ís making the event all the more special for them. It was visible evidence that efforts to
> build a Bahá’í community had born fruit.
> 
> V.    Beyond
> 
> Within five years the first Bahá’í wedding in Kansas would occur giving evidence of the
> continuity of the Bahá'í community. An authentic, self perpetuating and new community was
> taking shape where there had not been one before. The expansion of the Kansas Bahá’í Community
> continued in the 1950's. Bahá’ís lived in Emporia (1953), Scott City (1953), Oakley (1955 - the last
> two in the far, far western edge of Kansas), and Manhattan, Hope and Parsons in (1956), Overland
> Park, Greenleaf and Merriam in (1957) and Kansas City (where no Bahá’í had lived since the turn
> of the century). And in that decade Spiritual Assemblies were formed in Wichita (1955), and
> Kansas City (1958). Also the first state wide educational events were held for Bahá’ís and
> interested seekers.
> In the 1960's new Bahá’í communities spread around the state and two more new Assemblies
> were brought into being and an earlier one that had lapsed was restored. Bahá’í marriage was made
> legally valid by an act of the state legislature and a Summer Institute was established. The 1970's
> witnessed an explosion of the size of the Kansas Bahá’í community. New communities were
> started in dozens of localities and Assemblies were formed in nine new cities. Also the first Kansas
> Bahá’ís were appointed to the Auxiliary Boards for Protection of the Faith and Propagation.
> Growth continued in the 1980's. More towns were opened to the Faith and eight new Assemblies
> were formed. Not all Assemblies have survived continuously, but progress is evident in restoring
> those that have lapsed and stabilizing their membership.
> As the Kansas Bahá’í Community nears its centennial it appears to be well established all across
> the state in 100-some localities. Of the 105 counties in Kansas well over half have resident Bahá’ís
> and nearly all towns of over 10,000 have a Bahá’í community with many having local Spiritual
> Assemblies. Kansas Bahá’ís have pioneered to over a dozen foreign countries and several have
> been elected to their National Assemblies. Two Kansans have been elected to the Universal House
> of Justice. It is not likely that the Kansas Bahá’í Community will fade away or return to obscurity.
> 
> NOTES
> 
> 1. "History of the Membership in the Topeka Bahá’í Community," (unpublished manuscript,
> Topeka Bahá’í Archives, no date) p. 1.
> 2. Edward G. Nelson, The Company and the Community (Bureau of Business Research, School
> of Business, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas, 1956) p. 248.
> 3. ibid. p. 253.
> 4. Abilene Weekly Chronicle, Abilene, Kansas July 16, 1897, p. 1.
> 5. ibid.
> 6. Enterprise Journal, Enterprise, Kansas July 17, 1897, p. 1.
> 7. Abilene Weekly Chronicle, July 23, 1897, p. 1.
> 8. Abilene Weekly Reflector, July 15, 1897, p. 6.
> 9. Abilene Daily Reflector, July 16, 1897, p. 2
> 10. Enterprise Journal, August 12, 1897, p. 5.
> 11. Enterprise Journal, August 19, 1897. p. 5.
> 12. "Supplication Book of Students in Miscellaneous Cities. from 1895 to (blank)" National Bahá’í
> Archives, p. 1.
> 13. F.C. Havinghurst, "The Social Development of Enterprise, Kansas" (Master's thesis, Kansas
> State University, 1919) p. 39.
> 14. Barbara Ehrsam to Maud Lampson, May 3, 1899, Maud Lampson Papers, National Bahá’í
> Archives, Wilmette, Ill.
> 15. ibid.
> 16. Nelson, p. 293.
> 17. Thornton Chase to J.J. Abramson, April 1898, Thornton Chase Papers, National Bahá’í
> Archives.
> 18. Elizabeth Rychener to Maude Lampson, October 27, 1898, Maude Lampson Papers.
> 19. Barbara Ehrsam to Maud Lampson, May 3, 1899.
> 20. ibid.
> 21. ibid., letter dated by internal evidence late 1899.
> 22. ibid.
> 23. "To the beloved of God in general in America (Upon them be Baha Ullah)" Tablet translated by
> Ali Kuli Khan, January 3, 1906, Cambridge, Massachusetts n.d. n.p., Topeka Bahá’í Archives.
> 24. Star of the West, April 28, 1911, p. 9.
> 25. Elizabeth Frey Renwanz Recollections, typescript, National Bahá’í Archives.
> 26. Helen Erikson to Duane Herrmann, 23 October 1980
> 27. Renwanz Recollections.
> 28. Topeka Daily Capital, September 3, 1897.
> 29. "Membership in the Topeka Bahá’í Community," p. 1.
> 30. Garetta H. Busey, "Mabel Hyde Paine," Bahá’í News, October 1979, p. 7.
> 31. 'Abdu'l-Baha to several Bahá’ís in the west, dated July 24, 1919, Bertha Hyde Kirkpatrick
> papers, National Bahá’í Archives.
> 32. Star of the West, August 1, 1919, p. 161.
> 33. ibid, p. 154-55.
> 34. ibid, July 13, 1919, p. 132.
> 35. "Membership," p. 1.
> 36. Atchison City Directory, 1917, Kansas State Historical Society.
> 37. Star of the West, January 19, 1920, p. 319.
> 38. Interview of Mrs. Sylvia Parmalee, September, 2 1983.
> 39. National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States and Canada, The Bahá’í
> Centenary: 1844-1944; (Bahá’í Publishing Committee, Wilmette, Ill. 1944) p. 166.
> 40. Topeka State Journal, December 20, 1920. p. 2.
> 41. Bulletin "A", Teaching Committee of Nineteen, annotated date of January 1921; National
> Bahá’í Archives, p. 4.
> 42. ibid. p. 8.
> 43. ibid.
> 44. ibid. p. 4.
> 45. James F. Zimmerman, The Washburn Story, circa 1960, Washburn University Archives,
> Topeka, Kansas.
> 46. Topeka City Directory, 1921, Kansas State Historical Society.
> 47. S. Neale Alter to John E. Kirkpatrick, dated January 28, 1934, Hama, Syria, copy in author's
> possession, courtesy of Mrs. Sylvia Parmalee.
> 48. Mabel H. Paine, "Tribute to Bertha Hyde Kirkpatrick," unpublished manuscript in author's
> possession, courtesy of Mrs. Sylvia Parmalee, p. 3
> 49. May Brown, "About the Bahá’í Faith in Topeka," 1982, unpublished manuscript in author's
> possession, p. 1-2.
> 50. "Membership," p. 2.
> 51. ibid. p. 2.
> 52. Topeka Daily Capital, February 10, 1935.
> 53 Interview with May Brown, circa 1970's.
> 54. ibid. p. 4.
> 55. Mae Minor to National Spiritual Assembly, April 3, 1936, National Bahá’í Archives.
> 56. ibid.
> 57. National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States and Canada, through Horace
> Holley, Secretary to Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Topeka, Kansas, April 8, 1936, National
> Bahá’í Archives.
> 58. National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States, The Bahá’í World, vol. X,
> 1944-1946, pp. 520-26.
> 59. Emogene Hoagg to National Teaching Committee Secretary, Leroy Ioas, May 7, 1936, National
> Bahá’í Archives.
> 60. Miss Maude Tegart, "Secretary" of the Topeka Bahá’ís, to Horace Holley, December 14, 1936,
> National Bahá’í Archives.
> 61. Horace Holley to Maude Tegart, January 15, 1937, National Bahá’í Archives.
> 62. Annual history records, Topeka Bahá’í Archives.
> 63. Interview with Keith Schulte, October 1986.
> 
> Auxiliary Notes:
> 
> X-1. Accidents at the Falls
> Joseph Hilty, of Grasshopper Falls, had been to Atchison for a load of lumber; and while on his
> way home, one mile this side of Pardee, fell from his wagon and broke his neck. A Mr. Johnson
> was in company with him in another wagon, and seeing him fall, went to him, and drew the body to
> one side of the road. Both parties were under the influence of liquor – Mr. H. was an industrious
> citizen.
> We are indebted to Judge Spalding for these facts.
> Oskaloosa Independent, 17 April 1869, p.1
> His enlistment document for the “Eleventh regiment of Kansas volunteers,” states he was “aged
> forty,” with blue eyes, brown hair, light complexion, five feet, eight inches tall. His original
> enlistment was for three years. The Civil War ended before that time was up, so he was transferred
> to the west. He was promoted to farrier 16 May 1864, wounded in action 25 July 1865 at Platt
> Bridge, Dakota Terr., and mustered out with his company 26 September 1865. He died 8 April
> 1869. He had been born 8 December 1821 in Germany, immigrated in May 1850. Married Barbara
> Senn 19 April 1860.
> 
> X-2 list of 1897 newspapers
>
> — *The Baha'i Faith in Kansas 1897-1947 (Used by permission of the curator)*