# Community, Baha'i

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> Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: Will C. van den Hoonaard, Community, Baha'i, bahai-library.com.
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> 
> Community, Baha'i
> 
> Will C. van den Hoonaard
> 
> 1993-12
> 
> Community, Bahá'í. Bahá'ís use the term
> "community" in both a symbolic and concrete sense. The symbolic usage refers to
> the general body of believers, locally, nationally or globally, as in the
> "Bahá'í community of Swaziland, the "Bahá'í
> International Community," and the "Community of the Most Great Name." This
> article covers the concrete use of the term, with particular emphasis on the
> local community. The individual entries on countries cover the historical
> development, social features, and scholarly studies of respective national
> Bahá'í communities.
> 1. Membership, Spiritual Foundations, and Purpose. A
> Bahá'í community consists of children, youth and adults. Any
> individual who accepts the revelation of Bahá'u'lláh may apply
> for membership. Once the local or the national spiritual assembly, under whose
> jurisdiction the Bahá'í resides, accepts the application the new
> member is registered. No rituals govern entry into the Bahá'í
> community.
> Bahá'í communities are the collective, practical, everyday
> expression of the Bahá'í Faith. In the Bahá'í view,
> the spiritual and social arrangements of a Bahá'í community are
> such that they can both transform society and the individual.
> Bahá'ís see Bahá'í communities as testing-grounds
> for the development of spiritual qualities. For example, the participation of
> members from various backgrounds offers one the opportunity to assess his or
> her own efforts in the elimination of prejudice and to practise tolerance,
> compassion and fellowship, although some communities living with diversity may,
> at first, undergo a "diminished intimacy in the social relationships"
> (Hollinger, 1992: XXviii), leading to more formal relationships as a means of
> dealing with social discomfort. Nevertheless, every community passes through
> similar tests as a dimension of its growing pains (LoG: 491). In the
> end, though, the "vigor, unity, and discipline of the Bahá'í
> community" should stand in contrast to an ailing society (WoG:
> 79).
> A Bahá'í community must strive for developing bonds of
> affection among its members, relying on "those mighty forces of love and
> strength and harmony" generated by the Bahá'í Faith (PBA:
> 16). The historical and social circumstances that a Bahá'í
> community finds itself in often determines the degree to which such a goal can
> be achieved. For example, it may quite common to find a community characterized
> by a high level of commitment, but "rather minimal bonds of reciprocal
> obligations" among its members when there is only little development of
> communal devotional activity (Hollinger, 1992: xxix). It seems that in a small
> community much attention must be given by all its members to such primary
> activities as meetings of the spiritual assembly, Nineteen-Day Feasts, that
> little consideration can be given to other matters (Hollinger, 1992: xxix).
> With increasing size of the Bahá'í community activities tend to
> multiply so that other facets are recognized and developed. Organized
> Bahá'í activities are intended to foster harmony among the
> believers and to promote the expansion and consolidation of the community. Ways
> by which a spiritual assembly realizes these goals include the arrangement of
> Nineteen-Day Feasts, Holy Day observances and other social and educational
> activities in the community, the promotion of the well-being of youth and
> children, and humanitarian endeavours, both inside and outside the
> Bahá'í community. If one takes the percentage of members' making
> financial contributions as an indicator of commitment, members of larger
> communities tend to be less committed.
> Bahá'í community life also allows for the development and
> maturation of the Administrative Order (q.v.) foreshadowed by
> Bahá'u'lláh. Elected Bahá'í institutions evolve when individual
> members of the community cherish, nurture, love, assist, obey, and pray for
> them (UHJ, Naw-Rúz 1974). Through time and experience, these
> institutions will resemble more closely the "majestic institutions ordained by
> Bahá'u'lláh in His Writings" (UHJ, 30 July 1972).
> 2. Organizational Dimensions. The area of jurisdiction of a local
> Bahá'í community usually matches civil or municipal boundaries.
> An exception to this may occur where a physical barrier such as a mountain
> makes direct contact between different parts of a civic community unduly
> difficult. A spiritual assembly is formed to administer the affairs of the
> community whenever there are nine or more adult members (currently defined at
> 21 years of age). When there are only nine adults the assembly is formed by a
> joint declaration of those nine believers. When there are more than nine
> adults, all are eligible to vote and be voted for in the election of the
> assembly, using a secret ballot, without campaigning, or electioneering.
> Assemblies are formed annually on April 21, the first day of Ridván
> (q.v.).
> The Nineteen-Day Feast (q.v.) is the principal, regular meeting of a local
> Bahá'í community and is "an arena of democracy at the very root
> of society, where the Local Spiritual Assembly and the members of the community
> meet on common ground" ("Stirring of the Spirit", 3). Organized by the
> Spiritual Assembly every nineteen days and generally held on the first day of
> each Bahá'í month the Feast (q.v.) is "intended to promote unity,
> ensure progress, and foster joy" (ibid., 1). The Feast consists of three parts:
> the devotional, the administrative and the social. In the administrative
> portion, the believers can make suggestions to the spiritual assembly, and the
> latter provides reports and other matters that require the involvement of
> believers.
> A local Bahá'í fund, supported by voluntary donations
> accepted from Bahá'ís only, provides the material means by which
> a community undertakes its various activities. An assembly may also appoint
> committees, drawn from its own and/or the general community membership, to
> assist in carrying out its various tasks.
> 3. Identity and Social Boundaries. Whenever sustained, on-going
> interaction occurs, members develop an identity distinct from the wider
> society. Taking a historical perspective, one notes that Bahá'í
> communities are increasingly shaping the identity of individuals as
> Bahá'ís. As a consequence, boundaries between the
> Bahá'í community and the larger society are becoming more
> pronounced.
> In the western world, entry into the community was rather "soft" during
> the first decades of the 20th century; individuals would regard themselves as
> Bahá'ís through long-standing association, rather than through an
> explicit declaration of belief. One could hardly expect to see the development
> of a sharply contrasting Bahá'í identity (cf. Hollinger, 1992:
> viii). The smallness of Bahá'í communities and fluctuating
> memberships (30-50 members (Hollinger, 1992: xi)) also contributed initially to
> a weak identity, immersed as they were in a sea of Christianity. It was not
> uncommon for Bahá'ís during thie time to retain church
> membership.
> It stands to reason that early Bahá'í communities had few,
> if any, boundary markers. Virtually anyone could attend a Bahá'í
> meeting. Bahá'í community life was more a question of private
> beliefs than a collective expression of such beliefs. The formative stage of
> Bahá'í administration (since 1921) resulted in a strengthening of
> Bahá'í identity in communities creating more definite social
> boundaries. Such markers include Nineteen-Day Feasts, the Bahá'í
> Fund, an explicit enrollment procedure, the shaping of spiritual assemblies as
> the nucleus of authority and activity, and control over Bahá'í
> publications. To some, even the use of specific terminology (e.g. "the Faith"
> "fireside," "the Fund"), often derived from Bahá'í scripture, is
> enough to mark the social boundaries of contemporary Bahá'í
> communities. Moreover, the legal incorporation of Bahá'í
> communities strengthened the social boundaries with legal statutes.
> 4. Resolving Conflict. Whenever people work together disagreements
> may arise, and since unresolved tension will undermine harmony, every human
> community must learn constructive ways of recognizing and resolving problems.
> For Bahá'ís, there are several avenues to alleviating such
> tensions. First, the parties should put the past behind them ("Living
> the Life": 33) and look to the future. Second, since some difficult
> problems may be due to the frailty of human nature (ibid.: 33), magnanimity and
> generosity of spirit are called for. Third, individuals can put
> themselves in the path of service to overcome vexing difficulties (ibid.: 36).
> Fourth, consultation (q.v.) is used to resolve such conflict. In the
> Bahá'í perspective, "[t]here are spiritual principles...by which
> solutions can be found for every social problem" ("Promise of World Peace":
> 13). Therefore, the goal of Bahá'í consultation is to "seek to
> identify the principles involved and then be guided by them." In addition to
> resolving problems, consultation is applied to the decision-making process.
> This consultative process is applicable at all levels of human interaction,
> whether individual or collective.
> If, in the Bahá'í community, a dispute between individuals
> cannot be resolved, the concerned parties may ask the local spiritual assembly
> for its assistance. In matters that directly affect the Bahá'í
> community the spiritual assembly is duty-bound to intervene. Once an assembly
> has reached any decision, individual members of the assembly or community
> should not criticize or undermine it. However, any individual has the right "to
> appeal from any Assembly decision which he [or she] conscientiously feels is
> unjust or detrimental to the best interests of the community" ("Individual
> Rights and Freedoms," 10). The appeal process involves asking the assembly to
> reconsider its decision and may even result in appeals to the higher levels of
> the administration: the national spiritual assembly, and finally the Universal
> House of Justice whose decision is binding.
> In the case of individual violation of Bahá'í standards
> which disrupt community life, an individual may--after a process involving fair
> and equitable hearings and confidentiality--be deprived by the National
> Spiritual Assembly of his or her administrative rights. Under these
> circumstances, the individual is not allowed to make financial contribution to
> the Bahá'í community, nor to participate in the administrative
> affairs of the Bahá'í community, such as the electoral process
> and Nineteen-Day Feasts. Evidence of remorse is sufficient to restore
> administrative rights.
> In cases involving opposition or non-acceptance of Bahá'í
> authority, only the Universal House of Justice can decide on whether or not to
> declare someone a "Covenant-breaker" (q.v.). This decision is arrived at after
> a thorough examination of all facts on hand. Covenant-breakers are expelled
> from the Bahá'í community and are no longer considered
> Bahá'ís.
> 5. Current Challenges of Bahá'í Community Life.
> Challenges to the development of Bahá'í community life originate
> from several sources. Foremost of these are (a) culture, (b) an inadequate
> understanding by members of the purposes and principles that govern the
> functioning of Bahá'í communities, (c) the increasingly wider
> diversity of Bahá'í communities, and (d) their increasing size
> and number.
> (a) Culture. While affirming the spiritual basis of all human
> cultures, some Bahá'í practices and social arrangements can run
> counter to cultural and historical traditions. Backbiting, dishonesty, gender
> inequalities and prejudice of all kinds are examples of those traditions that
> are deeply-ingrained in many societies, but expressly forbidden by
> Bahá'u'lláh. Bahá'ís must consciously struggle to
> eradicate such "cultural disabilities" (UHJ to NSA Canada, 19 March 1975) from
> their personal and community lives, while being patient with oneself and
> others.
> Cultural practices also determine attitudes about the role of the
> individual within the collective framework. Some cultures attach great
> importance to individual initiative while others stress the need for collective
> action. As an example, some Bahá'í communities may regard the
> primacy of the individual in taking action, while others see the collectivity
> taking a more active part in defining community action. While it seems, in the
> Bahá'í view, that it is "the individual...on whom...depends the
> fate of the entire community" (LoG: 68), considerable weight is also
> attached to "universal participation" and the authority of the spiritual
> assembly in directing the course of community affairs.
> Although the Bahá'í Writings indicate that consultation can
> be a "panacea" for the solution of human problems, hierarchical or patriarchal
> decision-making processes are still the cultural norm in many parts of the
> world. The challenge for Bahá'ís, therefore, is to evolve new
> cultural norms based on an increasingly more mature understanding of the
> spiritual principles upon which they will build a truly united
> community.
> (b) Inadequate understanding of Bahá'í administrative
> order. Arriving at an understanding of how the various parts of
> Bahá'u'lláh's Administrative Order relate to each other, is
> another challenge that faces individuals in their private and collective lives.
> One notes, for example, how the degree of collaboration between the elected
> institutions of the Bahá'í Faith and the "learned" can be
> culturally conditioned. In areas of the world which have undergone a thorough
> process of secularization, there might be a reluctance to consider the advice
> of "learned," unjustly perceived as religious leaders in the traditional sense
> of the word. By contrast, in areas which have continued to rely heavily on
> clerical leaders, more weight may be accorded to individual
> Bahá'ís, rather than the spiritual assembly.
> It is clear from the Bahá'í Writings that
> Bahá'u'lláh revealed a system of laws and institutions that
> vested authority in democratically elected assemblies and made provision for
> individuals to perform an educational and inspirational role without
> establishing a clerical elite (Bahá'u'lláh, 51-52). What is
> needed is the recognition of a mutuality of benefits and a spirit of
> cooperation among both "arms" of organized Bahá'í life.
> (c) Increasing diversity of Bahá'í communities.
> 
> Diversity affects a Bahá'í community in both external and
> internal ways. When a Bahá'í community exhibits diversity
> vis-a-vis the larger society, the community may meet opposition or
> receive attention from authorities. Hollinger (1992: xxviii), for example,
> indicates several instances where the Ku Klux Kan objected to
> Bahá'í interracial meetings.
> Variations also exist by virtue of historical, societal, or demographic
> factors. Bahá'í communities will be at different evolutionary
> stages. The rhythms of life in an African village, a small Pacific island, a
> twentieth-century metropolis, or a North-American farming community differ one
> from another. Bahá'í communities reflect the differences in those
> environments. At one end, a rural culture may make it relatively simple for the
> Bahá'ís to integrate their economic, educational and social
> concerns with those of the Bahá'í community. At the other end,
> the current expression of Bahá'í community life in an urban
> setting may, in some cases, only consist of gathering for the Nineteen-Day
> Feast and other Holy Day observances, and these communities may exhibit more
> the characteristics of "`voluntary association' popular with the urban middle
> class" (Hollinger, 1992: xi). Moreover, it is not uncommon for
> Bahá'í community activities to reflect the rhythm or character of
> the wider religious society. For example, some Western Bahá'í
> communities emulate Christian denominational life, by holding Sunday meetings
> (Hollinger, 1992: xii), and conceptualize Bahá'í communities very
> much like a parish or church.
> At this juncture, there are, as yet, no communities that claim to embody
> all the desired elements of Bahá'í community structure and
> dynamics. Some scholarly accounts suggest that only when Bahá'í
> communities become increasingly aware of the disparity between the traditional
> and Bahá'í approaches that communities can start to reflect the
> Bahá'í ideals of community life. It is already clear, in the
> Bahá'í experience, that a diverse population within a community
> offers more challenges than a homogeneous one. But through such challenges,
> diversity offers the best hope for community development, ensuring the dynamic
> vitality and the continued maturation of the Bahá'í
> community.
> A special case of diversification of Bahá'í communities
> relates to the recent influx of Iranian Bahá'ís (after 1979) into
> Western Bahá'í communities, profoundly altering their social
> makeup. The challenge facing these communities consists of integrating the two
> distinctive approaches insofar as some Bahá'í administrative and
> social practices are concerned, as well as the development of subcultures
> within the community. As a consequence, communities regularly hold cultural and
> language courses, deepenings, or workshops as a means of overcoming
> differences.
> (d) Increasing size and number of Bahá'í
> Communities
> However variable the size of Bahá'í communities around the
> globe (from an average of 15 in North America to several thousands in the
> so-called developing countries), communities are growing in size. As a result,
> their activities have become more visible and specialized, extending into areas
> of personal development and social and economic development projects. As
> Hollinger notes (1992: xxxv), it is not yet clear what impact these activities
> have on local communities, although they do results in fostering "greater
> social cohesion in the Bahá'í population at an international
> level."
> As the number of Bahá'í communities increases, it is
> necessary to develop systems of collaboration for issues where jurisdictions
> overlap. For example, in parts of the world where the number of communities are
> closely situated to each other, Bahá'ís have had to develop
> collaboration in terms of relationships with the media, the maintainance of
> children's classes serving several communities at once, and the fostering of
> cordial relations with authorities.
> 6. Future Dimensions. There are an increasing number of instances
> where the whole population in a civil area has accepted the
> Bahá'í Faith. They must still function according to civil laws of
> the land and may have to elect a secular village council as well as a
> Bahá'í spiritual assembly. Under such circumstances, there might
> be initial problems in aligning the Bahá'í approach to such
> matters as elections for the assembly and the local village council.
> As the pattern of Bahá'í community life becomes more
> distinctive and reflective of the goal of "unity in diversity," it will
> increase its involvement in many areas of societal life. Already there have
> been instances where members of the community at large have approached the
> local Bahá'ís for assistance in the resolution of disputes or for
> the provision of social and humanitarian services.
> The Bahá'í Writings attach great importance to the
> institution of the Mashriqu'l-Adhkár, involving the
> Bahá'í house of worship. The term which embraces a whole complex
> of institutions. With the House of Worship at its centre, the
> Mashriqu'l-Adhkár will include an orphanage, a university,
> a hospital, and a hospice for travellers. It is envisaged that eventually each
> community will have its own Mashriqu'l-Adhkár.
> In general, Bahá'í communities are called upon to become
> "renowned" for their demonstration of unity (UHJ, Nawruz 1974), their ability
> to "diffuse within their own countries the spirit of love and social unity"
> (UHJ, Ridvan 1986), their ability to adapt to change and to maintain a "unity
> in diversity of actions" to allow for the participation of a wider range of
> individuals (UHJ, Ridvan 1990), and their reflection of a pattern of life that
> "will offer hope to the disillusioned members of society," (UHJ, Ridvan
> 1990).
> 7. Studies on Bahá'í Communities. There exists very
> few scholarly examinations of Bahá'í community life. There is a
> dearth of such studies on non-urban and non-Western Bahá'í
> communities. Hollinger (1992) provides a state-of-the-art overview of this
> scholarship. Particularly noteworthy are historical studies of Chicago
> (Perry, 1986), Kenosha in Wisconsin (Dahl in Hollinger, 1992; Collins in Momen,
> 1982), Baltimore in Maryland (Clark in Hollinger, 1992), Sacramento in
> California (Caton in Hollinger, 1992), and Saint John in New Brunswick (Canada)
> (van den Hoonaard in Hollinger, 1992). Studies of more contemporary
> Bahá'í communities include those of Houston in Texas (Archer,
> 1980), rural Southern United States (Kahn, 1977), and Malwa in India
> (Garlington, 1975; Garrigues, 1975). Specific aspects of Bahá'í
> community life, such as recruitment (Ebaugh and Vaughn, 1984; Wyman, 1985),
> fund-raising activities (Warburg, 1993), socialization (Bartlett, 1984),
> worldviews (van den Hoonaard, 1984), and interaction (Nerenberg, 1985) have
> also been explored. There is a more recent trend to examine the Iranian
> dimensions of Western Bahá'í communities, such as in Italy (e.g.
> Saint-Blancat, 1989) and Los Angeles. Berger's study (1954) was a notably early
> comparative study of the New York and Persian Bahá'í communities.
> Non-scholarly works, such as Jewett's study (1984) of community life also
> provide valuable insights.
> 
> Bibliography
> 
> Bahá'í Writings::
> 
> Letter of UHJ to NSA of Canada, 15 March 1975.
> 
> Promise of World Peace
> 
> "Individual Rights and Freedoms"
> 
> Bahá'í Community of Canada, "Signs of
> Maturity/Development/
> 
> Evolution of Bahá'í Institutions," comp. June 1990.
> 
> Bahá'í Community of the United States, Developing
> Distinctive Bahá'í Communities.
> 
> Lights of Guidance.
> 
> Living the Life.
> 
> PBA.
> 
> Letter of the Universal House of Justice to the NSA of Bolivia, 30 July 1972.
> 
> WoG.
> 
> Scholarly Works:
> 
> Archer, Mary E. (1980) "Global Community: Case Study of the
> Houston Bahá'ís." Unpubl. M.A. Thesis. University of
> Houston.
> Bartlett, Jean Eleanor (1984) "Bahá'í World Faith: A Case
> Study
> in Adult Socialization." Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Anthropology,
> University of California, Riverside.
> Berger, Peter (1954) "From Sect to Church: A Sociological Interpretation of the Bahá'í Movement." Unpubl. Ph.D.
> Dissertation. New School for Social Research, New York.
> Ebaugh, Helen Rose Fuchs, and Sharon Vaughn (1984) "Ideology and
> recruitment in religious groups." Review of Religious Research. 26:
> 148-157.
> Garlington, William (1975) "The Bahá'í Faith in Malwa: A
> Study of
> a Contemporary Religious Movement." Ph.D. Thesis. Australian National
> University.
> Garrigues, Steven L. (1975) "The Bahá'í Faith in Malwa:
> Identity
> and Change Among the Urban Bahá'ís of Central India." Ph.D.
> Thesis. University of Lucknow.
> Hollinger, Richard ed. (1992) Studies in Bábí and
> Bahá'í Religions, V. 7: Community Histories. Los Angeles. Kalimat Press.
> Jewett, M. Kathryn (1984) "Evolution of a Local Spiritual Assembly." Bahá'í News. February: 8-11.
> Kahn, Sandra (1977) "Encounter of Two Myths: Bahá'í and
> Christian
> in Rural American South." Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation. U, of California at
> Santa Barbara.
> Momen, Moojan, ed. (1982) Studies in Bábí and
> Bahá'í History. Los
> Angeles. Kalimat Press.
> Nerenberg, Arnie (1985) Love and Estrangement in the
> Bahá'í Community. Los Angeles. Kalimat Press.
> Perry, Mark (1986) "The Chicago Bahá'í Community,
> 1921-1939"
> Unpubl. Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Sociology, U. of Chicago.
> Saint-Blancat, Chantal (1989) "Nation et religion chez les
> immigrés iraniens en Italie." Archives de Sciences sociales des
> religion. (34): 27-37.
> van den Hoonaard, Will. C. (1984) "World Views and the Shape of
> Communities." World Order. 18 (3): 35-41.
> ---- (1993) Bahá'ís in Canada: A Social History:
> 1898-1948.
> (forthcoming).
> Warburg, Margit (1993) "Economic Rituals: The Structure and
> Meaning of Donations in the Bahá'í Religion." Social
> Compass, 40 (1): 25-31.
> Wyman, June R. (1985) "Becoming a Bahá'í: Discourse and
> Social
> Networks in an American Religious Movement." Department of Anthropology,
> Catholic University, Washington, D.C.
> 
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