# Tablet (Lawh) in Baha'i Usage

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Todd Lawson, Tablet (Lawh) in Baha'i Usage, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> Tablet (Lawh) in Bahá'í Usage
> 
> Todd Lawson
> 
> 2005
> 
> In the Bahá'í corpus (which for the purposes of this
> discussion will include the writings of the Báb), several different technical
> terms are used to designate various types and styles of writing: ketáb,
> sahífa, resála, lawh, tawqí`, dast khat, súra,
> khutba, payám, namá. Just as the term bayán was used
> by the Báb, Sayyid `Alí Muhammad Shírází, 1819-1850 (q.v.) to designate the whole
> body of his vast literary output, so the term alwáh "Tablets"
> is used to designate the entire literary legacy of Bahá'u'lláh, Mírzá Hosayn-`Alí
> Núrí, 1817-1892, (q.v.) even though various individual works of both authors might
> carry distinct modifiers such as tafsír, khutba, sahifa,
> du`a, resála, ketáb, and so on. In addition, the terms áya/áyát
> (not bayt/abyát) are used to refer to individual "divine verses"
> — lines or sentences, composing a larger work. The Báb's Qáyyúm al-asmá'
> (q.v.) was structured by him to be comprised of 111 súras each containing
> 40 or 42 verses (áyát) and in his Bayán-i Fársí, the Báb himself
> refers to His entire ouput as exceeding 500,000 verses. (MacEoin, p.15) Bahá'u'lláh,
> passim, refers to his writings as revelation whose components include divine
> verses (áyát). Thus, there is a clear and unambiguous choice by these two
> authors to designate their writings by generic terminology that had traditionally
> been restricted to referring to literary works of divine revelation — the
> Koran and other scriptures — esteemed as such by a greater Islamicate
> religio-cultural ethos. The use of súra, áya, sahífa and
> even the more generic but potentially highly charged term ketáb and finally
> lawh is meant to proclaim the re-occurence of divine revelation. Here,
> as has been suggested elsewhere, the medium is indeed the message. (Lawson, 1988,
> p. 252.)
> 
> Despite the truly vast and variegated literary legacy
> of the Báb, the term "lawh" was employed in only one instance
> as part of the title of an actual work by him: the Lawh al-Hurúfát, sometimes
> referred to as the Lawh-i hayákil. Even here, though, it is not certain
> that the Báb himself gave the work this title, since it has been demonstrated
> that the composition that goes by this name is in a reality a part of a much longer
> work. (MacEoin, p. 88-9, 95). In the Bayán-i Fársí, the Báb refers to his
> writings as "tablets" in a general way (BF, p.293: váhid
> 8, báb 11; see also pp. 67; 2:17 & 100; 3:15 & p.97; 3:14, discussing
> how the holy verses should be written down). The Báb also refers to letters he
> has written to individuals as tablets (Afnan, p. 610). Also, in his Dalá'il-i
> Sab`a he refers to that composition as a tablet (p.55).
> 
> However, the Báb did use the word lawh to refer
> to various metaphysical "tablets" whose place and function in his teachings
> remain to be studied. In his earliest sustained work, the Tafsír súrat al-baqara,
> the term occurs several times, e.g. in his reference to a lawh al-sadád,
> a repository of divine revelation (Baq, p.55). In the Qayyúm al-asmá
> there is frequent mention of "lawh" as in such epithets as the
> Koranic, lawh mahfúz, or the variation lawh hafíz (QA, p.7)
> or the tablets on which the deeds of mankind are inscribed (QA, p. 58)
> and other usages to indicate that the heavenly Preserved Tablet has now been fully
> communicated to the sublunar realm: lawh-i mastúr, lawh-i manshúr
> (SWB, p.109/154). In these cases, and in line with standard Islamic teaching
> (Wensinck), the Báb is referring to the heavenly source or archetype of revelation.
> 
> The infrequently used term lawh to designate
> works written by the Báb, came to be regularly used in titles of works by Bahá'u'lláh
> and, to a lesser extent, in works by his son and successor, `Abbás Effendi, `Abdu'l-Bahá'
> (q.v. see below). It is not clear how the designation lawh came to be one
> of the most characteristic for the scriptures of the founder of the Bahai Faith.
> Generally speaking, it is not used by authors writing in Persian and Arabic previously.
> (But see the Ketáb al-lawh ascribed to Muhyi al-Dín Ibn al-`Arabí (q.v.)
> in Yahia, vol.2, p.344, #370.) An unpublished work by a staunch contemporary critic
> of both the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh, Muhammad Karím Khán Kirmání (q.v.) entitled
> Lawh-e Mahfúz "fí ma`refat ertesám-e lawh" is mentioned in Ibrahímí
> (vol.2, p.178)" but according to the Fihrist, there are no alwáh
> ascribed to either Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsá'í (q.v.) or to his successor, Sayyid Kázim
> Rashtí (q.v.), the first two leaders of the so-called Shaykhíya (q.v.) and figures
> recognized by the Bábí/Bahá'í tradition as intellectual and spiritual forebears.
> One can mention here, however, a characteristic and influential hermeneutic assumed
> in the explanation by Rashtí of a hadíth he ascribes to the Prophet on
> the letter "b" of the basmala. Rashtí says that this "b"
> is the Preserved Tablet, lawh mahfúz mentioned in the Koran. (Rashtí,
> p. 82). However, the question of whether or not the Bahai usage may be ascribed
> to Shaykhí influence awaits further study.
> 
> All of the writings of Bahá'u'lláh are considered
> revelation and alwáh, even those works produced before the author made
> an explicit claim to be in receipt of such as a function of his dignity as Divine
> Manifestation (mazhar-i iláhí). There is no space here to attempt a thematic
> analysis of the more than 15,000 items covered by the term extant in the archives
> and library of the Bahai World Centre. Cataloguing this corpus is far from complete,
> but it is generally acknowledged that the vast majority of these tablets are in
> the form of written communication to individual followers and/or questioners of
> Bahá'u'lláh. Many of them are very brief and personal, perhaps also functioning
> as something of a talisman for the recipient. Thus, lawh/alwáh bears in
> this case the connotation of "epistle" as this term is used in the New
> Testament: a weighty, religiously charged solemn communication akin to "Papal
> bull". As an echo of the Shí`i usage (see below), Bahá'u'lláh refers to himself
> as the Preserved Tablet (Prayers, p. 286/191; Átár, vol. 5, p. 141).
> In this usage, therefore, we have the continuation of a melding of identity and
> authority of person and text common to Shí`í Islam — as in the characteristic
> hermeneutical syzygy: the Silent Book (ketáb-i sámet), e.g. the Holy Scripture
> itself and and the Speaking Book (ketáb-i náteq), the Prophet and/or the
> Imam. (Ayoub).
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh's oeuvre has been classified into four
> categories by the eminent Bahá'í scholar, Mírzá Abu'l-Fadl Gulpayagání (q.v.)
> as follows: laws and ordinances, meditations, communes and prayers, interpretations
> of sacred scriptures of the past; discourses and exordiums. The alwáh listed
> below contain, to one degree or another (and in many cases within the same lawh),
> all of this multifarious subject matter, and it would be impossible to discuss
> this fully here. A definitive understanding of the term will have to await the
> complete analysis of all the tablets preserved in the Bahai Archives and ascribed
> to Bahá'u'lláh. It is obvious that the designation refers to a quality that transcends
> the limitations of genre, style and content. A brief look at some more of the
> Islamicate background for the term may be helpful. The word occurs once in the
> singular in the Qur'án, viz lawh mahfúz (85:22) and 4 times as a
> plural: three of these are the tablets written by God for Moses (7:145, 150, 153).
> The remaining instance of alwáh is in the story of the Flood. Noah's ark
> is called "something made of planks" (dhát-i alwáh 54:13) in
> which Núh and his entourage were saved. Shí`í tradition refers to the Prophet/Imam/Walí
> as the Preserved Tablet (Ámúlí, p. 383, quoting the Khutbat al-bayán ascribed
> to `Alí, & Isfahání, p. 294 for a general discussion) and both the Báb (QA
> passim, and Bahá'u'lláh (see below) continue this usage. In addition, the
> Hadîth, especially Shí`í akhbár, tell the story of the lawh or sahífa
> of Fátema bint al-Rasúl (q.v.), the wife of the the first Imam `Alí. (Amir-Moezzi,
> 1992, pp.185-89, esp. 188 & "Fátema") This tablet, hidden from mankind
> until the day of the return of the Qá'im (Sachedina, p. 22), was given by God
> to Fátema to help her endure the profound sadness of the death of her father,
> Muhammad. The Tablet, written on green chrysolite or white pearl in letters "brighter
> than the sun", assured Fátema that her progeny would be the bearers of the
> Imamate and, in fact, named each of the remaining eleven, from Hasan to the Qá'im,
> Muhammad ibn Hasan al-`Askarí. In the text of this secret Tablet as reproduced
> in Kulayni (vol 1, pp.527-28) it is specified that the Qá'im will bring with him
> numerous attributes of the prophets of old among which the glory of Jesus (bahá'-e
> `ˆsá). Such would most certainly have had a special meaning for the followers
> of Bahá'u'lláh, particularly those who might have become aware of this text through
> the writings of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsá'í (e.g. Ziyara, 1, pp. 184-86).
> 
> One of the earliest compositions of Bahá'u'lláh was
> in fact originally entitled "The Hidden Book of Fátema" indicating that
> the Shí`í eschaton was now at hand (Eshráq-Kháveri, p. 624). This work was retitled
> later Kalimát-i maknúna ("The Hidden Words"), preserving the
> idea of hidden knowledge without explicit reference to a Shí`í salvation history.
> But, it would seem that the association of lawh and/or sahífa with
> Bahá'u'lláh's claim to be the Shí`í messiah would remain a permanent feature of
> his ministry. Certainly the Báb had proffered similar textual evidence in publishing
> the Qayyúm al-asmá, which for all intents and purposes functioned for his
> early followers as the True Qur'án, simultaneously new and ancient, hidden until
> now with the Qá'im. Thus we see Shí`í eschatological fulfillment configured as
> much by the appearance or return of messianic texts as by the return of persons.
> It should be added, however, that Bahá'u'lláh's Hidden Book of Fátima will
> frustrate a literal reading of the Hadíth inasmuch as the original text as recorded
> there in the famous riwáya from Jábir al-Ansárí is not even referred to
> much less quoted in the "antitype". (Kulayní, Usúl vol 1, pp.
> 238-242) The text of what eventually came to be called The Hidden Words
> is, in fact, remarkable as a "Shi`i" religious work in that it is completely
> innocent of any of the sectarian or communalistic topics so familiar to the Sunní/Shí`i
> controversy. Rather this "Tablet of Fátima" is a collection of universalistic
> ethical and mystical aphorisms more akin to an Islamicate perrenialism or universalism.
> One of the few features that may be thought to link its contents to the Tablet
> of Fátima is the mention in it of the "chrysolite tablet" (alwáh
> zabarjadí) in the 63rd "Hidden Word" of the Persian (Kalimát,
> p. 83/94)
> 
> Well over fifty separate compositions having this
> designation are noticed and/or discussed in Taherzadeh (see bib). The earliest
> composition of Bahá'ulláh's carrying this designation is probably the Lawh-i Kullu't-Ta`m
> (Arabic), revealed shortly before the author went to Kurdistan in 1854 at the
> request of an Iranian Bábí. As with several of Bahá'u'lláh's compositions of this
> period (1853-1863) the style is abstruse, employing the allusive terminology found
> throughout the writings of the Báb and the Shaykhíya, together with standard Sufi
> technical terms. It is generally held that this Tablet was seen by Mírzá Yahyá
> Subh-i Azal, the Báb's nominee, as a threat to his authority. Bahá'u'lláh went
> into seclusion for two years as result of this disunity within the Baghdád refugee
> Bábí community. In addition to the reamrks by Taherzadeh (vol1, pp.000-000 see
> Lambden and Masumian). Other important alwáh of the Baghdád Period are:
> L. Húríyah, L. Áyat al-Núr (also known as the Tafsír Hurúfát Muqatta`ah), L. Fitnah,
> in honour of Shamsi Jihán, Fitnah, grandaughter of Fath `Al? Sháh, a close
> friend of the remarkable Bábí heroine, Táhira; ; L. Ayyúb (also known as the Súra-yi
> Sabr); L. Bulbul-i Firáq, written on the even of his departure from Baghdád; L.
> Ghulám-i Khuld (Arabic & Persian), in clebration of "the year sixty"
> (1260) when the young merchant, Mírzá `Alí Muhammad declarde himself to
> be the Báb; Lawh Malláhu'l-Quds (Arabic, Baghdad, 5th day of Naw Ruz, 1863 T228-44).
> L. Madínat al-tawhíd.
> 
> The second period of the literary activity of Bahá'u'lláh
> is 1863-68 Istanbul and Edirne, witnesses the revelation of the following: L.
> Ahmad (Arabic, written for Ahmad Yazdí ca. 1865); L. Ahmad (Persian, for Ahmad
> Káshání) L. Ashráf (for Ashráf Zanjání); L. Bahá' (after the "Most Great
> Separation" - in this Tablet, Bahá'ú'lláh refers to his own followers as
> the "People of Bahá'" in contradistinction to the followers of his half-brother,
> Yahyá, Azal who henceforth would be recognized as either Bábí's, Bayánís or Azalís.
> This historic tablet was written for Khátún Ján, a faithful and heroic follower
> of Táhira and ardent supporter of Bahá'u'lláh. she was the daughter of Hájí Asadu'lláh
> Qazvíní whose home had been an important centre of Shaykhí then Bábí activity.
> L. Hawdaj, composed in the port of Sámsún en route from Baghdád to Istanbul and
> therefore sometimes referred to as L.-i Samsun. Taherzadeh says that this was
> probably the first tablet revealed by B. after his departure from Baghdád. It
> is also known as the Súrah-yi Hawdaj. L. Khalíl 1; L. Layltu'l-Quds, addressed
> to one Darvísh Sidq `Alí; L. Napulyun I, first Tablet addressed to Napoleon III
> (unpublished); L. Nasír, to Nasír Qazwíní; L. Rúh; L. Salmán I; L. Sayyáh; L.
> Sarráj, book length epistle to `Alí Muhammad Sarráj-i Isfahání, a partisan of
> Yahyá; L. Sultán, Násir al-Dín Sháh, Arabic/Persian.
> 
> The third period, 1868-1877, L. Ahbáb; L. Fu'ád, on
> the death of Fu'ád Pasha; L. Haft Pursish; L. Malik-i Rus, to Czar Alexander II;
> L. Malikah, to Queen Victoria; L. Manickchi Sáhib; L. Napulyun II (2nd Tab to
> Napoleon III (1869); L. Pap, to Pope Pious IX, 1869, Arabic; L. Pisar-i `Amm;
> L. Qad ihtaraqa al-muklisún the "Fire Tablet" addressed to `Alí
> Akbar Dahají; L. Ra'ís, to `Ali Pasha (see Cole 200); L Ridván; L. Ru'yá', for
> the anniversary of the birth of the Báb, summary of Tablets contents in Walbridge
> Sacred Acts, 161; L. Salmán II; L. Sayyid Mahdí-yi Dahají in Tablets 193-202;
> L. Tibb Arabic/Persian.
> 
> The fourth period, 1877-1892 saw the revelation of
> L. Asl-i Kull-i Khayr; L. Ishraqát, L. Aqdas, (not to be confused with the Kitáb-i
> Aqdas written during the second period, known as "Tablet to the Christians";
> see Sours); L. Ard-i Bá' (viz. Beirut) written on the occasion of `Abdu'l-Bahá's
> visit there in 1879 at the invitation of Midhat Pasha; L. Bisharát; L. Burhán;
> L. Dunyá'; L. Hikmat (see Cole); L. Ibn-i Dhi'b, Bahá'u'lláh last book-length
> work written as an epistle to Shaykh Muhammad Taqí, Shaykh Najafí, son
> of Shaykh Muhammad Báqir Isfahání whom Bahá'u'lláh had stigmatized as "the
> wolf" because of the role he played in the killing of two brothers who were
> staunch Bahá'ís and prominent citizens of the city.
> 
> Of these titles, the major works designated lawh
> would include the Tablet to Nasír al-Dín Sháh, those to the other leaders, the
> Lawh-e Hekmat, the Lawh-i Ibn-i Dhi'b, the Tablet of the World, the Tablet of
> "All Food". As stated previously, the contents of these Tablets is so
> variegated that it is not possible to offer an analysis.
> 
> It may, however, be useful, particularly in the context
> of Bahai piety and spirituality, to bear in mind another meaning of the term lawh,
> viz luminosity or light. The nominal form lawh in addition to "tablet"
> or "slab" also means "shiny surface". Indeed, the masdar
> is glossed in Steingass as "Rising, appearing or shining (as the sun or a
> star)". The verbal form láhá and its derivatives denote "to appear,"
> "to shine, shimmer" and "to allude". The plural of the etymologically
> related "lá'ih" — which functions as a title of the
> well-known mystical work (Jámí, q.v. and bib.) — means not only flashes,
> but flashes whose appearance should serve as guides to the wayfarer. So much of
> Bahai discourse is accented with references to "dawning," "appearance,"
> "effulgence," "light," "clarity," "glory,"
> and "guidance" that it is not unlikely that a word such as lawh
> which also carried in its semantic structure resonances of the word lá'ih,
> in addition to the other meanings mentioned, would be seen as congenial, if not
> a perfect way to designate a religious teaching that was simultaneously old and
> new. Thus, holiness of provenance, permanence or timelessness, salvation, luminescence,
> divine guidance, eschatological fulfilment and epistle may all be understood by
> the use of the term as used to designate Bahai scripture.
> 
> The several compositions by `Abdu'l-Bahá' classed
> as "tablets" makes it difficult to say that the term is restricted to
> revelation, because technically `Abdu'l-Bahá' is not seen as a revelator, rather
> an interpreter (viz mobayyin). Among his most prominent alwáh are:
> Tablets of the Divine Plan, a cycle of letters written to the Bahá'ís of the United
> States and Canada between the years 1916-17 bearing instructions on how best to
> spread the Bahá'í teachings and establish communities of followers not only in
> North America, but around the world; the Tablet on Purity, enjoining cleanliness
> on the believers and strongly condemning the use of alcohol, opium and tobacco
> (Bahá'í World Faith, pp. 333-36); Lawh Hezár Baytî, and the Tablet
> to Dr August Forel, a lengthy discussion on what might be termed mystical philosophy.
> In addition, a 3-volume collection of his writings entitled Tablets of `Abdu'l-Bahá'
> was published in 1911 and 1915 (see bib). A good percentage of `Abdu'l-Bahá's
> — and indeed the leadership of the Bahai Faith in general — ministry
> may be described as epistolary. In this context, the charming story is told of
> how `Abdu'l-Bahá' in weary indulgence of his darling grandson, Showqi Effendi's
> childish pleading, composed for him his very own "Tablet" when he was
> 5 years old. (Rabbani, p.8)
> 
> With the exception of his Lawh-i Qarn and Lawh-i
> Saniy, (see bibliography), the term is not used to designate the compositions
> of `Abdu'l-Bahá's grandson and successor, known officially as the Guardian of
> the Cause of God (walí amr Alláh) Showqí Rabbání Shoghi Effendi (q.v.)
> Although, it should be observed that a similarly-charged term is used to designate
> his letters and other communiqués, viz tawqí`/tawqí`át (q.v.). This
> term is also used for letters by the Báb and, interestingly, seems not to have
> been used by Bahá'u'lláh. Current Bahai leadership, the Universal House of Justice
> (Bayt-e `Adl-e A`zam, q.v.), does not refer to any of its messages as alwáh,
> rather it communicates with the Bahai World and others through texts called dast-e
> khat, namá, payám and, again, tawqí`.
> 
> Bibliography
> 
> A. Afnan, `Ahd-i a`lá: Zandighání Hadrat-i Báb, Oxford, 2000.
> 
> A. Ahsá'í, Sharh al-ziyárat al-jámi`at al-kubrá, 4 vols., Beirut, 1420/1999.
> 
> M.A. Amir-Moezzi, Le Guide divin dans le Shí`isme originel, Paris, 1992.
> 
> ----------. "Fatema," EIr,
> 
> M. Ayoub, "The Speaking Qur'án and the Silent Qur'án: A Study of the Principles
> and Development of Imámí Shí`í tafsír," Approaches to the History
> of the Interpretation of the Qur'án, ed. A. Rippin, Oxford, 1988.
> 
> The Báb, Selections from the Writings of the Báb, Haifa, 1978.
> 
> ----------. Qayyúm al-asmá' ms.
> 
> ----------. Tafsír surat al-baqara, ms.
> 
> ----------. Bayán-i Fársí, Tehran, 1946. p.293
> 
> ----------. Dalá'il- sab`a, Tehran, 1950.
> 
> ----------. Sahífa-yi `Adlíya, Tehran: 1950.
> 
> Bahá'u'lláh, Bahá'u'lláh, Majmú`at-e min alwáh-e hadrat-e Bahá' Alláh nuzzilat
> ba`de Ketábe 'l-aqdas, Brussels, 1980.
> 
> ----------, Tablets of Bahá'u'lláh revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas,
> Haifa, Israel, 1978.
> 
> ----------, Má'eda -ye ásmání, 10 vols., Tehran, 1971-73; repr. New
> Delhi, 1985.
> 
> ----------. Átár-e qalám-e a`lá, 8 vols. Tehran, 1963-76?.
> 
> ----------, al-Kalimát al-maknúna/The Hidden Words of Bahá'u'lláh
> Arabic, Persian and English in one volume, Translated by Shoghi Effendi with the
> assistance of some English friends, Rio de Janeiro, 1995.
> 
> Bayt-e `Adl-e A`zam (The Universal House of Justice):
> 
> ----------, Dastkhatt-há-ye Baytu'l `Adl-i A`zam-i Iláhí, Tehran, 1970.
> 
> ----------, Payám-e maní`-e baytu'l-`adl-i a`zam-i eláhí: khetáb bi-yárán-e
> bahá'í dar sarásar-e `álam, n.p., 124 B. and 134 B.
> 
> ----------, Tawqí`át-i maní`i-ye baytu'l-`adl-e a`zam-e eláhí shayyada'lláhu
> arkánah,. n.p., n.d.
> 
> J.R.I. Cole, "Problems of Chronology in Bahá'u'lláh's Tablet of Wisdom,"
> World Order 13, 1979, pp. 24-39.
> 
> `A. Effendi, `Abdu'l-Bahá', Tablets of Abdul Baha Abbas, 3 vols., ed.
> A. Windust, Chicago, 1909 (vol. 1); 1915 (vol. 2); 1916 (vol. 3).
> 
> ----------, Tablet to Dr. August Forel, Wilmette, Illinois, 1978.
> 
> ----------, Tablets of the Divine Plan, Wilmette, Illinois, 1959.
> 
> ----------, "Lawh-i hezár baytí," Majmu`ih-'i Makatib-i
> Hadrat-i `Abdu'l-Bahá, Tehran?, n.d.?, pp.000-000.
> 
> ----------, Lawh-i Láhay, n.p., n.d.
> 
> ----------, Tablet to the Central Organization for a Durable Peace, The
> Hague, New York, 1930.
> 
> ----------, "Tablet on Purity," Bahá'í World Faith: Selected Writings
> of Bahá'u'lláh and `Abdu'l-Bahá, Wilmette, Illinois, 1956, pp. 333-36.
> 
> Fehrest-e kutub-i Amrí matbú` bilesán fáresí wa `arabí, Tehran, 1977.
> 
> J. Hatcher, The Ocean of His Words: A Reader's Guide to the Art of Bahá'u'lláh,
> Wilmette, Illinois, 1997.
> 
> `A. Jámí, Les Jaillissements de Lumière: Lavâyeh, texte persan édité
> et traduit avenc introduction et notes par Y. Richard, Paris, 1982.
> 
> A.Ebráhímí, Fihrist-i kutub-i ajall awhad marhûm-i Shaykh Ahmad wa sá'ir
> masháyikh-i `izam wa khulásah-yi sharh-i ahwâl-i íshán. 2 vols. in 1.
> (1st ed.) Kirmân, n.d. [1957]
> 
> A. Esfahání, Tafsír mir'át al-anwár wa mishkát al-asrár, Tehran,
> 1374[1954].
> 
> A. Eshráq-Khávarí, "The Writings of Bahá'u'lláh," translated and
> adapted by H. Taherzadeh in The Bahá'í World Vol. XIV, Haifa pp.620-32,
> 1974.
> 
> S. Lambden, "A Tablet of Bahá'u'lláh: The Tablet of All Food," Bahá'í
> Studies Bulletin 3, 1984, pp. 4-67.
> 
> T. Lawson, “Interpretation as Revelation: The Qur'án Commentary of Sayyid `Ali
> Muhammad Shirazi, the Bab,” in Journal of Bahai Studies, pp. 223-253.
> 
> D. MacEoin, The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History: A Survey,
> Leiden, 1992.
> 
> B. Masumian, "The Realms of Divine Existence as Described in the Tablet
> of All Food," Deepen 3, 1994, pp.00-00.
> 
> M. Momen, "Relativism: A Basis for Bahá'í Metaphysics," Studies
> in Honor of the Late Hasan M. Balyuzi: Studies in the Babi and Bahá'í Religions
> vol. 5, pp. 190-94.
> 
> R. Rabbaní, The Priceless Pearl, London, 1969.
> 
> S. Rabbání, Shoghi Effendi, Tawqí`át-i mubaraka-ye Hadrat-e Valí-ye
> Amr Alláh: Lawh-e qarn-i ahebba'-i sharq, [Tehran], 1966-67.
> 
> ----------, Lawh-i saniy-e 111 Badí`, n.p., n.d..
> 
> ----------, Lawh-i saniy-e 109 Badí`, n.p, n.d.
> 
> K. Rashtí, Sharh al-Qasída al-Lámíya, Tabríz: n.p.,1270 [1853]
> (no pagination).
> 
> A. Sachedina, Islamic Messianism, Albany, 1981.
> 
> M. Sours, A Study of Bahá'u'lláh's Tablet to the Christians, Oxford,
> 1990.
> 
> A. Taherzadeh, The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh 4 vols., Oxford,
> 1974-87.
> 
> A. Wensinck & C. Bosworth, "Lawh," EI 4, 703.
> 
> O. Yahia, Histoire et Classification de l'Oeuvre d'Ibn `Arabí, 2 vols,
> Damascus, 1964.
> 
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> — *Tablet (Lawh) in Baha'i Usage (Used by permission of the curator)*